Miscellany Volume 118, Issue 3

T.C.D.

Doping in Sports | Guilty Pleasures |The Abortion Debate

Dylan Haskins – Jane Ohlmeyer – Political Debate Volume 118 | Issue Three | February 2011

Editor’s letter

ON THE COVER

Polly Dennison

E

lections elections elections.

That’s all I seem to be hearing about these days. S.U., provostial, national.

Not to mention the referendum on the student centre. It makes a nice change from talking endlessly about the snow: “I heard we’re to get 6 inches tonight!” “no no no, I heard that’s just England, sure, we’re due for 12!”, “wrong again! We’re going to be snowed in until Easter! Stock up now!” At least all that mess has melted away and I can now leave my house without having to hire a sherpa and mule for assistance. March should be interesting, when we know who’s going to be in the president’s office, no.1 Grafton St. and Leinster House. Only time will tell how much things will change, but it will certainly make good teapot talk if nothing else. We have quite a selection for you in this issue!

Our set theme was Politics and the Economy and we have some great opinion pieces on both. We spoke with man-of-the-hour, Dylan Haskins., about his political debut. Elaine McCahill met with Provstial hopeful, Jane Ohlemeyer to talk about her experience and what she would hope to do if elected. Aside from our interviews, we have our usual mix of pieces on and around the theme. From Finbarr Goode Begley’s philosophical look at respect in politics to Rory Gleeson’s witty take on the everlasting Irish politician. Clare Burnett takes on the sticky subject of abortion in Ireland and Evan Musgrave looks at the many facets of emo culture. Andre Mendonc Madaleno writes on health care policy while Gavin McLoughlin talks about doping in sports today. Our regular contributor, Tara Monaghon writes about her guilty pleasures - yes, the X-Factor is mentioned - and regular columnist, Fintan Mallory looks at politics north and south of the border on page 35. I hope you all enjoy the elections and that you also enjoy this issue!

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ur editor talks to Independent candidate, Dylan Haskins about his campaign, page 6

W M

e look at the idea of respect in political office, on page 14

iscellany talks to Provostial hopeful, Jane Ohlmeyer about her plans for Trinity, page 10

Volume 118, Issue 3

ALSO IN THIS ISSUE

O ur editor discusses the Student Centre and why it’s not the best idea right now. Page 4.

G

4

Editorial Our editor discusses the propsed student centre

6

New Kid on the Block Our editor meets Dylan Haskins to discuss his campaign

9

Burn the Bondholders A look at the financial crises

10 No. 1 Grafton Street Elaine McCahill speaks to the provostial candidate, Jane Ohlmeyer

avin

McLoughlin looks at doping in sport today on page 24.

T

Contents

14 The Man and the Office Finbarr Goode Begley on the idea of political respect 18 An Emotional Farewell A look at Emo culture and its aspects 22 The Abortion Question.

Clare Burnett discusses abortion amd the upcoming election 24 Si Hablo , Adiós Mundial y Adiós Eurocopa Gavin McLoughlin looks at doping in sports today 26 Student Survival Guide We look at how to deal with the latest gramt cuts

ara

28 We need to talk about Health Andre Mendonc Madaleno looks at healthcare policy 30 The Death of a Politician.

Rory Michael Gleeson writes on the everlasting irish politician

Monaghon talks about her

33 Guilty Pleasures Tara Monaghon discusses that which she normally wouldn’t.

guilty pleasures on page 33.

35 In Conclusion...Fintan Mallory Our new regular columnist discusses politics, north and south of the border

F

intan Mallory discusses

politics, north and south of the border, on page 35.

T.C.D. Miscellany 6 Trinity College Dublin 2 www.miscellany.ie editor@miscellany.ie

editor deputy editor McIndoe copy editors Business Manager design printers

Polly Dennisony Elaine McCahill and Louisa Tara Monaghon Danny McGrath Martin McKenna Conway Media Limited

T.C.D. Miscellany is funded by a grant from DU Publications Committee. This publication claims no special rights or privileges. Serious complaints should be addressed to: The Editor, T.C.D. Miscellany, 6 Trinity College, Dublin 2. Appeals may be directed to the Press Council of Ireland.

T.C.D. Miscellany is a full participating member of the Press Council of Ireland and supports the Office of the Press Ombudsman. This scheme, in addition to defending the freedom of the press, offers readers a quick, fair and free method of dealing with complaints that they may have in relation to articles that appear on our pages. To contact the Office of the Press Ombudsman go to www.pressombudsman.ie.

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Editorial

The Editor on the Student Centre

by Polly Dennsion It’s no news that the college services are in fairly dire straights. Their budgets are stretched and frankly, so are the majority of ours. But, now we, the students, are being asked to pay more money in the “student contribution fee” for something which I believe we don’t really need. While the idea of a shiny new student centre may sound appealing, when you look at what the college really needs, and what would be truly beneficial to us all as students, I think you’ll find that a well-equipped library, a health service where you can get an appointment in less than a week and faculties that are not nearly rationing paper is far better than yet another bank or another coffee dock. Even if they do have fancy new floors.

The library drives many of us mad.

You know yourself that there are times when there’s that one book that you need which you know is going to take your presentation from a dodgy 2.2 to a respectable 2.1. Or perhaps it’s the only place to get that one source that is needed for your tutorial. You leave it until the day or two before the class to knuckle down to type out what’s been floating

The Berkeley library and the Museum building 4

around in your head and to go get that book from the library which you know will cement your argument.

But when you get to the library, it’s not part of the lending section and you have no change for the photocopy machine. Or worse.

It’s in stacks. And you’re requesting it after the cut-off point. There’s no chance of having it before your class now. One friend of mine, a music student, recently told me of how she had been in need of a book of translated letters, the originals being in German. She found that the German versions were on the shelves of the library and the English translations were out in stacks. I have often found multiple copies of the same book on the shelves of the Berkeley and none of them are available to borrow. I am sure many of you have had similar experiences. But university libraries shouldn’t, and don’t have to be like that . If ours had more money, then more books could be available for lending and more runs to stacks could be done, meaning that you could have that book either right then or the next morning. The lack of books that are part of the lending section is irritating to say the least. The opening hours are another annoyance to many of us. I can appreciate that the librarians don’t want to be working the desks at midnight, so why not put some money into equipping

the library with machines – similar to those in U.C.D. – which students use to check books out by themselves? The library could stay open later and could have the same hours at the weekend as during the week. Imagine how much better a library we would have if we could not only borrow the majority of the books on the shelves but also have that stacks request by 9am the next day and then be able to be in and use the library until midnight?

The library is not the only place in need of a boost. Individual faculties are in need of extra funding. I know my own department, history, has made noticeable cuts. Tutorial groups are increasing in size and students are now expected to do nearly all photocopying of tutorial documents themselves – handouts are decreasing. At first we were told that this decrease was due to a stricter adherence to copyright laws, but I can’t help but notice that this stringent respect for the law has only come in since the recession hit. Members of the department who I have been in conversation with have also said as much. You may ask what a lack of photocopying and handouts does to the learning experience. You may think I am complaining about something that surely does not warrant such an outcry. Well, for every page that I must photocopy, that is more money out of my pocket. For every handbook and series of tutorial documents, I am out another ¤4 or ¤10.

