nahid roxan

‫‪ 23‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒـﺮ ‪2011‬‬

‫ﺩﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺭﻫﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻨﺒﺪ ﺳﭙﻬﺮ‬ ‫»ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪ« ﺍﺑﻠﻪﻓﺮﻳﺐ »ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ« ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﻭﺝ »ﻣﻘﺎﻡﻣﻌﻈــﻢ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺥﻋﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻥ »ﻣﺠﺘﺒﻰ« ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ‬

‫»ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ«‪ ،‬ﭘﺴــﺮ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ!‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻞ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻣﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ«‬ ‫ﻳــﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺷــﺘﺔ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﻧﻤﻰﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻊﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻪﭘﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ »ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ« ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ«؛ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ »ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻓﺘــﻦ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻰ »ﻧﻔﻰ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ«‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ »ﻫﺪﻑ« ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؛ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻔﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺑﺪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺴــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻴﺮﻙ »ﺍﻟﻰ ﻭﻳﺰﻝ« ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺎء ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ!‬

‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﺘﻠﻤﻦ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺩﻯ ﺩﻝ »ﻣﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ »ﺍﻟﻰ ﻭﻳﺰﻝ« ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺨﺼﺎً ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﺗﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ـ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ـ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﺓ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺰﺟﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻧــﻮ! ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧــﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﺟﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻛﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﻗﻠﺒﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺟﻴﺮﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﻨﺘﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﺮﻳﺴﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ »ﺑﻬــﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ«‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺭﻭﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ! ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﺴﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﺷﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺤﻤﻴــﻞ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴــﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ! ﻣــﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳــﻢ! ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‬ ‫»ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ« ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ »ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﺍ« ﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﺎﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻫﻢ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﻔﻠــﻚ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ! ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ »ﻣﺴــﺘﻨﺪ« ﺍﺑﻠﻪﻓﺮﻳﺐ »ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺭﺳــﺘﻢ ﺻﻮﻟﺘﻰ‬ ‫»ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ« ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺯﻭﺝ‬ ‫»ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ـ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ« ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﻨﻔﻮﺭ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺠــﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻭﺭ »ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ »ﻋﻘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗــﺮ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﺘﺔ »ﻳﻮ‪ .‬ﺑﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﺱ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺳــﻮﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺴــﺘﺮ ﻛﺎﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﭘﻨﺒﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠــﺎ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ«‪ ،‬ﻗــﻼﺩﺓ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺗﻨﮓ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺳــﺨﺖ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ ﻛﻮﺷــﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺰﺭگ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ« ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺮﻭﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻴﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ »ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰﻧﺴﺐ« ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺟــﺮﺩﻯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﭘﻴــﺎﻡ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟــﺐ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔــﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤــﺪﺍﻥﺍﺵ ﺣﻴﻦ ﺳــﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴﺔ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺗﺒﻠﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ« ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺟﻠﻜﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑــﺮﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﺑــﻂ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻠﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺿﺪﻯﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫»ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭ« ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ »ﭘﻴﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻫﻦ‪» ،‬ﺗﻮﺩﻫﻨﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ‬

‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ]‪ «[...‬ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺣﺸــﻰ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ»ﺯﺩﻥ ﺗﻮﺩﻫﻨﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺲﻛﺶﻃﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻻﺕﺑــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺪﻩﺟﻮﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ »ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﻴﻮﺓ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺟﻴﺮﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺄﻣﻴــﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﺔ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ »ﺭﻭﺷــﻦﺿﻤﻴﺮ« ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻮﺭ ﺑﭽﺴــﺒﺎﻧﻨﺪ؛ ﺣﻀﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺳﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻭﺟــﺮﺩﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒــﺔ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ »ﺍﻯ ﺑﻰﺳﻰ« ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻔﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ »ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ« ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﺷﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ‬ ‫»ﺍﺑﻠﻬﻰ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ«‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ« ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫»ﺑــﺎﻭﺭ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻳﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ« ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕﺍﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ! ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺔ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ »ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻭ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺟﺎﺩﻭ« ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﺑــﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﻮﻧﺎژ »ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ«‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺟﺎﺩﻭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ »ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸــﺎﻫﺪﺓ ﻣﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﺵ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ »ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺟﺎﺩﻭ« ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ!‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺟﺎﺩﻭﻯ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ ﺟﺎﺩﻭﻯ »ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﻗﺼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺩﻭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﻜﻠﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ« ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺔ [ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺌﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﻭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ]‪«[...‬‬

‫ﺑﺮﻭﺟــﺮﺩﻯ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴــﺘﺪﻝ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧــﺪﻥ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ »ﺻﺪﻣﻦﻳﻚﻗﺎﺯ«‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﻳﻚﺟﺎﻧﺒﺔ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑــﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﭘﺮﺳــﻮﻧﺎژ ﻗﺼﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ« ﺷﺎﺭﻻﺗﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﺎﺭﻻﺗﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ »ﭘﻴﻚﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 31‬ﺷــﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ‬ ‫»ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺭﺿﺎﺳﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻐﻠﻄﻪ ﻭ ﭘﻮچﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ »ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭ« ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻝ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ «.‬ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ« ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ]ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ[ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷــﺪﻩ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺳــﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ]ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ[ ﻋﻼﻗــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ]ﭼﻮﻥ[ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ]ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ[ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧــﺪﺓ ﺳــﻴﺎﻫﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ]‪ [...‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪﭘﺎﻳﺔ »ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﺣﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭘﻔﻴﻮﺯﻯ« ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻪﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻑ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻓﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﺍﺑﻖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ »ﺳــﻴﺎﻩﺗﺮ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ؟ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖﺍﻣﺮ‪» ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ«‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺗﺨﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺳــﻰ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ؛ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ! ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬

‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥﺍﺵ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳــﺎ ﺑﺮﻭﺟــﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ ﻭﺍﻓﺮ ﻭ »ﺧــﺪﺍﺩﺍﺩﻯ« ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﺟﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻼﻫــﺖ ﻋﻼءﺍﻟﺪﻳــﻦ »ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ« ﺑﺎ »ﻓــﺮﺍﺭﻭ« ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻳﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻔﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄــﻪ »ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ«‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ »ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ« ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ]ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ[‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻫﺪ‬ ‫]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎً ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ »ﺻﺎﺣﺐﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ« ﻭ ﻗﻼﺩﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ‪» ،‬ﻛﻠﻴﺪﺩﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ« ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺟﺮﺩﻯ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻳﻌﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟! ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ »ﻛﻠﻴﺪﺍﺭ«‬ ‫ﻓﻌ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ« ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﻦﻓﺮﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﺑﻨﺸــﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒــﺎﻝ ﻻﺕﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺘﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷــﻤﻨﻰ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻮﻓﺔ ﻛﺎﻓﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﺔ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻻﺕﻭﻟﻮﺕﻫﺎﻯ »ﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ« ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ »ﺑﻴﺖﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ« ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣــﺔ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎً ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ »ﻻﻧﺔ ﺟﺎﺳﻮﺳﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﺟﺐ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞﺳﺘﻴﺰﻯﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺷــﺪ! ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻟــﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺠﻼ ﻣﺮﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺩﻳﻨﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺗﺰﻳﻨﮕﺮ ﮔﻮﺷﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻮﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﻮ ﻭ ﻧﭙﺮﺱ! ﭘﺎپ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﻰﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻫــﺪﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻁﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺯﺩﺓ« ﻣﺼﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ »ﻭﻳﺮﺍژ« ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﺔ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1967‬ﺷــﺪ؟ ﭘﺲ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺗﻮ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﺻﻠــﺢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻳﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻔﺶ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾﮔﻮﺋــﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻨــﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ‬ ‫»ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ« ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ ‪ 18‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻣﻐﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﻃﻠﺒﺪ‪ :‬ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻙﺳــﺎﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﺴﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﻠﺢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺩﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺳﺮﺳﺨﺖ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻞﺁﻭﻳﻮ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻔﻠﻮﻙ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﻼﻫﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ!‬

‫ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻩ«‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‬ ‫»ﺑﻤــﺐ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻤــﺐ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻩ!« ﺑﻴــﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺎﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ؟ »ﺩﻝ ﻫــﺮ ﺑﻤﺐ« ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻩ! ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻤﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﺶ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 21‬ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﺎﺧﺎﭼﻜﻼ« ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻤﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﻛﻮﺭﻩﺭﺍﻫﻰ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻝ ﻫﻤﮕﻰﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻧــﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑــﻞ ﺑﻰﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺩﻝ« ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ »ﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺩﺁﮔﺎﻩ« ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭﻳــﮋﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! »ﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺐ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ! ﺍﻣﺎ »ﺯﺑﺎﻥ« ﺩﻝ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﻓﻬﻤﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ »ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫــﺎﻯ ﺑﻤــﺐ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮگ »ﺭﺑﺎﻧــﻰ« ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴــﺘﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ »ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ« ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ »ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺻﻠﺢ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؛ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﻣﺠﻤﻊ« ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻴﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺎﺭﺳــﻰ ﻧﻮﻭﺳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 29‬ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻮﺭﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮﺯ« ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﺳﺘﺎﻧﻜﺰﻯ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳــﻮءﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﻣﺠﺮﻭﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1980‬ﺗﺎ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ،1990‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎﻡ »ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺿﻤﻴﺮ« ﺳﺒﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪» ،‬ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ 2001‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻧﻮﻭﺳﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻔﺘﺔ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪ 20‬ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎً ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺗﺪﺍﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻣﺬﻛــﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ »ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕﻫﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺑﺮﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ؟! ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ »ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ« ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺮﺧــﺶ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺮ ﺑﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻰ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ؛‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳــﺎﺩﮔﻰ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ »ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺳــﻮﭘﺮ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ »ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ« ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬ ‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﻬﺮﺑﺎﺭ »ﻟﺌــﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﻧﻪﺗﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ »ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ« ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ »ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ« ﺳﺮﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﭘﺎﻧﻪﺗﺎ« ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺘﺰﺍﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ!«‬ ‫ﺷــﮕﻔﺘﺎ! ﻫﻔﺘﺔ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕﺧﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﺔ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻛﺎﺑﻞ ﻃﻰ ‪ 20‬ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺗﺶ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰ‬

‫ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺿﻌﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ؟ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻟﺌــﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﻧﻪﺗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺣﻠــﺔ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴــﺶ ﺭﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻤﺐ ﻣﻨﻔﺠــﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﭘﺎﻧﻪﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﺋﻰ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺩﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺒﻮﻧﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎً ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﺎﻧــﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺑﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺟﻨﮓ ‪ 33‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺭ ﺑﺒﺮﻧــﺪ؛ ﺟﻴﻎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻣــﺮﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