The Dissolution of the Room: the Public Bedroom - Research Book

Mohadeseh S. Moein Shirazi

The Dissolution of the Room: The Public Bedroom

Mohadeseh S. Moein Shirazi

Contents Abstract………………………………………………………………………1 Methodology……………………………………………………………….…3 PART 1: Lessons from Bedroom for my Wife…………………………………….6 1.

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Bedroom for my Wife: Physical Context……………………………...7 Bedroom for my Wife as Manifesto………………………………......13 Bedroom for my Wife, Exhibited…………………………………….17 Bedroom for my Wife and Gender…………………………………...21 Bedroom for my Wife and Privacy…………………………………... 27 Bedroom for my Wife and the Function of the Bedroom…………….33

PART 2: Defining the Bed(room)…………………………………………......45 7. What is a Bed and How Did it Come About?.......................................46 8. What is a Bedroom and How Does it Function?.................................50 9. Sleeping Arrangements Throughout History: Case Studies................52 a. Necessity: The Neolithic Bed Partition..............................52 b. Privacy: The Cubiculum........................................................53 c. Commonality: The Shared Medieval Hall..........................54 d. Theatrics: The Royal Bedchamber......................................55 e. Fusion: The Bedroom of Many Functions........................56 f. Optimisation: The Capsule Bed-cell...................................57 PART 3: Public Bedrooms: Case Studies....................................................................58 10. Hospital: Nightingale Ward, St. Thomas Hospital................................59 11. Homeless Hostel: Mount Pleasant...........................................................63 12. Boarding School House: City of London Freemen’s School...............67 13. Hotel: Yotel..................................................................................................71 14. Temporary Sleep Pods: Commonweal Pods 999 Club......................................................................................................................75 15. Bedroom amidst the streets: Homeless Tents, Tottenham Court Road.....................................................................................................................76 Conclusion........................................................................................................................78

Abstract The bed, and the bedroom which began to be defined by its primary function as a place of rest within the innermost private space of the domestic interior, has transformed to fulfil various functions aside from sleep within the last century.

The publication of Adolf Loos’s Bedroom for my Wife in 1903 marked the beginning of one of the most transformative eras of the bedroom and the bed. Whilst the pure fur and cloth used in the room is reminiscent of the earliest forms of bedding or places of rest in human history, the timing of the bedroom remodelling coincides with an impactful period in which radio communication was invented and catapulted us into a modern realm. This invention, as Mark Wigley (2015, p. 14) succinctly put, has redefined what it means “to be in a room, a building, a city, or a countryside� because we are now living amongst millions of invisible waves that do not differentiate between domestic or public space, architectural boundaries, furniture or object. There are whole infrastructures dedicated to the servicing of the bedroom as an isolated space yet this is not something the inhabitant is constantly aware of.

With all the development in the last century, the evolution of industrial and post-industrial life-work patterns, the bedroom has begun to accommodate functions that would have otherwise been omitted and set aside for other spaces before, many of them within the public sphere. Activities like shopping, social exchange, work meetings, are all being carried out at the touch of an electronic device, negating the need for the inhabitant to exit the bedroom for such demands. Is the city eroding the bedroom as we know it and its notions of privacy? So, where does a bed(room) begin or end? In what ways is the bedroom considered public as opposed to private? And is the bedroom confined to, or defined by domestic surroundings or can it exist anywhere?

The research seeks to investigate the dissolution of the bedroom as widely recognised in the traditional western home, its ties to class privileges and to question the bedroom as a typology by unpacking its definitions, functions and relations to the domestic premise throughout history, applied to the current lifestyles of city-dwellers.

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The discourse around bedrooms is often related to the domestic premise, and in order to dive into the question of the bedroom, it is therefore important to define domesticity.

Domestic a.

Of or belonging to the home, house, or household; relating to one's place of residence or family affairs; household, home, ‘family’.

b. Of or relating to one's own country or nation; not foreign, internal, inland, ‘home’. c. Indigenous; made at home or in the country itself; native, home-grown, home-made. d. Attached to home; devoted to home life or duties; domesticated. (Domestic, 2019)

Domesticity a.

The quality or state of being domestic, domestic character; home or family life; devotion to home; homeliness.

b. plural. Domestic affairs or arrangements. (Domesticity, 2019)

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Methodology Our exploration of the domestic premise begins by selecting a reference image (see figure 1) and thoroughly investigating it. Eventually, a question or argument arises from the research and identified themes. The response to this is a design project based in London, United Kingdom.

The contextual research surrounding the reference image is heavily reliant on secondary sources of literature, which have been thematically unveiled and referred to in each relevant chapter.

The argument in relation to the reference image is synthesised and supplemented by studies and modifications of the image itself. This is carried out through conventional architectural drawings derived from the image, namely plans and sections, as well as experimental mediums such as collage. Studying the construction and spatial configuration of existing architecture is a method of analysis that can inform future design. This method is advocated by architect Simon Unwin (2014) in the fourth edition of his book Analysing Architecture.

The conceptual research is also reliant on literature, as well as collective case studies. Case studies as a traditional method of qualitative research can be used to compare examples side by side and assess their outcomes objectively (Creswell, 1998). Furthermore, concepts are questioned and explored through physical model-making, some of which are animated in photography and video.

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1. Adolf Loos Das Schlafzimmer meiner Frau/Bedroom for My Wife Vienna, Austria, 1903

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PART 1: Lessons from Bedroom for my Wife

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1. Bedroom for my Wife: Physical Context Adolf Loos’s bedroom, designed for Lina Loos, is part of a remodelling carried out in his own apartment, 1903 (figure 1) (Schezen, 1996). Loos was 32 years old when he married his first wife Lina in 1902, an aspiring actress aged 19. Within a few months they were living in a fifth-floor apartment at no. 3 Giselastrasse, Vienna, today named Bösendorfestrasse (Gronberg, 2007). This property subsequently came to be known as the Loos Apartment amongst his oeuvre, with the living room segment reconstructed in 1958 at the Historical Museum of Vienna (Tournikiotis, 1991). The Loos Apartment is one of the many interior apartment and shop interventions of his early career completed between 1896-1903 (Schezen, 1996). The apartment renovation includes the living areas and the bedroom for Lina, although no complete plan drawings showing them both, alongside kitchen/ancillary spaces, survive. Notable elements of the living areas are the inglenook, with lower ceiling heights, two seating alcoves on each side of the brick laid chimney, and a main room which was made to fulfil various capabilities that did not have an allocated space in the residence, such as dining (figures 2-3) (Gronberg, 2007; Tournikiotis, 1991).

