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IMPACT OF MULTI-LEVEL GOVERNANCE ON THE SUSTAINABILITY OF ANDEAN LIVELIHOODS IN THE ATACAMA DESERT. THE CASE OF CAMIÑA.

Magdalena Ulloa Davet [1760900] 2018

This dissertation is submitted as part of a MA degree in Geography at King’s College London. KING'S COLLEGE LONDON

University of London Department of Geography MA/MSc Dissertation

I, Magdalena Ulloa Davet hereby declare (a) that this Dissertation is my own original work and that all source material used is acknowledged therein; (b) that it has been specially prepared for a degree of the University of London; and (c) that it does not contain any material that has been or will be submitted to the Examiners of this or any other university, or any material that has been or will be submitted for any other examination This Dissertation is 11,985 words.

Signed: Date: 31/09/2018

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

First and foremost, I would like to extend my gratitude towards the people of CamiĂąa whom I interviewed and who opened up their lives, needs, expectations and desires. It is mainly to them who this research is for. I would also like to thank my dissertation supervisor Dr. Kate Schreckenberg, whose insights helped me give form to this dissertation and pushed it significantly forwards. Thanks also to my mother and father for imprinting in me the search for social equity and justice; to my friends in the UK who lent me their ears in diverse occasions helping me to clarify this dissertation, and last but not least, to my supporting husband with whom I have built, through travels and conversations, the passion that today moves me regarding the promotion of rural livelihoods.

ABSTRACT Under an approach that builds on sustainable livelihoods, political ecology and multi-level governance, this study explores the livelihood strategies and their drivers in the Andes through the case study of CamiĂąa. It is moved under the belief that the Chilean state has moved from a neoliberal approach to a neostructural one, which has led it to have a contradictory impact on Andean communities. This has been affected by a multi-level governance that constrains and enhances the outcomes of public policies and programmes. The research shows that for indigenous communities their desired livelihoods imply being able to sustain these traditional activities and to subsist in the territory. On this regard, the role of the state has been twofold. On the one part, it has intended to promote rural livelihoods through the works of CONADI and INDAP, but on the other, it has continued to endorse the settlement of mining and geothermal industries, which are perceived as one of the main threats to their livelihoods. The research concludes with a number of policy suggestions in order to promote the sustainability of rural livelihoods.

TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION……………………………………………………………………….8 2. LITERATURE REVIEW……………………………………………………………….10 2.1 Sustainable livelihoods ………………………………………………...…………….10 2.2 Political ecology ……………………………………………………...……………...14 3.2 Multi level governance……………………………………………...………………..15 3.2.1 MLG in Chile ………………………………………………...……………….17 3. METHODOLOGY……………………………………………………………..………..19 3.1 Case Study………………………………………………………….....……………...19 3.1.1 Why the Andean commune of Camiña……………………...………………...19 3.1.2 Study area …………………………………………..……...…..……………...22 3.2 Methods…………………………………………………………...………………….26 3.2.1 Single case study …………………………………………...………………....26 3.2.2 Mixed methods …………………………………………...…………………...26 3.3 Limitations and positionality …………………………………………...………..…..29 4. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION……………………………………………………..…..31 4.1 Livelihood strategies………………………………………………………………….31 4.1.2 Desired livelihoods ……………………………………………………………36 4.2 Vulnerability context ……………………………………………………………...…37 4.2.1 Neoliberalism or neocolonialism………………………….…………………...37 4.2.2 Climate change…………………………………………………….…………...38 4.3 Impact of MLG on livelihood assets …………………………………………………40 4.3.1 Human and social capital……………………………………………..………..40 4.3.2 Physical and financial capital…………………………………………………..44 4.3.3 Natural capital………………………………………………………………….47 5. CONCLUSION …………………………………………………………………………..49 6. APENDIX………………………………………………………………………………....52 6.1 Boxes………………………………………………………………………………….52 6.2 Ethical minimal risk letter………………………………………………....…………..61 7. REFERENCES…………………………………………………………………………...62 FIGURES AND TABLES

Table 01: Information on the respondents Figure 01: Sustainable livelihoods framework Figure 02: Andean municipalities in Chile Figure 03: Self considered indigenous and non-indigenous (Andean communes) Figure 04: Urban rural population (Andean communes) Figure 05: Total population (Andean communes) Figure 06: Percentage of indigenous population (Andean communes) Figure 07: Regional context, Tarapacá region Figure 07: Indigenous population in Camiña Figure 08: Picture of Camiña Figure 09: Regional Context Figure 10: Last week work in Camiña Figure 11: Household sectoral employment in Camiña Figure 12: Population evolution in Camiña Figure 13: Population pyramid according to gender in Camiña Box 01: Quotes on desired livelihoods Box 02: Quotes on migration Box 03: Quotes on Chileanisation policies Box 04: Quotes on identity and rootedness Box 05: Quotes on rooted-translocalism Box 06: Quotes on access to funding Box 07: Quotes on mining and geothermal projects Box 08: Quotes on the perception of the state (in all its levels)

ABREVIATIONS AND GLOSSARY DFID: Department for International Development SL: Sustainable Livelihoods SLA: Sustainable Livelihoods Approach SLF: Sustainable Livelihoods Framework PE: Political Ecology PLADECO: Communal Development Plan MLG: Multi-Level Governance CONADI: National Commission for Indigenous Development ADI: Areas of Indigenous Development OrĂgenes programme: Integral Development of Indigenous Communities (CONADI) INDAP: Institute of Agricultural Development PRODESAL: Local Development programme (INDAP) PDTI: Indigenous Territorial Development Program (INDAP)

1. INTRODUCTION Latin America has been a contested territory for centuries as a result of unequal power relations linked to its history of colonialism, and more recently to the arrival of the neoliberal model (Machado Aráoz, 2011; Alimonda, 2011, 2015). Accordingly, international interests over resources have been transforming local people’s livelihoods for centuries, and at present, through a free market economy characterised by state retreat and lenient regulations on extractive industries (van Apeldoorn et al., 2012). Most commonly, the most vulnerable people to the bearings of colonialism and neoliberalism have been indigenous and rural, as it is in their lands that the natural resources to be exploited are located (Batterbury, 2015; Alimonda, 2015; Leff, 2015). The case of the Atacama Desert reflects many of the conflicts presented above. Its richness in minerals and the presence of rural and indigenous communities that base their livelihoods on agriculture and livestock have made it focus of many scholars. However, the perception that in this territory access to resources has been governed by neoliberal policies (Bauer, 1998) has limited research to emphasise on the negative impacts of the state on local livelihoods through the promotion of mining (Romero et al., 2012; Toledo et al., 2017; Babidge and Bolados, 2018) and the 1981 Water Code (Prieto, 2016a; Budds, 2010; León et al., 2009). Despite the contributions of these studies, not much has been said regarding the role of the state beyond these legal frameworks, and much less on the impact of other public policies on rural and indigenous livelihoods. If we follow the line of thought that the Chilean development model has moved from pure neoliberalism into a neostructural one which seeks growth with equity (Barton and Roman, 2016; Nem Singh, 2010; Kay, 2006), further research must be done on the role the state has played on the development of local livelihoods beyond neoliberal polices. Therefore, guided by a combination of the sustainable livelihoods framework, a political ecology approach and a multilevel governance lens, the research aims to contribute to the understanding of the role of the state on local development through the specific case study of Camiña. More particularly, it will focus on how a multi-level governance, composed by the local, regional and national government, has constrained or enhanced the outcomes of public policies, and hence, the sustainability of local livelihoods in the Andes.

In order to address the mentioned objective, the research will address the following questions: 1. What are the key livelihood strategies of the communities of CamiĂąa today? 2. How have these been affected by the vulnerability context and by public policies and institutions? 3. How have these public policies been shaped and/or territorialised by multi-level governance? The dissertation structure is as follows. Following the introduction, the literature review explores approaches of sustainable livelihoods, political ecology, and multi-level governance. The methodology section introduces the case study and explains the reasons for its selection, the framework of analysis, the methods used, and the limitations and positionality. The results and discussions section present the livelihood strategies, the vulnerability context, and the impact of multi-level governance on livelihoods assets. Finally, the conclusion highlights the contradictory role of the state, which, through its different levels and institutions, sends confusing messages regarding development that result in incoherent policy outcomes, and provide some public policy recommendations. 2. LITERATURE REVIEW In what follows, I will review the three main approaches that will act as the research lens for the dissertation: first, the use of the sustainable livelihood approach in order to comprehend the livelihood strategies that the communities of CamiĂąa have developed and their drivers; secondly, a political ecology perspective which will explore the linkages between local level conflicts and broader political-economic structures; and thirdly a multi-level governance approach that will help to address the omissions related to the incorporation of politics and policies in the previous approaches.

2.1 Sustainable Livelihoods The Sustainable Livelihoods (SL) approach emerged in the 1990s bringing into development thinking and practice a new perspective on poverty. It moved away from money metric indicators and into the multiple dimensions of poverty, reflected in well-being and in the livelihood strategies of the rural poor (Rakodi, 1999). The emergence of this approach was influenced by the UNDP Human Development approach, which was in turn influenced by Sen’s notion of capabilities (Sen, 1999), from Chamber’s participatory rural appraisals (Chambers, 1983, 1988), Conway’s agroecosystem analysis (Conway, 1985), and political ecology (Blaikie and Brookfield, 1987; Robbins, 2004; Peet and Watts, 2002). This new perspective moved development thinking significantly forward, as it involved a people-centred, multi-sectoral, multi-scalar and holistic approach that recognised and analysed the diversity of rural livelihoods (Ashley and Carney, 1999; DfID, 1999; Morse et al., 2009). By common definition, a livelihood comprises the capabilities, assets, and activities required for making a living (Chambers and Conway, 1992; Farrington et al., 1999; Scoones, 2009), and in more basic terms, it refers to the ‘means of gaining a living’ (Chambers and Conway, 1992:2). A livelihood is perceived as sustainable when ‘it can cope with and recover from stresses and shocks, maintain or enhance its capabilities and assets, while not undermining the natural resource base’ (Scoones, 1998:5). Capabilities, basic element of a livelihood, refer to a person’s ability to perform certain basic functioning, or in other words, to ‘what a person is capable of doing and being’ (Chambers and Conway, 1992:4). It denotes quality of life, or the faculty to choose and perform not any activity, but the ones desired and valued (Chambers and Conway, 1992). As such, capability means different things to different people. Assets, other key element of livelihoods, encompass social and material resources that allow a household to develop a dynamic set of activities. These combined activities build the ‘livelihood portfolio’, which can be highly specialised or quite diverse (Scoones, 1998).

