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An Ethnographic Exploration into the Intersection of Ethnicity and Sexuality in the Experience of Spaces in Newcastle for South Asian LGBTQ+ Individuals Submitted for the Degree of BA Honours Architecture and Urban Planning, School of Architecture, Planning and Landscape Newcastle University 2019 - 2020 Bhumit Mistry Student No. 170348357

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Abstract This dissertation explores how the intersection of ethnicity and sexuality affect the experience of space in the city of Newcastle for South Asian LGBTQ+ individuals. The study uses rich ethnographic semi structured interviews, mapping and fieldnotes with a small sample group gathered using snowball sampling.

The study suggests that South Asian LGBTQ+ experience is not only affected by identity but also personal experiences which define what spaces are characterised as safe and unsafe in the city. The study discusses the importance of queer spaces and diverse spaces and how encounters with certain groups can impact spatial experience. The study also draws attention to the effect of situational factors such as time of day and other identity factors such as gender.

Acknowledgments I would like to thank my supervisor Dr. Abigail Schoneboom for supporting me and providing me with guidance throughout the process of writing my dissertation. I would also like to thank the tutors that were also present in giving me advice during the process of writing this piece of research.

I would like to thank my friends, Sohum Pandya, Anneshwa Kazi and Dan Codd, and my parents for offering me support and guidance during the final days of my dissertation write up.

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Contents Introduction Research Question Methodology Summary Importance of Research - “Filling the Gap�

Theoretical Areas

6 6 7 8 9

Understanding Space, Identities and Experiences Public Spaces and Spaces for Identities Public Space Theory Queer Spaces Ethnic Spaces and Neighbourhoods Summary

10 10 10 11 12 12

The Experience of Fear in Public Spaces Masculinity and Fear Ethnicity and Fear Feeling Safer in Public Spaces Summary

13 13 14 14 15

Living in the Intersection - LGBTQ+ People of Colour (POC) Cultural Honour and Shame Imagined Queer Identities Microaggressions and Racism Summary

16 16 16 17 17

Methodology Overview Participant Sampling Semi Structured Interviews Mapping Fieldnotes

18 18 18 19 21 22

Participant Background Information

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Findings Queer Spaces Diverse Spaces

24 24 28

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Facing Discrimination Situational Factors Cultural Interactions

34 35 37

Discussion of Findings Safe Spaces Unsafe Spaces “It’s the people, not the space” Situational Factors Being in Control

43 43 43 44 45 46

Conclusion Overview of Study Findings Summary Further Scopes of Research Summary

47 47 47 48 49

References

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Appendix

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Figures Table 1 - Participant Details Figure 1 - Participant 1 Field notes Figure 2 - Participant 2 Field notes Figure 3 - Participant 3 Field notes Figure 4 - Participant 4 Field notes Figure 5 - Participant 5 Field notes Figure 6 - Participant 1 Mapping Figure 7 - Participant 2 Mapping Figure 8 - Participant 3 Mapping Figure 9 - Participant 4 Mapping Figure 10 - Participant 5 Mapping Figure 11 - Participant Consent Form Figure 12 - Interview Questions Figure 13 - Original Blank Map 5

Introduction The main aim of this dissertation is to study the intersection of ethnicity and sexuality and the effects these two aspects of identity have on the experience of different spaces with reference to the city of Newcastle. Special consideration was given to the feelings of fear and safety alongside other emotions when carrying out the research and analysing subsequent results. The ethnicity that is studied within this paper is South Asian, however, there is no singular sexual orientation that has been focused on. Instead, the entire spectrum of the LGBTQ+ community is considered. It is important to undertake this research as no studies currently exist that look at the intersection of ethnicity and sexuality in the post-industrial urban context of Newcastle and its varied spaces. Furthermore, the researcher’s own identification with both identity factors assists a unique ethnographic approach to be executed. Therefore producing a highly subjective and informative set of results constructed using deep, intimate interviews with participants alongside other methodologies. There is no singular space that is focused on as the research aims to consider distinctive participant experiences, which happen to take place in a variety of locations at differing times of the day. Nevertheless, many references to Newcastle’s “Pink Triangle”, where many queer spaces exist, were made whilst exploring feelings of fear and safety in the city which will be further discussed within this dissertation (Casey, 2004).

Research Question The primary research question discussed in this dissertation is “how do South Asian LGBTQ+ individuals experience different spaces in Newcastle?”. Within this, there are several other questions that have the potential for exploration, such as how the intersection of ethnicity and sexuality occurs for different individuals, how feelings of safety and fear are constructed, the importance of queer spaces for people of different backgrounds and the impact of other identity and situational factors in experiencing urban spaces.

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Methodology Summary As briefly mentioned, the research has been completed using an ethnographic approach; combining mapping with semi-structured interviews to produce an insightful portrait into the experiences of South Asian LGBTQ+ individuals. The participants in this study were gathered via snowball sampling since the specific identity factors that were required made them a “hard to reach” population (Shaghaghi et al, 2011). Due to this, the sample size is small, however, there is great depth in the research and results acquired. The sample consists of four males and one female, excluding the male researcher.

The use of mapping has given the research a greater visual dimension. It is argued that maps are useful in expressing unseen urban data and exposing the city in ways that cannot be seen in satellite constructed maps (Amoroso, 2010). In addition to mapping, conducting interviews has gathered multiple in-depth qualitative accounts and specific anecdotes that are important in constructing a strong ethnographic understanding of spatial experience by the group focused on within this dissertation (Nurani, 2008).

The different mappings have been digitalised and layered in order to understand the similarities and differences between participants. Meanwhile, the interviews have been analysed using thematic analysis in order to find emerging trends as well as some intriguing differences. The results produced by both methodologies have been analysed alongside each other in an attempt to holistically answer the research question and provide further scopes of research. Nurani (2008) argues ethnographic approaches are advantageous since they allow the addition of the researcher’s personal input in the collection and analysis of results without these results becoming skewed or biased. The researcher’s own reflection on the research process is critical in developing a successful ethnographic set of results which is the reason for using field notes as a third method in this study.

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Importance of Research – “Filling the Gap” The research aims to address the problem that public space is not a safe space for all members of society to express themselves as their most authentic self.

Literature from academics such as Anoop Nayak (2003) explores the concept of masculinity in post-industrial Newcastle and how the intense expression of gender, upbringing and lifestyle traits can have an impact on their own and other’s experience of space. Addressing this issue is important in presenting ideas to improve the design and planning of cities and spaces in order to ensure that they are accessible for all individuals regardless of personal identity or background.