If you calculate that I do six classes in the year, 6 tutorials per class, with, for

The Pomodoro outside the Berkeley example, four chapters to photocopy for each class – it adds up rather quickly.

And that’s before any extra chapters that have to I photocopy because the library won’t loan out that particular book on the study of American cultural history.

You see, if the services go on the way they do, we will have to pay more just to have the most basic of academic experiences. Not only that, but should the referendum outcome be in the affirmative, we will also be out an extra ¤69 - at the least – each year. Not only will I continue to pay what I pay now, but I will be paying extra, for something that we don’t really need and for the other services to continue on in the same disfunctional manner.

The college health service is laughable. I do not mean the standard of care or the the standard of the staff involved, rather the waiting list. It can take over a week to secure an appointment with one of the GPs or with the college counseling service. The referendum guide tells us that the new student centre will include a “new purpose-built health centre”.

Does this mean that nothing will change apart from the location? Is the college simply going to move the health service into a new, shiny building without doing anything about the waiting list? What we need instead of a fancy new space is more doctors and nurses on staff. We need increased accessibility so that the

wait can be brought down to under a week. The waiting list is often another cause for further expense on the part of the student. It’s not always possible to make the emergency hours. All this can mean that we resort to going to a private G.P., meaning another ¤60 out of our pockets. This amount can represent a full – or pretty close to a full – week’s expenditure for some of us. And that’s before the antibiotics.

Not only is the student centre a waste of money when we look at what the college really needs, it includes things that I believe we just don’t need. For example, another coffee dock and another bank.

We have two banks on campus as well as one on college green, one on pearse street and many on Grafton street. We are in the city centre – the college is surrounded by banks. We are also perfectly well-served in terms of coffee shops.

Take a stroll around campus and count the coffee shops – the arts block, the buttery, there’s coffee in the S.U. shop, Áras an Phiarsiagh, the Hamilton S.U. shop and Hamilton restaurant, the Hamilton café and so on and so forth. The new student centre would bring a second bar and a new gig venue. However, the referncdum information pack says nothing about the prospect of student employment. It states that the “bar and gig venue will operate under the control of a third party”. You could argue that

this third party might have the option to hire students, but I ask you to look to the current “third parties” on campus. I am yet to have a student serve me at the coffee stands or help me with the printing service. How are we to know that the “third party” who are going to take on the gig venue and bar won’t hire outside the college community?

I wouldn’t mind paying the extra ¤69, or ¤71 or indeed ¤80 if I felt that the services I truly need for a rich university experience were going to be the best they possibly could be. I believe that we all deserve a library where we can borrow most of the books on the shelves and where we can order from stacks and have the book within 24 hours. And what’s the point of even having a health service if we can not see a doctor or counsellor when we need to most? The faculties should not be stretching just to do what they’re there to - teach us. I wouldn’t mind paying a little extra if I felt everything was usable and student friendly, butI simply do not agree with pumping ¤22million into something which seems like frivolity in times like these. The priorities are all out of line – we need a student-focused library, faculties that are not stretched and services that are actually usable. Not yet another coffee shop.

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Politics

New Kid on the Block Dylan Haskins may be only 23, but he has experience and ideas to boot. Miscellany met the Independent candidate from Dublin South-East to discuss his campaign

by Polly Dennison

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e looks like a member of Vampire Weekend, but underneath that Nick Grimshaw-esque hair cut and the neat button-up shirts and kitsch cardigans is a young man who simply wants to make things better in Ireland. A third year Classical Civilization and History of Art student, Dylan, 23, is a firm believer in what he calls “common sense” politics. Miscellany met with him last week at The Morgan hotel to talk about his political debut.

Dylan decided to run for a few reasons. “The vacuum there” he explains, “70% of people in the Dáil are over the age of 50”. He believes the Dáil should look like Ireland – in terms of age and in terms of gender. He felt his generation needed a voice in politics, seeing as it will be people like him who will bear the consequences of the current financial crisis the longest. He also puts his decision partially down to frustration. He mentions the anti-fees protest of last November where 30,000 people marched on the streets against a raise in tuition fees. However, the contribution fee was raised in the budget by €500.

Never that enchanted by existent political institutions, Dylan decided to take matters into his own hands. As he says, “I can’t ignore what the politicians are saying anymore, I can’t just do my work on the ground – I have to actually engage with the system and draw the line and begin again”.

So what is it that Dylan is campaigning for? Well, a number of things. He believes that politics should be transparent. He wants everyone to know everything about how their country is being run, right down to the last cent. Leading by example, Dylan publishes the expenses of his campaign on a weekly basis on his website. He argues that if people are going to donate money to his campaign, then they should know what he’s using it for – much in the way that he believes the tax-payer should know where their money is going. He has written a 7,000 word policy document which focuses on four areas; political reform, equality, the city and the economy. He says he will be a pragmatic politician “here’s the problem, what’s the solution?”. He states that it’s not about an ideology or a left or right agenda, but simply about “common sense”.

Haskins is against fees as well as the student contribution fee at its current rate which is 942% higher than when it was introduced. He believes that education is fundamental to a functioning democratic society. He argues that in order to have a truly equal society, we need to be educating people from

all backgrounds accross Irish society.

“I think there should be no barriers to that” he says “ and money is a huge barrier”, “but education is not a luxury”.

So how would he fund it? Well, he doesn’t agree with Fíne Gael’s idea of the graduate loan scheme. If anything, he believes that will encourage people to leave. Graduates are “already going to be paying a huge universal social charge and then you’d have to pay the graduate tax on top of that – you’d just leave the country” as he says. He also believes that the current form of means testing is nonsensical as the individual students are not tested, their parents are. “ Once you’re over the age of 18, you’re independent and your parents don’t have the responsibility” he argues, “you might not have a good relationship with your parents even if they were rich”. Haskins goes on to say that if we were to means test all students on their own personal funds, then “99% of students would qualify for the grant and it would cost more to administer the thing – which I don’t think makes sense”. What is his solution then? He believes that people in education administration should be

cut and that the mounds of bureaucracy should be diminished. He argues that time and money are wasted simply through mismanagement and endless strata of bureaucracy. “There was a tendency in recent years to just make jobs out of nothing and to create roles for people that didn’t really mean much”.

Haskins believe that if we “trim back all that kind of stuff” then a lot of money could be saved. He also argues that we have paid and will pay taxes and those taxes should be used to fund such key aspects of society as education.

At only 23, Dylan – if elected – would be the youngest independent ever in the Dáil. I asked him if he thought his age would go against him and he firmly believes it won’t. He tells me that it’s never gone against him before in any of his other work. He is currently a board member at Project Arts Centre in Temple Bar – a position which includes legal and financial responsibilities and he set up Exchange in Temple Bar. He believes that his youth is a positive thing as he will have new ideas and fresh approaches to problems. He also believes that it means that he is in touch with his

Dylan Haskins’ Campaign Poster adorns the lamp posts of Dublin South-East. Photo by Polly Denison 7

Hop on your bikes to the polling station this February 25th generation and the issues affecting them.