The SL approach can be seen in different ways. As a set of principles, as an objective, or as a framework (Farrington, 2001). However, it is important to state that it is intended to be more of a set of principles rather than a rigid ‘checklist’, adapting theory to the context examined (Ashley and Carney, 1999; Morse et al., 2009; Mclean, 2015). The framework highlights five interrelated elements: a vulnerability context (i.e. historical and political background, socio-economic conditions, climate, etc.); a pentagon of assets or capitals (natural, physical, social, financial and human capital), which are combined in the pursuit of different livelihood strategies and portfolios (agricultural intensification, migration, livelihood diversification, etc.); formal and informal organisational and institutional factors (laws, policies, levels of the government, etc.) that mediate the livelihood strategies; and finally, the livelihood outcomes (more income, reduced vulnerability, increased well-being, etc.). All in all, according to Scoones (1998:3) the central question for any sustainable livelihoods analysis is: ‘given a particular context, what combination of livelihood resources results in the ability to follow a particular combination of livelihood strategies with a particular outcome?’

Figure 01: Sustainable Livelihoods Framework Source: DFID (1999)

According to the DFID (1999) ‘the asset pentagon lies at the core of the livelihoods framework’. As mentioned in the previous paragraph, it comprises human, natural, physical, financial and social capital. Broadly defined, human capital reflects the capacity of transforming intangible assets into income and labour, and the ability to adapt, relying on health, education, knowledge and skills. Natural capital speaks of the natural resources such as land as water, as well as biodiversity. Physical capital refers to infrastructure and productive assets such as tools, fertilisers, farm equipment, etc. Financial capital, to convertible stocks such as cash income, remittances, pensions, credit/debit, etc. Social capital encompasses the norms and networks that facilitate collective action for mutual benefit (Woolcock, 1998 in Bebbington, 1999). Some authors add to the pentagon a sixth capital, political capital (Baumann and Sinha, 2001; Ludi and Slater, 2008; Saxena et al., 2016), which is closely related to social capital as it is based on access to decisionmaking. However, I will consider only the first five as, in common with some authors (Carney, 2003; Mcgregor, 2000), I believe that it can be understood from the social capital perspective. Of the mentioned capitals, social capital has been the most discussed form of capital as different perceptions of what it means have caused it to imply different paradigms (Molyneux, 2002; Bebbington, 2007, 2008). On the one hand, social capital critics suggest that the concept has been used, in particular by Putnam (1993) and the World Bank, as a tool for downsizing the public sector (Fine, 1999; DeFilippis, 2002; Harriss, 2002), reflecting a ‘discursive medium of neo-liberal anti-poverty policies’ that moves the onus for development from the state to civil society (Schild in Molyneaux, 2002:185). On the other hand, various scholars recognise its usefulness (Rankin, 2001; Mayer and Rankin, 2002; Bebbington, 2007), particularly if understood under Bourdieu’s perspective, which grounds it in cultural and political economy (Bourdieu, 1977, 1986). Bebbington (2007) on this matter, argues that the same critics that summon the developmental state would in another context eschew its role, as it can be seen in many political ecology and sustainable livelihoods research (Walker, 2006, 2007; Scoones, 2009; Blaikie, 2012). The debates on social capital reflect in a significant way what this research seeks to overcome regarding the omissions made by the SL approach and to political ecology regarding the role of the state on development. Consequently, and following Bourdieu’s perspective of social capital, this research will focus not only on social capital, but also on each type of capital as a product of

cultural and political economy (Bebbington, 2007), addressing their linkages with the state, policies and politics. Apart from the initial interest of SL on addressing the influence of macro-level processes and of the political and institutional context on local livelihoods, Scoones (2009) critically noted its oversight of power, politics and governance debates, and of larger processes of climate change and globalisation. He argues that global markets and politics were ‘dumped in a box labelled contexts’, but, ‘what happens when contexts are the most important factor…?’ (Scoones, 2009:181). In a similar way to the social capital discussion, the local focus of livelihoods research risks falling into what has been called the ‘new tyranny’ of the neoliberal model, along with state retreat and the free market (Cooke and Kothari, 2001 in Scoones, 2009:176). In the present case study, it is believed that the overall political and historical context of the indigenous rural communities of the Chilean Andes, particularly those located in the Atacama Desert, has been the most important factor in the building of their livelihood strategies. For this reason, and as mentioned before, I will put special emphasis on them, and in particular on the role of the state and of public policies, in order to move away from the neo-liberal paradigm of state retreat. Furthermore, the view of the household as the basic unit of analysis (Krantz, 2001) can also be seen to share many similarities with the neoliberal postulates that favour individuals – or the family unit – as the main agent of change, disregarding the role of the community or larger scale relations. In line with the post-structural turn in social science (see Harding, 1986; Haraway, 1988), there has been a growing recognition that it is not sufficient to take only the household as the unit of analysis, and that there is a need to consider social differentiations based on gender, age, ethnicity, etc. (Adato and Meinzen-Dick, 2002; Ludi and Slater, 2008; Scoones, 2009). Many authors have talked about the need to consider intra-household differences (Smith, 2004; Mollett and Faria, 2013; Truelove, 2011), yet little has been said on community relations. This research will build on Hinojosa's (2013b) methodology as the factors influencing livelihood changes in the Bolivian Andes, where analysed at household and community level. Even though communities are not homogeneous (Agrawal and Gibson, 1999), the social composition in Camiña is quite similar as most of the inhabitants are indigenous and share family linkages (Interviews, Urrutia, 2011). The

interviewees reflect a sense of belonging to a larger community, speaking of their realities and perceptions as phenomena’s that replicate at a larger level. In the present research, social differentiation is addressed mainly by incorporating gender, age and ethnicity into the analysis, although it is important to state that because of time and length limitations, and to the main focus of the research, this aspect will not be explored in depth.

2.2 Political Ecology Political ecology (PE) provides a useful approach for this research as it helps to maintain a broad view regarding the situatedness of local livelihoods in larger political and cultural contexts (Blaikie and Brookfield, 1987; Peet and Watts, 2002). It shares a special focus on the power structures and politics that drive environmental change and social conflicts, giving particular attention to the interests of the more vulnerable actors following a common ethical goal of social and environmental justice (Bryant, 1992; Budds, 2004; Escobar, 2008). Accordingly, the study of power relations and political conflict over natural resource appropriation has been central to PE concerns (Peet and Watts, 2002; Bryant and Biley, 1997; Robbins, 2004). These power relations have been analysed at a multiplicity of scales in PE: on the one hand, at a larger scale, by following ‘chains of explanation’ (Blaikie and Brookfield, 1987:46) that assess the power relations embedded in the micro-macro relations of local realities and external structures such as the state and ‘almost every element in the world economy’ (Blaikie and Brookfield, 1987:68); and on the other hand, and more recently, following a post-structural line of thought which questioned issues of power, the role of discourse, and knowledge at the local level (Escobar, 1998, 2008; Fortmann, 1995; Rocheleau D, Thomas-Slayter B, 1996; Peet and Watts, 2002). One of the main critiques to the field, has been its lack of engagement with strategies that can achieve real social and environmental change (Blaikie, 2012), or, in a similar way to the criticisms made to SL, to politics and policies (Walker, 2006, 2007; Blaikie, 2012). According to Walker (2006, 2007) and Blaikie (2012), the field has remained to a great degree inward-looking. It has tended to focus on scholarly debates inside academia and avoided engagement with mainstream policy in order to keep an outsider and critical position (Walker, 2006, 2007; Blaikie, 2012). However, for the field to become truly useful it needs to engage with alternatives as well as

critiques (Walker, 2007), and as Blaikie (2012) has put it, ‘it is with formal development institutions that major hazards have to be negotiated’ (Blaikie, 2012: 238). Consequently, this research seeks to add to the policy debate on rural livelihoods, contributing to the implementation of more pertinent policies that can bring a positive impact on the ground. In parallel, the concept of governance started to enter environmental policy discussions in PE, bringing along the same omissions as it reflected a particular tendency to move away from statecentric forms of economic and social regulation (Himley, 2008, Budds, 2012). However, the ultimate goal of social movements, civic institutions and overall governance should be to impact public policy ( Martínez-Alier, 2002; Bebbington, 2002; 2015). Following the recommendations of Blaikie and Muldavin’s (2015), in this research I seek to trespass the voice of local actors on their local knowledge and experiences about the role of the state and public policies, in order to suggest concrete strategies for enhancing environmental and social justice in the outcomes of public policies.