The issue of accessibility is clearly discussed in various theoretical writings by academics such as Henri Lefebvre (Harvey, 2003) Current studies focusing on the intersection between South Asian and queer identities have been carried out from an anthropological perspective; solely considering introspective experiences as opposed to the experience of urban spaces (Bhugra, 1997, Jaspal, 2012). Additionally, these studies have taken place in capital cities such as London and New York and therefore are not representative of smaller cities such as Newcastle. This is another reason why this dissertation is important.

Many studies only look at the effects of a singular aspect of identity such as ethnicity or gender in spatial experience; very rarely considering the overlap between two or more identity factors (Rishbeth, 2001). Public space studies specifically in Newcastle often focus on design over experience. Where experience is considered, the groups that are studied are usually generalised and non-specific e.g. children (Rogers, 2006) or groups that are the majority population e.g. cis-gendered heterosexual Caucasian men (Nayak, 2003). Therefore carrying out this dissertation will help to represent minority group experiences in a new urban realm.

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Theoretical Areas The three main theoretical areas that are engaged within this research include ethnicity theory, queer theory and architectural or spatial design theory. These theories are mainly independent of one another, however some overlap with other, broad and overarching theories and concepts. For instance, queer theory takes a similar approach to feminist theory but focuses on sexual orientation as opposed to gender roles and the male-female binary (Knopp, 2007). Furthermore, ethnicity theory derives its roots from race theory. However, sociologists argue that race is a social category and is only one of multiple factors contributing to one’s ethnicity and therefore requires it’s own theory (Adlparvar, Tadros, 2016).

Engaging with various theories provides a stronger basis for understanding participant experiences in this study and how these experiences can be recorded in an empirical manner. Relevant literature in relation to theory and the subject area of this dissertation is explored in the next section.

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Understanding Space, Identities and Experiences Public Spaces and Spaces for Identities Public Space Theory Research surrounding public space takes several perspectives; some academics choose to focus on static design elements whereas others choose to study the way in which spaces are used. The research in this dissertation will be focusing on the latter. Two notable writers who have studied the urban domain include Henri Lefebvre and Jane Jacobs.

In literature written by Lefebvre, it is argued that all citizens have a democratic collective right to the city in which they should be able to access, occupy and use all urban spaces that are available to them (Purcell, 2002). Lefebvre argues that as individuals claim “The Right to the City”, they claim the power to reshape the form and function of urban spaces to suit their own needs (Harvey, 2003). It is argued that some individuals have less access to certain spaces than others due to identity factors such as age, gender and socio-economic class (Shields, 2013).

Although Lefebvre does not explicitly reference “ethnic minorities” or LGBTQ+ groups, his general concepts surrounding the exclusion of certain groups from spaces can still be applied to the identities studied in this dissertation (Geuder, Alcantara, 2019, pg 130) By excluding minority groups from accessing certain spaces, the individuals within these groups have a greater chance of encountering dangerous interactions. (Anderson, 2018). Due to this, Jacobs argues the importance of her concept, “Eyes on the Street” which refers to the informal observation of the activities that take place in public spaces and neighbourhoods (Goodyear, 2013). In Goodyear’s review of Jacob’s concepts, she also found that natural observation was claimed to be an essential factor in ensuring the safety of all individuals in urban spaces. However, Jacob’s ideas have been criticised by modern academics, for instance, Andersson (2015) claims that informal observations can often lead to “confusing misreadings” in which certain individuals from ethnic minority 10

backgrounds can be profiled without reason. Therefore “Eyes on the Street” is not always an effective method of ensuring safety.

Queer Spaces With the effects of exclusion and the impacts of “misreadings” it can be argued that it is important to have spaces that are specifically made for minority groups. Queer spaces are an example of spaces that are made for members of the LGBTQ+ community via the deconstruction of existent heterosexual spaces and inclusion of queer amenities (Lashkari, 2018). These spaces make it easier and safer for LGBTQ+ people to meet each other and celebrate their identity (O’Regan, 2018). In some cases, these space are used as a site for sexual encounters such as those explored in the infamous Tearoom Trade study (Humphreys, 1970). However, theorists argue that queer specific spaces are now unnecessary for these sexual encounters since LGBTQ+ individuals can connect via the use of dating applications such as Tinder and Grindr (Hubbard et al, 2017).

Other than internal spaces, the celebration of Pride is also recognised as a queer space. Both internal and external queer spaces aim to accommodate all people regardless of their background in an attempt to promote “homonormativity” (Rushbrook, 2002). However, Casey’s (2004) study in Newcastle explores how the inclusion of heterosexual individuals into lesbian and gay spaces can affect issues of safety and comfort for LGBTQ+ individuals. Rushbrook also claims that increasing “homonormativity” has begun a new age where queer spaces and events are commoditized, further affecting feelings of comfort for the LGBTQ+ community. Unfortunately delving further into the effects of commodification on the LGBTQ+ community and queer events is beyond the scope of this dissertation as the ideas become more focused on economy and business as opposed to human/spatial experience (Doan, Higgins, 2010).

Despite such research into LGBTQ+ spaces, academics critique queer research as they claim that there is a great emphasis on a homosexual-heterosexual binary and does not consider the effects of other forms of identity such as race, class and nationality (Puar, 2002). This is further reinforced by literature that claims 11

the lack of consideration of other identities in queer research leads to “queerness” being portrayed as a white and middle-class identity (Logie, Rwigema, 2014).

Ethnic Spaces and Neighbourhoods Unlike queer spaces, there are no specific spaces made for ethnic minorities.

Academics state that despite statistical data showing the importance of religion in many ethnic minority groups, it is important to remember that not all individuals from ethnic backgrounds are religious or feel welcome in religious spaces (Bhugra, 1997). Bruce (2002) argues that religious spaces were historically a space for people from ethnic backgrounds to easily meet each other and converse in the same language, which is why these two factors of identity are often correlated with one another. Bruce also argues that ethnic minorities have lived in ethnic neighbourhoods through history for greater ease in meeting individuals from the same backgrounds. However, like queer spaces, ethnic neighbourhoods are also being pushed for commoditization into diverse cultural centres, reducing familiarity, feelings of safety and community for many individuals from ethnic backgrounds (Rath, 2007).

Summary Looking at public space concepts and the existence of queer and ethnic spaces are important in understanding how space is currently viewed and used by individuals of different sexualities and ethnicities. Jacob’s literature clearly shows that despite the attempt to create safe public spaces, there are certain identities that will fall victim to exclusion and profiling (Andersson, 2015). In this case, in accordance with Lefebvre’s literature, it is important for these individuals to claim their right to the city with the construction of their own space (Harvey, 2003).