One such issue for him is that of emigration. He wants an Ireland where young people and recent graduates can stay if they want to because they’re able to get work or they’re able to get seed capitol to start their own businesses. One initiative which Dylan would start, if elected, would be what he calls a “Creative Investment Fund”. He promises to donate a quarter of his T.D.’s salary to start it off and would look to the Corporate Social Responsibility Funds for the rest. As for his lack of political experience, again, Dylan does not feel that this is a negative thing. His own degree programme – Classical civilization and Art History – is not something that seems instantly

Dylan On: »» The Economy: Obviously, it’s hugely important but I believe that society comes before that and that the economy should tailor itself to society, not the other way around”. »» The City: “While I’m not running on local issues, I feel that the city is a national issue as 1.7 million people live in the greater Dublin area, so that’s a huge proportion of the population” »» Equality: We deserve to be represented. I think that the Dáil should look more like Ireland – age and gender wise »» Political Reform: “Transparency is huge” 8

applicable to the world of politics. He argues what university has educated him in, is the ability to argue and to convey his thoughts and beliefs in a cohesive manner. He says that while he may not have political experience, he is a fast learner and will seek the advice of experts when necessary. “There are loads of experienced people in the Dáil and they brought our country to its knees.

What we need is not experience of a broken system, but experience of how to make things work. I have a different experience and I think that’s what we need.”

Dylan tells me that he has generally been received favourably by his constituents in Dublin south-east. Families see their son, who is facing emigration, in him or people his age see themselves.

According to Haskins, people just want something different. They are “thirsty for change”. He tells me that many want a far more transparent government. He argues that if things are done out in the open, then skepticism is eliminated, “for example, the Croke Park agreement, do it in the open, so there’s no animosity between the public service and the private sector”. He also reckons that the IMF talks should have been far more open.

He believes we should have known all the options so that we could then understand the reasons for the result. “We’re being asked to trust somebody else’s judgement, without even knowing what they had to choose from.”.

Dylan wants to run a monthly constituency forum to engage with his constituents. He tells me that he’d invite

the three other T.D.s of the constituency as well as the councillors. It would be a monthly meeting where constituents could meet their representatives to voice concerns, give suggestions and feedback and get help when needed. “We can empower people by letting them know what they’re entitled to.”. He would not need to pass legislation to start such meetings and would implement them as soon as elected. He feels it would be far more efficient than the current one-on-one T.D. clinics as people can be directed immediately by the people in the know. “It’s about doing things and trying things.

Not everything will work, but you have to try.”

Dylan has a positive outlook on life and has a can-do attitude. He tells me that it’s all about getting stuck in and getting stuff done, calling on help when you need it and taking the most common-sense approach possible. He wants to change things from the inside out, while letting us know exactly what’s going on. He is young, and that may put some people off, as might the fact that he has never served in a political office before. Dylan’s argument is that those with experience haven’t really done any better, so why not give someone new who has fresh ideas and a good attitude have a crack at it.

All photos, unless otherwise credited, are courtesy of the Dylan Haskins campaign and are by Saskol Lazrov & Laura Hutton Polly Dennison is a Senior Freshman student of History

Politics

Burn the Bondholders Was bailing the banks out really the best option? Or should we have pulled an Iceland and declared bankrupcy?

By Tom Kelly

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n the night of October 24th 2008, our Minister for Finance, Brian Lenihan signed an order guaranteeing the main banks of this country from collapse. At the time it was considered a bold move, but the majority of people reluctantly agreed it was the right thing to do. Better than letting our prized institutions fall, taking our economy with them. As Mr. Lenihan put it recently, the result would have been a “financial nuclear winter” had he not taken that action.

The thinking was that the problem with the banks was their liquidity; they must be saved. As it turned out the issue was to do with the bad loans wrecklessly being given out to developers. It is estimated that the banks gave out ¤110 billion to these developers, not realising the housing bubble was about to burst. What we have now are hundreds of ghost housing estates, wasted money and our banks – the private institutions who made the catastrophic mistakes – with no money and facing collapse.

A pertinent question is, why should we save them? It was their mistake after all, not the tax payers.

The Government under Bertie Ahern, claims vociferously to have been

Is it really going to be safe in the banks?

ignorant of the goings on within the banks. This seems a stretch but, taking him at is word, why On the way out? are the banks and the people who lent to the banks (bondThese are certainly worthwhile questions. Not a lot can be done about them holders, the European Central Bank) being bailed out by tax payers? At the now and so focus should be moved towards the investors who gave money to time the option of allowing toxic banks the banks. The bondholders who enter to sink was not given consideration.

One UCD professor of Economics who into a risky market, giving money to correctly predicted that guaranteeing banks in the hopes of a massive return. the banks was a terrible notion, sugMarkets come with risk. That is, until a Government guarantees that the tax gested at the time that the Government payers of their country, as our Governshould explore that idea. If a bank crumbles, it is indeed bad in the short ment did, will ensure that the banks cannot collapse and their money will term, with harsh tremors rippling out be paid back. No risk for the bondholdand negatively affecting many Irish businesses. But in the long term - a ers whatsoever. They bet on a horse, sound economic idea? With new forthe horse emphatically lost, and they eign banks sweeping in to take their got all their money back. place, with competent managements Politicians, political youth orand the ethos that only good banks ganisations such as Young Fine Gael, survive in this economy, our future Young Labour, even Ogra Fianna Fail might seem a lot brighter with Irish should demand the bondholders take business being secured for generations their losses. Without political pressure rather than a stinging debt mountain nothing will happen. Many individuals are shouting about this, it is appearthat seems unclimbable. The Government seems to be suffering from ing on manafestos being dropped into mailboxes. The consequences of burnan economic myopia, not listening ing the bondholders is that a sense of to economists such as Morgan Kelly. justice will be achieved, standards of living will drop less rapidly for those tax payers whose pay packet has become lighter and whose taxes have increased.

Making these investors pay is essential. The current atmosphere in this country is bristling with fury about how the banks, the people in charge, mismanaged the economy and how they now are having to pay for every cent of it. Burning the bondholders will return a semblance of sense to the Irish economy.

Tom Kellly is a Junior Freshman student of Law 9

College Life

No.1 Grafton Street The race for provost is up and running, only one lady has taken to the track. Miscellany meets Jane Ohlmeyer to find out why she feels she’s the best woman for the job.

by Elaine Mccahill

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Jane Ohlmeyer

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he race for Provost is on. It’s a serious race too. With a tenyear reign and a residence at No. 1 Grafton Street for the duration up for grabs, it’s a pretty hotly contested position to say the least. There are six candidates running this year, all varying in experience, credentials and faculties: Jane Ohlmeyer, John Boland, Robin Coningham, Des Fitzgerald, Colm Kearney and Patrick Predergast. Some have been more public and to the forefront than others with massive campaigns and blatant advertising while others are taking on the campaign trail quietly with a marked confidence in their abilities and past achievements. Jane Ohlmeyer is the only woman running for the position and as Trinity has never had a female Provost before, it , it could be time to usher some floral scents into No. 1.

Jane was an undergraduate student of St. Andrew’s in Scotland and holds her PhD from our own Trinity. Her cv is extremely wide ranging and her academic record hold some of the worlds biggest universities. She has taught at the University of Santa Barbara in California, at Yale University, at the University of Aberdeen and has held visiting appointments at New York University and Ecole des hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales in Paris. As a well established academic and a renowned teacher, she has a wealth of knowledge in terms of being on the pulse of student life and knowing what issues students have and which services need to be improved to make their undergraduate experience here a more pleasurable and exciting experience; while at the same time, knowing how the academic system works from

Jane’s Manifesto in Brief 1. We need to reassert our core values as a university community 2. We need to empower our staff to reach their full potential as teachers and researchers.

