nahid roxan

‫‪ 2‬ﻣـــﻪ ‪2011‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺳــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪2011‬‬ ‫ﻣﻴــﻼﺩﻯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺧﺮﺩﺟﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﻭﺍﺗﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﺟﺸــﻦ ﺗﺒﺪﻳــﻞ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ »ﻗﺪﻳــﺲ« ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳــﻨﺪﻳﻜﺎﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﺩﺳﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻳﺲﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻋﻮﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ »ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﻣﻮﮔﺎﺑﻪ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻣﺰﻭﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﻛﻤﺮ ﻫﻤﺖ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﺪﻙ ﻣﻰﻛﺸــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﮔﺎﺑــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘــﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﭘﻴﺸــﺨﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻟﻴﺰﺍﺑﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﻗﻮﺍﺩﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ! ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻛــﺬﺍ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻮﮔﺎﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺗﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ »ﻋﺮﻭﺱﻛﺸﻮﻥ« ﺑﺎﻛﻴﻨﮕﻬﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺗﻴﻜﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺗﺎﺑﻮﺕﻛﺸﻮﻥ« ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﺝﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ‬

‫ﺳﺮ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻫﻰ »ﻋﺸﻖ« ﻭ »ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ« ﮔﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻣﺰ ﻭ ﻋﺮﻭﺱ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻣﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ »ﻭﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﻨﺴﺘﺮ«‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﻧﺒﺶ ﻗﺒﺮ ﭘﺎپ ﻗﺒﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺩﻟﮕﺸــﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺮﺛﻘﻴﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﺎﺋﻘﻪ‬

‫ﺗﺎﺑﻮﺕ »ژﺍﻥ ﭘﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﺮ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺤﻀــﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﻮﺕ »ﺍﻧﺠﻴــﻞ« ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ »ﻭﺟﺪ«‬ ‫ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﭼــﺮﺍ؟ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﺒﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ »ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ« ﻭﺟﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻛﺎﺗﻮﻟﻴﻚﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻴﻠــﻰ ﭘﻮﺭﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﻳﺪﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﻕ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﻮﺭﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﺓ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﭘﺪﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﻴﺨﻚ ﻣﻮﻧﺚ ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﻴﻦ ﻣﺮگﺳــﺘﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﻣﻨﺒﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ »ﺭﻭﺯ ﺁﻥﻻﻳﻦ«‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲﻛﺶ ﻃﻠﺒﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺖ‪» ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺎﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ‪ «...‬ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻴﻔﺔ ﺷــﺎﺭﻻﺗﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮگ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﺮﺳــﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﭘﺪﺭﺵ« ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﻧﺘﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ »ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ«‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ؛ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﻧــﺪ! ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ »ﻫﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭﻯ«‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﻭﻫﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟! ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴــﺖ »ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺑﻴﻤــﺎﺭ« ﻃﺒﻞ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ! ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ »ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ« ﺧﺒــﺮ ﻣﻮﺛﻘﻰ ﭘﺨﺶ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ »ﻫﺎﻟﻪ ﺳــﺤﺎﺑﻰ« ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﭘﺎﺟﺎﻥ ﻋﺰﺕﺍﷲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻣــﺪﻩ! ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ »ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭ« ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻳﺪ ﭘﺪﺭﺳــﻮﺧﺘﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ‪ 8‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺻﺪﺍﺭﺕ ﻧﻜﺒﺖﺑﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻧﺎﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺷﻨﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧــﻰ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺿﻤﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ »ﺍﻟﻒ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻴﺮﺍﺭﺟﻤﻨﺪ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬

‫»ﻧﺸﺴﺖﺷﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻯ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮﺗﻮﻧﺲ!« ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺳﻮﺍ ﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﭼﭗﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﺎ »ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ« ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﭘﺘﺔ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﻧﻮﺍﺯﻯ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﺑﻮﺩﺍ« ﻭ »ﮔﺎﻧﺪﻯ« ﻭ »ﻧﻠﺴﻮﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻻ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺮگ« ﻫﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴــﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺮگ« ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﺴــﺒﺮگ ﺍﷲ« ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ‬ ‫»ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ« ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﮔﺮﻯ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯﺍﻥ ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻦ ﻛﻬﻮﻟﺖ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ژﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﻧﮋ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﺭﻻﺗﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻤﺎﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺴــﺒﺮگ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺷــﺎﺭﻻﺗﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﺩﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻻﺕﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺲﻛﺶﻃﻠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪» .‬ﻣﺴــﺘﺮ« ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺮگ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺩﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﺪﻥﺍﻧﺪ! ﺑﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﺍ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻧﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻻ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺎﺭ؛ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺮگ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻻﺕ ﺑﻰﺳﺮﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﺮﻭﺑــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳــﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﻋﻠﻒ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻫﻦ ﺑﺰﻯ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﺩ«‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴــﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ! ﺁﺧﻮﻧــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺲ ﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺘﺎﻳﺶ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﻔﺘﺔ ﻧﻌﻠﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ »ﺯﺷﺖ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ!«‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻰ ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃــﻰ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﻭﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺁﺧﻮﻧــﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ« ﻫﻤــﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﻯ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺘﺎﻭﻯ ﺧﺎﺋﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺮﺯﺍﻯ ﺷــﻴﺮﺍﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﺮﻛﺎء ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳــﺘﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺪﺱ ﭘﺪﺭﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﻳﺎﺋﻰ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﺤﻤﻴــﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺯﺷﻜﻨﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﺷــﻴﻮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪﻯ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺯﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻡﻓﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧــﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﻬــﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﻫﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺖ« ﺩﺭ »ﮔﻮﻳﺎﻧﻴﻮﺯ«‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ »ﺗﺤﻮﻝ« ﻳﻚ »ﻃﻠﺒﺔ ﭘﻴﺮ« ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‪» ،‬ﻃﻰ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ! ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ »ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ« ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻋﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ »ﻣﺘﺒﻠﻮﺭ« ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺟــﺰ ﺍﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ »ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎً ﺩﻟﻴﻞ »ﻣﻮﺟﻪ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺠﺰ ﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑــﺎﺵ ﻭ ﺁﺧﻮﻧــﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑــﺮ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ‬ ‫»ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﻘﺾ ﭘﻴﻮﺳــﺘﺔ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺑﺨﺸــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﻛﺒﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ« ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺕﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋــﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﭼﻪ‬