The bedroom for Lina is furnished with nightstands, drawers, closets and a large bed with a white angora fur skin rug. The material of the rug and colour of the carpet under it are confirmed with the existence of an archival image showing a sketch plan drawn by Loos with semi-legible words written underneath (figure 4). This is laid not entirely on the bluecarpeted floor, but also directly underneath the mattress, creating a continuous valance concealing the legs of the bed and giving the impression of a floating mattress on the raised rug. The hard furniture is draped with a continuous white batiste curtain, most probably hung up at door height, covering wall surfaces as well as the windows (Bock, 2007). Other soft furnishings include the silk bed cover and pillows.

The exaggeration of soft furnishing could have been a device used for various purposes that may reveal what Loos believed to have been the function of a bedroom. One theory could be that it served an acoustic purpose to demonstrate the bedroom as a space of quiet or little sound. This perhaps reflects a more personal relation with Loos’s own hearing condition and his nuanced awareness of materials as architectural mediums of reverberation (Weizman, 2014). Another is the concealment of the peripheral functions around the centrepiece bed, such as storage, to create a hierarchy of the most important furniture and surfaces. The deliberate blocking of certain functions, like looking out into the framed view of a window is also seen in Loos’s other interiors where he obstructed them with curtains or strategically placed furniture and interior “theatre boxes” to face away from the window, since he believed that in the urban context, windows should only be used for receiving light (Colomina, 1994, p. 234). The uniformity in colour and unusual placement of the soft materials could also allude to the materialisation of more intangible qualities or experiences of the bedroom, such as resting, dreaming, and the heightening of sensuality. In a way the joinery of the rug with the bed as part of the same entity brings to question the boundaries of where a bed ends or begins (figures 5-6). Loos’s blurring of boundaries to create “a point of maximum tension” in his domestic interiors is one that is analysed in depth by Beatriz Colomina in Privacy and Publicity (1994, p. 276) and the Bedroom for my Wife (BFMW) may well be one of these climactic points, which shall be explored further in the research.

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2. Loos Apartment, view of fireplace

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3. Loos Apartment Inglenook; the hard surfaces here are in full view and exposed, as opposed to the concealed surfaces of the BFMW .

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4. Loos’s sketch plan for the Bösendorferstrasse Apartment, c.1903. Text reads: We will again do white angora fur on floor in front of the bed… Blue felt laid out [does help?]

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5. BFMW Existing plan 2019

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6. BFMW Existing detail, at the intersection of the bed, the rug, and the bedroom floor.

2019 Fur “was for Loos the oldest architectural detail, as man sought for his sleep shelter from the harsh weather.� (Bock, 2007, p. 60)

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2. Bedroom for my Wife as Manifesto At the turn of the 20th century, Vienna was a scene for cultural development, debates and ongoing explorations within the milieus of intellectuals in the arts, sciences and politics, eventually paving the way for modernism (Gibbons, 2016). Amongst the architects and artists was Adolf Loos, whose circle involved writers Peter Altenberg and Karl Kraus.

Collaborating with Altenberg, Loos was responsible for editing and writing the supplementary journal to their short-lived yet spirited 1903 publication Kunst: Halbmonatsschrift für kunst und alles andere, translated to Art: Bimonthly Publication for Art and Everything Else, of which only two issues were released (figure 7) (Gronberg, 2007). This was a journal about art and literature for which the supplement acted as an introductory manual of modern western living to the Austrian society. The supplement was called Das Andere (full title Das Andere: Ein Blatt zur Einfürhung Abendländischer Kultur in Österreich translated to The Other: A Journal for the Introduction of Western Culture into Austria) (figure 8) (Gronberg, 2007). Most likely influenced by Loos’s years spent in America during the 1890s and his admiration of English culture, it served as an opposing alternative to the “superficial aestheticization of Viennese life… embodied by the Secession Movement…” that Loos so often wrote his polemical essays of discontent about (Stewart, 2000; Lars Müller Publishers, no date). Whilst Das Andere explored a range of questionably mundane topics from food, fashion, street decoration, toilet paper, pornography, etiquette to furnishing, it was devoid of any explicit references to art or architecture (Colomina, 2016).

This was an intentional manner in revealing Loos’s distinct view that architecture is integrated into quotidian life and completely detached from art, as opposed to Altenberg’s editorial note to the first issue of Kunst and the Viennese Secession’s attempts at turning “everyday gestures into artwork” (Loos, 1910; Colomina, 2016, p. 4).

So, where and when was BFMW first published? Interestingly, it was not to be found in Loos’s own Das Andere supplement, but in Kunst. Altenberg published two photographs of the room shortly after the remodelling in the first issue of Kunst, released in Autumn 1903.

They included an oblique frontal and a corner view of the bedroom (figure 9). Hubmann Vass Architekten (2014) described the publication of this image as a manifesto for a new way of thinking about space and the bedroom interior, with the “architecture…swathed in diaphanous material”. Whilst Loos’s true intentions of posting an image of the most private space in his home, a marital bedroom, are unclear, it was in many ways radical and a rare occurrence for a conventional representation of the domestic sphere at the time (Gronberg, 2007). It is clear, however, that the publication of the image as a bourgeois interior served as promotion of the architect’s portfolio to future clientele as well as the manifestation of the most fundamental ideas Loos explored in his 1898 essay Principles of Cladding. This is aptly illustrated in his description of the carpet as tapestry and the architect’s role in erecting a scaffolding to hold these four walls of carpet, the concept of which can be applied to the clothed hard surfaces of the room (Loos, 1989). If the publication of the bedroom was to serve as the epitome of this fundamental idea, then it can be concluded that it fulfilled the role of a manifesto in declaring these guidelines.