2.3 Multi-level governance In order to address the limitations presented by the previous approaches and to examine more deeply the role of the state and public policies in rural livelihoods in the Andes, a multi-level governance (MLG) approach will be used. Following the SL principles of keeping research multiscalar, multi-sectoral and holistic, this perspective seems appropriate for addressing the relevance of scale and multiple administrative levels in governance (Schreckenberg et al., 2018). Even though a multi-level governance approach calls for the recognition of other non-state actors (Schreckenber et al, 2018), this study will focus particularly on the multiple levels of government and public policies with the aim of overcoming the oversights of SL and PE, and with the overall goal of impacting public policy. As Zoomers and Otsuki (2017) have argued, further SL research should evaluate how policy implementations play out on the ground in order to help governmental actors make their investments more relevant for local livelihoods. Governance in this sense will be understood as the realisation of political relations between various actors involved in the process of deciding, executing and evaluating decisions on matters of public interest (Whittingham, 2005),

and multi-level governance as a system of coordinated political action built from the association of public entities at different levels, where the various levels of power share responsibility and that is oriented towards the elaboration and execution of public actions (such as public policies and programmes) or the production of public goods (European Committee of the Regions (ECR), 2009; Serrano, 2011). MLG is a dynamic process with two dimensions, one vertical and one horizontal (ECR, 2009). The vertical dimension deals with the relationship between the central, regional and local levels, and the horizontal one with coordination among agencies, institutions and actors at the same level (Weason and Fernández, 2012). According to Berdegué et al. (2015) and Weason and Fernández (2012) the main tasks for achieving proper multi-level governance in Latin America in the vertical dimension has been to accomplish decentralisation, and in the horizontal one, to overcome the sectoriality of public policies (Berdegué et al, 2015; Weason and Fernández, 2012). These processes have been argued to be key for overcoming territorial inequities (Montecinos, 2013; Berdegué et al., 2015) and for attaining a development with territorial cohesion, understood as the condition of a country in which all people have equal opportunities for development (Berdegué et al., 2013). In line with a ‘territorial approach to local development’ (G. Romeo, 2014), a ‘placebased’ approach (Barca et al., 2012), or in rural territories, ‘rural territorial development’ (Schejtman and Berdegué, 2004), a development with territorial cohesion is based on giving importance to the geographical context and to local knowledge. All of these approaches are opposed to place-neutral approach of governance (Barca et al., 2012), where territorial differences are not considered and policies are implemented through a top-down approach, which can be extremely effective in some places, but inefficient in others (Berdegué et al., 2013).

2.3.1 Multi-Level Governance in Chile The territorial organisation of Chile responds to a political and administrative division defined in the political constitution of the 1980s. The country is divided into 15 minor territorial units called regions. Each of these is governed by an Intendent. The Intendent is currently designated by the President of the Republic, but from 2020 this post will be called Regional Governor, and post holders will be selected by democratic election. The regions are divided, in turn, into provinces, which are at present governed by a Provincial Governor. This post will also be replaced in 2020, with the new role of Presidential Provincial Delegate, being designated, as the name suggests, by the President. The future Presidential Provincial Delegate will be advised by members of the regional council (consejo regional, or CORE), who have just recently started to be democratically elected. Lastly, provinces are divided into communes governed by a mayor elected by popular vote. Communes are administrated by municipalities, which are autonomous corporations of public law that have legal personality and own assets, and whose main duty is to meet the needs of the local community and to ensure their participation in the economic, social and cultural progress of the commune (Art. 18 Chilean Political Constitution). 1

The institutional design of decentralisation in Chile has placed greater emphasis on the local level as municipalities were seen as being closer to the population and as such better able to identify peopleâ€™s interests, potentialities and needs (Letelier, 2006; Correa and Dini, 2017). Therefore, bigger responsibilities and competencies were transferred to the municipalities for local administration, mainly in relation to the provision of basic social services and urban development. However, they lack fiscal autonomy, being dependent for the most part on regional and sectoral funds, and do not possess concrete political power as they are subordinated to national interests and policies. The Regional Government, for their part, present a larger degree of political and fiscal decentralisation than municipalities, as it can be seen in their power to develop regional policies and planning instruments. Nevertheless, the Regional Government still has limited power as they do not have control over national public policy for specific sectors (Montecinos, 2013). All in all,

There are 345 communes and 346 Municipalities. In the case of CamiĂąa, the municipality corresponds to one

commune.

even though there have been steps forward in the decentralisation process, it appears that regions and local governments are not yet able to make their own decisions and formulate public policies pertinent to their specific territories (Montecinos, 2013), hampering the possibility to achieve a place-based approach where policies are implemented from bottom up and local knowledge and differences are recognised (Barca et al., 2012).

3. METHODOLOGY

3.1 Case study

3.1.1 Why the Andean municipality of Camiña? In Latin America, indigenous and rural territories are perceived to be the most vulnerable in relation to access to resources and opportunities (Schejtman and Berdegué, 2004; RIMISP, 2011, 2017). For this reason, I have focused on an indigenous and rural territory in Chile, as fighting inequalities resulting from unequal power relations is one of my main motivations. Furthermore, the unique vulnerability context of the Andean region in the north of Chile makes the communities who live there one of the most vulnerable groups to factors such as climate change, globalisation, and global and national economic interests (Gentes, 2004; Romero et al., 2012; Babidge, 2016; Budds, 2010). They live in the driest place on Earth, the Atacama Desert (Veblen et al., 2007), which happens to be one of the ‘largest copper production areas in the world’ (Cochilco, 2013 in Prieto, 2016) and is also incredibly rich in several other minerals such as lithium and borax. This has promoted the settlement of a large-scale mining industry, severely conflicting with the indigenous rural communities that live here as access to water and land are the base of their livelihoods. In this line, water has been presented as the main source of conflict (Budds, 2010). Mining takes most of it, backed by an inequitable water policy through which the resource is sold to the highest bidder (Budds, 2010; Prieto, 2016b). In this context, the municipality of Camiña was selected as being representative of Andean municipalities. According to Gundermann, (2003) eight municipalities have shared the historical Andean space (fig. 02), but the sample frame has been reduced to the six that share similar characteristics in terms of having the highest percentage of rural and indigenous population (fig. 03, 04). These municipalities are: Camarones, Putre and General Lagos in the Arica and Parinacota region, and Camiña, Colchane and Huara in the Tarapacá region. Of these, Camiña, Colchane and Camarones are the ones whose populations are closest to the average of 1735 inhabitants (fig. 05). Camiña was selected as it is the one with the highest percentage of indigenous population (fig. 06), particularly of Aymara, and due to its condition as the Chilean territory that lags furthest behind

according to the NBI indicator, which reflects the average of population with at least one basic need unsatisfied (NBI) (RIMISP, 2011). It is for this reason that the research centres on CamiĂąa, since it exemplifies, more clearly than any other, the conditions of vulnerability of Chilean Andean municipalities.

Figure 02: Andean communes of Chile Source: Own elaboration based on Gundermann (2003)

3.1.2 Study Area The commune of Camiña is located in the Tarapacá region (Fig.10), in a valley of the foothills of the Andes in the Tamarugal province in the north of Chile. At the altitude at which the town of Camiña is situated, the bed of the valley is encased by prominent mountains which leave a narrow section of cultivable land between both walls. It is here that small local farmers grow crops in dense and picturesque plots of land planted with garlic, potatoes, corn and carrots, among other. These crops and communities are located in an intermediate point between the Andean highlands or altiplano and the vast Atacama Desert, in a ‘pre-mountain range’ that produces generous climatological conditions for agriculture. In geographical and climatic terms, the commune varies from 2,000 to 3,200 meters above sea level, and the climate is classified as marginal high desert (Municipalidad de Camiña, 2018). The weather is temperate and generally not very rainy, except for the summer months when the rains of the altiplano winter – commonly known as invierno Boliviano – can lead to significant floods that add to the vulnerability context. However, the overall climatic conditions, land quality and availability of a constant water supply, have created a favourable environment for sustaining livelihoods in the desert context, leading to the valley being called a ‘paradise on land’ (Municipalidad de Camiña, 2018).

Most of the 1250 inhabitants live in the communal capital of Cami単a, located at the lowest level of the valley, and the rest of them in small villages scattered along the higher terraces (PLADECO, 2016). The inhabitants of the valley recognise two zones (Urrutia, 2011; Interviews). The high part, consists from east to west (altiplano to pampa) of the towns of Nama, Yala-Yala, Apamilca, Chapiquilta, and Cami単a, and the lower part, of Cuisama, Quistagama, Sai単a, Moquella, Chillayza, Francia. This division corresponds not only to geographical and climatic differences, but also to political administrative criteria and sociocultural distinctions (Urrutia, 2011, Interviews). In Cami単a almost 80% of the population comes from the altiplano (Urrutia, 2011; Interviews) and the vast majority of its inhabitants identify themselves as indigenous, mainly as Aymara (fig. 07). Their indigeneity has in many ways shaped their livelihoods until the present day, building to their social structure, identity and selected livelihood strategies.

Figure 08-09: Picture of CamiĂąa Source: Marcos Zegers

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BOLIVIA

ARGENTINA

PACIFIC OCEAN

Picture 10: Regional context. Tarapacรก region Source: Own elaboration

3.2 Methods

3.2.1 Single case study approach The specific approach will be a single case study, as it is believed that the municipality of Camiña is representative of other Chilean Andean municipalities for the reasons already mentioned (in section 3.1.1). It is a revelatory case study as it will provide information about a territory where almost no research has previously been undertaken (The Camiña Valley). Also, it was suitable in terms of access to interviewees as there is a good mobile phone signal, ease of finding contacts, and previous knowledge of the territory since I had been there before. According to Baxter and Jack (2008) once the topic has been defined it is necessary to narrow the case study by leaving some things aside as a way of putting boundaries on the research. Even though this study uses the sustainable livelihoods approach, which is recognised by its broad scope and depth, I have decided to focus the analysis on multi-level governance and public policies as a way to narrow the research. The influence of other private and social institutions is not addressed in the study except when they emerge as important in the interviews and the research. It is the same with other aspects of the pentagon of assets and aspects of the transforming structures and processes. All in all, the SL framework will not be used as a rigid ‘checklist’, but rather in a flexible way, guiding the research by its principles (Ashley and Carney, 1999; Morse et al., 2009)

3.2.3 Mixed Methods The research has been developed through the use of mixed methods, comprising qualitative methods such as interviews, which were backed by revision of previous literature on the subject, review of documents, legal frameworks, policies and programmes, as well as a few quantitative methods in the form of data analysis (indicators). However, the main vehicle for comprehending the livelihood strategies and their drivers consisted of interviews, as people need to be at the centre of research (DfID, 1999; Ashley and Carney, 1999; Peet and Watts, 2002; Barca et al., 2012).