3. We need to reinvest in our students to equip them for the challenges of the future.

4. We need to resist any moves towards external management of our affairs and set about reclaiming our autonomy as a community of scholars with an illustrious history and a great future.

5. We need to be listened to at the highest levels, nationally, in Europe and beyond.

the ground up. Her main achievements include being the founding Head of the School of Histories and Humanities and a driving force behind the development of the Trinity Long Room Hub, the Creative Arts, Technology and Culture Initiative and the 1641 Depositions Proj-

Trinity has never had a female Provost before, it , it could be time to usher some floral scents into No. 1. ect. Both the Hub and the 1641 Depositions Project were devised and delivered within very short time spans and suggest she is not afraid of getting a challenge. So what does the Provost in all his or potentially her fame and glory actually do?

According to Jane, “the Provost is the ultimate boss of the university, the Chair of the University Court and the University Council which are the governing bodies of the University. The Provost is also financially responsible for the University, the public face of Trinity College, the person who represents Trinity to Government but also then to all of the external stakeholders. The Provost is the one who has to lead the University and then to defend and represent it as well.”

Obviously, a charismatic and effective leader is what the Position of Provost requires and Jane definitely agrees with this point, “You need to be a very effective communicator and go out there into whatever environment presents itself and have the ability to explain what the 11

University is about, what makes Trinity special, what it has to contribute towards society here in Ireland and globally. It’s also very important that you can get on with people and lead people and harness and empower people from within the college and also take that energy out there and make the connection, especially when it comes to fundraising. As such, sheer personality is terribly important.”

Jane has an admirable track record in courting the great and the good and encouraging them to donate money to new projects and to Trinity in general, having raised ¤20 million personally in

“I’d really be out there with the students...I believe that when people feel comfortable around you, they get more fired up about things and give their opinions.” the last five years. Targeting Alumni in order to raise funds is something Jane is very passionate about. Only 1.8% of Trinity Alumni currently give something back to the institution that created their academic selves, and this figure is in stark contrast with those of other Irish Universities where at least 10% of Alumni contribute to their previous academic institutions. As Jane emphasizes, “this is not because they are in anyway mean, it

is simply because we don’t ask and that really needs to be changed, there needs to be a great push in that sector and a great man force put behind it.”

Trinity’s not in bad financial shape, something that Jane attributes to the outgoing provost John Hegarty. However, we are still going to have to “fundraise like Trinity has never fundraised before.”

Jane is all about creating an atmosphere where Trinity Graduates feel like they’ve had a worthwhile and amazing experience and as such want to give back to their University.

It’s perfectly reasonable that Trinity Alumni should give back considering that Trinity Graduates earning between 20% and 30% more than their counterparts from other Irish Universities and the figures are even better in terms of those with Masters degrees and Doctorates. Jane is an incredibly passionate person, in terms of her academic achievements and as well as in relation to raising money for projects and this is something she strongly believes will contribute greatly to her time as Provost if she is elected, “If you’re really passionate about something and you’re really excited about it, that rubs off, so I would be hugely positive about Trinity and very passionate about what I do here as a teacher and as a researcher and if you’re excited about something and enthuse other people, it makes life a lot easier for

everybody.” Jane is obviously incredibly enthused and passionate about Trinity in many different ways, from the undergraduates to the postgraduates, the staff to the work and research that our

Only 1.8% of Trinity Alumni currently give something back to the institution that created their academic selves, and this figure is in stark contrast with those of other Irish Universities where at least 10% of Alumni contribute college produces. “We are blessed here, we study and teach here in this exquisite and historic campus in the city centre of Dublin.”

Being an accessible Provost is also at the top of her list, “I’d really be out there with the students, with the undergraduates, the post-graduate students, your colleagues so they know who you are and know that you’re accessible and can talk to you. I believe that when people feel comfortable around you, they get more fired up about things and give their opinions.”

One of the most prevalent topics at the moment is of course the fees debate.

Jane has personally experienced both sides of the argument, with herself

Professor Ohlmeyer speaking at the e-Infrastructures for Cultural Heritage Conference in Brussels, 29 October 2010 12

receiving free education in Scotland and her son who will have to pay large fees when he goes to college in England. As such, she is sympathetic to both sides of the argument. Having seen the standard to some of the most prolific universities around the world, Jane adamantly testifies that Trinity produces students of the same if not better caliber than Yale or Northwestern and yet we don’t have to contribute anywhere near as much as our American counterparts. Even so, Jane believes that even if fees were only two thousand or so they would make a great difference to our University. However, she emphasizes the point that fees cannot be put into force without putting into place a loans system that would enable students to borrow the money necessary and pay it back when one is earning. “Those who can’t pay shouldn’t have to pay, it should be paid by the State or an infrastructure of borrowing the money necessary needs to be put in place and while no fees has made college so accessible it has also left the institutions terribly under resourced and under funded.” While Jane agrees that fees in some form or another will come into force, she is adamant that the students need to be involved in the decisions that are being made, “we need to be talking to students and hearing what they have to say.”

She is also adamant about retaining Trinity’s Access Programme, so that students from under resourced areas and people who wish to return to college can avail of a trinity education. Another one of Trinity’s Students’ regular gripes is the facilities of our library. As an academic in the humanities, she deeply

Professor Ohlmeyer with part of the research team for the 1641 Depositions understands our grievances, “as a historian, the library is my laboratory. As one of the issues that arises constantly within our student body, it obviously needs to be addressed and we will work with you guys to achieve what you need for me it’s a no-brainer and it’s a definite priority.”

So is Trinity ready for a female Provost? Well of the fifteen top universities in the world, six are now run by women and Manchester University has just appointed a female President.

Also, sixty per cent of Trinity’s student body is female and Jane feels “it’s really important for our students that we have

strong, female role models.” St. Andrew’s of Scotland is nearly six hundred years old and they also have a female principal, Louise Richardson who previously read History and Politics here at Trinity.

It’s in the hands of our electorate now to choose if we’ll usher in this new decade with a female Provost and I personally hope they do.

All photographs are courtesy of Jane Ohlmeyer and can be found on her website, http://janeohlmeyer.ie Elaine McCahill is a Senior Freshman student of English Literature and History

What Jane wants to do: »» Empower and Renew our Community »» Renew and refresh the academic and social infrastructure we have within the university; »» Be open and transparent in our dealings with all stakeholders in College and externally; »» Recapture our autonomy as a community of scholars; »» Create the national and international networks we need to flourish and strengthen our voice to influence globally. »» Invest in the fabric of Trinity »» Invest in philanthropy, engage actively with our alumni, and raise over the lifetime of the Provostship the one billion euro from non-exchequer sources (EU and non-EU student contributions, research and philanthropic) that will be needed to achieve our goals; »» Invest in international support, so that we can attract some of the best students from around the globe to enrich our already excellent student body; »» Invest in our research support services, so that we can effectively deal with the challenges that lie ahead and keep Trinity at the forefront in Ireland in attracting research funding; »» Realign our facilities and systems, so that we can continue to deliver best quality services to our staff and students. »» Renew the Promise of Trinity in Ireland and the World »» Foster an ethos of excellence in all that we do; »» Face the future together with renewed confidence and optimism that we can achieve what is needed to make Trinity one of the world’s great universities.