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7. Peter Altenberg, Kunst, 1903 cover

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8. Adolf Loos, Das Andere, 1903 cover

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9. Frontal oblique view of Bedroom for my Wife, published in Kunst no.1 1903

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3. Bedroom for my Wife, Exhibited Although the bedroom from no. 3 Giselastrasse itself ceased to survive, it was reconstructed, represented and exhibited on numerous occasions decades on and still garnered strong reactions. The 1989 reconstruction of the bedroom in a Vienna exhibition had the following reaction from historian Alan Crawford: There was nothing in this white shrine, shrouded in white drapes, except a low white slab of a bed rising from a sea of shaggy white angora: was it for sex or for sacrifice? Better to think of Loos’s sitting room … with its inglenook, its Windsor chairs and its sweeping copper firehood it makes you think of Raymond Unwin, Gustav Stickley, and other such healthy things. (Alan Crawford, 1989 cited in Gronberg, 2007, p. 99) In 2015 Hubmann Vass Architekten, made a reconstruction of BFMW for an exhibition (figure 10) (Hubmann Vass Architekten, 2014) called Ways to Modernism. This saw Bedroom for my Wife juxtaposed with a room designed by Josef Hoffman, an agemate of Loos in the Vienna Secession who often received most criticism from Loos (figure 11). The Secession wanted to do away with the historicist approach of the dominating art schools at the time.

Hoffman believed in the power of rigorous aesthetics and aimed to embody “all facets of human life into one unified work of art” in line with The Secession’s ideas. And on the other hand, the exhibition sought to highlight Loos’s opposing view that architecture was an integral part of human life, as previously mentioned (McGuickin, 2015). These ideas are embodied in the two bedrooms; in Hoffman’s, each object and piece of furniture is custom-made, sitting in line with the designed tile grid. He used the bedroom as a canvas for showcasing a complete work of aesthetic art through each piece of furniture, leaving little room for the inhabitant to customise the space. Loos’s BFMW on the other hand, uses the bedroom as a mere stage set, or background for daily life, using more relaxed, palpable elements which allow change.

In 2017 Pilar Parcerisas curated an exhibition of Loos’s work, in particular his interiors, on the theme of private and public life. Titled Private Spaces, it included pieces of furniture, models, photographs and drawings, with the BFMW being represented through images.

Amongst these is the retouched print of the frontal oblique view previously published in Kunst 1903 (figure 12).

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10. BFMW reconstructed by Hubmann Vass Architekten as part of the Ways to Modernism exhibition, MAK Exhibition Hall, Vienna, 2015

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11. Josef Hoffmann bedroom exhibited in Ways to Modernism exhibition, from the Johanna and Dr. Johannes Salzer apartment, 1902 MAK Exhibition Hall, Vienna, 2015

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12. Retouched frontal view, first published in a 1964 monograph by Ludwig MĂźnz and Gustav KĂźnstler

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4. Bedroom for my Wife and Gender With the reference image being called Bedroom for my Wife, one cannot ignore that a notion of gender may be attached to the bedroom. This is worth exploring in relation to the oeuvre of Adolf Loos, the social context, his relation to his wives and ideas about gender and space.

The metaphorical gendering of architecture was seen as early as the mythical origins of the classical orders, based on anatomical differences of men and women’s bodies as put forward by Bernini in the 17th century (Forty, 2004). However much of this metaphorical distinction when describing differences in architecture was limited to form and ornament.

This is can be seen through instances of buildings being described as “masculine” or “feminine” throughout the 17th century up until the advent of modernism (Forty, 2004, p.

44).

Outside the binary of masculine and feminine aesthetics, in-depth academic discourse about architectural space related to human sexuality and gender dates back to the 1990s.

This was spatial analysis which went beyond the personification of buildings based on gender characteristics but also contributed towards human geography fields studying sexual behaviour. In March 1990 the School of Architecture at Princeton University held a symposium called Sexuality and Space, led by Beatriz Colomina, from which the subsequent book of the same title was published in 1992 (Colomina et al., 1992).

Colomina’s (1992) contribution to this book includes the chapter The Split Wall: Domestic Voyeurism, subsequently published as part of her Privacy and Publicity book in 1994 under the chapter titled Interior.

In this chapter, Colomina dissects Loos’s enforcement of gaze through his interiors to establish a level of power and control between inhabitants, spectator and spectacle, which is revealed to be gendered. This is exemplified in his “theatre box” device, as seen in the Moller and Müller houses (Colomina, 1994, p. 248). Colomina points out that these spaces are marked as “female” and possess a “domestic character” as opposed to the “male” spaces which are seen in the choice of furniture (Colomina, 1994, p. 248). In the plan of the Müller house, the theatre box, an isolated, raised seating alcove overlooking the living area through a window is distinguished as Zimmer der Dame (lady’s room) (Colomina, 1994, p. 244). This is a direct and intentional designation of women’s space in the domestic interior. The intimate theatre box allows the inhabitant to be a detached spectator of the domestic scene whilst being at the centre of the house. Yet, as Colomina argues, this is counteracted when the theatre box is the focal point and the “voyeur” in the space is revealed once somebody enters the house, reciprocating the gaze (Colomina, 1994, p. 250).

Thus, Loos’s interiors are not merely gendered through use of furniture, material and scale.

They are gendered through the levels of privacy, socialisation and intimacy each space provides in a controlled manner, resulting in designated roles and spaces for men and women within the house. This can be seen in the sequential layout of the most public spaces in the Loos apartment filtering into the most private, where the bedroom is the furthest space from the entrance of the house (figure 13).

One may relate assignment of gendered space to Loos’s own apartment. The bedroom is distinguishable from the living area in its materiality and furniture alone. Susan Henderson (2002, pp. 130-131) described it as an “extraordinary interpretation of the feminine realm… in which even Loos is an intruder” when compared to the rest of the interior.

Outside the bedroom, similar to the “male” library of the Müller house which emulates a public space, Loos has positioned an exposed brick chimney in the centre view of the main room and seating areas on either side (Colomina, 1994, p. 248). Here, the lady’s room is Bedroom for my Wife, and the most intimate, sacred space of the domestic interior, away from the social sphere. This level of control onto his wife and her assigned space may also reveal how Loos believed women ought to behave; he once preached to Lina the manners of an 21

intellectual aristocrat in a letter dated 1903, suggesting that “she keep her feelings in check and not expose her inner self in public” (Stewart, 2000, p. 82).