It is important to state that at the start of the research I thought that the most pertinent pathway to understanding the impact of public policy on local livelihoods in Camiña would be through a crossed analysis of indicators from the Chilean Census (health, education, production, etc) with the promulgation of policies, laws and programmes, and that the interviews would be a secondary source of information. However, after conducting the interviews, I realised that the most important and revealing source of information came from local voices, as their experiences, perceptions and knowledge are the ones usually unheard by governmental development institutions. Consequently, the main source of information was from telephone interviews which were supported by previous literature on the subject. Interviews were conducted in Spanish, recorded, and then transcribed following a specific format of question – answer. Subsequently, these were processed with Maxqda software, classifying quotations under different categories corresponding to livelihood strategies, vulnerability context, assets, and perception of the role of the different levels of the state. Finally, selected quotations were translated to English by me and incorporated to the boxes in the appendix. Interviews were in depth and open ended (Cloke et al., 2004; Hoggart et al., 2002), with the aim of obtaining insight into people’s experiences (Silverman, 1993). A total of seven interviews to local people were conducted, and the interviewees were selected through purposive snowball sampling (Cloke et al., 2004) using the criterion of capturing different voices and perspectives. In order to achieve this, the interviewees were asked to provide contacts with certain specific characteristics. As a result, the interviewees were three women and four men, the majority of them from indigenous and rural background, ranging in age from 27 to 74, and including one who had migrated from Camiña. The occupations were varied: farmers; herders; textile artisans; a law student and farmer; and a tourist guide. The majority had mixed occupations. Furthermore, two interviewees where key actors from the Municipality and the Regional Government. The interviews were complemented by and crossed with other literature, mainly on Aymara livelihoods in the Chilean Andes, with formal documents such as the Communal Development Plan (PLADECO), and other indicators and sources.

The interviews will be referenced in the following way. If the information was given by one person it will be referred to accordingly by presenting its initials (e.g. M.R for Marco Rubens) or full name accompanied by ‘Interview’ (full name when there is direct quotation). If the information was given by more than one person it will use the general form ‘Interviews’. With the aim of not extending the dissertation, quotations on different aspects will be in boxes in the appendix. Table 1: Information about interview respondents

3.3 Limitations and positionality One of the main limitations of purposive sampling is that the sample might fall into anchoring, meaning that the selection of the sample represents only a portion of the reality of Camiña’s local livelihoods. Moreover, while undertaking the interviews it was evident that those willing to participate were similar in having a strong link to the territory of Camiña and to the indigenous traditions and activities, so the answers could possibly be biased by these conditions. However, it is important to say that there was an overall willingness to participate, and conducting interviews was not difficult, even though they took place by phone from a considerable distance. The limitations of purposive sampling were addressed by beginning with an initial set of informants as diverse as possible (Morgan, 2008). Since the research did not involve fieldwork, the security concerns were minimal. The main ethical concerns arose from the interviews with local people and key actors. In order to address these ethical concerns, three main actions were taken. Firstly, the privacy of the respondents was safeguarded and their names were changed. However, pseudonyms were chosen in order to reflect the indigeneity and the family linkages of the respondents. Even though respondents might not share direct family linkages, there are indirect family links as most of the 400 households of the commune are related to each other in some way or another (Urrutia, 2011; Interviews). Secondly, detailed information regarding the research was given to respondents, explaining their rights to confidentiality and anonymity, and their right not to answer any question that might trouble them. Considering the positionality of the researcher, or the practice of recognising our own ethnocentricity and biases also known as ‘disciplined subjectivity’ (Erickson, 1973:10) could prevent possible interviewer effect (Hoggart et al., 2002) and the impact of power relations (Pile, 1991) on the respondents. In this context, it will be addressed through a brief biographical sketch (Baxter and Eyles, 1997) in order to make possible biases and omissions transparent to the reader. In relation to this, it is important to state that I am female, that I share the same nationality and language as the interviewees, and that I have previous knowledge of the territory being analysed. My theoretical interest in the rural and indigenous livelihoods of Camiña’s inhabitants is part of a more general passion about rural development framed in a political ecology perspective that seeks

environmental and social justice. I have travelled throughout Chile and Latin America and have seen the negative impacts that extractive industries promoted by the state have had on rural territories; but when I passed through CamiĂąa, I was positively impressed by the levels of agricultural development seen in their irrigation systems and traditional terrace farming. This caused me to question how they had achieved that level of development in farming, and what the role of the state had been in their rural development.

4. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION This chapter will first explore the livelihood strategies of Camiña’s inhabitants at household and community level and their desired livelihoods, and secondly, the drivers of the livelihood strategies in terms of their vulnerability context and the impact of multi-level governance on the livelihood assets.

4.1 Livelihood Strategies

4.1.1 Livelihood strategies in Camiña As previously mentioned, in Camiña the territory and indigeneity have in many ways shaped people’s livelihoods until this day. Even though the valley is located in the most arid desert of the world (Veblen, Kenneth, & Orme, 2007), its site in the foothills of the Andes between the altiplano and the Atacama Desert has set favourable natural conditions, seen in the land quality and the water supply (Municipalidad de Camiña, 2018). This has promoted the development of agriculture since pre-Hispanic times, which has been implemented through traditional indigenous knowledge reflected in the terracing and in the complex irrigation systems that supply the plots of land with water. In Camiña people have managed to mitigate the economic setbacks linked to the seasonality of agriculture by successively growing crops that have different timings, for example garlic and corn, leading to a more continuous requirement for labour (Carrasco and González, 2014). As a consequence, agriculture has remained as Camiña’s main activity, prompting its definition as an ‘economically dynamic valley’ (Carrasco et al, 2014: 223), even though it is estimated to have one of the highest percentages of income poverty at a national level . 2

Also linked to their traditions and indigeneity, there is a portion of the population that owns and farms livestock in their family lands in the altiplano, prompting a mixed livelihood strategy that

According to the National Socioeconomic Characterisation Survey (CASEN) 2013, SAE Methodology, Camiña

has a percentage of people in poverty situation due to income of 35.26%, much higher than the regional one of 8.2% and of the national of 14.4% (CASEN, 2013).

complements agriculture in the valley with livestock herding on the higher land. This has resulted in systems of multiple residence and diverse work arrangements that allow the maintenance of 3

property (Urrutia, 2011; Interviews). These arrangements are often made possible through the householdâ€™s social capital, reflected in the kinship ties that let household family management (Interviews). Household management occurs at inner household level when the children look after the plots of land while parents see to the cattle, or at extended familiar level when other relatives do the herding in exchange of other monetary or other types of compensation (Interviews). This is also backed by labour indicators (Fig. 11) that show that the 2 type of labour in the commune was nd

without payment for family. This type of mixed livelihood has resulted in a complementary livelihood strategy that is in line with the seasonality of agriculture and livestock, adding to the sustainability of livelihoods in this area.

To this mix of agriculture and livestock management, work in textile crafts is often added (Interviews). This activity is also linked to the traditional indigenous knowledge passed from

This does not mean that all the cases own more than one property, but that they earn their livelihoods in more than

one place.

generation to generation. In fact, textile work has historically been situated within the work-chain of livestock and agriculture, as the wool used for the knitting comes from the animals kept in the altiplano and it is performed as a complementary activity to agriculture. At first, it was used as a way of making traditional indigenous clothes such as the aksus, llijlla and wakâ€™a , but nowadays 4

textile work mainly produces other pieces that are commercialised outside of the community, providing an additional source of income (Interviews). Furthermore, it used to be an activity executed by men and women, but today women are doing most of the work as men are more dedicated to agriculture (Interviews). Even though the traditional activities mentioned above still comprise the basis of Aymaran livelihoods, the portfolio of activities has increasingly widened as it can also be seen in Gundermann (2003) and Carrasco and GonzĂĄlez (2014). Nowadays other activities, such as construction, transport, tourism, and employment related to public administration have started to be developed (Fig.12). After agriculture and livestock, the public administration sector accounts for most employment, though the interviewees suggest that most of the officials who work in the municipality and other public services actually come from other localities and regions, offsetting the virtuous role of the state as a provider of jobs in the commune. Construction, transport, and tourism are in many cases linked to agriculture, either directly, as they serve to the functioning of the activity (e.g. jobs provided by construction of irrigation systems), or indirectly, as part of a mixed livelihood strategy at household level. Finally, according to the interviewees and to the Communal Development Plan (PLADECO, 2016), tourism is perceived as one of the main means, together with agriculture, for enhancing the economic base and quality of life of the inhabitants of CamiĂąa while protecting the ancestral cultural patrimony. In this sense, traditional activities such as agriculture, livestock and textile crafts are seen as key for the development of tourist activity (Interviews, PLADECO, 2016).

Traditional Aymara women clothes

Migration to urban areas has been another key livelihood strategy (see Fig. 13). Camiña has experienced a considerable decrease in its population since 1982 . This decrease probably started 5

even earlier in line with the phenomenon of rural-urban migration of Aymara communities in the second half of the 20 century (Assies and Gundermann, 2007; González, 2007; Gundermann and th

González, 2008). According to several authors, migration has resulted from state integration policies (González, 2002; Van Kessel, 2003; Aylwin et al., 2013), from the agrarian crisis linked to the viability discourse (Bebbington, 1999), and due to the incorporation into non-agrarian labour markets that mainly served mining (González, 2007; Gundermann and González, 2008). However, according to the interviews the main cause of emigration to urban areas has been the search for better quality education, argument that goes in the same line of the research on Aymaran migration of Carrasco and González (2014). Parents have sought through this change of livelihoods to increase their human capital by providing better opportunities for their children, hoping for their professionalisation so that they can achieve a social mobility that allows them to obtain better and more stable incomes (Interviews; González et al., 2014). This has also added to the multiple

There is no information about the population of Camiña before 1982.

residence situation of the inhabitants of Camiña as at present parents usually stay in the valley while their children move to internships or family houses in the cities (Interviews).

Even though livelihoods are often reactive or improvised, since people need to react to unpredictable circumstances (Lockwood, 1997), the strategies developed in Camiña to achieve resilience and invulnerability to shocks and stresses have resulted in complex portfolios where activities are complementary, and assets combined, inter-related or substitutable (see Moser, 1998). Rural livelihoods are moving each day more into complex portfolios that surpass agriculture and livestock (Ellis, 1999; Zoomers and Otsuki, 2017). However, livelihoods in Camiña are still to a great degree linked to farming, and according to the interviewees, their sense of well-being is based on access to land and water. Nevertheless, those living in Camiña employ complex livelihood strategies. They combine crops; diversify their work; have multiple residences; use household familiar management; just to mention a few. Many of the strategies developed by Camiña’s households are in fact similar to the typical strategies adopted by poor households all over the world in order to cope with impoverishment (Rakodi, 1999; Ellis and Mdoe, 2003). As Zoomers and Otsuki (2017:169) have put it, multi-local and multitasking livelihoods are recognised as the most common way to escape poverty, cope with insecurity or reduce risk.