13

Politics

The Man and The Office Inspired by the film The King’s Speech, we take a closer look at the positions at the very top of government and ask whether society at large respects them enough.

by Finbarr Goode begley

ate on an evening I found myself watching The King’s Speech, a film I heartily recommend. It’s portrayal of the struggles of his royal highness King George VI is magnificent and Colin Firth plays the role with more than a trace of perfection.

However, this article is not going to talk about the strengths of a monarchy, though they are plentiful. Rather I would like to draw your attention to another character in the film, that of the actor playing Stanley Baldwin (Anthony Andrews). Now the cinematic portrayal may differ from fact- of this I am unsure, yet what we have is a snapshot of a man 14

who was forced to make rough decisions, and was mistreated because of the consequences of the choices he had to make.

The scene begins with Firth sitting in a room, when Andrews walks in. They sit, and Andrews states that his is offering his resignation from the post of Prime Minister. To those of you who know the history his reasons for doing so are clear. His treatment of the machinations of the German state was wrong in the eyes of his country, and it became to be so in his own. He stood in front of his monarch and said simply “I made a mistake”. He then elaborated, saying that he was resigning as a matter of principle, as how could someone who did not have the confidence of the people of his party, or the people of the

country continue to rule. Once he saw the fault in his own actions he saw no other option left for him to take. He had not fulfilled his duty to the office, and that was it.

Now whether or not this is a fictitious creation (the film has not been out long enough for on to question it fully and I am no scholar of history) I find the idea of feeling an obligation to do justice to the post that one holds by not staining it with the memory of your blunders to be enthralling. Now we must remember that a lens clouds our vision of that historical figure. It is true that in many circles of British history he did become a scapegoat for people who needed an outlet for the sheer emotion that they felt when war became a reality. We hear in his own words how the comments

Colin Firth in The King’s Speech about him were “insidious to begin with, then increasingly violent and abusive; then the newspapers; finally the polemicists who, with time and wit at their disposal, could debate at leisure how to wound the deepest”. That is the most candid comment that I have ever read about an attack on one’s own person. To treat it so shows a great depth of character as befitting the ruler of a country.

The attacks on him show a cruelty not befitting the people of his country. I think that if anything history is unfair to such a man, especially when it is an accepted fact that the German diplomatic corps, including the ambassader Herr Ribbentrop, were being decietful. Think only of the picture painted of the striving effort, the failing talks and the effects on

Not all politicians at that time felt the need to confess their inner workings in novel form the progtaganist’s master we see in What Remains of the Day (Kazuo Ishiguro) which is also set in a similar time. His response instead was to attempt to tell the truth in a biography – because not all politicians at that time felt the need to confess their inner workings in novel form. When finally he appeared in public last for the unveiling of a statue and people recognised and cheer him, he

-half deaf- asked “are they booing me?” I find the idea that he would make that assumption to be the most saddening part of this tale.

So I have painted an image for you of a leader. A man who made mistakes, who saw and accepted them, who became mistreated by a public seeking an outlet for their fear and anger, and suffered it all his life. Who was cruelly maligned and attacked, without, I think, just cause.

What purpose does this then serve, what do I wish to discuss. Within the modern political establishment, what is the respect due a leader? Furthermore, given recent developments in this country’s political environment, I wish to question, what is the style of conduct befitting a leader? I would like to stop before proceeding, to say that although some of my comments might be directed to the present, many of them exist completely in the realm of the theoretical, and should be taken as such.

When thinking about the respect due to the leader of a country, I think it is important to see the divide, between that respect that must be accorded to the man, and that to the office which he holds.

Let us first discuss the man, both as he stands in office, and after he has left it. I put it to you, that the character of a man is above blemish while he holds the office of power. This does not mean that

he is without fault, however, deriding him, slandering him and calling him to question on the basest of flaws is beneath us as the public, and it is beneath this political system that we posses. We must understand that while he rests in that seat he is not just any Tom, Dick or Harry from down the road, he is, for want of a better word, Ireland in its entirity.

In him rests our future, and our present, and he must feel at all times while we still wish him to run our country, that he has the full and staunch support of the populace upholding his office. That is the statement of democracy in it’s simplest terms, we do not just pick the party, we also are aware of the leader of that party and put must put our faith in him. Therefore regardless of whether or not it is prosecutable by libel and slander laws, we should refrain. However, that does not mean that we cannot question him with every step. We can call his policies into question, we can constantly ask whether or not he should be in power, but those are not questions of his person, those are questions of his actions, and that is where we have the right to bring the full weight of our scorn to bear if we so choose, but that must always be our vehicle - poltical discourse not political slander. I do not care if there is no name attached to the insult, if petty people think that they are being subtle and avoiding prosecution, if everyone knows 15

who you are talking about the sentiment remains. I do not care if we do not know who makes the comment to hide behind the veil of anonymity is worse than subtle stings for at least they have the courage to admit their convictions. We must begin to understand how difficult it must be for a person to withstand the burden of our trust and run this country, for anyone to suceed in that role he must feel that he has our utmost respect – if not always our agreement.

I have talked above about treatment of the man whilst he is our elected official, however, once he has left office - just as with Baldwin – are we not free to attack him as we please? No of course it does not. There are two parts to my argument here, the first is a benevolent understanding of the flaws of humanity and the power of hindsight and the second is an acknowledgement that the job is a duty discharged so briefly and in the span of a human life though it be the greatest thing you ever do it need not define who you are.

The flaws of humanity I find to be a point well made and commonly understood, everyone has the potential to make mistakes and regardless of how much responsibilty we empower them with, that does not change. Yes, it is ideal that they would make none during there brief time in office, however, realistically they are bound to make some. I think of the banking crisis, and how easy it is to say we should have known that 16

something was wrong, all the while we forget that we live in a country where “don’t look a gift horse in the mouth” is a common, day to day saying. The economy was blooming to heights never seen before by this small isle, who among us would have wanted to look too closely?

I am not saying that it should not have been done, and a closer watch should not have been kept, all I feel is important is the acknowledgement that there was this mistake. That it was a flaw and not deliberate is what I think should spare the man from the devil of the press. I know with some certainty that people in this country do not look favourably on the man who will shortly leave office.

Yet I would have him spared the cruelty which I know that mob mentality can create. If we remember that he is only human and that he made choices which did not benefit us, let us also remember that those choices had to be made by someone. Respect the fact that he stood brave against the rising tide of fear and still made those choices. Respect the fact that he did us a duty and a service, thank him, learn from his mistakes, but do not ever do us as a people the disrepect of insulting someone who had the courage to do a job that one in a million is capable of. That is my second point which needs only stating briefly. He led us, some would say he failed us, that failure will exist in his mind regardless of our actions. Allow that and his retirement from office to be the only censure. Let it

end there.

If you remember earlier in the article I made a distinction between the man and the office the man holds. This idea can be put in simpler terms, there is questioning the conduct of a leader, and there is treason. Also if you recall I said that whilst in office the character of our leader should be above slander, this is status granted by the respect we have for the office. To slander the person who holds it is to damage the office in itself. I would view this as being the thing that I truly despise about politics in this country, it is the lack of respect. When people talk about the Taoiseach, it is often in a

The character of a man is above blemish while he holds the office of power casual manner, or to give out about his latest policy, when people talk about T.D’s it is often in terms that suggest that the majority of them issue from poltical dynasties and are not worthy of our respect. While it is true that there are some candidates who many members of the population feel are of questionable merit.