It important to note that the publication of the bedroom is set in a time of increased female involvement within the public sphere and the Viennese fin-de-siècle café culture (Henderson, 2002). Lina herself, who authors have claimed to be the muse of her bedroom interior, met Adolf Loos at the café that Altenberg’s circle frequented (Rossberg, 2008; Simionovici, 2015; Ashby, Gronberg & Shaw-Miller, 2013). However, Loos himself saw women’s penetration into the public sphere as a threat to masculinity and was insistent on women being contained in the private realm (Henderson, 2002). This suggests that private interiors are heavily influenced by perceptions of how women ought to behave. Ana-Maria Simionovici (2015) argues that Lina was not a mere muse but Loos’s client in this renovation. This is explained through an undated photo of the same room, after their divorce, which looks almost unrecognisable and is likely to have been remodelled again (figure 14) (Simionovici, 2015). Furthermore, a bedroom occupied by Lina in her new residence after divorce shows a very similar taste in choice of furniture and repetition of soft materials (figures 15-16) (Simionovici, 2015; Draxler, 2014). Whether this was again designed by Adolf Loos or not, it shows that BFMW could have been uniquely influenced

by Lina in the position of client, disregarding gendered spatial limitations within the Loos apartment interior (Simionovici, 2015).

Contemporary western interiors have greatly moved on from assigning gender roles through spaces dictating how women present themselves in public. Yet, it can be concluded that there is still a great level of influence from the above notions on how private of a space a bedroom is, and this will be explored in the next chapters.

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13. Loos apartment, 1903: assumed plan view of BFMW in relation to the living areas.

The kitchen, utility, water closets, and ancillary spaces are unknown but assumed to be positioned in between the bedroom and living areas as Loos believed bedrooms “should not have a door to the common rooms� ((Loos, date unknown, cited in Bock, 2007, p.

60)

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14. Undated photograph of what was once BFMW, as occupied by Loos after divorce and possibly remodelled to a smaller size

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15. Lina Loos posing in her own bedroom in her Sieveringerstrasse apartment after divorce, possibly designed by Loos

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16. Lina’s bedroom in Severingestrasse, unoccupied

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5. Bedroom for my Wife and Privacy As previously discussed, Adolf Loos had set ideas about the sentiment of privacy within the domestic interior, undertones of which can be seen across his projects. This was clearly communicated in the Giselastrasse apartment where BFMW was designed as the innermost private space within the residence. When Loos’s third wife, Claire Beck Loos, inquired about the reasoning for the limit of only one double bed in his bedrooms, he is known to have replied: ...The bed, the bedroom is the most sacred, most private affair, no outsider may desecrate this sanctuary… The bedroom should not have a door to the common rooms. (Loos, date unknown, cited in Bock, 2007, p. 60) With this distinction, we learn from Loos that the bedroom should be limited, only to be shared amongst those who are very close. This level of privacy was controlled in several ways. The privacy of a person or space can be threatened through unsolicited gaze. To prevent this, in BFMW, Loos used the continuous curtains to cover the windows at door height level. Leaving the window permanently exposed above door level - perhaps unconventional - was intended to allow natural light in whilst ensuring that human activity was out of sight on either side of the window. Why both sides? According to Loos, the “cultivated man does not look out of the window”, and the window is “there only to let the light in, not to let the gaze pass through.” (Loos, cited in Le Corbusier, 1925, p. 174).

This is seen in Loos’s interiors not only in the way he obscures windows with curtains, but also in the orientation of seating arrangements. For instance, in the bedroom for Hans Brummel (see figure 17), he set a sofa against the window, so that the inhabitant faced inward (Colomina, 1994). Seats facing the interior against windows are also seen in study corners and living room alcoves of the Vienna Werkbundsiedlung house (Colomina, 1994).

Furthermore, there are examples of windows positioned above eye level, as in the dining room of the Steiner house and the music room of the Moller house (figure 18). Through these devices Loos has maintained natural light and controlled the gaze, both from inside and outside. But one project in which this concept is not applied can be seen in a photomontage of the Khuner villa, in which a full view of a natural landscape has been pasted into the window (figure 19) (Colomina, 1994). Perhaps Loos’s quote only applies to the urban context of city-dwellers, and windows used to frame a view were not a threat to the intelligence of “man” or domestic privacy as long as they were in the countryside.

One use of windows in Loos’s works against his anti-gaze stance is arguably that of the unbuilt Josephine Baker house, designed in 1928. According to Claire Beck Loos, Loos completed this design after getting the impression that the entertainer had commissioned him after meeting in a Paris party (Beck Loos, 2011). Here the focal point is an internal, double height swimming pool accessed from the second floor and lit from above. The pool water is visible from walkways surrounding it on the first floor through thick glass windows (figure 20). Farès El-Dahdah (1995, p. 80) likened the pool to a boudoir, to which a woman retreats and is watched in her intimae space. The inhabitant, Baker, would be seen from various angles when occupying the pool, rendering her into an object of voyeurism, as opposed to Loos’s other windows which avoided this (Colomina, 1994).

“The reception rooms on the first floor arranged around the pool… indicated that this was intended not for private use but as a miniature entertainment centre” wrote Kurt Ungers, who collaborated with Loos on the project (Ungers, 1935, cited in Münz & Künstler, 1964, p. 195). One wonders then, how this project could be considered a “house”, if Loos insisted strongly on limiting women’s spaces to those of the most private, intimate and sacred within the domestic interior. In figure 21, playing on the idea of this domestic spectacle, Lina’s room is reimagined surrounded by the walls of the Josephine Baker house swimming pool walkway. In this composition windows are peering into the most private space within Loos’s apartment as a response to the contradictory nature of his voyeuristic project.

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17. Adolf Loos, Hans Brummel apartment View of the bedroom with sofa orientated away from the outside view Pilsen, 1929

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18. Adolf Loos, Moller house View of the music room with high window Vienna, 1928

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19. Adolf Loos, an unobstructed view from the window of the Khuner villa Photomontage Payerbach, 1930

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20. Stephen Atkison, hallway looking into the swimming pool at Adolf Loos’ Josephine Baker house, designed 1928 Digital reconstruction, 1995

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21. Domestic Spectacle Digital collage, 2019

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6. Bedroom for my Wife and the Function of the Bedroom In 1980 (p. 2), José Quetglas related Loos’s choice of materials to human veins, skin and other bodily comparisons. He summarised Loos’s architecture “as the envelope of a body” and likened his interiors to a refuge in a maternal womb (Quetglas, 1980, p. 2). When Quetglas (1980, p. 2) addressed BFMW as a “bag of fur and fabric to wallow in” it can be very reminiscent of one of the primitive forms of bedding humans used. The fur “was for Loos the oldest architectural detail, as man sought for his sleep shelter from the harsh weather.” (Bock, 2007, p. 60). This prompts a dive into the history of the bed and its changing functions in relation to human exchange, levels of privacy and rest vs. other activities carried out in bedrooms which shall be introduced in the next chapters.