4.1.2 Desired Livelihoods According to the interviewees, their preferred livelihoods are directly linked to being able to sustain their traditional ways of life related to their Aymara identity (Box 01). Accordingly, one of their main concerns is to stop young people emigrating from CamiĂąa and to promote the return of those who have left. In order to achieve this, and aligned to the Municipality (PLADECO, 2016), they state that it is necessary to encourage the diversification of the economy of CamiĂąa, mainly through the promotion of tourism. This activity is perceived as a way of attracting young people by offering new job opportunities and the possibility of developing entrepreneurship. Furthermore, they consider it to be a means of promoting the valorisation of their indigenous and rural culture, seen in their ways of living, their gastronomy and their traditions. For the same reason they also uphold the importance of continuing the promotion of agriculture in the valley, mainly due to its link with traditional knowledge and a sense of identity embedded in the land. In this sense, they perceive as the main threat the allocation of mining and geothermal industry, as these industries would take most of the water making impossible for them to develop agriculture. The interviewees refer to another important factor necessary for them to develop their desired livelihoods and for emigration to stop. This is the ability to improve their human capital through access to quality secondary education. In accordance to what Rakodi (1999) has said, the ability for a household to take advantage of economic opportunities and manage their assets is primarily constrained by the levels of education of its members, together with their health conditions. As a matter of fact, access to better education and skills can contribute to political capital in terms of favouring decision-making (Ashley and Carney, 1999; Mcgregor, 2000), which can in turn lead to improved capabilities (Ludi and Slater, 2008). The later can be seen in the case of educated Ayamara professionals who in spite of not living in CamiĂąa use their acquired knowledge to fight for their land and water rights (Box 05).

4.2 Vulnerability context

4.2.1 Neoliberalism or neostructuralism As a consequence of the process of colonisation in Latin America the region was subject at an early stage to the intensive exploitation of natural resources, particularly minerals, linking local territories to the global economy since those days (Alimonda, 2015). The present context of economic globalisation has driven Andean livelihoods in Latin America to a new stage of crisis (Bebbington, 2001), as neoliberalism emerged as a perpetuation of the colonial system (Alimonda, 2011, 2015; Machado Aráoz, 2011). International interests in resources continued to define the trajectories of Latin American territories through a free market economy which promoted state retreat and lenient regulation of extractive industries (van Apeldoorn et al., 2012), strengthening a process of glocalisation, or a process of global incursion of a local activity which presents significant power asymmetries from the extraction point at the local level to consumption at the global level (Swyngedouw, 2004). Neoliberalism entered Latin American countries as a result of the critical situation of external debts in the 1970s, which led international institutions such as the World Bank to call for ‘structural adjustment conditions’ to the debtor countries whenever they wanted to reschedule their debts (Peet and Hartwick, 2015:98). This policy package involved favouring free market competition and state retreat (Peet & Hartwick, 2015), and led to a transformation of social and economic dynamics in Latin America. Chile has been named as one of the biggest examples of the implementation of the model in Latin America (Peet & Hartwick, 2015) as, thanks to the influence of the Chicago School of Economics in the 1980’s, neoliberal policies have remained entrenched in the Chilean constitution until today. As well as the promotion of extractive activities, there was an interest in endorsing agricultural development framed in capitalistic modes of production (Bebbington, 1999). Rural territories were divided into ‘viable’ and ‘non-viable’ according to the amount of assets they possessed in order to achieve high production and capital accumulation with the goal of building export-oriented industry (Kay, 1997). Consequently, the Chilean Andes received almost no public investment for

sustaining rural livelihoods, as most of it went towards the promotion of a mining industry with high water consumption. This resulted in the disappearance of most of Chile’s Andean communities, who were directly or indirectly forced to migrate to urban areas (Carrasco, 2016; Gundermann and González, 2008). Later, in the return to democracy in the early 1990s, new social policies were implemented with the goal of diminishing poverty, moving towards what has been called a neostructural development (Barton and Roman, 2016; Nem Singh, 2010; Kay, 2006). In the peasantry, this was reflected in the shape of programmes of technical, credit and other type of supports (Bebbington and Batterbury, 2001) adding significantly to a decrease in rural poverty (Kay, 2006). However, according to some authors, the neoliberal policies remained, and in line with the ‘viability’ discourse, the objective of the programmes directed at them was not to increase peasant’s productive capacity, but to alleviate their poverty by facilitating a comfortable transition into the urban economy (Bebbington, 1999). This process has been named ‘deruralisation’ or ‘deagraration’ (Gundermann, 2008) and in indigenous communities has led to a translocalisation that implies a continuity of the community exceding the limits of the locality by taking new, usually urban, social spaces (Gundermann Kroll, 2001; Castree, 2004). The translocalisation process reflects the complex impacts of state policies, as even possibly negative outcomes such as forced migration might result in new forms of social organisation that reflect the indigenous capacity to adapt to new realities, maintaining principles rooted in their identity (see Clifford, 2013; Cupples, 2013; Prieto, 2016b). Quite apart from their rural condition, indigenous communities have also been subject to a number of state policies that have added to their vulnerability context, apart from indigeneity being a factor of vulnerability itself. This will be explored in the next section, which deals with the impact of MLG on local livelihoods as being more than process - it speaks of concrete state policies.

4.2.2 Climate change The Atacama Desert in the north of Chile, where Camiña is located, has been one of the most contested territories in relation to the negative impacts of neoliberalism, as its richness in minerals

makes it a focus of national and international interests that use its water in an extensive way, conflicting with the indigenous and rural communities that base their livelihoods on livestock and agriculture (Prieto, 2016b). This has actually been aggravated by the present situation of climate change, since water is becoming more and more scarce in the driest desert in the world (Veblen et al., 2007). There is an increased risk of prolonged droughts, heavy rainfall and cold spells (accompanied by snowstorms and strong winds) (Romero and Opazo, 2016). This is reflected both in the interviews, as one of the main worries concerns water scarcity, and in the PLADECO (2016), where the need to improve resilience to floods is one of the main recommendations . However, 6

even though floods appear to be one of the main risks in CamiĂąa, flooding did not appear as one of the main causes of vulnerability in the interviews, possibly due to the populationâ€™s resilience resulting from them having inhabited these landscapes for more than 10,000 years. This might have led them to develop strategies of adaptation and mitigation to climate change and variability, similarly to what Romero and Opazo (2016) have stated in their research on Andean communities in the Atacama Desert.

Floods due to the altiplano winter (in summer season) are ever more frequent. In CamiĂąa there have been floods

every year since 2012. The worst were in 2012 and 2016.

4.3 Impact of Multi-Level Governance on the sustainability of livelihoods I will analyse the impact of the multi-level governance structure of the Chilean state, seen in its vertical dimension (the different levels of governance – national, regional and local), and in its horizontal dimension, in terms of sectoral policies and programmes. I will undertake this analysis by evaluating how multi-level governance has impacted the different aspects of the local livelihoods in Camiña, specifically in terms of human, social, physical, natural, and financial capital, since these assets are the ones that created the livelihood strategies presented earlier. This will help to clarify what the role of the state has been in the sustainability of rural livelihoods in Camiña – and in the Chilean Andes in general – and to assess both what the overall development message has been and the level of coordination between different entities that integrate the multilevel governance.

4.3.1 Human and Social Capital The Aymara population in Chile, together with other indigenous northern communities, presents a unique situation since they have witnessed a decrease in their human and social capital as a consequence of national integration policies linked to Chileanisation policies. These policies are seen to have been an aggressive process of cultural assimilation whose objective was to indoctrinate indigenous population in the new dominant Chilean culture (González, 2002; Van Kessel, 2003; Aylwin et al., 2013) after the incorporation of the altiplano into Chilean territory following the Pacific War (1879) (Eisenberg, 2002; Castro, 2007). The policies were based on violence and discrimination, mainly through the work of public services such as mandatory military service and public schooling (Eisenberg, 2002). Even though there were periods of positive change in the twentieth century, the situation worsened during the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet (1973-1990) when again measures of forced integration were undertaken (Eisenberg, 2002). This set of policies negatively affected the human capital of Camiña’s inhabitants, as forms of traditional knowledge and representation of their indigenous identity were prohibited and punished (Interviews). Additionally, their social capital was also hampered since community cohesiveness diminished due to processes of migration and internal discrimination that were triggered by this set of policies (Box 03).

One of the loose ends of this process was the lack of consideration of the rootedness of indigenous people to their identity and territory, which has led them, even after decades of discrimination, to go through a process of ‘re-ethnicization’ (see Clifford, 2013; Cupples, 2013; Prieto, 2016b) or recuperation of the indigenous heritage and ethnicity. Many indigenous people are just starting to recognise themselves as indigenous, as can be seen in the testimonies (Box 04). This growing recognition of indigenous identity has added to the process of translocalisation (Gundermann Kroll, 2001; Perreault, 2003; Castree, 2004) stimulating a ‘rooted translocalism’ which speaks of a hybrid processes of identity embedded in more than one place (Katz, 2001: 724). In a similar way to Perreault's (2012) study of the urban Aymara and Quechua in Bolivia, the Aymaras from Camiña seem to be overcoming the urban/rural division, following, as Toledo et al. (2017) has stated, a process of identity articulation based on the demands of land and water. As mentioned in the section on livelihood strategies, another aspect that has affected the social capital of the inhabitants of Camiña has been linked to education. According to the interviewees, lack of education (a national level responsibility) and its poor quality (a municipal responsibility), has in many cases resulted in children’s displacement to the city. A profound transformation of the education system in Chile took place in 1981 under the neoliberal reforms. The financing of public education changed, as well as the contracts and conditions of employment of the teachers (Oliva, 2008). Municipalities took charge of the management of schools, and teachers became municipal officials (Oliva, 2008). In Camiña, according to the Fermina Quispe (Interview), the mayor, who has been in power for 26 years, hires the teachers on the basis of their political support for him or his party rather than because of their capabilities, directly affecting the quality of education, and therefore human capital, in the commune. Migration on account of quality of education has led in terms of social capital to household fragmentation, as parents stay in the valley while the children move to the cities for schooling. Also, this has impacted the work force in terms of human capital as an ageing population remains while younger ones leave (Fig. 11). According to Hinojosa's (2013) research in the Peruvian Andes, one would expect the population remaining in the valley (mostly older people) to have higher dependence on cash remittances and transfers, but in this case, the older respondents present

a different situation as they proudly mention their economic autonomy and self-sufficiency as a result of agriculture, which, according to them, allows them to sustain a good quality of life without the need to embark on monetary exchange (also in PLADECO, 2016). Even though the population in Camiña is ageing, there are, according to the interviewees, many cases where the younger members of the household come back to the valley periodically to help with work on the farms, reflecting once more (see sub-chapter on livelihood strategies) the interdependence and complementarity of livelihood strategies at household level.