However, studies looking at queer and ethnic spaces make it clear that it is difficult to accommodate to the needs of every person (Bhugra, 1997; Casey 2004).

Therefore it is important to carry out research into intersectionality and individu12

al experience like this dissertation aims to do. Furthermore, the literature clarifies that research must be carried out that looks at broader impacts and themes that are beyond the scope of this dissertation such as commoditization of spaces (Rushbrook, 2002; Doan, Higgins 2010).

The Experience of Fear in Public Space Masculinity and Fear Emotions are a key area of research when looking at how different individuals experience different spaces (Farschi, Fisher, 1997). The main binary that is explored within this is safety and fear, with people from different backgrounds being seen as a greater cause or victim of fearful experiences (Day, 2006).

Feminist and queer theory discuss how queer people and women experience fear in a similar way as they are both affected by the toxicities of imagined and real hypermasculine identities (Knopp, 2007). Knopp further argues that masculine identities are often associated with aggression and so fear derives from an individual’s need to defend themselves from harm.

Feelings of fear become more profound when masculine identities are paired with “rituals of football support, drinking and going out” in large groups as found in Anoop Nayak’s study (2003). Nayak’s ethnographic study on white heterosexual males illustrates how firm attachments to industrial heritage in the North East contribute to opinions on “gender, sexuality and ethnicity” and how this feeds into “laddish” behaviour in Newcastle’s public spaces. Much of the anecdotal evidence explored by Nayak shows how the effects of masculine identities and the identification with “a Real Geordie” can have negative impacts on the experience of other individuals in urban spaces. Minority groups can specifically feel threatened and unsafe in what Nayak describes as the “watering holes”; spaces where hyper-masculine identities are most likely to be found, causing them to avoid certain areas of the city. As well as avoidance, certain individuals may choose to subdue the way they usually behave to draw less attention to themselves (Nouella, Elena, 2013).

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Ethnicity and Fear Although gender and masculinity can reinforce fear in various spaces, ethnic identities also have an influence on the experience of space. Interviews carried out in two different studies by Kristen Day (1999; 2006) reviewed the effects of ethnicity in both experiencing fear and being feared. In the first study, Day (1999) interviewed women from various backgrounds and found that white women often experienced greater fear of public spaces associated with certain ethnicities e.g. Hispanic neighbourhoods than women of colour. However, she found that other ethnic spaces such as Mexican restaurants were not seen as places of fear. This was due to the fact that there was a certain degree of familiarity in these spaces and the spaces were considered to be generally safe for all people. Women in this study feared potential interactions with men more than women and often described greater feelings of fear in situational factors such as being alone or being out at night.

In Day’s (2006) second study, she interestingly looked at the experience of men and their awareness of being feared in public space. Her study found that “Hispanic and African American men” described an awareness of being feared, however, “White, Asian and multi-racial men” believed that they were not feared to the same extent. Men in the study from ethnic minority backgrounds felt comfortable in diverse spaces of the city, however, they feared “upper class” areas and “white spaces” as they believed they were at a higher risk of racial profiling.

Nevertheless, some interviews in this study revealed that fear did not always come down to race or ethnicity related factors; instead age and appearance were thought to be crucial factors in determining whether men were feared or not.

Feeling Safer in Public Spaces Despite the vast amount of studies looking at fear, some studies also look at the actions individuals take in order to reduce feelings of fear and actions taken to feel safer (Scraton, Watson 1998), Scraton and Watson’s study interviewing South Asian women in Leeds revealed that women avoided areas of the city that they knew made them feel unsafe; although this limited their experience of “all 14

the city had to offer” they felt more comfortable and safe whilst they were in control.

Women in the study still discussed how situational factors such as being alone made them feel unsafe, however, they argued that they were aware of what they needed to do in certain situations to feel safer “e.g. taking a cab at night” or “staying with friends”. Sanschagrin (2011) further found in her study of queer people and public space that individuals don’t necessarily need a group of friends to feel safer and in-fact being alone in a crowd of strangers was enough for many participants to feel safe since they were hidden. Koskela (1997) believes that individuals will always adapt where necessary and find ways to remain confident in public spaces. Koskela also argues that more studies should focus on the navigation of space from a positive and confident perspective as opposed to a fearful one.

Summary Studying various factors of identity and the interaction between them helps to understand how the experience of spaces vary from person to person. The literature clearly shows the impact of masculine identities in Newcastle, which was useful in providing a context or basis for the interview questions used for the dissertation research (Nayak, 2003). Similar to this, research into ethnic identities forms a basis for how participants in the dissertation may behave or feel about accessing spaces in the city (Day, 2006). However, since most studies looking at ethnic identity do not focus on Newcastle, it may be difficult to extrapolate and generalise the information to the participants in the dissertation’s sample group.

Most literature studying experience of fear in urban spaces solely focus on women and therefore looking at other genders in the South Asian LGBTQ+ sample group will provide a new perspective on spatial experience. The literature also makes it clear that whilst studying identity factors, it is also important to take into consideration situational factors such as time of day and group size when studying public space (Day 1999; Nayak 2003). Although literature begins to analyse the idea of intersection in identity factors, the specific intersection of queer 15

and South Asian is not recognised which is what will be explored in the next part of the literature analysis.

Living in the Intersection – LGBTQ+ People of Colour (POC) Cultural Honour and Shame Although fear can limit the expression of one’s identity in the urban realm, deeper aspects of culture, ethnicity and identity can also affect the expression of behaviour. Jaspal’s (2012, pp 769, 770) study involving interviews with gay British Pakistani and Indian men found that participants lived their everyday lives and carried out certain behaviours in order to uphold “izzat” or cultural honour.

Participants in this study claimed that they felt as though they had a foot in each culture without feeling a belonging in either. This corresponded with which the spaces that participants felt comfortable being in, as described in the interviews.

Participants who self-identified as religious claimed that they felt ashamed of their sexuality and suppressed as much of it as possible during interactions in public space. This idea is reinforced in another study on South Asian gay men, who reported “feelings of regret, self-deprecation and self-hatred” in relation to their sexuality (Bhugra, 1997).