In Beatriz Colomina’s 2014 essay The Century of the Bed she highlighted the numerous functional changes which the bed has undergone in the last century, through postindustrialisation, capitalism and technology. She referred to a text by Walter Benjamin (1935, p. 8-9). In this text he described how for the first time, the private individual’s living space, constituting the interior, had become antithetical to the space of work. To quote: The private citizen who in the counting-house took reality into account, required of the interior that it should maintain him in his illusions…. From this sprang the phantasmagorias of the interior. (Benjamin, 1935, p. 8) Phantasmagoria is defined as a sequence of real or imagined images that change quickly like a dream (Phantasmagoria, 2019). Colomina (2014) argued that in the age of postindustrialisation where work-life blends into the bedroom, our phantasmagoria no longer lies in our wallpapers, paintings and objects but rather our electronic devices, within them containing a whole universe of infinite information.

This led to the first experimentations with the image of BFMW. Depicting Colomina’s concept of a phantasmagoria contained within an electronic device, juxtaposed against her analysis of Loos’s other interiors, several collages were produced. Elements from Adolf Loos’s 1898 menswear store interiors were put in (figure 22), against a narrative of Lina Loos carrying out online shopping (figures 23-24). The final collage omitted literal elements depicting the phantasmagoria, in favour of a simple composition re-imagining Lina in in the 21st century on her phone (figure 25).

Why was Loos’s 1898 menswear store interior referenced in these experimentations? 20 years prior to The Century of the Bed, Colomina published Privacy and Publicity. In this book she analysed Loos’s interiors in detail, like how he played with thresholds and boundaries to culminate spaces of “maximum tension”, as briefly touched upon in chapter 1. One mention of this that particularly stood out was his design of the Goldman & Salatsch menswear store showroom in Vienna 1898. Colomina (1994) describes it in the following way: The space of this shop is halfway between the private universe of the interior and the outside world. It occupies the intersection between body and language, between the space of domesticity and that of social exchange… In this store, the “invisible”, most intimate garments, are exhibited and sold: they have abandoned the sphere of domesticity for the sphere of exchange. Conversely the “visible” objects that most obviously represent the site of exchange, have entered the interior. (Colomina, 1994, pp. 276-7) An enigmatic photo of this shop interior was published in 1901. There are 2 male figures in the photo whose position in the room is very unclear when attempting to draw them in plan view (Colomina, 1994). This is due to the amount of reflections caused by the mirrored panels, some of which are cabinets (Colomina, 1994). It is mysterious. The only 33

figure whose position in the space is confirmed is a female shopkeeper. And thus, the shopkeeper was collaged in figure 23. The integration of this shop’s elements into the image studies are a reflection of these concepts. They ultimately relate to Walter Benjamin’s analysis of interior separation from the space of exchange and work, and how much the “sphere of domesticity” has been blurred by Adolf Loos, but also in our current day bedrooms (Colomina, 1994, p. 277).

This also links to the aforementioned intentions of Loos publishing an image of his wife’s marital bedroom in a public magazine. Did he intend to yet again, blur the boundaries of a private domestic interior within the public realm, as he had done in his shop design?

Does this broadcast of an intimate space suggest a key period in which the perception of the bedroom was changing? And if so, does this coincide with other key innovations of its time?

Returning to the present day, the transformation of the bedroom is further highlighted in Mark Wigley’s preface to Bucky Fuller’s intellectual biography, where he opens a discussion on how radio and radiation has saturated every object we now know and its blurring effects on space: It is no longer clear what it is to be in a room, a building, a city or the countryside. We ultimately live in the invisible world of radiation rather than visible forms of buildings and cities. (Wigley, 2015, p. 14) Radio communication was made feasible in 1899 by Italian inventor Gugliemo Marconi, and has since greatly impacted broadcast technology throughout the last century (McLaughlin, 2019). This technology has penetrated into civic and private spheres redefining the ways humans share their lives (OMMX, 2015). Radio does not differentiate between domestic space and other. It transcends walls and objects. Yet Wigley (2015) argues that, in the classical architectural disciplines that so often engaged with the link between the physical and metaphysical, there is not enough acknowledgement of radio in today’s architectural representation.

These changes have redefined communication, as far as impacting how we experience intimacy in the bedroom, which was once primarily through physical touch (Wigley, 2015).

Meanwhile, even though the bed itself remains in the bedroom, our bedroom activities are in a way returning to the variety and lack of privacy seen before the Loosian bedroom. We are now sharing not only our bedroom time with our peers and online strangers through wireless communication, but holding work meetings and working remotely. We are perhaps living as King Louis XIV did (Château de Versailles, no date). Amongst these fluctuations of privacy and intimacy within a bedroom and the tangibility of activities, the bed (mostly as a piece of furniture) is the constant. City life is eroding the bedroom. And, as the bed itself accommodates the burden of ever-increasing functions in the last century (see figures 26-27), it is still a constant factor in many bedrooms. An in-depth study of the bedroom, as intrinsically attached to the existence of a bed, is therefore required to further strengthen this point in order to explore and question the space as a typology with set functions.

Reflecting on the 1935 essay by Walter Benjamin, if the private interior is to be antithetical to the public place of work, then the illusion of the secluded interior is in many ways a choice, or as Walter Benjamin (1935) argued, a need. We no longer live according to the work-life routines common around 1935, yet it is very common for the bedroom to provide us the illusion of an unplugged, isolated space (figure 28); very much like the “architecture of the placenta” as Quetglas (1980, p. 2) used to describe BFMW. However, in this space that seemingly provides a refuge away from the city, there is a whole infrastructure involved in contrast to this, with many elements that are unseen beyond the tangible, yet so impactful in our bedroom activities (figures 29-31).

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22. Adolf Loos, Goldman & Salatsch menswear store showroom Vienna, 1898

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23. Bedtime Shopping 1 Digital collage, 2019

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24. Bedtime Shopping 2 Digital collage, 2019

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25. Bedtime Shopping final edit Digital Collage, 2019

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26. Bedtime Shopping Detail section, 2019

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27. Bedtime Shopping, Plan view, 2019

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28. Bedtime Shopping, Axonometric 1, 2019

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29. Bedtime Shopping, Axonometric 2, 2019: The bedroom is shown here as part of a continuum of spaces through which waves travel through, blurring the boundaries of the interior/exterior and private/public.