‫ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﺳﺎﻳﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪» ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺑﻨﺪﻩﻭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻰ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ؟« ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﺠﻴــﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺑﻰﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﺧﺎﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻓﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ » ،‬ﺷﺐﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻛﺮﻩ ﻃﺎﻭﻭﺱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ!« ﻭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻴﺮﮔﻰ ﺑﺴــﻰ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ »ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻓــﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ! ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴــﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨــﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺎﻗــﻼﻥ ﻃﺎﻋﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ گ‪..‬ﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻘﻴﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺼــﺺ ﺩﺍﺭﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ »ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣــﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﻮ »ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ« ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺿﺪﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ »ﺯﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭ«‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧــﻪ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘــﺪﺱ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺒﻬﻤــﺎﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺍژﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻋﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‪» ،‬ﻇﻠﻢ«‪» ،‬ﺳــﺘﻢ« ﻭ »ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ« ﻭ‬ ‫»ﺣﺮﻯﺍﺕ« ﻭ »ﻓﺴﺎﺩ« ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ!‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺐﺷــﺎﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ »ﭼﻬﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﺓ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ »ﺗﺤﻮﻝ« ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺤــﻮﻝ ﻃﻠﺒﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺻــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﺎﻩ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬

‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺳــﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ‬ ‫]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗــﺎً ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈــﺮ ﻣــﺎ ﺩﺳــﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻌﻠﻴــﻦﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻯ »ﺩﻳﻦ« ﺟﻨﺒﺔ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮژﻳﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ »ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ« ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳــﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻴــﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴــﻦ! ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺳــﺰﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﺳﺰﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﺮﺃﺕ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ! ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭼﻬﺮﺓ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ‪ 5‬ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﺋﻰ ﭼﻬﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﻛﺬﺍ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ »ﭘﻨﺞﺗﻦ!« ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﺧﺺ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ »ﭘﻨﺞﺗﻦ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻘــﺪﺱ ﻭ ﺟﻔﻨﮕﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ »ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ«‪» ،‬ﺑﺮﻣﻼ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ« ﻭ »ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ« ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺷــﻨﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﻮﻧﺎژ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ »ﺑﻮﺩﺍ« ﻭ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻧﺪﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧــﺪﻻ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﺠﻦﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ! ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺰﺭﻳﻖ ﻣﻘﺪﺳــﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ«‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺁﻧﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺷــﻜﻨﺪ ! ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﻜﻔﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻮچ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺟﺎ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻫﺔ ﻫﺸــﺘﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺫﻳﺠﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨــﺶ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺣﺮﻳــﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﺮﻣﻼ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ ]‪[...‬‬

‫[ﺍﻳﺴــﺘﺎﺩﮔﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﺑــﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎﻯ ]‪ [...‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺴــﻢ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﭼﻬﺮﺓ ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺔ ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺴﻢ ﻣﻰ ﺑﺨﺸﺪ؟«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳــﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤــﺪﻯ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑــﻰ! ﺑﻠــﻪ‪» ،‬ﺍﺑﻠﻬــﻰ ﮔﻔــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻤﻘﻰ ﺑــﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﻖ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻴﻢ! ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺳــﺨﻦ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷــﻜﻨﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻗﻼﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨــﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺠﺪ ﺟﺎﻯ گ‪...‬ﺯﻳﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘــﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛــﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻤﺎﻕﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻛﻦ ﻳﻨﮕﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺷــﺘﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺨﺮﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ »ﺷــﻬﺮﻩ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻙ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳــﻰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ »ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢ« ﻭ ﺍﻧﺒﺴــﺎﻁ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎً ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺭﻭﻥ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻋﺼﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺗﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺩﺳــﺘﮕﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ! ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﺝ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺿﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﺳﻤﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ ﻋﻠﻰﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻔﻠﻮﻙ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺠﻴﺪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻻﺗﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻻ ﻣﻰﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ »ﺷﻬﺮﻩ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻳﻨﮕﻪﺩﻧﻴــﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸــﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻨﺪﻩﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ »ﺷﺮﺍﺏ ﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺮ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻻﻥ ﺑﺒﺨﺸﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳــﺖ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻤﺎً ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳﻒﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬

‫ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ! ﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ »ﺧﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺧﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﻨﺪ«‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻔﺘﻚﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳــﺮﮔﺮﻡ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ‬ ‫»ﺑﻤﺐ ﻭ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ« ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ »ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻕ ﺟﻨﮓﻓﺮﻭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺴــﻮﻯ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻯ« ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﻠﻴﺠﻨﺖﺳﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ! ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺍﻣــﻰ »ﻟﻴﻨﻚ« ﻣﻄﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﺳﮕﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳــﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣــﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 26‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪ 2011‬ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ ﻛﺴــﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴــﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻤﺒﮕــﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺘﻠﻴﺠﻨﺖ ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺗﺒﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻮﺍﻧﺘﺎﻧﺎﻣﻮ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘــﺎﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻫﻰ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺐ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ! ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺰﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﮔﺎﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﻭﺡﺷــﺎﻥ ﺧﺒﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺘﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴــﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻴﺮﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻰ ﺳــﺮﻭﻳﺲﻫﺎﻯ »ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ـ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ« ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺬﺍﺭﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﺣــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖﺯﺩﺍﺋــﻰ ﺷــﻴﻮﺓ ﺷــﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴــﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ »ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴــﻄﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ؛ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ‬

‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﺬﺍ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ »ﻫﻨﻴﻪ« ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺷﺎﺧﺔ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻏﺰﻩ!‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ« ﺍﺳــﻤﻌﻴﻞ ﻫﻨﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻔﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﺳﭙﺲ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ »ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫــﻢ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻣﺴــﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨــﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧــﻰ ﺍﻣــﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻭ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻟﮕﺮﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ ﺧﻂ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴــﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺏ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻰ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻠﻰﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱ ﻛﺸــﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺍﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ‪» ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﺪ ﺩﺷﻤﻦﺷﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ«‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺸﺴــﺖ ﻫﻴﺌــﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻳﺎﻓــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﺱﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 11‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻀﻼﻯ ﻗﻢ« ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ!‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ »ﺟﺸــﻦ« ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﮔــﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ »ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷــﻬﺮ« ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ »ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻴﻪ« ﺑﺮﮔــﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮﻯ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﺎﺝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﻣﻬﺮﻭﺭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﻝﺷــﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿﻴﺔ ﺭﻭﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺯﻩ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺳــﺖ! ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺑﺠﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺟﺰ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻯ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻃﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﺯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮕﻴﻨﻰ ﻭﺯﻧﺔ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩ »ﻋﻠﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ »ﺑﻰ ﻭﺯﻧﻰ«‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻕﭘﺎﺭﺓ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻠــﻪ ﺗﻴﻤﺴــﺎﺭ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﺳــﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻔﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ ﺷــﻴﺦﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺭﺳﻤﺎً ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻋﺎﻇﺎﺩﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳــﺒﺰﻫﺎ ﺳــﻜﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﺁﻳــﺎﺕ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ »ﻣﺘﺮﻗﻰ« ﻭ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ ﻭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺏ ﺧﻔﻘﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺧﻴﻠﻰﻫﺎ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ »ﻓﺮﺝﺍﷲ ﺳﻠﺤﺸــﻮﺭ« ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻔﺰﺍﺋﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻼﺱ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﭘﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻫﻨﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﺶ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﺑﻠﻬﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻌﺠﺒﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻜــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋــﺮﺍﻕ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻳــﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ »ﻇﻠﻢ«‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻪ ﻭ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﻭ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺧﻮﺏ«‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ! ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ »ﺁﺫﺭ ﻧﻔﻴﺴــﻰ«‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﻻﺑﻼﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ »ﻣﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺩﻯ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ »ﻧﺎﺯﻧﺎﺯﻯ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ ﺭﻭﺿﻪ ﻭ ﺯﻭﺯﺓ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ‪ 5‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ ﻳﻚ »ﻓﺎﻃﻤﻴﺔ« ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ» ﻛﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﻨﮕﺮﺍﺩ«‬

‫ﺑﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻳﻚ »ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ«‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳــﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺷــﻮﻳﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺍﺧﻴــﺮ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﻬﻠﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺩﺷــﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﺋﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﻮﺋﺪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻭﺳــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 28‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ ‪، 2011‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 5‬ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﻪ ﺳــﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻟﻬﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﻨﮕﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻟﻬﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﺯﮔﺰﺍﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢ »ﻋﺒﺎﺩﻯ ـ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ« ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺋﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺨﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ! ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺯﺣﻤﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻬﺮﺓ ﻛﺮﻳﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﺭﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻬﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