Imagined Queer Identities Self-hatred and shame are further reinforced as being queer and homosexual is still imagined as a white identity (Held, 2013). Held’s ethnographic study looking at Manchester’s gay village highlights how door policy practices have denied South Asian lesbian women the same access to queer spaces as white lesbian women. Bouncers and onlookers used the argument that South Asians are not allowed to be gay in their culture or religion. Therefore they are likely to appear as a threat to others in queer spaces. This caused many women in the study to feel intimidated and unwelcome in queer spaces. Therefore causing further suppression of their gay identity. Furthermore, Held also discussed how people of colour 16

experience “the look” and “the touch” from other people in queer spaces since their skin and hair are often exoticized.

Micro-aggressions and Racism Research has also found that queer people of colour can also feel intimidated by queer spaces due to their experience of facing micro-aggressions and racism within the LGBTQ+ community (Balsam et al, 2011). Balsam et al used self-report scales to measure LGBTQ+ POC experiences. They found that POC often faced micro-aggressions in which their race/ethnicity was either invalidated or exoticized, similar to Held’s (2013) study. Furthermore, people of colour were often discriminated in the study since their race/ethnicity made them less attractive in the queer community. Similar to Jaspal’s (2012) findings, participants claimed they didn’t know their belonging since they were subjected to homophobia in the heterosexual community and racism in the queer community.

Summary As explored in this final section of literature it is clear that living in the intersection as a queer person of colour can be extremely difficult and that investigating these areas can be quite sensitive (Bhugra, 1997). Researchers are beginning to specifically study the intersection of LGBTQ+ South Asian identity in spaces like Manchester’s gay village (Held, 2013). However, Held’s study still looks specifically at queer spaces whereas this dissertation aims to take a more city orientated, a broader approach similar to Balsam’s (2011) study. Furthermore, there is still no research carried out like this in Newcastle and therefore the research in this dissertation will ‘fill the gap’.

The next section of this dissertation will begin to look at the methods used to formulate an answer to the research question and the themes and topics explored within this paper.

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Methodology Overview The research was carried out in this dissertation using ethnographic methods.

The researcher used snowball sampling to acquire a small group of participants that suited the nature of the study. Semi-structured interviews were carried out with each participant in a location of their choosing. Following interviews, all participants completed a short mapping exercise. After face to face research was completed with the participants, the researcher photographed, sketched and wrote a set of reflective statements that formed a set of field notes. Interviews were analysed using thematic analysis and maps were analysed using visual analysis. The results from interviews and maps were viewed together to draw conclusions from the research whilst the field notes provided a broader, ethnographic reflection of the research process.

Participant Sampling Literature shows that snowball sampling is useful in finding unattainable populations or individuals who have unique or hidden identity factors (Shaghaghi et al, 2011). However, academics claim that the referral process within the sampling method can be biased; finding certain types of people e.g. more confident, outspoken, etc (Kirchherr, Charles, 2018). Due to this, Kirchherr argues that there is a certain degree of diversity which is lost within the gained sample.

Snowball sampling was used in order to gather the participants required for the research in this dissertation. This dissertation specifically used “exponential non-discriminative snowball sampling� in which the initial subject provided multiple referrals that were later recruited to take part in the study (Bhat, n.d.). One known contact referred other individuals who suited the identities required in the sample group. Whilst there were nine potential candidates who were referred and fit the identities required, only five of these individuals eventually came forward within the time frame that was allocated to carry out the research. It was predicted that the sample size in the research would be quite small at the start of 18

the study. Therefore an ethnographic approach was chosen; allowing the research to focus on in-depth unique participant experiences as opposed to holistic and non-specific experiences.

The participant group involved all students, four of whom were male and only one of whom were female. It can be argued that the sample is particularly androcentric and snowball sampling did, in fact, lead to a loss in diversity as found in Kirchherr ‘s (2018) research. However, a majority male sample is justifiable since most of the literature analysed makes it clear that women often tend to be the centre of research looking at safety and fear (Day, 1999). Therefore looking at male responses in relation to fear and safety offer a novel perspective into the experience of space.

Semi-Structured Interviews Interviews as a general method of data collection refer to a verbal interchange between the interviewer and interviewee in an attempt to gather information in relation to a particular subject area (Longhurst, 2010). Semi-structured interviews were specifically used since they are more conversational and informal, therefore allowing the researcher to delve deeply into topics and elicit as much information as possible (Flick, 2006).

Interviews were used in the study in order to gain a better understanding of participant experiences and to add context to the information that was provided in the mapping exercise. Participants were given the option to choose the location for their interview in order to put them at ease during the interview process.

Research shows that giving participants greater control over research makes them more compliant in answering questions truthfully (Johnson and Christienson, 2012). Three of the chosen locations were cafĂŠ/bar settings and two were university library settings. One of the library settings felt more intimate and artificial than others resulting in a more calculated set of answers. Nevertheless, the unique experience of each interview again fed into the rich ethnographic approach to the research.

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In using a semi-structured interview format, the participants were asked the same basic set of questions but were prompted to elaborate on responses that required greater explanation and clarity. The semi-structured format allowed the researcher to ask follow up questions when participants raised topics for further investigation. An effort was made to group the questions by three main themes which included: questions about identity, questions about spatial experience and questions about the impact of situational factors in the experience of public space.

Participants were asked to read and sign a consent form allowing the researcher to record the audio in the interviews and later transcribe them. The consent form also made participants aware of their right to withdraw from the study, the right the confidentiality of their identity and the right to a debrief in the case where participants may have experienced mental harm in recalling events for the research. The form also made it clear what the research was about and reminded participants to ask any questions that they had about the study at any time.

Each interview began by asking participants to give a brief description of their background after which the questioning process began; lasting around 30 minutes for each participant. However, there were variations where some participants had more or less to say, resulting in shorter, 20 minute, or longer, 40 minute, interviews.

Each transcribed interview was analysed using thematic analysis. The thematic analysis involved coding the responses from the interviews and collating the coded data into broader themes. It is suggested that coding begins with a list of codes that are based off the hypothesis or central ideas in the study and that new codes are added as the study progresses (Miles, Huberman, 1994). Analysing qualitative data using thematic analysis provides a systematic element to data analysis (Ibrahim, 2012, pg 40). Thematic analysis in this study was carried out manually, however, NVivo, a computer-based method, was in consideration if the sample group was of greater size as explained in Ibrahim’s review. Welsh (2002) argues that manual methods of thematic analysis are useful in allowing themes to emerge more fluidly and creatively than computerised methods. The emerging five themes within the research included: Queer Spaces, Diverse Spac20

es, Facing Discrimination, Situational Factors and Cultural Interactions. Themes from all the interviews were compared with each other and subsequently merged into broader themes.