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30. Bedtime Shopping, Physical model, 2019

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31. Bedtime Shopping, Physical model, from above 2019

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PART 2: Defining the Bed(room)

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7. What is a Bed and How Did it Come About?

In today’s world we often think of the bed as a piece of furniture. We have standardised beds with consistent dimensions across countries and when architects design bedrooms it is often the first module placed in plan view to arrange and draw the space around. When retracing the history of the bed, it becomes clear however, that it was not always a standard piece of furniture (figure 32). The bed, or more generally phrased, bedding, has appeared in many forms throughout human history. It becomes clear that firstly, the function of a bed is not always the same, and secondly, its boundaries, physical or functional, differ too.

This is important when considering the definition of the bedroom in relation to a bed and what activities have been carried out in the bedroom.

The earliest beds in human history since the discovery of fire were not designated objects but merely surfaces on which to lie down and rest. This explains the primary function of the bed born of necessity: a place of human vulnerability in a state of sleep and/or illness.

In order to make their surface of rest comfortable and keep warm during sleep, people would make mattresses from any number of materials they could find, many of which were temporary and replaceable especially for the nomadic people (Ullman, 2019). This could range from palm leaves, straw, cotton and fur (Ullman, 2019). Evidence of early bedding goes back as early as 77,000 years ago, discovered in the cave of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa (Owen, 2011). These included mattresses large enough to accommodate a whole family, as thick as 30cm, with multiple layers of reeds, rushes and leaves (Owen, 2011).

These were believed to be burnt regularly to prevent bacteria growth and bug infestations (Owen, 2011). Whilst some beds consisted of indentations in the ground, most beds, or bedding, were on raised surfaces and this can be seen in Neolithic bed space designations which were arranged around a hearth (Fagan & Durrani, 2019). In the Neolithic domestic environment, beds, or bed partitions, were also used by couples to procreate. This is another fundamental function of a bed, as well as a bedroom. Perhaps this was the beginning of what can be considered as the marital bedroom.

A more obvious raised bedding is on four legs made of timber, used by the nobles and elites of the ancient Egyptians and often with neck rests (Mitchell, 2017). The commoners, however, would sleep on the floor, as is the case with many other kingdoms (Fagan & Durrani, 2019). The Egyptians’ example of a bed on four legs is closer to what we would define as a bed today, in terms of an object of furniture, and the primary reason for these were to prevent drafts as well as providing protection against bugs (Fagan & Durrani, 2019). Similar to ancient Egypt, beds with four legs made of metal can also be found in ancient Rome used by wealthier citizens, which was named the lectus (Fagan & Durrani, 2019).

It is worth considering that the wealthy ancient Romans had various beds, each designated to a particular function. These included: lectus cubicularis (associated with the cubiculum i.e. small bedroom and used for rest), lectus genialis (marital bed for intimate moments), discubitorius (bed which doubles as a table to eat on whilst reclining on one’s side), lucubratorius (bed for studying), and funebris (for carrying the dead) (Wright, 1962; Hunt, 1826; Fagan & Durrani, 2019). Thus, it becomes clear that, in the hands of the wealthier classes, the bed as a piece of furniture developed to accommodate more than the primary function of seep and rest. It may be easy to think that in our age of digitalisation, achieving tasks horizontally, for example doing work that may have otherwise been done at a desk on a bed is a new phenomenon, but history proves otherwise. Traditional Chinese daybeds, ornate examples of which can be seen in the Ming Dynasty (14th century) also illustrate this (Handler, 2001). On these beds, casual lounging during the day would have been carried out, although, many daybeds existed outside the bedroom (Fagan & Durrani, 2019). The evolution of the bed as a piece of furniture meant that the bed was no longer confined to a bedroom and could be seen in many more sociable contexts, as in the Iranian daybeds. They were essentially platforms which were placed in the courtyard on hot 46

summers, where one could receive guests, consume snacks and nap, whilst night slumber was carried out on mattresses which could be stored away (Späth, no date).

Besides the sociable potentialities of bed as furniture (see experimental image in figure 33), even in slumber, beds, as well as rooms which contained bedding, have been shared by many people for centuries. If one is to define privacy through the number of people who share an object or space then the bed itself has not been private and neither is it now, with the advent of broadcasting and technology. The bed was not always personal, as famously illustrated in the case of the Great Bed of Ware from 16th century England (Wright, 1962).

Even in contexts where beds themselves were not shared, as was the case with the royals of Versailles, their activities, from getting up in bed, to getting dressed, were monitored and watched by a large number of workers daily (Château de Versailles, no date; Wright, 1962). This is showing a lack of bedroom privacy through broadcasting, rather than the physical rationing of bedroom space amongst inhabitants.

The timeline in figure 32 illustrates that amongst bedding that range from mere mattresses laid on the floor and hard furniture, there have been many instances where the bed not only acted as a specific surface for the function of rest and intimate physical activity but also as interior spaces and moments: Aedicula, alcoves, moveable elements, altars, stages, composites with other furniture (as seen in the rug joinery of BFMW), tents, cells and temporal surfaces that can be folded and tucked away. It becomes clear in this regard, that the definition bed a is not as clear as quotidian perceptions, and that the bed itself also possesses spatial qualities which must be considered in relation to the bedroom and how the bed defines it. This means that what physically defines a bed and a bedroom is blurred.

This is concisely touched upon by Unwin (2014) in his chapter on Primitive Place Types, where he analyses and attempts to label said typologies of beds. Lawrence Wright (1962) as well as Fagan and Durrani (2019) have also written extensively on bed usage throughout history. Reflecting on this history, if the bed is to be defined as any surface on which to rest, then it can be concluded that the bed is not confined to the bedroom and sleeping arrangements can be seen in non-domestic contexts. This poses a possibility of the bed being within a public space, if the domestic interior is classified as private (Benjamin, 1935).

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32. A selected timeline of human bedding; the bed has been a statement, an office, an art piece, an experiment, an interior element, a stage, a monument of power, a symbol of poverty, a hybrid furniture, a mere surface on the ground, temporary, permanent, public, private, social, anti-social, and everything in between‌

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33. Conversation Digital collage, 2019

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8. What is a Bedroom and How Does it Function?

It is important to acknowledge the etymology of “bedroom” as a word in other languages since it goes by different prefix and suffixes. For example, in the German Schlafzimmer, with Schlaf meaning, sleep, and zimmer room, the bedroom becomes “sleeproom”. In most languages then, the primary function of the bedroom can be revealed by virtue of its name alone. It also relates to the fact that not every cultural group would sleep on the bed as furniture, and therefore the inclusion of the word “bed” to describe their room of rest is rendered unnecessary.