A different aspect of education policies has in fact been that they have had a positive impact on residents’ human capital, mainly through access to public schooling, which is controlled at the national level through the Ministry of Education. Most of the interviewees mention the previous lack of formal education, especially for those who are now older, reflected in the reduced number of years of schooling and the percentage of the population who are illiterate (Interviews). At the 7

present time access to public education has resulted in a new generation of Aymaran who are educated professionals. Some of these, in accordance with the ‘re-ethnicization’ process (Cupples,

In Camiña the years of schooling are lower than the national average. 7.1 years versus the national average of 9.4

(INE, 2017)

2013; Prieto, 2016b), are using their new skills and knowledge to add to the development of the commune according to principles rooted in their land and identity (Interviews). This phenomenon is even more apparent in those who have gone into higher education, as can be seen in the case of young Aymara lawyers who are fighting geothermal and mining projects in the commune (see Box 04). According to the interviewees, most of these young professionals do not usually go back to Camiña after they migrate in the search for higher education, adding to the process of ‘rootedtranslocalism’ (Katz, 2001). It is important to note that this is not a common situation, and according to the interviewees, most of the people who have left change their way of life and disengage from the community, directly affecting social capital as community cohesiveness diminishes. Also, in terms of the impact of education on human capital, the interviewees mention how the westernisation of education has affected the continuity of their traditional knowledge. According to the interviewees, the technical careers offered at the technical school in Camiña are not in tune with the identity and desired livelihoods of the inhabitants. Even though they perceive it to be beneficial for the professional development of their children, they also stress that knowledge of traditional activities such as agriculture, livestock and textile crafts would be one of the pathways for people staying in the valley as it would foster the appreciation of the land, territory and culture. As Rodrigo Pérez (Interview) emphasises: ‘agriculture must be promoted from schools, it cannot be that you have an agricultural commune but that being an agricultural technician is not a possible career’. Conversely, there have been state education programmes that have sought to promote traditional knowledge mainly through the incorporation of indigenous language and cultural practices . However, they can be perceived as focusing on reductionist views of indigeneity, 8

similarly to what Parraguez and Barton (2015) have described regarding multicultural education policies on Mapuche livelihoods. After the return to democracy in Chile a new process of state indigenous recognition emerged with the promulgation of the Indigenous Law Nº19.253 and the creation in 1993 of the National

such as the ‘Orígenes’ programme (CONADI) or ‘Preserving the Aymara language and Andean dances’ of the

Agency of Education programme (MINEDUC).

Commission for Indigenous Development (CONADI), which is accountable to the Minister of Social Development. This institutional framework aimed to promote indigenous identity through different actions and budgetary allocations (Gundermann, 2003; Toledo et al, 2017) framed in Areas of Indigenous Development (ADI) (1995). According to many authors, the process of recognition and valuing of indigeneity, reflected in the growing number of indigenous inhabitants in Chile (human capital) and of formal indigenous organisations with legal rights (social capital), has been directly linked to the emergence of this framework (Gundermann and Vergara, 2009; Gundermann, 2018; Babidge, 2016; Toledo et al., 2017). However, and in a similar way to that stated by Bebbington and Batterbury (2001) on their research regarding the influence of transnational movements and NGOs in the Andes, Adela Chamaca (Interview) argues that this process has had more to do with the rise of social movements and indigenous organisations created from linking people through social media, and from the support of human and indigenous rights NGOs, than with the role of the state.

4.3.2 Physical and Financial Capital According to the interviewees, even though most of the investments at individual level are made through private savings, institutions such as CONADI and the Institute of Agricultural Development (INDAP) - accountable to the Minister of Agriculture - are the second main source of funding in terms of physical and financial capital (Interviews). The presence of CONADI in the territory was first, through the Orígenes programme (2001-2011), which leveraged public resources in areas of community strengthening, productive development, education and culture and intercultural health (Fuentes-Cares and Peña-Cortés, 2012). In Camiña the programme financed a broad range of projects from a carrot-washing machine to the maintenance of wetlands and teaching of the Aymara language (M.R Interview; Urrutia, 2011). However, the only projects that survived the ending of financial support in 2011 were those in the form of physical and 9

financial capital (M.R Interview). This reflects what has been according to Zoomers (1998) one of the main problems of development interventions in the Andes: their lack of continuity and their

The Orígenes programme was partly funded by the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) and partly by the

Chilean Government’s Ministry of Planning (Gentes, 2004)

dependence on external funding. After the Orígenes programme came CONADI funds (Development Fund, Culture and Education Fund, Land and Water Fund). These funds, which started in 2012 and continues at the time of writing, finance a similar range of projects than the Orígenes programme, with the exception of the Land and Water fund that also finances larger investments in irrigation infrastructure and purchase of land and water rights. Parallel to the work of CONADI programmes has been the work of INDAP, which is focused on rural development in general. Its first programme in the territory was the Local Development Programme (PRODESAL) (2006-2016) , which, according to Marco Rubens (Interview), was a 10

‘copy-paste’ of programmes for central regions. This is the reason why it gave way to the Indigenous Territorial Development Program (PDTI), which is focused on rural indigenous development and is executed through transferred resources from CONADI to the Municipality in order for the PDTI professional to work at the local level (M.R Interview). Nowadays one of the main criticisms of the programmes functioning in the commune (CONADI funds and the PDTI) is that they are quite similar to each other and hence duplicate effort and areas of investment (M.R Interview), reflecting a lack of coordination between the different entities that work towards the promotion of rural and indigenous development. In relation to this, Parraguez and Barton (2015) have argued that CONADI has come to represent the lack of coordination across state institutions and the weak links between the state and indigenous peoples. Another problem with CONADI has been its lack of territorial presence in the commune. The interviewees state in this regard that the main setback has been access to funding and information (Interviews), since applications for projects have to be submitted at the regional capital of Iquique (200 km from Camiña). This is problematic as not everyone has the time and money to travel. Furthermore, the formulation and application of the projects is not an easy task for many of Camiña’s inhabitants, as many of them are older and illiterate (Interviews), leading them to depend

In indigenous territories such as Camiña, PRODESAL gave way to the PDTI, but it is still functioning in other

rural areas.

on the availability and goodwill of professionals in the municipality or other members of the community to help them apply for funding (see Box 06). The PDTI programme uses a different approach. In a similar way to the Orígenes program, it has an on-site professional who is hired using resources transferred from the state to the municipality. This means that the programme work through interlinking with different levels of government and the community, prompting what might be seen as a ‘place-based’ approach (see sub chapter 2.3.1). In the case of the PDTI the situation is even better, as the on-site professional was previously the on-site professional for the Orígenes programme, meaning that he has worked in the commune for more than eight years. This has significantly added to the positive perception of the interviewees of both these programmes, as they recognise and value the closeness, local knowledge and commitment this person has had to Camiña’s territory and inhabitants. This directly points to what Zoomers (1999:2) has stated regarding the problems of development interventions in the Andes, which is that ‘technicians are usually contracted for short periods of time, resulting in job-hopping and lack of motivation’. In the case of Camiña, the long-term presence of this professional contributed to the implementation of both the Orígenes programme and the PDTI. Even though most of these projects have been perceived positively by Camiña’s inhabitants (Interviews), a more critical perception situates them under a paternalistic approach to local development whose main intention is to keep indigenous rural people happy so that they do not organise. As Adela Chamaca (Interview) notes: ‘the state, in my view, what it does is give small solutions, patch solutions, so that people are happy…they give you the bread, a little, a little, but…hopefully we [indigenous people] do not organise, we do not educate, we will not learn to be leaders because another revolution comes with that’. The predominance of individual investments of these programmes has also led to community fragmentation as it discourages the development of associative projects. The same situation tends to occur in other Latin American territories, as RIMISP (2017) exemplifies in Colombia regarding the negative impacts of public individual investments in coffee production, and Parraguez and Barton (2015) in Mapuche livelihoods. Furthermore, the scale and type of projects financed can also be seen, as Zoomers (1999:2) has portrayed regarding development interventions in the

Andes, as ‘isolated gap-filling activities which often do not have mechanisms to widen their impact beyond the locality’ and ‘patchy’. Another institution that adds to the physical and financial capital of the inhabitants of the commune is the municipality. In terms of individual investments through public contests, and of community investments it finances one project per neighbourhood council per year, often in the form of urban development and community services. The municipal budget is often inadequate, and this is the reason why the mayor has to go ‘door to door’ to other institutions, mainly to the Regional Government, asking for money in order to achieve project goals (E.M Interview; see also Montecinos, 2013). For this reason, many authors have stressed the need to grant larger fiscal and political power to municipalities, since they are perceived to be closer to the population and hence to their demands (Letelier, 2006; Correa and Dini, 2017; Montecinos, 2013). However, in Camiña the mayor has been accused of favouritism when granting investments, of power grabbing, coopting, buying votes, and of bringing voters from other regions (see Box 08). According to Schejtman and Berdegué (2004) it is often the case that enthusiasm for decentralisation as a condition of bringing decisions closer to the people leads one to forget about governmental corruptions and clientelism. Schejtman and Berdegué regard these as the main obstacles to rural development. Gundermann (2003) adds to this argument by noting that the constitution of local governments based on political parties limits the possibility of representation, mainly of ethnic 11

autonomous representation, which in turn leads to communal interests being organised and reformulated in accordance with party guidelines. 4.3.3 Natural Capital The creation of Areas of Indigenous Development (ADI) (Camiña being located in Jiwasa Oraje) 12

has affected Camiña’s livelihoods in a contradictory way. On the one hand, it has leveraged 11

