بمب و افلاس

‫‪ 7‬ﻣـــﻪ ‪2011‬‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﺮگ »ﺑﻦ ﻻﺩﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻼﺱ«‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ »ﺑﻤﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﺘﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﺔ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ!‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳــﺪ‪» ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ« ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﻍﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺗﺎﺱ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺫﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﺷﻌﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻰﺍﺕ »ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ« ﻧﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻄﺒﺔ ﺍﺑﻠﻬﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ؟ ﻭﻗﺘﻰ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﺪﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻛﺎﺩﻣﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺿﺪﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻰ‬ ‫»ﻣﻮﻓــﻖ« ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎً ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ »ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻘــﺪﺱ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻟﺮﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ! ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻻﻍﻫﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺧﺮﺍﺝ »ﻭﻟــﻰ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ« ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﻣﻮﻫﻮﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻧﻴﺴﺖﺩﺭﺟﻬﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ!«‬

‫ﺩﺭ »ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ« ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ »ﮔﺎﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔــﻮﺵ ﺧﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﻧــﺪ!« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼــﺪﺍﻕ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﻣﺜﻞ«‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ »ﺑﻤﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻪ ‪ 2011‬ﺩﺭ »ﺍﻓﻼﺱﺁﺑﺎﺩ« ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ« ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ »ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻳــﺪﻥ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ »ﺩﻟﻴﻞ« ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻭﺳــﺎﻃﺖ ﺍﻫﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻫــﺪﺍء ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭼﺎﻩ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ! ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖﺳﺎﺯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨــﺮﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬

‫ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻭﻳﺰ ﻣﺸــﺎﺭﻑ ﻭ ﺯﺩﻭﺑﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻴﺮﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ! ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺩﺳــﺘﺔ »ﺩﻳﻚﭼﻨﻰ« ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴــﺎﻁ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻰ ﭘﻬﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺧــﻮﺭ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺁﻥ‬ ‫»ﺧﺒﺮ« ﻗﺘﻞ ﺑﻦﻻﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ »ﺧﺒﺮ« ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻦﻻﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻤﻌﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﻴﻪ ﺍﺷــﻚ ﻣﻰﺭﻳﺨــﺖ ﻭ »ﻣﻒ ﻣﻒ« ﻣﻰﺯﺩ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻫﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻤﺎً ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺳﻮﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ »ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪ ﺷﻬﻴﺪ« ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﮔﺮﻳﻪﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻤﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻤــﻰ ﺑﺪﻫﻴــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣــﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﻩ‪ «.‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ‬ ‫»ﺧﺒﺮ« ﻣﺮگ ﺑﻦﻻﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﻢﺳﻮﺋﻰ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺋــﻞ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻮﻫﻤﻨﺪ ‪ 1357‬ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ :‬ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺰﻳــﺔ ﻟﺒﻨــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ »ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ« ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ«‪» ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻗﺪﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺑﻼ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺟﻴﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺗــﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮءﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ« ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﮔﺮﺍﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸــﺨﺪﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻥﻧﻤﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴــﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖﺍﺵ ﺑــﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫــﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 32‬ﺳــﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻬﻮﻉ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ« ﺑﻦﻻﺩﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ »ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ« ﻫﻢ ﺳــﻔﺮﺓ ﮔﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺳــﻄﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺮﺍﻍ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﭘﻬﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺒﻰ ﺩﺷــﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺟﺮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸــﻤﺔ ﺟﻮﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎﻻﺕ ﺑﻴﻮﺓ ﭘﻮﺭﺯﻧﺪ ﺑﻨﻮﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﭘﻮﺭﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺍﻍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺮگﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﻌﺔ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﻮﺭﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﺸــﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻯ ﻣﺎﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﻌﻪﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻰ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺔﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳﺘﻴﺰﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻧﻤﺎﻫــﺎ« ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻴﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ؛ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻟﺠﻦﻣــﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ ﭘﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ »ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺑﻠﻬﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻭ »ﺭﻭﺯﺁﻥﻻﻳﻦ« ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺯﻥﻧﻤﺎ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺎﺭﻻﺗﺎﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺷــﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﻠــﻰ ﭘﻮﺭﺯﻧﺪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺿﻴــﺢ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺒــﺎﺭ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ« ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﺁﻥﻻﻳــﻦ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ »ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻮﺍﺭﻯ« ﻭ »ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ« ﻣﻮﺝ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ! ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻋﺒﺎﺱ ﻣﻴﻼﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ »ﺣﻖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ »ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺛﻰ« ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺟﻮﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﺰﻣﺰﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺟﻪﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻍﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﻧﺚ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻛﺮ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ‪ :‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ژﻧﺘﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﻔﻨﮕﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳــﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺄﺛﻴــﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻘﻞ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺗﻬﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﻮﻧﺎژﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘــﺪﺱ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﮔﻮﺯﻙﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ »ﻓﺘﻮﻛﭙﻰ« ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﭘﻴﺸــﺨﺪﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ‬

