nahid roxan

‫‪ 21‬ﺁﻭﺭﻳـــﻞ ‪2011‬‬

‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺟﻨﮓﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻀﻌﻴــﻒ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪» ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧــﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞﻧﻮﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻻﺕﺑﺎﺯﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﻣﻤــﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﭼﻤﺎﻗﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥﺍﺵ ﺑــﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨــﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﻣﻤﺪ ﻳﻮﻧﺴــﻜﻮ« ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ »ﺻﺪﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺸــﻮﻳﻖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬

‫ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ »ﻣﻮﻓﻖ«‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﺍﺵ ﺍﺑﻘﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﺗﻮﻛﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴــﺮﺧﺎﻟﺔ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻰﻛﻮﭼﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻐﺘﻨﻢ ﺷــﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺧﺮﺩﺟﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ »ﺧﺮﺩﺟﺎﻝ« ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺯﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺸــﺮﺧﺮ‪» ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﻧﻴﻮﺯ« ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺧﺒﺮ ﻣﻮﺛﻖ« ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ »ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺿﻤﻴﺮ« ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﻓﻼﺳــﻔﺔ ﻣﺤﺒﻮﺏ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎ‪» ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ« ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖﻃﻠﺒﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ! ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺣﺶﮔﺴﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻋﻠﻰﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺗﻌﺠﺒﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‬

‫ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺳــﺒﺰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌــﺎﻥ »ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﺯﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳــﻰ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺷﻴﭙﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷﻜﻨﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻔﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ »ﺷﻴﺦ«‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ »ﺷﺎﻩ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻣﻮﺭﺗﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻥ »ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ«‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ؛ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻪﻣﺠﻠﺴــﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻳﺎ »ﺻﺤﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴــﻨﺖ« ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺪﻩﺟﻮﺋــﻰ ﻻﺕﺍﷲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ »ﻗﻮﺓ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ« ﻣﻰﻧﺸﺴــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜــﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺠﻠــﺲ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ« ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ »ﺻﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﻨﺖ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸــﻰ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻔﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻭﻯ »ﺧﺒﺮ« ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺳــﭙﺲ ﺣﻨﺎﺯﺭﭼﻮﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻋــﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻘــﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈــﻢ ﺍﺛــﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭼﺸﻢ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ« ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﺑﺠﺎﺋﻰ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻴﺞ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻣــﺔ »ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻯ« ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻔﻠﻮﻙ ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻟﺐ ﺗﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺷﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﻔﺘﻀﺢ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﺭﻭﺭﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﻨﻰﺻﺪﺭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﮔﻮﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺗﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺧﺎﻣﻨــﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺮﺗﺎﺏ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻰﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺩﺳﺘﺔ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻭﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ! ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤــﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻭﺯﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻜــﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻑﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﺩﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳــﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺬﺍ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻰﺗــﺎﺯﺩ؛ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﮔﺴﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ »ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻚ« ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ؛ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻚ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﻠﺤــﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠــﻰ‪» ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻚ ﻗــﺪﺭﺕ!« ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻚ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳﺪﺓ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻘــﺪﺱ ﻭ »ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﺣﻖ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺳــﺘﻴﺰ‬ ‫»ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﺷــﻜﻨﻰ«‪» ،‬ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ« ﻭ »ﺍﺭﻋــﺎﺏ« ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﺩﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺮﻳﻒ ﺳــﺎﻳﺖ »ﻣﻬﺮﻧﻴﻮﺯ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺳــﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﺳــﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬

‫ﺳــﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺛﻖ ﺳــﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺯﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﺟــﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔــﻰ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﺟــﺎﻝ »ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ« ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ »ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮچ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ ﭘﻮچ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ »ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ«‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺒﻨــﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﻰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺷــﻮﺕ ﻭﭘﺮﺕﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺮﺩﺟﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻫﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ!‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺮﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸــﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺷﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻀﺤﻚ »ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﺮ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ« ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴــﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺷــﻴﺦ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻨــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧــﺎﻡ »ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ« ﺿﻤﻦ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬ ‫»ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ« ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻊ »ﺁﻝﺳــﻌﻮﺩ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻃﺮﺡ »ﺷﻴﻌﻪﻛﺸــﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒــﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ! ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻇﻬــﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻤﺎً‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝﻭﺍﺣــﻮﺍﻝﺍﺵ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ »ﺁﻝﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ«‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎً ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﺧﻂ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﺷﻴﭙﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﻦ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮ‪» ،‬ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ« ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺟﺎﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺩﺟﺎﻝﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴــﺖ! ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ »ﭘﻴﺶﻓﺮﺽ« ﻭﺍژﺓ ﺷــﻴﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻣــﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻮﺛﻖ‪» ،‬ﻣﻬﺮﻧﻴــﻮﺯ« ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺑﻠﻬﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﭘﻴﺸــﺔ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻔﻴﻮﺯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺭﺳــﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﺎﺭﻻﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻼﻫﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﻮ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳــﺮ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻢ ﺁﺗﺶ‬

‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﻗــﺮﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺗــﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺎژ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻫﺎﺕﺍﺵ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ »ﻏﻴﺮﺷــﻴﻌﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺷــﻤﻦ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﻣﻬﺮﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻢ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻜــﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺗﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻛﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺴــﻴﺞ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺑــﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺧﺮﺩﺟﺎﻝ ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﺟــﺎﻝ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫»ﻛﺎﺭﻧــﺎﻭﺍﻝ ﺭﻳﻮ« ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺯﻳــﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﺮﺩﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺳــﻴﻘﻰ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺺ ﻭ ﺟﺸــﻦ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ ﻣﺸــﺘﻰ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﻣﻮﻧﺚ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻛــﺮ ﺑﺎ ﭼﺎﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺭﻳــﺶ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺑﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺒﻴﻦ! ﺑﻠﻪ‬ ‫»ﺧﻼﻳﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﻼﻳﻖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﻼﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻭﺍﻝ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻰﭘﺴــﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻬﺮﻧﻴــﻮﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ »ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻨﻰ« ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻊ »ﺁﻝﺳﻌﻮﺩ« ﻭ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ‬ ‫»ﺁﻝﺧﻠﻴﻔــﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﻗــﻢ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺟــﻊ ﻗﻢ ﺑــﺎ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗــﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺵﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺁﻳــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫»ﺍﻣﻨﻴــﺖ« ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧــﺪ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣــﻮﺱ »ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮﺍﻧــﻰ« ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻰ ﺑــﺎ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋــﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ »ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ« ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﺋﻰ ﻣﺮﺍﺳــﻢ ﺭﻭﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﻭﺯﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫»]ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ[ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺠﺎﻳﻊ ﺁﻝﺳﻌﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺁﻝﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ]‪[...‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺍﺩ ]ﻭ ﮔﻔــﺖ[ ﺁﻝﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﺷﻴﻌﻪﻛﺸــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﺩ ]‪ [...‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﻳﻦ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺣﺴــﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ]‪[...‬ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﺓ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺎﻧﮕﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ]‪«[...‬‬

‫ﭼﻘــﺪﺭ ﺑﺤﺮﻳــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺷــﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘــﻪ! ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻝﺧﻠﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺁﻝﺳﻌﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺁﻝﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﺑﺰﻭﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﺷﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ؛ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻗﺸــﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀﻰ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻗﺸــﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻮﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﻰ ﭘﻴﺸــﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺣﻴﺎﻧﺎً ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ »ﺷﭙﻴﮕﻞ« ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﻗﻮﻣﻰ« ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻤﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻏﻠﻂﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‪» ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ؛ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺣﻞﺍﺗﻤﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺖ »ﭘﻴﻚﻧﺖ« ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺷــﭙﻴﮕﻞ« ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺎء ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ »ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺑــﺎﻥﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻨﮕــﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ »ﺷﭙﻴﮕﻞ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ »ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ« ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴــﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺎﺟــﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻫﻴﺰﺍﻛﺴﻠﻨﺴﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻩ‪» ،‬ﺷﭙﻴﮕﻞ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﻴﭙﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞﻧﻮﺍﺯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻫﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﭘــﺎﺩﻭﻯ ﻣﺼــﺮﻯ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗــﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺣﺶ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ!‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺔ »ﺷــﭙﻴﮕﻞ« ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑــﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﻫﻤﺰﻣــﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﮔﻮﺳــﺎﻟﻪﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﺭﺳــﺎﻝ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ؛ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻴﺮﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭﺵ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ؟!‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷــﭙﻴﮕﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪ 2003‬ﻣﺤﻤــﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﺓ ﺣﻞ »ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺟﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺵ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ‪:‬‬