Again, looking at Simon Unwin’s (2014) analysis on the bed and the types of space they can possess, we can begin to define what constituted the earliest forms of bedroom. The boundaries of the bedroom and the relation of a room to a bed were experimented with, as seen in figure 34. A selected taxonomy of bed(room) types throughout history can be best illustrated through chronological examples listed in the next chapter. These historical examples retrace how the bedroom came to be as it is known today.

Regardless of the lack of, or, presence of bed (as furniture) inside a bedroom, the existence of bedding is mostly influential on the types of activities carried out in its surrounding room, which were touched upon in chapter 6. The activities carried out in bed can distinguish the primary vs. secondary functions of a bedroom, many of which, whilst still possible to do, are reliant on other objects/furniture/hybrid additions. This can be summarised in the following way: The primary functions of the bedroom and first and foremost, the bed, accommodate our most fundamental domestic needs, which is protection in the vulnerable state of rest or illness, as well as physical privacy for coupling and intimate activity between humans.

And the secondary functions of a bedroom accommodate our needs for actions such as storage, productivity and play, many of which are enabled through the help of other object/furniture/hybridised features of the bed.

Contemporary households in the west, especially those of the middle class and bourgeoisie, contain bedrooms that respond to both the primary and secondary functions above. This is widely seen in popular culture, through films, art, stories and books. One such example is that of American author Margaret Wise Brown, written in 1947. Titled Good Night Moon, the children’s popular bedtime story narrates the main character, a bunny, saying good night to various surrounding objects seen in their bedroom; “good night moon.... good night light... good night red balloon” (Brown, 1947, pp. 8-32).

Bedrooms and prevalent themes of domesticity in popular culture are also analysed in an essay by Georges Teyssot (1996), titled Boredom and Bedroom: The Suppression of the Habitual.

In this text, Teyssot introduces various psychological conditions affected by domestic space and everyday rituals they constitute, and the experimental suppression of such rituals through the medium of art. One notable phenomenon is ennui, boredom, arising from the middle-class domestic interior. Much of this relates to the self-perception of the inhabitant, inwardness induced by the individual’s surroundings, and isolation - although it is noted that the interior was intended as an alternative to boredom, according to Walter Benjamin’s theories. The text evaluates that modernity has caused the shortening of habits within the domestic interior and this is closely related to the bedroom. In summary, one can see that in the bourgeoise condition, the bedroom was a mere luxury, presented as a place where one can do nothing. This therefore contributed to the privilege of spatially-induced boredom despite the many objects, ornaments and collectibles in the inhabitants’ enclosure of individualism. The bedroom served as an accessory to the middle-class house.

Yet, to many others, the bedroom is the (essence of the) house itself; the place where one rests in privacy.

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34. Stills from gif animation of model studying first and foremost, the relation of the bed to the room, and physical boundaries or objects which can define bedrooms, bed-cells, bed-tents, bed-aediculas, alcoves, and other rooms or interior devices containing beds.

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9. Sleeping Arrangements Throughout History: Case Studies

a. Necessity: The Neolithic Bed Partition Bedroom partitions were mapped around the hearth of the Neolithic house and contained within them a raised surface for sleeping (figure 35) (Fagan & Durani, 2019).

35. Skara Brae, Orkney Excavated 1928-30

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b. Privacy: The Cubiculum The ancient Roman cubiculum was the most private room within the domus of the highstatus family (figure 36).

Usually situated around an atrium, the cubiculum housed the Lectus Cubicularis, of the many Roman bed types (Fagan & Durran, 2019).

36. Cubiculum of the Fannius Synistor villa Boscoreale Period, 50-40 B.C. Restored in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York

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c. Commonality: The Shared Medieval Hall Most inhabitants in the medieval manor house slept in the same room, usually the hall (figure 37), and made their own beds, apart from the Manor and his wife (Wright, 1962).

37. Great Hall at Penhurst Place Kent, 1341

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d. Theatrics: The Royal Bedchamber The royal bedchamber at Versailles acted as a theatre stage, with Louis XIV’s daily routines being assisted and witnessed by around 100 people (figure 38) (Wright, 1962).

38. Louis XIV bedchamber Versailles, remodelled 1684.

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e. Fusion: The Bedroom of Many Functions In the 1970s, with interior emphasis on continuity of theme and colour throughout rooms, beds were combined with and attached to many other furniture features incorporating other functions such as storage (figure 39) (Lobrow, 2017).

39. A western typical teenage boy’s room showing bed with incorporated drawers c. 1970’s

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f. Optimisation: The Capsule Bed-cell The capsule hotel (figure 40), with bed-sized rooms, is the embodiment of the primary function of the bed(room) and is reminiscent of the Neolithic bed partition, in which sleep is spatially isolated and optimised (Smith, 2012).

40. Capsule Hotel Osaka, 1979

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PART 3: Public Bedrooms: Case Studies

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10. Hospital: Nightingale Ward, St. Thomas Hospital, Lambeth, Central London, 1868

41. Interior perspective of the inpatient Nightingale Ward of St. Thomas Hospital as arranged in 1966

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42. St Thomas Hospital Nightingale Ward site plan as it stands today Lambeth, 2019 Scale: 1:2500 @A4

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43. Nightingale Ward, St Thomas Hospital, typical floor plan, 1960s Scale: 1:500 @A4

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44. St Thomas Hospital Nightingale Ward section, as arranged in 1966 Scale: 1:100 @A4

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11. Homeless Hostel: Mount Pleasant no. 52-54, Holborn, London. 2014

45. Perspective of new and existing blocks consisting of bedroom clusters facing the shared the central courtyard, 2014

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46. Mount Pleasant Hostel site plan Holborn, 2019 Scale: 1:2500 @A4

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47. Mount Pleasant Hostel lower ground floor plan Holborn, 2019 Scale: 1:500 @A4

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48. Mount Pleasant Hostel section Holborn, 2019 Scale: 1:500 @A4

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12. Boarding School House: City of London Freemen’s School, Ashtead, London, 2015

49. Interior view of a typical two-person shared student bedroom in the boarding school, 2015

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50. City of London Freemen’s School, music hall and boarding house site plan Ashtead, 2019 Scale: 1:2500 @A4