Mapping Mapping was used to provide a top-down visual approach to the data that was collected during the research process; coinciding with more contextual details provided in the interviews. Perkins (2010) argues that mapping is a process that reflects a way of thinking about spaces. In other words, it displays the mapper’s interpretation and understanding of spaces that they choose to depict. Using mapping as a method allowed participants to highlight their perceptions of safety and fear within the city. The method gave participants greater control and independence, allowing them to self represent as opposed to being represented by the researcher (Pain, 2004).

An ordnance survey map was exported from DigiMap and printed for each participant, Each map displayed Newcastle city centre and parts of residential areas such as Sandyford and Jesmond. These were the areas that were most relevant to the topics studied in the research. Since the researcher has lived in Newcastle for approximately two years, all areas shown on the map were familiar and imaginable to a certain extent. Participants were given a printed map along with three coloured pencils; red, yellow and green to map their feelings by hand. The colour scale represented three responses to space: • • •

Green – Feelings of Safety Yellow – Neutral Feelings or Indifferent Feelings Red – Feelings of Danger or Fear

There was minimal interaction between the researcher and the participant during this mapping process. Some small comments helped to justify the participant’s reason for using a certain colour scale in an area. These comments helped to verify situational factors such as time of day which could not be seen on a singular map.

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The map produced by each participant was digitalised using Adobe Photoshop.

This was an effective method for digitalisation since it was easy to make the same shapes that were on the hand-drawn maps. Furthermore, Photoshop allowed each colour to be clearly separated using Layers. The same colours from each map were analysed alongside each other. Sanschagrin (2011) used mapping in her study and also compared layers of mapping to find similarities in participant experiences. The interviews and maps were both studied together as they had a clear relation. Themes from the interviews correlated with the feelings of fear, safety and neutrality Field notes Field notes are an “inseparable overlap of both methods and findings� (Emerson et al, 1995). Field notes were a method used at the end of the research to reflect upon the experience of carrying out the research in participant’s chosen settings.

The notes involved the use of drawing, photography and writing that reflected upon the sensory experience of carrying out the research. The field notes showed that the location of the research influenced the data acquired. The practice of drawing in field notes has been claimed to portray how spaces and people are memorised and interpreted (Kuschnir, 2016). The field notes add to the depth of the mapping and interviews and support some of the ideas that are explored in the literature review.

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Participant Background Information Since the study is carried out from an ethnographic perspective, it is important to understand the individual backgrounds of each participant. Table 1 displays Participants’ Age, City of Residence, Gender, Sexual Orientation, Ethnicity, Research Setting and Research Time.

Table 1 - Participant Details

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Findings Findings from the study have been grouped using themes. Each theme incorporates the results from the interviews, maps and field notes where appropriate.

This part of the findings section will simply look at the results from each participant and compare them for similarities and differences. This section will then be followed by a discussion of whether the results from the research support or challenge the ideas found in other published work and literature.

Queer Spaces Several different areas of the city were mentioned when participants were asked about locations where they felt particularly safe. Participants 1,2,3 and 5 mentioned that they felt safer in Newcastle’s queer club spaces as opposed to other non-sexualised club spaces. Some notable examples included Rusty’s and Powerhouse. Participant 5, a 20-year-old Pakistani female, claimed that sometimes the music played in these spaces such as “Punjabi MC”, a recognisable Western-Indian song, reminded her that queer spaces were also spaces where she could safely celebrate her ethnicity.

For many of the participants, gay clubs were the first space in which they could celebrate their sexuality since they often mentioned hiding or suppressing this part of their identity around family at home due to “cultural and generational differences”. Participant 2 also claimed that the people within queer spaces tended to be “less judgy” in comparison to South Asian individuals; therefore he felt more comfortable being his “most authentic self”.

However, Participant 4, a 30-year-old Bangladeshi male, gave a personal account of being subjected to micro-aggressions within queer spaces: Participant 4: “…even last week when I was out and this guy asked me to drink, I said I did not drink cos I’m a Muslim and he just replied with ‘you people from your country are so weird’” 24

The participant claimed that they still feel safe in queer spaces since incidents like the one given in the anecdote were rare. However, they mentioned that those interactions reminded them that there are still people within these spaces who do not wholly accept all aspects of their identity. Therefore, this space was no more or less safe for them. In a discussion of identity the participant said: Participant 4: “Yeah, it’s like I’m not white enough to be gay and not brown enough to be South Asian” This further reinforced the idea that the participant in some aspects still felt unwelcome in spaces made for them. Despite this detailed account, Participant 4 along with all other participants still marked the Centre for Life area, known for its queer spaces, as a safe (green) space in the mapping exercise (Figures 6-10).

Moving away from club spaces, a daytime safe space mentioned by the participants was Coffee Trader. Coffee Trader is located on a side street from Northumberland Street, which is an area that most participants marked as a safe or indifferent space in the mapping exercise (Figures 6-10). This was the space where Participant 1, an Indian male who is part of the LGBT society at university, chose to have his research carried out. Field note photographs and documentation (Figure 1) show the relaxed, casual atmosphere of the coffee shop setting as well as how the space is used by other students like those in the sample. It was clear that the participant was familiar with the space and felt in control which contributed to the ease of carrying out the interview.

CoffeeTrader was mentioned by participants 1, 3 and 5 as a space where the university’s LGBT society had their weekly meet-ups. Although this space is not a queer space, since these participants had associated the space with LGBT individuals, it had interestingly become a safe queer space for them, regardless of whether LGBT individuals were present or not. Participant 1 also mentioned that they see “a fair few Asians” in the coffee shop too, therefore he thought of it as quite a “diverse space” and felt safe since he did not seem to “stand out from the crowd”.

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Participant 5 argued that there are a lack of queer spaces that are available to queer people during the day. She claimed that she felt safer in spaces that explicitly showed they were LGBT friendly through the display of “rainbows” and other queer symbols. She used the Tyneside Cinema in Newcastle as an example of a space that does this. The participant argued that she does not only want to feel safe and accepted while she is “out at night and surrounded by blaring music”.

However, a discussion with Participant 4 revealed the idea that making spaces specifically for LGBT individuals during the day removes “the mixing” of queer and straight identities. Therefore reducing opportunities for the two communities to interact and learn from one another.

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Figure 1 - Participant 1 Field notes

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Diverse Spaces Despite most participants marking Northumberland Street and nearby areas as a safe or indifferent space in the mapping exercise, only two participants explicitly mentioned Eldon Square, a shopping centre in Newcastle’s city centre, as a safe space in their interviews. Participants 1 and 4 said that Eldon Square felt safe since it often had diverse “crowds of people” with different ethnicities, genders and ages. These participants claimed this helped them to “blend in”.