‫»ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ 2003‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫــﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧــﺪ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺵ ﻧﻤﻰﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ [...] 2010‬ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺯﻳﺪﻧﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ]‪ [...‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻓﺸﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻫــﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑــﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪ ،2001‬ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﻫﻴــﭻ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻰ ﻧﻜــﺮﺩﻩ! ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺧﻔﻘﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺴــﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻏﺮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﺝﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺟﺮﺝ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺮ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺨﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ »ﻛﻼﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ« ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺮﺍﻧﺘﺰ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺷــﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻰ »ﺍﻝﮔﻮﺭ«‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻼﻫﺒﺮﺩﺍﺭﻯ »ﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺗﺮﺯ« ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷــﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ »ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻰ« ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﻜﺎ ﻟﻮﻳﻨﺴﻜﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻴﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻝﮔﻮﺭ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜــﻢ ﺧﻨﺠــﺮ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻯ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺸــﻤﻜﺶ‬ ‫»ﺍﻝﮔﻮﺭ« ﻭ ﺟﺮﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺶ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﻟﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﻣﺤﻔﻞ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﮔﺮﻡ« ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﺬﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺑﺮﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺣﻤﻠــﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﺎﻓﺮﺑﺮﻯ ﻃﺮﺣﻰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ؛‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻤﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ 17‬ژﻭﺋﻴﻪ ‪ ،1996‬ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ‪ 747‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖ »ﺗﻰ‪ .‬ﺩﺑﻠﻴﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻯ« ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻋﺎﺯﻡ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ‬

‫ﻣﺴــﺘﻘﻞ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣــﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﮔﻴــﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪31‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺘﺒﺮ ‪ 1999‬ﻳﻚ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ‪ 767‬ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓــﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺏ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺧﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ! ﺳــﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﺸــﻜﻮﻙ ﺩﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻯ ﺑﻮﺋﻴﻨﮓ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳــﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻃــﺮﺡ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻏﻠﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫــﺮ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ‪ 11‬ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋــﺎﺩﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻓﻠﮕﻴــﺮ ﻛــﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﭽــﻮﻥ ﺟــﺮﺝ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺮ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳــﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴــﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻗﺎﻳﻊ ﻧﻴﻮﻳــﻮﺭﻙ ﺣﻴﺮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣــﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺍﻧﺘﺰ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻨﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﺷــﭙﻴﮕﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺮﺍﺩﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﭘﺮﻭﭘﺎﮔﺎﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻮﺷﺎﻟﻰ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏﺍﺵ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻥﻧﻤﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﭙﻴﮕﻞ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﺍﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺩﻳﺒﻬﺸﺖﻣﺎﻩ ﺳــﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺮﺣﺴــﻴﻦ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ!‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻘﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺮﻫﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ »ﻓﺎﺭﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻟﻴﺴﻰ« ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﺔ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳــﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭﺗﺮ ﺗﻮﺳــﻜﺎﻧﻮ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ‪» .‬ﻣﺴﺘﺮ« ﺳﺠﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﻰ »ﻛﺎﺭﻧﮕﻰ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﻣﺴﺘﺮ ﺗﻮﺳﻜﺎﻧﻮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ﻭ »ﻫﻤﻪﭼﻴﺰﺩﺍﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺎﻥ »ﻣﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻧﺴــﻜﻮﻯ« ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻫﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪﻳﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺌﺎﺗﺮ »ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﻰ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺍژﻩﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺮﻧﻤﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﻛﻒ ﺯﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬

‫»ﺭﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻡ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ]ﺍﺳﺖ[«‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﺮﺷــﻨﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺮﻭﺝ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﻭﺩﺳــﺘﺔ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺔ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳــﺶ ﻣﻬﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﻴﺨﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ »ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺳــﺒﺰ«‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺮﺽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻋﺠﺐ! ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺘﺪﻻﻻﺕ »ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ« ﺣﺘﻤﺎً ﺭﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ! ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻧﺪ! ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺎﺳﺦﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠــﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻥﻧﻤﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠــﻮ »ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨــﻰ ﻧﻔﻰ ﻓﺮﺩﻯﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪:‬‬

‫»ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺱ ﻣﻬــﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﺩﻫــﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ]‪ [...‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ]‪ [...‬ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳــﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍژﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﻮچ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺰﺧﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ »ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻛﻠﻤــﻪ« ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﻠﻪﭘﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻊﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﺩﻟﺨﺴﺘﺔ »ﺳﺒﺰ«‬ ‫ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔــﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸــﻮﻧﺖ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺷــﻮﺩ! ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠــﻮ »ﺗﺎﺭﻳــﺦ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺑﻴﺸــﺮﻣﻰ ﺭﻫﺒــﺮ ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﺭﺳﺖ« ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺑــﻮﺩ؛ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺒﮕﻠﻮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺭﺍ »ﺩﺭﺳﺖ« ﻣﻰﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ!‬