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51. City of London Freemen’s School, music hall and boarding house ground floor plan Ashtead, 2019 Scale: 1:1000 @A4

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52. City of London Freemen’s School, music hall and boarding house section Ashtead, 2019 Scale: 1:1000 @A4

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13. Short-stay Hotel: Yotel, Gatwick Airport, London, 2007

53. Interior perspective of the “premium cabin” at Yotel Gatwick

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54. Yotel, Gatwick airport, 2019 Scale: 1:5000 @A4

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55. Plan of the premium cabin at Yotel Gatwick Scale: 1:100 @A4

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56. Section of the premium cabin at Yotel Gatwick Scale: 1:100 @A4

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14. Temporary Sleep Pods: Commonweal Pods 999 Club, Deptford, London, 2018

57. Interior perspective of the commonweal sleeping pods placed in the 999 Club hall

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15. Bedroom amidst the streets: Homeless Tents, Tottenham Court Road,

2018

58. Perspective of homeless people dwelling in tents outside the Habitat store of Tottenham Court Road, 2018

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In 2018 Dezeen published an article highlighting the rise of homelessness in Central London and beyond. Marcus Fairs (2018) interviewed two men who were rough sleeping outside a Habitat store in Tottenham Court Road. It is found that since 2012, rough sleeping numbers have risen by 120% in England (Fairs, 2018). The tents in this case are small and mainly used for sleeping. Whilst tents are not considered to be a public bedroom but rather a private enclosure, they are placed in stark immediacy to the public realm. In a way, they represent how the most fundamental substitute for a home, is the place of rest, where one sleeps. The homeless condition of rough sleepers is dangerous and often many are not lucky enough to be sleeping in tents under a sheltered colonnade. Their bedrooms may be substituted by buses, trains and public benches. Others sofa-surf and may avoid specialist homeless services altogether as they are trying to keep it hidden from those they know. Whilst sanitary services and toilets, as well as food, can be accessed relatively easily in the city, a bed, or a bedroom, is often much more privatised. Accommodation provision in Central London aimed at homeless individuals comes with limitations such as the need to be a former resident of the district regardless of whether one works there or not, referral policies, commitment to a long-term programme, lack of specialist care, or simply age (City of London Corporation, 1996).

In a number of London boroughs, there is huge disparity between the rough sleeping count and beds available to those in the area (CHAIN, 2019; Homeless Link, 2019). Not only are hostels low in quantity, but they also lack qualities which discourage some rough sleepers from seeking help from them. Some people have reported lack of security, or specialist staff. Some of this inability to provide specialist support to the most vulnerable is due to lack of funding. Other reasons for avoidance of these facilities is due to the fact the majority of single homeless people are not visibly rough sleeping, making it less ideal for the large fraction of homeless people in hiding (Reeves, 2011). Some of those who are in a state of hidden homelessness may rather blend in as a defence mechanism. Others simply do not know where to get help or are left alone by the authorities (Reeves, 2011).

The solution to responding to the urgency of this rise in rough sleeping, as well as hidden homelessness, is to strike a balance between specialist and no-strings-attached facilities.

The ideal temporary accommodation would welcome all members of the public and the homeless, so that those who wish to stay hidden can feel safe to do so amongst city dwellers, and those who feel excluded from society can reconnect with them, being visible, and having their needs met. This inclusive model can also address the lack of funding from local authorities as members of the public can contribute to the costs of running such a facility for those who cannot afford it.

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Conclusion The bedroom with its primitive beginnings borne of human necessity for a refuge of rest and procreation demonstrated the climax of the domestic interior’s innermost private space.

With technology that no longer differentiates between interior and exterior space, yet goes unseen, the interior has become an illusion. The bedroom, a crucial component of the bourgeois interior, has dissolved and is no longer limited to the private sphere. Historical tracings of the bedroom typology demonstrate that it was not always private to begin with.

The private individual bedroom, or sleeping arrangement, is one which was mostly afforded to those with societal privileges.

Therefore, the bedroom as we know it can be considered to be public. This is demonstrated in various building typologies.

The development of increased bedroom activities, and their induced interiorisation is often traced to bourgeois interiors. Outside the domestic premise of the middle class and its surrounding theoretical discourse, certain conditions can counteract this notion. For instance, the homeless condition is one that represents sleeping arrangements, whether in rooms or outside, in their primary form where they accommodated the bare necessity of providing a warm refuge in the body’s state of vulnerability during rest. Even amongst the middle class, we are seeing an increase in the optimisation of public bedroom types purely designed for short term rest, often used by those who travel or work so much they cannot often access a permanent domestic bedroom. These are exemplified in office nap pods and short-stay hotel branches situated near airports.

Can public bedrooms be reintroduced within known building typologies, returning to their fundamental function of sleep whilst making no differentiation between social class?

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List of Figures 1. Altenbrg, P. (1903), photograph, Kunst: Halbmonatsschrift für Kunt und Alles Andere, (1).

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23. Author’s own (2019).

24. Author’s own (2019).

25. Author’s own (2019).

26. Author’s own (2019).

27. Author’s own (2019).

28. Author’s own (2019).

29. Author’s own (2019).

30. Author’s own (2019).

31. Author’s own (2019).

32. Author’s own (2019).

33. Author’s own (2019).

34. Author’s own (2019).

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36. Photograph, [online]. [Viewed 11 December 2019]. Available from: https://www.oxfordartonline.com/groveart/view/10.1093/gao/9781884446054.001.00 01/oao-9781884446054-e-8000020451.

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38. Elliot, F. (1893), photograph, [online]. [Viewed 11 December 2019]. Available from: https://www.gutenberg.org/files/50850/50850-h/50850-h.htm#i-260.jpg.

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2019].

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40. Detail Daily, photograph, [online]. [Viewed 11 December 2019]. Available from: https://www.detail-online.com/blog-article/capsule-hotels-by-kisho-kurokawa-25353/.

41. Author’s own (2019).

42. Author’s own (2019).

43. Author’s own (2019).

44. Author’s own (2019).

45. Author’s own (2019).

46. Author’s own (2019).

47. Author’s own (2019).

48. Author’s own (2019).

49. Author’s own (2019).

50. Author’s own (2019).

51. Author’s own (2019).

52. Author’s own (2019).

53. Author’s own (2019).

54. Author’s own (2019).

55. Author’s own (2019).

56. Author’s own (2019).

57. Author’s own (2019).

58. Author’s own (2019).

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