I would like to see a bit more reverance for the place that they have through their election earned. I do not mean that I wish to see a return to pomp and frivolity, not genuflecting everytime you pronounce someones name or anything as ridiculous as that. I just think that

perhaps part of the problem with Irish Politics is the idea that many people just do not take it seriously. Yes of course they understand that it is responsible for running our country, and they know deep down it is serious business, but we do not act like it. We malign politicians left, right and centre, we treat some of them with the utmost disrespect and that is far from ideal. Above I said that being the leader of a country was a job that only one in a million is capable of. I believe that a similar statement echoes down to members of the Dรกil. Not everyone feels called to dedicate their lives to public service, something I think is not honoured enough. We must remember through all things that although these people do recieve quite wonderful benefits from being a T.D (I have been told they get longer holidays than teachers) they are still availible to members of their constituencies all throughout the week. They still function as your portal to the political system. They still stand for you, and you (to some extent) have put them there. They are above all things worthy of respect which I would like to see more of. You already know that I believe to malign those holding the office is to do the office itself a disrespect. This should be applied to all areas of the body politic, not just our highest office.

There is one last area I wish to deal with before closing. That is what is the conduct befitting a leader. I have talked to great lengths about how we must respect the character and the choices of he

That it was a flaw and not deliberate is what I think should spare a man from the devil of the press who holds our highest office, however, what is his obligation of action towards us?

This section in my mind mostly speaks for itself. Ideally he would consider all of his choices carefully, not be rash when making decisions and make the decisions that after consulting experts he believes to be best for our country. That he should act in a manner that is worthy of the respect that we should accord him. He should not make flippant statements (as certain heads of small states located in Italy have been know o do), he should not be deliberately rude or offensive in word deed or dress (there are ways certain members the Royal Family should clothe themselves for fancy dress parties and ways that are not a good idea), he should hold himself above petty disputes and make his voice

seem the voice of reason, a voice that is meant to be heard, and he has a duty to rise himself above the system. It is true that you are elected as the head of a particular party, and that parties goals are the goals of the country or they would not have been elected, yet that must be the extent of party politics, re-election should not postpone harsh but necessary decisions, if it needs be done regardless of how it makes you look, you have the obligation to do it. Above all, you must listen to the heartbeat of the country, yet you must be the brain that watches over its rythm, making sure that it does not miss a single cruicial beat. Ignore the press, they will always tend towards sensationalism because it sells, ignore anyone who insults and does engage with you on a level befitting your position. That is how a leader should act, that is what we deserve, and that is what they deserve to be. With that I close, in keeping with the theme of the edition, let me say that politics is subject worth of discussion and of the utmost importance. We must never forget the systems that we exist within and give them their due. That is all.

Fintan Goode Begley is a Junior Sophister student of Philosophy and Theology

Show some respect 17

student life: culture

An Emotional Farewell?

Emo culture appeals to many of the youth of today. We examine the various aspects of the subculture.

by Evan Musgrave

ew subcultures in recent decades have been subjected to such widespread criticism as emo. The mere utterance of the term conjures up a myriad of readily deplorable images.

From music bloggers to concerned parents, this subculture and music genre has been the subject of fierce and consistent criticism in the past few years. Pinpointing a reason for all this vehement disapproval drags up varied avenues of criticism. The subculture does seem to promote numerous concepts abhorred by normal society self-pity, overestimated grief, histrionic behaviour - crafted by typically spoiled middle to upper middle class white teens. What’s more the trend has been claimed to ennoble self-injury, self-mutilation and even suicide. Yet its popularity in recent years has been pandemic.

Recent events in the trend suggest that the fad is, indeed a fad, and is now in decline. Emo music has witnessed the indefinite hiatus of Fall Out Boy, Panic At The Disco losing half of its line-up and My Chemical Romance resolutely attempting to depart the subgenre.

Throughout the subculture, there appears to be general sense that followers of the craze are growing out of it. This new decade still awaits confronting its next big subculture, but for the moment, 18

emo-mania still lingers. Anticipating emo’s impending conclusion, the question emerges: just how do we evaluate it? Does this subculture even merit a study? Will music critics ever respect this subculture on an aesthetic level?

Will the genre turn out to be any way influential in coming years?

Like most modern subcultures, a music scene can be pinpointed as the original seed accounting for its existence, and the reason for its endurance.

The allure of emo for a teenager is not a very complicated one. Typical teenage desire for rebellious and abrasive music can account for much of its fundamental appeal.

The real puzzle is why emo music, or groups highly influenced by artists in this underground subgenre, ended up usurping an already prolific mainstream pop-punk movement in the early 2000s.

A wholly underground scene for most of its existence, emo’s recognition witnessed a brief spike in the mid-1990s due to the explosion of a comparable genre, grunge. Grunge’s focus on loud/ soft variation, and the popularity of gently spoken vocals progressing into raw, discordant accompaniment allowed emo music to gradually rise up the charts as a lesser known auxiliary movement.

From this grounding, arriving at an emo-pop-punk formula is quite achievable.

Modern emo-pop-punk bands have toned down extremities in loud/soft

variations to provide a more widespread appeal. Furthermore, strongly withdrawn frontmen of earlier waves have been exchanged for blissfully arcane, publicly tormented figures a la Pete Wentz and Gerard Way. But if the emo trend is to be evaluated fully, perhaps a study of its commercial history and rise in popularity would further elucidate its constructs. The appeal of emo can be attributed to a number of varied factors which have combined to give this musical genre and broader subculture the base it needed to thrive under the spotlight.

In terms of music, emo seems to deviate slightly from the archetypal fast paced, abrasive energy of pop-punk forms that have preceded it. Emo emits both this typical angst-ridden guitar sound, while focusing on extended sections of dramatically emotive, melodic layers of vocals. Extended use of metaphor and irony, adherence to syllabic patterns juxtaposed against cacophonous, unbalanced breakdowns characterise the typical emo approach to song writing.

Emo, like other subcultures does not exist in a vacuum. Indeed, a concept such as mainstream culture requires the existence of subcultures in order to satisfy a process of definition. Studying the defining traits of this subculture allows one to evaluate the evolving characteristics of prevailing culture by comparing the two. The fact that emo, a movement

The emo youth of today. Fringes blazing. which fetes one’s need to express and even exaggerate emotions, became popular can be seen as a part of modern society’s growing histrionic urge to express one’s feelings. The freshness of such a concept in departing from the somewhat stale teenage culture of the late 90s can be accounted for creating the heightened allure of a movement which exalts theatrical expression of intense human emotion. This concept has not been readily accepted by many circles. Emo has been blamed for suspected growing rates of self-harm among its fans, and additionally linked to a number of high profile teenage suicides.

Perhaps second only to this glamorisation of suicide and self-harm that emo has been claimed to promote, is the criticism of overwhelming gender bias apparent in the subculture.