The Chilean electoral system uses proportional representation, but is an extreme version of the binomial system

and so requires the constitution of lists and thresholds of representation. This creates partisan political dispute (Gundermann, 2003). 12

Indigenous Law Nº19.253 establishes that these are territorial spaces in which the state, through its organs, should

focus and concentrate its action for the harmonious benefit of the indigenous people and their inhabitants.

resources for its territory through the presence of CONADI, but on the other hand, it has not been able to truly protect the indigenous territories, as industries such as mining and geothermal are still allowed to locate there, causing conflict over natural capital mainly in terms of land and water (Toledo et al, 2017). Even though the Decree 66 (2013) of the Law 19.300 on General Bases of the Environment (1994) rules that there must be a process of Indigenous Consultation for each investment project located in the ADIs, these consultations are not binding, and as such, reflect a lack of real power for the communities to decide the future of their territories. For indigenous groups, access to land and water constitutes basic dimensions of their identity (Boelens, 2014; Babidge, 2016; Perreault, 2012). The importance of this can be perceived in the interviews, as they link their relationships to land and water to their identities and traditions, which are also built from the livelihood strategies they select. For them, the maintenance of their identity may, beyond any material measure, â€˜be a critical determinant of their sense of being poor or notâ€™ (Bebbington, 1999:2026). It is for this reason that the interviewees perceive the allocation of mining and the geothermal industry as a significant threat to their livelihoods, since this affect their most precious resource, water (Box 07). Even though in CamiĂąa there is still no presence of mining, the negative impacts of the industry are perceived even if the industry is not located in the immediate territory, as most of the water reserves from the altiplano are located in underground water that feeds the valley rivers (Gentes, 2004; Romero and Opazo, 2016). Furthermore, the allocation of these industries is backed by the state through its mining and water legal framework (Budds, 2010; Prieto, 2016; Toledo et al, 2017), and according to the interviewees, by the municipality and even CONADI. This has created an atmosphere of mistrust towards state institutions as the inhabitants situate them as accomplices in hampering the sustainability of their livelihoods (see Box 08).

5. CONCLUSION Using the sustainable livelihoods framework this research has, through the case study of Camiña, critically evaluated the role of the state in relation to the sustainability of local livelihoods in the Andes. The research shows that the state has had a contradictory impact on Andean communities, being affected by multi-level governance that constrains and enhances the outcomes of public policies and programmes. For Andean indigenous communities such as Camiña maintenance of their identity is key for their sense of well-being (Boelens, 2014; Babidge, 2016; Perreault, 2012). For this reason, the selected livelihoods are still largely based on traditional activities such as agriculture, livestock and textile work, adding new ones such as tourism in order to diversify the economic base and encourage young people to stay. Their desired livelihoods imply being able to sustain these traditional activities and to subsist in the territory, and they state in this regard that one of their main fears is the depopulation of the commune due to migration and conflicts over land and water. The state has not always promoted local livelihoods in the Andes. Historical policies linked to the Chileanisation process have negatively affected their human and social capital, as these policies attacked their indigenous identity through discrimination and violence. Livelihoods strategies were negatively affected by these set of policies, triggering migration and westernisation of their identities. Nevertheless, this process was not able to completely fracture their indigeneity, as a process of ‘re-ethnicisation’ emerged, stimulating new forms of organisation scattered between urban and rural areas. This represents one of the main pathways for the development of Andean indigenous communities, since, as the research shows, their social and political capital has been increased due to positive linkages with new educated urban Aymaras. Nevertheless, most of the educated Aymara who have migrated have disengaged from the community, speaking of how the type of education they have received has westernised their identities, hampering community cohesiveness. Even though there have been multicultural educational programmes, these are perceived as focusing on reductionist views of indigeneity, suggesting the need for educational policies to open up to the demands of local people, for example by promoting indigenous traditional knowledge and teaching of agriculture in Camiña’s public technical school. Lastly, improving the quality of secondary education is a must if there is an intention to encourage people to stay in the valley.

According to their selected and desired livelihoods, the main state institutions in the territory beyond the local government, has been the National Commission for Indigenous Development (CONADI) (Minister of Social Development) and the Institute of Agricultural Development (INDAP) (Minister of Agriculture). Though the main perception amongst the interviewees is that these institutions have added significantly to their physical and financial capital, the scale and type of investments can also be seen to provide individual and patchy solutions that intend to keep people happy and unorganised. Public policy has to consider the social impact of investments, especially in rural and indigenous territories where communities could benefit from associative projects. Additionally, such projects would promote community cohesiveness, and in turn, organisation, which is perceived to be key for the development of indigenous communities. Another problem with these policies has been their sectoriality, which has obstructed outcomes as efforts and resources are duplicated. Rural and indigenous policies must be integrated, as the type of investments made are often the same. Additionally, they must be interlinked in the vertical dimension, so that the different levels of the government join forces and take part in the development of local territories. The research also highlights the need for these policies to have territorial presence, promoting a place-based approach that takes into account territorial differences and builds closer links with the population. To conclude, in order for public policies to truly promote Andean livelihoods, local voices must be heard and the main threats addressed. If the state continues to promote mining and geothermal industries in the territory, local livelihoods will not be able to survive and the rural and indigenous development programmes will continue to provide solutions that seem to focus on a short-term development that will have its ending in the hands of the same state. Furthermore, the long-term debt of the Chileanisation policies must be acknowledged, and multi-level governance has to be applied so that decisions are brought closer to people. In this regard, the role of the municipality could have a positive role as it is the closest level of government to the population. Nevertheless, the case of CamiĂąa shows that a number of setbacks such as clientelism and corruption must be overcome in order to ensure both that local interests are not overtaken by party guidelines or personal interests, and that real representation is achieved.

6. APPENDIX 6.1 Boxes

Box 01: Quotes on desired livelihoods 1. I would not like people to leave the Camiña valley, because there is everything in Camiña to eat as farmers, there is nothing in the city, for everything money has to run, because to get out, to enter you must have money, if no, nothing. Here in the valley working, everything there is, everything there is, I prefer that my grandchildren do not go and my grandchildren come back to Camiña. (Horacio Challapa, 70, Farmer and Textile Artisan) 2. they show us a way of life different from the one we had before. And they say no, you have to study, you have to have a good position, you have to have a good job, you have to be big…you have to take courses, you have to specialize. I did not say, as long as we continue to strengthen our agriculture we will be better. (Eugenio Challapa, 28, Farmer and Law student) 3. Yes, there is a lot of migration, but there have been, there are young people who like tourism, because tourism also leaves you with money. Emiliano Mamani, 54, Farmer and Indigenous and Community leader) 4. We have many young people who have migrated and I hope the young people will return to the land to develop, let's say new ventures ... So that the young people return to their land…for example to develop tourism… I wish there were more work, more job opportunities in our communes so that we do not leave our lands…And to not lose the culture, our customs, our experiences, our ways of living, our traditions, our cuisine, everything (Fermina Quispe, 30, Tour Operator)

Box 02: Quotes on m igration 1. I lived in Nama until sixth grade… My mom went down for the studies of my brothers and mine to Nama, which was closer to the school and closer for her to go to see her cattle, so we moved to Nama, then we stayed to live there, we stayed until sixth basic and then they took us to live in Camiña…there we stayed until the eighth grade, and then we had to come to study at Hospicio or Iquique, others to Arica, as there was no middle school in Camiña then we had to come to the city, whether we like it or not ... my parents stayed in the altiplano, with luck they went down to Nama (Fermina Quispe, 30, Tour Operator) 2. The studies in Camiña..., they are not as good as in the city, people leave for that reason. The education is not so advanced. For example, my work is in Nama, Laguna Roja … but I have my daughters studying in Hospicio. I'm generally going up, down, up, down… It is not so far, it is far away, 3 hours and a half. (Fermina Quispe, 30, Tour Operator) 3. My daughter left because she got married and left ... so I am here alone with my wife…But most of us here in the field we educate our children, they are lawyers, they are doctors…architects, engineers…(Rogelio Quispe, 71, Farmer)

Box 03: Quotes on Chileanisation policies 1. There was a huge amount of discrimination and the state did nothing, or the other way around, did everything possible to not ... to eliminate all customs, religious traditions (Adela Chamaca, 52, Health worker) 2. I remember that my mom always said no…we could never for example date with someone from Soga, from Isluga, that was not ... it was ... it was not thought, because I consider them to be more indigenous, or poorer, or more ignorant, I do not know ... There was discrimination among the commoners, let's say. (Adela Chamaca, 52, Health worker) 3. We had to migrate from our town and when we arrived in the city we felt discriminated against, then many felt ashamed and they did not want to be Aymaras, so it was as they say ... yes, it is good that we had to educate, but we had to keep our culture, to feel proud…many left and did not return anymore. And that did not happen to me, I was dying to return, I wanted to return. (Fermina Quispe, 30, Tour Operator) 4. Chileanism when the dictator came…my dad tells me, he says, ‘no, I am Chilean’. My father in the regiment got kicked and punched for being indigenous, they beat him for speaking his native language ... everybody knows that, everyone knows…I feel sorry, it is inside everyone, like colonialism, chileanism is in their blood. (Eugenio Challapa, 28, Farmer and Law student)