Diverse crowds were also mentioned by Participant 5, however, instead of Eldon Square, she argued that Chinatown and other “BAME” (Black, Asian, Minority Ethnic) spaces made her feel particularly safe in the city. This is due to the fact that people in BAME spaces were viewed as more accepting of ethnic minorities or “they would not be in those space themselves”. She also stated that there is a greater sense of community in BAME spaces which is something of great importance to her since she grew up around a strong community during her childhood and also sees the union of LGBT individuals as a strong community too.

Diversity of people was also mentioned as a reason for safety by Participants 2 and 3 in their discussion of various university buildings such as the libraries and the Students Union. Participants 2, 3, 4 and 5 chose to have their research carried out in university settings. Two of these took place in the library and two of these took place in the university café/bar space.

The research carried out with Participant 2 in the private library room felt more artificial than other interviews; the participant often gave short answers and this was perhaps due to the unanticipated intimacy of the room which is reflected in the drawings and the imagery shown in the field notes (Figure 2).

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Figure 2 - Participant 2 Field notes

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Participants 3, 4 and 5 opted for more social spaces where they could speak out loud and where they could be seen by others in the setting. Therefore their interviews felt more natural and conversational. Field notes from these research settings show the busyness and casual atmosphere of the space (Figures 3-5).

Some participants chose these spaces as safe spaces for them to talk about their identity whereas others chose the spaces due to a matter of convenience.

Participants felt safer in university spaces as they are used by a wide variety of students who are considered as more “open-minded” and less discriminatory towards differences in identity. Participants also mentioned seeing their friends in university spaces. Therefore, through the association of people with space, participants found university spaces safe. Additionally, Participant 2 commented that since these spaces are “controlled” by the university to some extent; carrying out discriminatory acts are deterred by the imagined consequences from those in authority.

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Figure 3 - Participant 3 Field notes

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Figure 4 - Participant 4 Field notes

Figure 5 - Participant 5 Field notes

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Facing Discrimination Those in authority can be the reason that spaces are made to feel uncomfortable or unsafe. When discussing spaces that participants avoided, some referred back to non-sexualised club spaces where they had been faced with homophobia, racism or both from bouncers. Participant 5 claimed that she was “called a dyke”1 by a bouncer at Sinners and Participant 2 stated that he was racially profiled as a “paki”2 at the same club. Since these participants had associated the spaces to the experiences they had, they felt unwelcome and afraid of entering these spaces again in case they were to have the same experience. These participants specifically marked club spaces where they had experienced discrimination as unsafe spaces on the map (Figures 7 & 10).

Besides club spaces, some participants claimed to have experienced homophobia and racism in other spaces in Newcastle. For instance, Participant 1 stated that they had experienced homophobia from a “group of guys” around central station after “a night out”. Central station is located in close proximity to “Newcastle’s Pink Triangle” which is shown in the maps. The experience of discrimination in this area shows how there is a sudden lack of acceptance and safety beyond the parameters of Newcastle’s queer area. Participant 5 further reinforced this idea as she mentioned how she is afraid of facing discrimination immediately after “walking out of Powerhouse”. The experience for these two participants are shown in their maps (Figures 6 & 10).

As a follow-up question, participants were asked who was responsible for the discrimination they experienced, to which most participants responded with “a group of men” who were often “white”. Participant 3 stated that those responsible for discrimination had “nothing to lose themselves” and in most cases were intoxicated which influenced their behaviour. Participant 2 claimed that being personally intoxicated can put him at risk during interactions with other drunk individuals: Despite the terms “dyke” and “paki” being blatantly offensive they have been retained in the quotations as removing or ignoring these slurs would remove the impact of the homophobic and racial abuse described by participants in their anecdotal experiences.

1,2

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Participant 2: “I don’t really give a shit about anything when I’m drunk, if someone ‘beefs’ me then I’ll probably ‘beef’ them back”3 Participant 4 gave a different perspective on personal levels of intoxication. He claimed that being drunk made him more likely to disregard comments made against him. Regardless of intoxication, participants generally characterised large groups of men as dangerous. This was the justification used when participants often painted St.James’ Stadium as an unsafe or indifferent space on the map, since this space is often used by large groups of male football fans (Figures 6-10).

Participant 5 claimed that she was at the biggest risk of being targeted by a group like this since she is “a woman, a Pakistani and gay”. No male participants discussed the importance of their gender alongside their sexuality and ethnicity in experiencing space. This shows that gender could be a more important factor contributing to female spatial experience as opposed to male. All participants suggested that there are no specific spaces that they fear in Newcastle as the people who are the cause of fear and discomfort can be present anywhere. Greater feelings of fear were said to come down to situational factors and the expression of one’s identity.

Situational Factors There were two main situational factors that participants commented on during their interviews which included the time of day and their group size. All participants agreed that they are more conscious of their safety during the night, especially in “quiet spaces” since there is a greater chance of “something bad happening” to them. Participants 1 and 5 also commented on the change in their appearance during the night. Participant 1, a 20-year-old Indian male, stated that when he went out he wore “makeup and jewellery… looking a bit more feminine” than he would normally look. Similarly, Participant 5 claimed that she wore more “eccentric drag makeup” and “typically masculine clothes” when she went out at night. Although changes in appearance made participants feel Beef refers to instigating an argument. Again the swear word was no removed from the quote to keep the anecdotal experience more authentic.

3

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more authentic in their self-expression they also felt at a greater risk of facing discrimination in public spaces since they “stood out more”. Participant 1, a male from London, claimed the intersection of their ethnicity and sexuality made them more noticeable: Participant 1: “It’s not everyday that you see someone up here in the North East who’s brown and looks very very gay”.

Their specific reference to “the North East” led to a discussion in which the participant argued that London, his city of residence, was more diverse than the North East. Therefore, “going out in London, wearing makeup and being brown” was not as “scary” for him as it is in Newcastle. This lack of diversity was further mentioned in the interview with Participant 2 who claimed that coming to Newcastle was “a big culture shock” for him. This shows that Newcastle’s unique cultural heritage has an impact on the experience of individuals who are used to different cultural surroundings.

