nahid roxan

‫‪ 29‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳـــﻞ ‪2011‬‬

‫ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻰﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﭘﺮﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﻨﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﻓﺮﺳــﻮﺩﺓ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 57‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻚ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﻮﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺯﺓ ﺍﷲﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺪﺓ »ﻳﺎﺣﺴﻴﻦ! ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ« ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﺷﺨﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﺩﻣﻜﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﺎﺵ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻨﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ! ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳــﻮ »ﺳﻌﻴﺪﻯ ﺳﻴﺮﺟﺎﻧﻰ«‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ« ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷﺒﻪﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪» :‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ!«‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺸﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩﻯ ﺑﺲ ﺍﺑﻠﻬﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ!‬

‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﻰﺟﻬﺖ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ؛ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻌﺠﺒﻰ‬ ‫ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ! ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼــﺪﺍﻕ »ﺗﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﻤﺶ ﻣﻴﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴــﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﺎﺵ«‪ ،‬ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﺩ‪» .‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻮﻉ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻣﻬﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ‬

‫»ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻯ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ« ﺑﺮﮔــﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺳــﺎﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻨﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺒﻪﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ »ﻧﻪ«‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ؟! ﺣﺘﻤﺎً ﺗﺎ »ﻇﻬﻮﺭ« ﻋﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺍﺯﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷــﺒﻪﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﻭ ﮔﻮﺳﺎﻟﻪﭘﺴﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻮﺵ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ! ﻫــﺪﻑ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴــﻮﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺯﻓــﺮﻭﺵ« ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ«‬ ‫ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺧﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﻓــﺎﺩﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣــﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﺩﺟﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺵ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻻﻥ ﺧﺮ ﺩﺟﺎﻝ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺷــﻜﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻻﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺑﺴــﭙﺎﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻔــﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﻯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴــﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﺪﺓ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻛﻠﻨﻞ »ﺁﻳﺮﻭﻥﺳــﺎﻳﺪ«‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ »ﺷﺎﻩ« ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﺳﺘﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﺔ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ »ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻩﺳﺘﻴﺰ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮ ﻗﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻤــﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ،1357‬ﻓﺮﺯﻧــﺪ ﺗﺎﺟﺪﺍﺭﺵ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛــﺰ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼــﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪13‬‬ ‫ﺁﺑﺎﻥﻣــﺎﻩ ‪» ،1357‬ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ« ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﺍﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺼﻠﺤــﺖ« ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮ ﺩﺟــﺎﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻻﻥ‬ ‫»ﺳــﺒﺰ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴــﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ »ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ« ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2001‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 11‬ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑــﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ‬

‫ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﻛﻮﺗﻪﻓﻜــﺮﻯ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ »ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﻜﺮ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﻦﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺴــﺎﺩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﺯﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﺷــﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ «.‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺯﺩﻯ« ﻭ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺧﺪﺷﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻭ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﻭﺭﺑﺎﻃﻞ »ﺷﻴﺦﻭﺷــﺎﻩ«‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﺓ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻰﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ »ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﺘﻚ »ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻩ« ﺁﻭﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﺔ ﺧﺎﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﺳﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﺮﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﻪ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﺫﺭﺟﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﺩﺑﺮﺩﮔﻰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺑــﻼگ »ﺯﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺫﺭ« ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﺮﻭﻥﺳــﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻴﻮﺓ »ﺷﺒﻴﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ« ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻚ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺁﺫﺭ ﻧﻔﻴﺴــﻰ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺿﺪﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷــﻴﺦﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺻﺒﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻨــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻴﻮﺓ »ﺩﻟﺒﺮﻯ« ﺭﻭﻯ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ »ﻋﺮﻭﺳــﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻨﺪﺗﻨﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﭼﺴﺒﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺷــﺎﺥ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ ﻣﻀﺤﻚ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛــﻪ ﻃﻰ ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻯ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬

‫ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ!‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓــﺮﺩﺍ ﻣــﻮﺭﺥ‪ 6 ،‬ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﻠﺒــﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻫﺸــﺪﺍﺭ ﺗــﺎﺯﻩ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺟﺎ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺮ ﺩﻟﭙﺬﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻗﻌــﻰﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﺮﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴــﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﺑﺸــﻨﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﺦﻋﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﮓﺍﺵ ﺑﺘﺮﺳﻴﻢ! »ﺗﻴﻤﺴﺎﺭ« ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻐﻞ ﺷﺮﻳﻒﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫــﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺘﻠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺰﻭﻟﺨﻮﺭ‬ ‫»ﺳــﻴﺘﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ ﺷﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﻭﻻﻳﺖﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫»ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ« ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫»ﻣﻜﺘــﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘﻴــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻓــﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻣﺎﻧﻴﻢ! ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﻓﻴﻠﺪﻣﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻝ« ﻣﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻭ »ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴﻪ« ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ‬ ‫»ﺭﻫﺒﺮ« ﻭ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻴﻤﺴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔــﺮﻯ ﺑــﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ‬

‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻤﭙﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﻣﺪﻧﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺑــﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ]ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ[ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ]‪ [...‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺩﺳــﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺷــﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻓﻜــﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻨﻰ »ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ«‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷــﻜﻨﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ژﻧــﺮﺍﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺷــﻜﻨﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻﻯ ﺳﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻋﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺎﻥ »ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ« ﻣﻰﮔﺸــﺎﻳﺪ! ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻔﻘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﻰ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺷﻮﺏ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺕﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥﺍﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ! ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻠﺒﻞﺯﺑﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻴﻢ؛ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻴﺰﺍﻛﺴﻠﻨﺴــﻰ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢﺳــﻮﺋﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ »ﺍﻟﻬﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﺧﺪﺷﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻴﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘــﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺟــﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ »ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﭘﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﻌﻜﺎﺱ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺮﻣﺎﻧﺔ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓــﺮﺩﺍ‪ .‬ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧــﺔ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻢ‬

‫ﻣﺸــﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﻧﻔﻰ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣــﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺟﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴــﻠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺗﻴﻤﺴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻋﺮﺑﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﮔﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺭ!« ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻧﻨﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﻬﻴﺰﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻖﻭﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻃﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺎﺭﺍﺝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺣﺘﻰ ﻳﻚ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤﺴــﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ »ﺍﺥﻭﺗﻔﻰ« ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻛﻼﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﭼﺴــﺒﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫»ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺳــﺒﺰ«‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺸﺘﻪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺮﺍﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ »ﺳﺒﺰ«‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ »ﺟﻔﺘﻚﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ« ﺻﺪﺭﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﻤﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ »ﻓﺎﻝﺷــﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﻝ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻌﻔﺮ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﺍﮔﺮ ﻃﻰ ‪ 32‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺭﺕﻭﭘﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﻭﺧــﺎﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ »ﻭﻻﻳﺖ« ﻣﻰﻛﻮﻓﺖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻤﺔ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ« ﺭﺍ ﻟﻮﻟﻮ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ »ﺟﺎﻥﻓﺪﺍ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞﻧﻮﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮕﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺷــﻌﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺒﻬﻤﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﺷــﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻼﻫﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻴﺮ »ﻓﺘﻨﻪ« ﻭ »ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ« ﻭ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻧﻤﻰﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺍﺑﻌــﺎﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻗــﺖ »ﺗﻴﻤﺴــﺎﺭ« ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﻓﺮﺽ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﺷﺪﻩ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 1357‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸــﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨــﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ! ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﻮﺍ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻓﺮﺷــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻧﻤﻰﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢﺻﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺫﻛــﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ »ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ« ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﮔﻬﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻌﻔــﺮﻯ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ »ﭘﻴﺶﮔﻮﺋﻰﻫﺎﻯ« ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺏ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ »ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻌﻔــﺮﻯ]‪ [...‬ﺭﻭﺯ ﺷــﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﺋﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ]ﻓﺎﺭﺱﻧﻴــﻮﺯ[ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﻳــﻚ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻓﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴــﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻮﻝﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﭘﺸــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻬﺮﺓ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ]‪ [...‬ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﻄﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺧﺎﺳﺖ ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ ﺗﻴﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﻯ ﻳﺦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﻭﺍﻣﺮ ﻭﻟﻰ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪» ،‬ﺩﺷﻤﻦ‬

‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺎء ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ!«‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ »ﭼﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﮕﻰ« ﻫﺴــﺘﻴﻢ! ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺒﺰﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳــﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺟﻴﺮﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ ﺩﺭﺩﺳﺮﺳــﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ »ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦﺿﻤﻴﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﺷــﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺑﻨﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺏ »ﻟﺌﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﻧﻪﺗﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ »ﻛﺎﻻﺑﺮ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘــﺲ ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺒﻪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺦ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺒﺖ ﺟﺸﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻧﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﻴﺰﺍﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﭼﻤﻨﺰﺍﺭ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏﺍﺵ ﺧﻮﺵﺭﻗﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﺔ ﺩﻟﺴــﻮﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑﺎﻥﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﻣﺎ ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺑــﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻌــﺮﻭﻑ‪» ،‬ﻗﺤﺒﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺩﻻﻟﻰ« ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻳﻤﻦ ﺍﺷﻚ ﺗﻤﺴﺎﺡ ﻣﻰﺭﻳﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻍﻫــﺎﻯ ﻃﻮﻳﻠــﺔ ﻣﻚﻛﺎﺭﺗﻰ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﻳﻤﻦ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻏﻦ‬ ‫ﺷــﻨﺎﻭﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ؛ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﻼﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺬﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ »ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺲ«‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ »ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥﺍﺵ ﻭﺍﻳﺎﮔﺮﺍ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ!« ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻰ ﺭﻭﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺋﻴﻦ ﺗﻨﺔ ﺳــﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻰﻃﻠﺐﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﻳﻢ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﺑﻠﻬﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳــﺒﺶ ﺍﻧﺪﺭ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﻪ ﺧﺮ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ!« ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﻭﺣﺸــﻴﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻣﻠﻞ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ »ﻭﺍﻳﺎﮔﺮﺍ« ﻭ »ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ« ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ ﺑﻜﺮ ﻃﻰ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦﺍﺵ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻪ ﭘﻨﺘﺎﮔﻮﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻭﺍﻳﺎﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﻭﺭﺯﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﻪ »ﺁﺏ ﺯﺭﺷــﻚ« ﺗﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻮﻳﺾ ﭘﺎﻻﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺳﺒﺰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗــﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﺭﮔﻴــﺮﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﺳــﺒﺰ ﺑﺨﻮﺑﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﻭﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻫﻢﺳﻮﺋﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺩﺳﺘﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳــﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﻤــﻦ ‪ 1357‬ﺑﺎﺯﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﺔ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ »ﻭﻟﻰﻓﻘﻴﻪ«‬ ‫ﻭﺳــﻌﺖ ﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩﻣﺎﻩ ‪ 1388‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻴــﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴــﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳــﭙﺎﻩ؟ ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫»ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ »ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ«! ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻯ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢﺳــﻮﺋﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﻔﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ‬

‫ﻋﻠﻰﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻔﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ً ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪» ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﻋﺮ ﺧﺮ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻧﺮﻧﺠﺪ!« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻓﻰ ﺳــﺒﺰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺧــﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ »ﺧﺪﺍﻣﺤﻮﺭﻯ« ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﻰﻃﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺰ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘــﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺟﺎﻧﺒــﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻰﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻰ ﮔﺸــﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻓﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺠﺎﻝ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ »ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ« ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜــﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ« ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪» .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺤﺮﺍﻑ« ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ »ﻣﺮگ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﺑــﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧــﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ؛‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻓﻀــﺎﻯ ﺩﻭﻗﻄﺒﻰ ﺑــﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﻟﻮﻃﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺘﺮﻫــﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻰﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ »ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ« ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻬﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ »ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ـ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ«‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭼﺸــﻤﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶﺳﺒﺰ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ« ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺪﺓ »ﺍﷲﺍﻛﺒﺮ« ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺣﺴــﻴﻦﻭﺍﺭ« ﺁﻣﺎﺩﺓ ﺷــﻬﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺰﻭﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﻧﻮﺭﺍﻧﻰ« ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﮔﻬــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓــﺮﺩﺍ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ‬

‫ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﻗﺪﻳﻤﻰﺗﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ »ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﮔﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﻧﺞ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ »ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺭﻭﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺎء ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ!‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ« ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻣﺰﺭﻭﻋﻰ« ﭘﺨﺶ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺳﻴﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﻨﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ ﺁﺭﺍﺳــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﻰﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺗﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺘﺢ ﻭ ﺷﻨﺎﺳــﺎﺋﻰ »ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻗﺬﺍﻓﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺑﻠﻬﺎﻧﺔ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺭﺍﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺷﻴﻮﺍﻯ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻴﻤﺎﻧﺔ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻴﻤﺴﺎﺭ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻠﻰ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﺱ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴــﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼــﻮﺏ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻊ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺨﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫــﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﻭﺳــﺘﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 28‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻞ‬ ‫‪ 2011‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫــﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴــﺐ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻣﻰﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﭘﺎﻻﻳﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺻﻌﻮﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬــﺎﻯ ﺑﻨﺰﻳــﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﻨــﺪ! ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻣﺸــﺨﺺ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﺔ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺗﺎ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﺧﺖ؟‬