‫ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻋﻬــﺪﺓ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﭼﻨﻴــﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎً ﺩﻭ ﺗﻔﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺩﺓ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺍﻡﻓﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓــﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ!‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀــﺎﻯ ﻣﺆﻧﺚ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗــﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﮔﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﻔﺘﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﺩ ﺟﺴــﺪ »ﺳــﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﭘﻮﺭﺯﻧﺪ« ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻼگ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﭘﻮﺭﺯﻧﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻭﻯ »ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ«‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺎﺣﺖ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﺴــﺪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﭘﻴﺸﺒﺮﺩ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳــﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻥ‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸــﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ »ﺣﻖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘــﺪﺍ ﻟﻴﻠــﻰ ﭘﻮﺭﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸــﻰ ﺯﺩﻩ! ﺑــﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺑﻠﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﻻﺕﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻤــﺎﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺎً ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸــﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ! ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﺮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ »ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﺱ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺴﻮﻟﮕﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻨﮕﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻧــﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭ‬

‫ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺿﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻨﮕﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻏﻢﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﭘﺴﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ‪ 6‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭﻳﺰﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﻬﺸﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 5‬ﻣــﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ ‪ ،2011‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﺍﻫﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺷــﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻼﺡ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓــﺮﺩﺍ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺧﻮﺷــﺮﻗﺼﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻰ ﺑﺠﻨﺒﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﺎً ﺳــﻨﮓ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺳﺘﺮﻳﭗﺗﻴﺰ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺺﺷﻜﻢ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺘﺮﻳﭗﺗﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻗﺼﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫»ﺳــﺘﺮﻳﭗﺗﻴﺰ« ﭘﻴﺮﺯﻥﻫﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺠﻨــﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﮕﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻮﻉﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﭘﻮﺭﺯﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺠﻦ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺴــﺪ ﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳــﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻫﻤﻴــﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻭﺣﺸــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﺠﻦﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻰﻫــﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﻣﺪﻋﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ »ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﺓ ﭘﻮﺭﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ!« ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﺩﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﺳــﻮﻡ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗــﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻋﻴﺎﻝ ﭘﻮﺭﺯﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﮔﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺑﻠﻬﺎﻧﺔ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﭘﻮﺭﺯﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ »ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺐ« ﻭ »ﻓﺎﺳﺪ« ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﻔﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺍﺟﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﭘﻮﺭﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﻣﻠﻰ« ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ »ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ« ﭘﻴﺸــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ! ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩﺍﻯ!‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻮﺭﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺧﻴــﺰﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓﺩﻭﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻛﻠﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻓﺴــﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ »ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺰﺭگ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﭘﻮﺭﺯﻧﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻧﻪ »ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺰﺭگ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﺔ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻪ »ﻧﻔﺮﺕﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻛﺎﺭ« ﺭﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻮﺯﺓ ﻋﻼﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﻞﺑﺎﻓﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﺮﻟﻦ« ﻓﺮﺳــﺘﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺳــﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﺩﻣﺨﻮﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﺳــﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﭘﻮﺭﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺑﻌــﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪ 28‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ]‪ [...‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳــﻖ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺳــﻴﻨﻪﻛﻠﻮﺏ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﻓﺴــﺘﻴﻮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﻨﻤﺎﺋﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﺮﺩﺑﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺭﭘﺮﺗﺮ ]‪ [...‬ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣــﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ« ﺳــﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﻫﻢ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺩﺳــﺘﺔ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻠــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺨــﺪﻭﺵ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺭﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﺔ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ »ﻋﺎﺷﻖ« ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺳــﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪[...] 1376‬‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﺎﺷﻖ ﺷﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1997‬ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻴﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘــﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ »ﺷــﺎﻫﺮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ« ﺳــﺨﻦ ﻣﻰﮔﻔــﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ!‬

‫ﺣﺘﻤﺎً »ﻛﺎﺭ« ﺑﻴﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺷــﻐﻞ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻫﺬﻳﺎﻥﮔﻮﺋﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ! ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﻬﺮﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﺷﻜﻤﻰ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮﺷﻜﻤﻰ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﻟﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴــﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻔﺮﺵ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ! ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ! ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻦﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ »ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ« ﺳــﻴﺎﻣﻚ ﭘﻮﺭﺯﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻙﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻖﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ »ﻇﻠﻢﺳــﺘﻴﺰ« ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻧﻮﺭﻯﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺎء‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢﺳــﻮﺋﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻮﺭﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﻴﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﺷﺘﻰ ﻣﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﭼﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻓﺘﻮﻛﭙﻰﺍﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ]ﺳﻴﺎﻣﻚ[ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﺷﻴﻦ ]‪ [...‬ﺷﻬﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳــﺮ ﭘﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻰﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ]‪[...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﻖﺧﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ]‪ [...‬ﻭ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻔﺮﺓ ﻧﺬﺭﻯ »ﺣﻖﻃﻠﺒــﻰ« ﻭ ﺟﻔﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ »ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 15‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻔﺮﺓ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺎﺁﺭﺗﺰ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔــﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﺓ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬

‫»ﺍﻫﻮﺩ ﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻙ ]‪ [...‬ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺳــﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎً ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻤــﺐ ﺍﺗﻤﻰ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧــﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﻥ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﺑﺴﺘﺔ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻜﻮﺳﺖ؛ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ! ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺷﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ ،1357‬ﻫﺪﻓﻰ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ! ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻝﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺍﻫﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﺱﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 16‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪[...‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﻣــﺮﻭﺯ ]ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ[ ﺻﺎﺣــﺐ ﻓﻨﺎﻭﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﺄﺳــﻒﺍﻳﻢ! ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ »ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ« ﻣﺮگ ﺑﻦﻻﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ« ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺯﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺕ‬ ‫‪ 4‬ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ! ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﺡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻮﻭﺳــﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪» .‬ﺟﻮﻧﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﺗﻮﻥ ﺑﮕﻪ!« ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﭘﺮﻧﺲ ﭼﺎﺭﻟﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﻗﺘﻞ« ﺑﻦﻻﺩﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻚ ﭼﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻧﺲ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺷــﺎﻥ »ﻣﺎﻩ ﻋﺴــﻞ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﻧﻈﻢ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓ ﺯﺭﮔﺮﻯ ‪ 33‬ﺳــﺎﻟﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ »ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺣﻼﻝ« ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬

‫ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﻰ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻭﺳﺘﻰ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻔــﻦ ﺣﻼﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ! ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺣــﻼﻝ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻔﺮﻳﺒﻰ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ »ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ« ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻀــﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑــﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ! ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺸــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ« ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﻭژﺓ »ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﻓﻀــﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ« ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ! ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻰﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭ! ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺲ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﭙﺮﻫﻴﺰﺩ! ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﭼﻴﺴــﺖ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺩﻟﺨﺴﺘﺔ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ! ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ ﺑــﻪ ﭘﺎﺗﻴﻨﺎژ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻــﺔ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻣﻰﻟﻐﺰﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ »ﺩﻭﺑﻞ ﺳــﺎﻟﺘﻮ« ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ »ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺗﻴﻨﺎژ ﺁﻛﺮﻭﺑﺎﺗﻴــﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ؛ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢﺳــﻮﺋﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﻣﻼﻣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤــﻰ ﻭ ﻛﺸــﻴﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺗﻴــﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ »ﻫﺎﺑﺮﻣــﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﮔﻠﻮﻛﺴــﻤﻦ«‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻨــﻜﻞ ﻛﺮﺍﻭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻟﻘﻚﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻴﺮﻙ ﻋﻤﻮﺳﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ »ﺣﺰﺏ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ«‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺎء ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺴــﻮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫»ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴــﻢ« ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪:‬‬

‫»ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺗﻤﺪﻥ ]‪ [...‬ﺷــﻜﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺷﻮﻳﺘﺲ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻻﻙ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺟﻨﻮﻥ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻼﺣﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﻥﺁﺷﺎﻡ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺑــﻼگ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ »ﻛﭽﻞ ﺗــﻚ ﺯﺑﻮﻧﻰ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﮔﻮﻻﻙ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻫﻦﻛﺠﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷــﻦﺗﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸــﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﻫﻴﺘﻠــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﺩﻋــﺎﻯ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﻧــﮋﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ ﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛــﺰﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ژﺭﻓﺎﻯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺯﻳﺴــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺣﺸــﻴﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮﺳــﻴﺪﺓ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ »ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺴﻢ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮﻳﺴﻢ »ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤــﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺁﺩﻣﻜﺶﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻼﻣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠــﻮ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻨﺴــﺠﻢ ﺍﺯ »ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ« ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧــﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴــﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷــﻜﻦ!‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺳﺮﻧﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﮔﺸﺎﺩﺵ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﻴﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺪﻯ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰﺍﺕ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ‬

‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﺯﻳﺴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻰ«‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﺍﻫﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻨــﺎﺏ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻯ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﻳﺒﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘــﻮچ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ »ﻛﻨﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ« ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ!‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ »ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﻻﺋﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀــﺎﻯ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴــﺮﺩ؛ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫»ﻣﺬﻫﺒــﻰ« ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧــﺰﻭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ‬ ‫»ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ« ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺬﻫﺒﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺰﺍﺭ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ »ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ« ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻭﺩ! ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ »ﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ« ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷــﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺩﻳﺎﺗﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻒ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ »ﻭﺑﺮ« ﺳﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﮕﺮﻳﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