Furthermore, all participants claimed that being alone during the night gave them greater feelings of “anxiety” as opposed to being in a group. One area mentioned by several participants was the Town Moor. They claimed that the area is “very dark” at night and that “you don’t see a lot of people there” making it easier for someone to carry out a discriminatory act and go unnoticed. Participant 2,3 and 4 marked this space as unsafe in the mapping exercise (Figures 7-9). A similar justification was used when marking Jesmond Dene as an unsafe space on the map. However, participants claimed that they did not feel unsafe when they were alone in spaces that they clearly recognised such as neighbourhoods in which themselves or their friends lived. This is further shown by participants marking areas in Sandyford and Jesmond as safe spaces on the map (Figures 6-10) Participant 3 claimed that being in a group of friends made them feel safer since they could “all defend each other”. However, participants had varying views when it came to being alone in a group of strangers. Some participants claimed that they felt “comfortable” being alone in a group of strangers as there was a greater chance that they could “blend in” and go “unnoticed”. These participants 36

also commented on the fact that being in a crowd meant there was a greater chance of someone “stepping in” if they were verbally or physically abused.

Again, Participants 1 and 3 referenced Northumberland street as a “busy space” where it was easier to look like “you’re a part of the crowd”. Other participants argued that being in a crowd made them more conscious of their safety since it is “harder to keep track of everybody”. Participant 5 mentioned that she felt a lack of “control” in large crowds of strangers as potential discriminators had greater anonymity.

Cultural Interactions Participants also mentioned how the ethnicities and sexualities of the groups that were around them affected their experience of space. Participant 4 and 5 shared their experience of changing their behaviour whilst around a majority white population. For instance, both participants mentioned changing their language in an attempt to sound “less foreign”.

Participant 5: “…if I’m around a group of white people like in a pub or spoons or something, especially on a match night, I’d rather speak in English with my other brown friends than in Urdu, I swear to god, people just give a really dirty stare sometimes and it puts me off” This experience shows that responses, not necessarily verbal, from others can have a clear impact on the way in which participants choose to behave in a certain space. Again the reference to football through the term “match night” shows how events that attract certain types of people into a space can impact the experience of space for others.

On the other hand, participants mentioned that being around a majority South Asian population made them more conscious about their sexuality. Participant 2 mentioned that his behaviour was “more toned down” around South Asian groups. Participant 1 further reinforced this idea by saying that he took out his piercings and covered his tattoos when attending places of worship since he did not wish to be seen as a deviant to traditional cultural ideas and norms.

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Figure 6 - Participant 1 Mapping 38

Figure 7 - Participant 2 Mapping 39

Figure 8 - Participant 3 Mapping 40

Figure 9 - Participant 4 Mapping 41

Figure 10 - Participant 5 Mapping 42

Discussion of Findings Safe Spaces Overall, the findings show that the intersection between ethnicity and sexuality has a clear impact on the experience of space for many participants. The two identity factors determine what spaces feel participants feel safest in, such as Newcastle’s queer spaces and university spaces. Feeling safer in queer spaces is consistent with Lashkari’s (2018) study in which it was found that queer spaces were a safer environment to meet other queer individuals and celebrate sexual identity. Several participants claimed that going to a gay club was the first time they could celebrate their identity since they are used to hiding or changing their behaviour around South Asian family and friends due to judgemental cultural norms and values. This was relevant to the literature written by both Bhugra (1997) and Jaspal (2012) in which participants often mentioned concealing their sexuality due to “cultural shame” and “self-hatred”.

Although many participants did not refer to spaces made for individuals from ethnic backgrounds, Participant 5 did reveal that she felt safer in BAME spaces.

This coincides with the results found in Day’s (1999) study in which women of ethnic minorities were more likely to feel safer in ethnic spaces as opposed to white women. However, it could be argued that since no white participants were interviewed in this study, there is no comparison to Participant 5’s experience, therefore, invalidating the link to Day’s literature.

Unsafe Spaces All participants did not unanimously mention specific spaces in which they felt unsafe or uncomfortable during the interview process. In the mapping, 3 participants agreed on Newcastle’s Town Moor and St. James’ Stadium being an unsafe space. Most participant’s identification of other unsafe spaces came down to their own personal experiences. For instance, Participants 2 and 5 both identified Sinners as an unsafe space due to discriminatory encounters they had experienced with a bouncer.

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Similarly, Participant 4 did not claim that gay clubs made them feel any more safe than a non-sexualised club since he was personally subjected to racial micro-aggressions in the queer space. The participant’s reflection of not being able to completely identify with the expectations within the LGBT or South Asian community coincides with Jaspal’s (2012) study where participants mentioned having “a foot in each culture” but a belonging to neither.

Both of these experiences sit in conjunction with literature from Held who found that South Asian individuals in queer space were often mistreated by bouncers and onlookers since they were seen as a threat to other queer people. Furthermore, Participant 4’s experience specifically coincides with Balsam et al’s (2011) study in which participants reflected on the micro-aggressions they often faced in queer spaces as LGBT POC. Therefore leaving “queerness” imagined as a white, middle-class identity as explored in Logie’s (2014) work.

“It’s the people, not the space” For most participants, spaces themselves did not make them feel uncomfortable; instead, the people within these spaces or people associated with these spaces stimulated feelings of fear and anxiety. For instance, participants unanimously commented on the fact that they were fearful of groups of white men. Since groups of white men were associated with St. James’ stadium many participants characterised the space as unsafe.

This coincides with two pieces of literature that were analysed in this dissertation. Firstly, the research supports Nayak’s (2003) study on how the presence of hyper-masculine identities in Newcastle’s “watering holes” such as St. James’ stadium can have a negative effect on the experience of space by the South Asian LGBTQ+ participants. Secondly, the findings show that participants often feared men as opposed to women. This supports Day’s (1999) study in which women often feared potential interactions with men rather than other women. For men from ethnic minorities in Day’s (2006) second study, white men and majority-white areas were said to be sites of fear.

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Furthermore, participants mentioned that they changed their behaviour when around majority white populations as they had experienced being “stared at” in the past. This again links back to Held’s (2013) study in which participants received “the look” from others due to differences in language and appearances.

However, the association of people with spaces was not always viewed negatively in the dissertation study. Some participants mentioned making the association of LGBT people with Coffee Trader and therefore characterising it as a safe space. This brings about a new dialogue in spatial research and could be linked to Koskela’s (1997) idea of having a positive outlook on the navigation and experience of space as opposed to solely focusing on fear and negativity.

Situational Factors Individual experiences were also affected by situational factors such as the time of day and the group size of participants. Participants all agreed that they felt more conscious of their safety during the night, especially when they were alone. This is consistent with the findings in Day’s (1999) study in which women claimed they felt more unsafe whilst being alone during the night. However, participants stated that they felt safer when being around friends which was also found in Scraton and Watson’s study of South Asian women’s spatial experience.