Much disapproval has been levelled at the centrality of misogynistic sentiments evident in the subculture. The petty bitterness surrounding the male chauvinist agenda and the fact that it has gained such currency can provide some intriguing insights into the teenage followers of this craze, and their views on sexuality. Misogyny in emo music generally takes the form of the protagonist’s reaction to a relationship loss. Lyrics tend to press beyond the view that one should be simply depressed that a girl has left you. Typically emo lyrics will find an outlet for this emotional pain by

aiming acrimonious quips at the female figure to escape hurt (examples in Wentz’s writing include “I’m just a notch in your bedclothes/but you’re just a line in a song”…“Take two years and call me when you’re better/take these tears of mine find yourself wetter”).

Emo culture is essentially male dominated, and as a result many songs are blatantly one-sided. Thus whenever a song is written about a failing relationship, it is almost always the girl’s fault. If emo music is any guide, girls are either an unachievable goal, or a bundle of pain waiting to happen. The popularity of emo among males, the “lonely boy’s aesthetic” as coined by social critic Anthony Greenwald, is not a difficult formula: songs written by bitter young males, invariably concerning hurtful young females tend attract fans who are bitter young males.

Is this another version of chauvinist masculinity? Or does this pathetic bitterness present a debased form of the traditional male? Emo representations of the woman are indeed paradoxical, or perhaps simply a straight-up conundrum. The reaction of the emo male to female inflicted grief warrants the therapeutic release of emotions in the form of attempting caustic wit, yet induces a ceaseless state of morbid self-depreciation.

In addition to this, the most popular female emo figure (‘femo’, I believe is the

term), Hayley Williams of Paramore, has been accused of perpetuating the phallocentric agenda of the movement. William’s lyrics in the band’s breakout hit Misery Business have been derided for their aggressive and spiteful nature. Williams refers to the female antagonist as “once a whore [and] nothing more/I’m sorry that’ll never chvange”, musing that she can steal a boyfriend by “wear(ing) the biggest smile”. In addition to this the male is represented as coveted, elusive and most importantly, something for females to bitterly fight over. The misogynistic obsession of emo is preserved, extending across both genders.

There is a constant conflict in emo concepts of masculinity. By being in tune with their pained emotions, but not having the courage to bottle it up, it seems to espouse at once the beliefs of overt masculinity and yet its antithesis.

Emo songwriters break a central tenet of idealised manliness by revelling in deep personal emotion, yet they maintain a pompous insensitivity towards females, a typical patriarchal arrogance.

There is certainly a market for the emo male nevertheless; fans from both genres have bought into the craze. Record companies have made sure this contently ostracized subculture celebrates (an ironic term for the discussion of emo culture) the idea of the male outsider, the outcast. The image of the social deviant has remained consistently prominent 19

Outsider bear. in many strands of western culture, performing the job of vicariously overcoming the emotional frustration of living in an alienating and repressive society.

The figure of the outsider has long been a lucrative product, connecting straight to the hearts, minds, dreams and wallets of subculture followers for decades. Marlon Brando’s role in The Wild One in 1953 spurred an unforeseen demand for a new type of rebellious garb - the iconic black leather jacket. In this day and age the figure of the outcast appears to have taken two distinct routes – the violent, disturbed urban youth as seen in hip hop culture, and the reclusive, emotionally distressed emo figure.

Previous depictions of the outsider have always been rebellious, but have normally maintained many traditional traits typical to their gender – Brando and James Dean’s motorcycle tyrants are strikingly stoic figures, imposing their will with masculine brawn; Eminem manifests his hurt in graphically violent sketches. Androgyny has indeed been 20

present in subcultures of the 80s and 90s, but the fact that emo is such a large group and such a consumerised group makes its androgynous elements certainly more potent. Feting such figures certainly eschews the traditional virile outsider figure, paralleling the rise of the metrosexual male in mainstream culture.

Indeed, emotional consciousness and histrionic tendencies are common to both the 21st century male and the average Joe-Emo. Though admittedly ‘guyliner’ is yet to take off around campus, the fact that a materialistic movement which extols the idea of being at one with your emotions, and candidly expressing your vulnerable emotional condition has come to the forefront of social consciousness, and indeed an industry in its own right, has much to tell about current gender roles in youth.

Where punk cultures of the past have revolved around a DIY ethic, this new teenage subculture of rebellion is isolated, in that it openly acknowledges its hedonistic, material wants. Paying top

dollar for a t-shirt of your favourite band, and maintaining an anti-authoritarian haircut from an expensive, specialist salon is an internalised contradiction of the subculture. Abhorrence of the trend’s materialistic agenda is overarching, detested by almost all but its strict adherents.

The consumerist nature of emo is echoed in the developments in sales and marketing of punk music in the past decade. Sales of pop-punk bands in the 2000s were phenomenal. This era has been the first time in which numerous pop-punk groups could realistically come from nowhere and expect to have a multi-platinum album almost overnight: Paramore have been credited with moving 7 million units worldwide, Panic at the Disco’s debut sold 2 million records in its first year, Fall Out Boy’s From Under The Cork Tree went on to sell almost 3 million in North America alone, while their follow up Infinity on High cruised to number 1 on the Billboard chart in its first week. Are we to continue the routine approach of denouncing all that sells well in music again? The tag of ‘sell outs’ is applied all too liberally these days, almost to the point of obsolescence, very few bands can be fully detached from this title. Emo may just be a prominent subculture present in the middle of this highly commercialised and consumerist epoch.

What is unique is emo’s acceptance of this state of affairs. Rather than denying the money making tactics defining their mores, emo bands and followers tend to display an ironic self-awareness of this conditioning of culture. With this in mind it easy to account for the lengths emo music has gone in order to gleefully saturate its work in pop-culture references. A quick scan of many emopop-punk albums will provide a readily available source of film quotes - everything from Dirty Dancing to Glengarry Glen Ross. As part of this ironic deriding of culture, emo has also sought to display acknowledgments of previous subcultures in a deliberately blatant manner. We have seen the reestablishment of long song titles, usurped from the 80s British alternative scene. Indeed, Morrissey is regularly named-dropped by the likes of Pete Wentz and Panic at the Disco’s Brandon Urie as their songwriting muse. Funny how that works out.

The connection between the approaches to titling songs is quite obvious actually: Lying Is The Most Fun A Girl Can Have Without Taking Her Clothes Off (Urie) and I’ve Got All This Ringing In My Ears And None On My Finger (Wentz) has surely derived direct influence from the likes of Stop Me If You Think You’ve Heard This One Before and Last Night I

Dreamt That Somebody Loved Me. Mentioning Wentz and Urie alongside Morrissey may seem like sacrilege, but I’m willing to go one better. For the most part, music fans have held nothing but praise for highly emotional male singers.

The question must be asked; how new is the embarrassing self-centred sentiments which are so rife in emo?

Sting’s performance on Every Breath You Take comes to mind. Adored by dads, teenagers and P. Diddy’s alike, a glance at the lyrics reveals many strikingly emo-esque scathing, self-obsessed emotional lines - “How my poor heart aches with every step you take/Every move you make and every vow you break”. It even has the same pathetic immediacy in the oppressiveness in the male voice - “Oh can’t you see you belong to me?” followed by the long repetition of “I’ll be watching you”.