Box 04: Quotes on identity and rootedness 1. When you are young, you are ashamed, you are discriminated because you are indigenous, then you do not have the tools to deal with this ...when you are an adult and you understand that you have to take pride in your race, then just start to investigate, return to the family, know the territory, return to the territory ... and that has been like a process, slow in my case because as I tell you my mom how she disconnected from all that ... slow, but in the end ... today I even thought about going back to live some time over there. (Adela Chamaca, 52, Health worker) 2. My father, my grandfather always says "blood always pulls", "blood always pulls". I have seen many cases, professional people, many who have made their life in the city, and come back, and want to continue working, as one says you will never forget this (Eugenio Challapa, 28, Farmer and Law student) 3. I went every long weekend, every month, I died to get to my land and breathe that smell of the mountains, the earth, everything, water, air, everything, was something unique to me, then it was something wonderful to return to my land, even now when I come to Hospicio, to Iquique to do my paper work [for funds], I feel that my land is something else, it is wonderful to be up there (Fermina Quispe, 30, Tour Operator) 4. Then my grandchildren may or may not return, because some grandchildren do not want to know anything about CamiĂąa, but some grandchildren say "I'm going to CamiĂąa" say, "I like CamiĂąa, the valley is nice". Look, the opinions they have are different. (Horacio Challapa, 70, Farmer and Textile Artisan)

Box 05: Quotes on rooted-translocalism 1. I have a cousin who is a geographer from the University of Antofagasta. He is interested, he wants to do analysis, he wants to study everything here. We are fine, because we have never disappeared, we adapt to the circumstances and we keep on fighting. (Eugenio Challapa, 28, Farmer and Law student) 2. You know that sometimes my hands shake for coming to work here, but I say no, this is a tool for me [studying law] and I cannot leave it abandoned, I say. (Eugenio Challapa, 28, Farmer and Law student) 3. There are children who are already educated who have taken the career as a lawyerâ€ŚNot all, but there are some who like to maintain and defend their properties, their land and their waterâ€ŚWe contact them, they live in the city, but they always come in the case of cultural festivals, traditions, they are always here. (Emiliano Mamani, Farmer, Textile Artisan, Indigenous and Community Leader) 4. The oldest is already finishing the university, he is 26 years old ... I did not raise him with much interest in the indigenous part, but somehow ... he is interested. He asks me to come back, and although he will not live there, he is very interested due to the subject of his profession [Geology]... he is doing his thesis in the territory of Pumire [where his grandparents and ancestors are from in the north of the CamiĂąa Valley] (Adela Chamaca, 52, Health worker)

Box 06: Quotes on access to funding 1. There is a need for a person to teach us how to do projects, on how the project is presented or how to do them, but also, the one that knows how to read captures it. The problem is that I do not know how to read, I don’t capture anything…I was left without a project, nothing, I stayed out. (Paulina Vilches, 51, Textile Artisan and Farmer) 2. In Camiña people is excited, but the application depends on luck, because people, there are many who can read, some cannot read, people are illiterate too. There are not so many educated people here in Camiña. (Horacio Challapa, 70, Farmer and Textile Artisan) 3. Right, personal, and if we cannot do it, we sometimes get oriented by the municipality, but one has to go there and make the decision of how to do it, and according to that, we do the paperwork (Horacio Challapa, 70, Farmer and Textile Artisan) 4. Many do not know [how to apply], if we have our ventures, we cannot develop them because we do not handle the issue, how to translate it into a paper our project… then it should be a little easier, but as they say money of the State is always [difficult]... (Fermina Quispe, 30, Tour Operator) 5. CONADI no longer works through the municipality they work direct, that is, if I want to apply for a project I cannot go to the municipality to apply, but I have to go directly to CONADI…I have to go down to Iquique to apply, to get all my paperwork in Iquique. (Fermina Quispe, 30, Tour Operator)

Box 07: Quotes on m ining and geotherm al projects 1. During all this time we have been quite affected by, geothermal, mining. Quite a problem we have had because truly here people live of agriculture, and without agriculture where are we going to go, where are we going to go, we do not have another place, that is why it affects us quite clearly, quite, a lot, a lot (Horacio Challapa, 70, Farmer and Textile Artisan) 2. Mining takes out your money and they take it all, all the water from the slope…there is only one river... water is needed to live, if we do not have water with what do we live. Horacio Challapa, 70, Farmer and Textile Artisan) 3. There we are, we are sad, sad and happy working the land as always. Because, you know what is coming up here, mining, geothermal. (Eugenio Challapa, 28, Farmer and Law student) 4. A mining company was going to be installed above and the people of the commune did not leave it, as a group was set up there to prevent the mining company from being installed near the Camiña commune ... (Fermina Quispe, 30, Tour Operator) 5. Cerro Mamuta is already about to be exploited…There are three points here. And a geothermal that is in Pumire. And in Pumire there our water is born, from there it comes, from that place in the mountain range the water reaches Camiña... if mining settled there the trees would die (of course) because mining damages it, damages it everything (Emiliano Mamani, Farmer, Textile Artisan, Indigenous and Community Leader) 6. Nowadays the territories are being given away to the big companies, mining… here they are now inventing the issue of geothermal energy, but in the end, everything is being given away to foreigners, companies, transnationals, and the peasants are the same as always, with the same poverty, with the same old illiteracy, (Adela Chamaca, 52, Health Area worker)

Box 08: Quotes on the perception of the state (in all its levels) 1. The different government institutions arrive, but they do not arrive coordinated…then it is an investment that could be very efficient, it ends up being effective only in a certain aspect to comply only with the standards that are very low (Rodrigo Pérez, 30-40, Regional Government Official) 2. Unfortunately, neither as a municipality nor as agricultural department we are involved in what is Camiña's water defense. We are concerned with individual productive development, or with farmers (Marco Rubens, 40, Municipal official,). 3. The law obliges you, the state obliges you [to accept the allocation of mining and geothermal industry] ... Decree 66 states that one should have a voice in that, but in the end, it is useless…you always feel that you are being robbed, your rights are transgressing, that the state does not respect you, that it does not back you up in anything and you do not have how to defend yourself… So, it's like you ... you know that you need to organize among indigenous people…and that's good, it's hard because you have to do it alone. (Adela Chamaca, 52, Health Area worker) (Adela Chamaca, 51, Health worker) 4. So that affects us because the government does things without consulting the community, it comes at the last minute when things are already done, they come as if dissimulating that we have to consult, but they, the deputies, the senators, have already spoken those things, then it's like they pass over us and that's what we do not like (Emiliano Mamani, Farmer, Textile Artisan, Indigenous and Community Leader) 5. The municipality, the regional government, the intendency is all taken by the money, very few cooperate, most of them are there because it suits them... The government, the only thing that matters to them is that they continue doing business [with mining], then it's like...not good…we say, we want to work the land, we do not want to abuse the land, it's different. (Eugenio Challapa, 28, Farmer and Law student)

6. We have a mayor who has been in power for more than 20 years…fourth period already. Why? because he likes power, likes to boss around, likes to do things to his way…He negotiated, did a huge business with geothermal industry for his benefit (Eugenio Challapa, 28, Farmer and Law student) 7. The mayor…is the eternal mayor, in fact, people wanted to change him, but he brought many people from Arica by bus [to vote for him] and he is still the mayor (Rodrigo Pérez, 30-40, Regional Official) 8. Sixto [the mayor], since the social movements were against him, he blamed everyone, but he did not recognise that it was him who was doing it wrong…in fact regarding the geothermal industry, the wells that were made for the geothermal industry, were possessions of wells that he sold, and he was quiet… and that's why the people left him, because you can allow many things, but the water is sacred. (Rodrigo Pérez, 30-40, Regional Government Official) 9. I have realized that when a mayor lasts a lot of time there are always preferences, for his political side, I do not know what party is called. And when there is that, the mayor thinks that he will hire teachers who have voted for them or who have supported him in his electoral campaign… (Fermina Quispe, 30, Tour Operator) 10. There was recently a protest for the water… because now since the entering of the President Piñera, people are saying that the water is being sold to his own people (Fermina Quispe, 30, Tour Operator) 11. I do not really go to the municipality to talk to Don Sixto [the mayor] to ask for help, but I have heard from the people who have gone to ask for help that they have not received it because they are not from their party and all that (Fermina Quispe, 30, Tour Operator)

6.2 Ethical Minimal Risk Letter

28/06/2018 Magdalena Ulloa Davet

Dear Magdalena, Impact of multi-scale governance on the sustainability of local livelihoods in the Andes mountain range in the Atacama Desert. The case of Camiña Thank you for submitting your Research Ethics Minimal Risk Registration Form. This letter acknowledges confirmation of your registration; your registration confirmation reference number is MRS-17/18-7785 Please note: For projects involving the use of an Information Sheet and Consent Form for recruitment purposes, please ensure that you use the KCL GDPR compliant Information Sheet & Consent Form Templates Be sure to keep a record your registration number and include it in any materials associated with this research. Registration is valid for one year from today’s date. Please note it is the responsibility of the researcher to ensure that any other permissions or approvals (i.e. R&D, gatekeepers, etc.) relevant to their research are in place, prior to conducting the research. Record Keeping: In addition, you are expected to keep records of your process of informed consent and the dates and relevant details of research covered by this application. For example, depending on the type of research that you are doing, you might keep: A record of the relevant details for public talks that you attend, the websites that visit, the interviews that you conduct The ‘script’ that you use to inform possible participants about what your research involves. This may include written information sheets, or the generic information you include in the emails you write to possible participants, or what you say to people when you approach them on the street for a survey, or the introductory material stated at the top of your on-line survey. Where appropriate, records of consent, e.g. copies of signed consent forms or emails where participants agree to be interviewed. Audit: You may be selected for an audit, to see how researchers are implementing this process. If audited, you will be expected to explain how your research abides by the general principles of ethical research. In particular, you will be expected to provide a general summary of your review of the possible risks involved in your research, as well as to provide basic research records (as above in Record Keeping) and to describe the process by which participants agreed to participate in your research. Remember that if you have any questions about the ethical conduct of your research at any point, you should contact your supervisor (where applicable) or the Research Ethics office. Feedback: If you wish to provide any feedback on the process you may do so by emailing rec@kcl.ac.uk. We wish you every success with this work. With best wishes Research Ethics Office

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