Participants had varying accounts of feeling safe whilst being along in a group of strangers. Some participants claimed they felt safer as they “blended in” as found in Sanschagrin’s (2011) study of queer experiences in public space. Furthermore, participants claimed that being in groups increased the chance of being defended by strangers. This supports the idea of natural observation increasing feelings of safety as written about in Jacob’s “Eyes on the Street” literature (Goodyear, 2013).

However, some participants contested this by claiming that being alone in crowded spaces reduced their sense of control. This links back to Scraton and Watson’s study of women avoiding certain spaces and scenarios to have a greater amount of control and therefore increase feelings of safety in navigating the urban environment. Nevertheless, two participants claimed that their experiences 45

of fear and being alone are specific to Newcastle and that they wouldn’t experience if they were in a more “diverse space” such as London, however, this isn’t acknowledged in any of the existing literature.

Being in Control The idea of control is a factor that determined the experience of carrying out the different interviews, The field notes coincide with the idea that participants who feel as though they are in greater control are more likely to give better, more conversive responses in interviews as found in Johnson and Christensen’s (1998) research. Furthermore, participants who are in more familiar environments are more likely to feel a greater sense of control as found in Day’s study (1999).

Overall familiar and more social environments worked more effectively for carrying out interviews and this is reflected through the field notes and depth of interviews.

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Conclusion Overview of Study This dissertation aimed to understand the experience of LGBTQ+ South Asians in different spaces in Newcastle. The study did this via the use of mixed methods including interviews, mapping and field notes; carried out from an ethnographic perspective. Five participants took part in the research and were recruited using snowball sampling since the specific identities that were required made them a “hard to reach� population (Shaghaghi et al, 2011). The semi-structured interviews in this research were recorded, transcribed and analysed using thematic analysis. The emerging themes from each interview were analysed alongside each other and categorised into broader themes. The hand mapping was digitalised and analysed to find common safe, indifferent and unsafe spaces among participants. The findings from the mapping and the themes from the interviews were analysed together in order to gain a more holistic understanding of spatial experience by LGBTQ+ South Asians. The field notes accompanied the research as a way of reflecting upon the process of carrying out interviews and mapping, in locations chosen by participants. Participants all signed a consent form in which they agreed to the collection and use of their results.

This research has contributed to the literature surrounding spatial experience in the post-industrial city of Newcastle and ideas of safety and fear. The research has also contributed a rich ethnographic account of spatial experience specifically for the intersection of South Asian LGBTQ+ individuals.

Findings Summary The research found a range of different themes that emerged from the different methodologies used. These themes included Queer Spaces, Diverse Spaces, Facing Discrimination, Situational Factors and Cultural Interactions. Many of these findings supported the results from studies in the literature review, however, there were some findings that challenged the published work. The research found that South Asian LGBTQ+ individuals often feel safer in queer spaces as op47

posed to non-sexualised spaces, especially when looking at clubs. Queer spaces such as Rusty’s and Powerhouse offered a safer environment to meet other queer individuals and to celebrate repressed sexual identity which is consistent with findings from Lashkari (2018), Bhugra (1997) and Jaspal (2012). Research also found that diverse spaces feel safer for individuals from ethnic minorities which coincides with the findings in Day’s study. However, since only one participant claimed this in the sample, it could be argued that this conclusion cannot be drawn since it is not representative of all participants.

The research found that there are no specific spaces that participants fear in Newcastle; identification of unsafe spaces came down to personal experiences.

This means that participants associated feelings of fear, anxiety and discomfort to spaces where they had experienced homophobia, racism and micro-aggressions due to their sexuality and ethnic background. The research found that participants feared groups of white men the most and since hyper-masculine white identities were associated with football, participants feared St. James stadium especially during “match night”. This clearly links to the findings presented in Nayak’s (2003) study whilst again linking to findings from Day’s (1999; 2006) study.

Research also found that situational factors that do not link to South Asian or LGBTQ+ identity have a strong impact on the experience of space for many participants. Group size and time of day were identified as two factors that increased or decreased feelings of safety when experiencing space. The group sizes and time of day that gave participants the greatest feelings of control were the scenarios in which they felt safe. This linked to literature written by Scraton and Watson (1998) and Sanschagrin (2011).

Further Scopes of Research Some of the findings and the discussions that emerged during the research process can be used to inform further scopes of research. For instance, one of the participants discussed the importance of gender in experiencing space alongside her sexuality and South Asian background. She claimed that her gender made her 48

“an even bigger target” to discriminatory acts, but the issue of gender was not mentioned across the male participants. This shows that male participants are not as conscious of their gender in experiencing public space as females. Although this study managed to successfully look at the intersection of ethnicity and sexuality in experiencing space, it is pivotal for further research to continue looking at even more intersections, such as gender, ethnicity and sexuality, in the context of Newcastle and beyond.

Additionally, participant discussions on “the lack of diversity” in Newcastle in comparison to other cities is another area for research. Research in this dissertation already shows that situational factors are extremely important in spatial experience for LGBTQ+ South Asians, therefore the effect of diversity in the city could have an equal effect. It is important to research alternate factors affecting spatial experience in order to isolate the effects of ethnicity and sexuality more clearly.

Some of the other ideas that came up for further research were the importance of daytime queer spaces for LGBTQ+ South Asian individuals, the effects of commodification on ethnic and sexualised spaces and how the association of people with spaces have an effect on whether they are seen as safe or unsafe.

Summary Overall LGBTQ+ South Asian spatial experience is affected by a wide array of factors. Experience is impacted by the intersection of identity factors such as ethnicity and sexuality, however, the construction of safe and unsafe spaces in Newcastle also comes down to personal experience which was described and shown through mapping and interviews in this dissertation. Furthermore, the experience of spaces by LGBTQ+ South Asian is driven by situational factors such as the time of day and group size. Other identity factors such as gender were scarcely mentioned, as being important in the experience of space, however, since the sample size was quite small, it could be that other identity factors would become more emergent if a bigger sample size was used. Queer spaces are clearly important for all participants in this study even though some participants 49

experienced negative interaction. However, there are varied views on whether daytime queer spaces are necessary or not. Some debates such as these are open to further research. However, this dissertation successfully completed its aims of providing a strong ethnographic account of LGBTQ+ South Asian experience in the post-industrial context of Newcastle, considering factors other than ethnicity and sexuality such as situational factors and raising discussion for further scopes of research.

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Appendix

Figure 11 - Participant Consent Form 56

Figure 12 - Interview Questions

57

Figure 13 - Original Blank Map 58