This song ranked 84 on Rolling Stone’s much quoted 500 Greatest Songs of All Time. Just a few places up at number 80 is Marvin Gaye’s version of Heard It through The Grapevine. Another similarly expressed tale of the complexities of love, and from a different era. In this track Gaye delivers high-pitched emotionally charged vocals pondering a girls “plans to make [him] feel blue” which is leading him to being “just about to lose [his] mind”. Topping it off, Gaye confesses “I know that a man ain’t supposed to cry/But these tears I can’t hold inside/Losin’ you would end my life you see/’Cause you mean that much to me”. This track has an explicit, extended reference to the prospect of suicide as a symptom of unrequited love. While emo songwriters are accosted by the concerned press for corrupting the minds of teenagers through their lyrics, and additionally mocked for the anti-masculine

emotional admissions in their songs, other similarly-worded tracks are recognised as perfectly written, basking at the summit of top 500 lists.

Where emo music can be distinguished from the brilliant, exasperatedly emotional performances of Sting and Gaye is the incessant, fervent, confrontational and abrasive delivery that typically surrounds it. It was however this this very superficiality that attracted me to the subculture. More precisely, I was drawn to the idea that something more profound could be discovered underneath this layer of pop-punk guitar lines.

This is the allure of low art. I regard myself as having the same general music obsessions as the typical University student: Jeff Buckley, Crystal Castles, Bowie, Libertines, occasional Girl Talk binges, etc.

I approached emo in the same way I cultivated an interest in hip-hop culture - firstly, and primarily, through the music. Why do so many middle class white teens enjoy rap music so much? The subject matter is hardly relevant to our day to day lives. It is the lyrical dexterity awaiting discovery beneath the surface; the turns of phrase, the textured rhyme and witticisms that delight and surprise the ear each time without fail – something to enjoy, somewhere unexplored, something intriguing – that generates a love for the music.

I developed an interest in emo music with this in mind, first being unexpectantly drawn in by isolated metaphors which caught my ear while browsing music channels - an intriguing trope like “say your head can be a prison/then these are just conjugal visits”. From this base I grew to appreciate the overall work of writers in this genre, my respect growing with each listen. I now have

no shame. I proudly regard the subtle sequence of internal and half rhymes of a Wentzian (dare I coin such a term) line like “I am God’s gift/But why would he bless me with/such wit without a conscience equipped” as being just as textured, meaningful and impressive as any of the lyricists I have been told are more profound.

Emo is dying out. Few will be upset to hear this. Trends change with time; they die out or become absorbed into mainstream culture. Maturing fans are growing out of emo while numerous bands jump ship from this movement. Unlike grunge and other offshoots from punk that preceded it, emo is not likely to gain status as a veritable music revolution very quickly; it will not linger warmly in the hearts of those who felt they had to endure its rise and fall. It is more likely to be viewed with cringy reflection in 5 years’ time; former followers may well talk of their time as an emo as one would speak of a brainwashing cult.

Cycles of nostalgia in fashion and music dictate resurgence in the popularity of the 2000s in about 15 to 20 years.

Those in their early to mid-30s at that time are perhaps unlikely to be caught up in a return to the emo craze en masse in the same way that 80s music and fashion was revived in the mid-late 2000s.

However I do believe the subculture is deserving of some respect. For its indirect revolt of passivism against consumerism, for the music genre’s lyrical adroitness and unique re-evaluation of previous subcultures and sharp interplays of pop-culture references, I say, thanks for occurring, emo.

Evan Musgrave is a Junior Sophister student of English Literature and French

Just getting a bit overwhelmed.

21

politics

The Abortion Question Abortion can be a difficult topic, but with the upciming election bringing into the national forum, perhaps we need to look at it again.

by Clare Burnett

he abortion question is a massively contentious issue, not only in Ireland, but the rest of the world too. Still a taboo in much of Ireland, it has been staunchly and continually opposed by much of the Irish public due to strong Catholic roots and social conventions. However other countries such as Spain and Italy who are also predominantly Catholic countries, have accepted a more liberal approach, due to external influence from the European Union and also internally, suggesting that the religious element of the abortion question is just that; an element.

Since 1967 abortion has been legal in the United Kingdom. Contrastingly, as late as 1983 the Irish government was asserting its extremist anti abortion stance; the ‘Pro-Life Amendment’ was added to the Irish constitution, asserting the idea that the unborn child had the right to life from the moment of conception, effectively making abortion a homicidal act. It is morally and practically complex to assert when a foetus becomes a living human being, and it is often a matter of 22

personal opinion.

Growing up in England, I have taken it for granted that if a desperate situation arose, a safe, legal abortion would be possible. Critics of abortion in Ireland claim that this is one of the inherent problems with legalising abortion, that a termination is the fall-back, and becomes a form of contraception. However

From an international perspective, Ireland’s continuing insistence on its anti-abortionist policies is incompatible with modern society. if abortion is utilised in certain circumstances, it preserves both the woman’s and the unborn baby’s basic human rights. The system in the U.K is criticised for allowing ‘abortion-on-demand’, and though I would contend that the 28 week limit on abortion is, in my opinion anyway, pretty abhorrent, the necessity for abortion in contemporary society is unarguable. Irish critics of abortion can

not declare that the illegality of abortion prevents it, it would be naÏve to assume that Irish women do not find alternative ways of terminating their pregnancies.

Thousands of women each year travel to the U.K to have legal abortions, and the Irish Family Planning Association estimates that nearly 145,000 women have travelled abroad between 1980-2009 for abortions for which they will not be criminalised.

From an international perspective, Ireland’s continuing insistence on its anti-abortionist policies is incompatible with modern society. Particularly its staunch resistance to abortion, even in the event of extenuating circumstances, such as rape, under-age pregnancy or if the life of the mother were in danger, have been criticised. This is despite the 1992 ‘X Case’ in the Supreme Court, which questioned the 1983 interpretation of the Constitution, giving the right to abortion in certain circumstances.

This means that theoretically, abortion is legal in Ireland in specific cases.

The massive upheaval and confusion in recent Irish politics has opened up an

opportunity for the Irish public and its leaders to rethink the arbitrary and archaic interpretation and enforcement of abortion laws in the Constitution.

Whilst parties such as Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael would make no changes in legalising abortion in any sense, including not introducing the practical implementation of the 1992 decisions on abortion, other parties take a different stance.

Fianna Fáil has a reputation for its populist policies, and the recently elected Micheál Martin has stated that his party will remain against abortion and would not allow the 1992 interpretation of abortion to be practically enforced. Fine Gael have been always been consistently to the right in many of their policies, and doubtless will not be swayed on the abortion question. They also have rejected the idea of a referendum on the subject.

The Irish Labour Party however has declared that “legislation should be introduced to give effect to the X case judgement”. They recognise that there are two sets of rights which are in conflict in the abortion question. They plan to address the abortion question through family planning and sex ed. A bit of a political cop out, maybe, and reminiscent of the U.K. political parties’ excuses when confronted about the levels of abortion in recent years.

They are not however “pro-abortion” in the English or European sense, as has been claimed. Labour are very specific about the “special circumstances” in which abortion would be legalised. They recently lost support, according to Paddy Power by a full 16 percent, after advocating abortion in cases where continuing a pregnancy will risk the mother’s health.

They do not stress that the mother’s condition must be life threatening, but a medical practitioner must declare that the continuation of the pregnancy would cause sickness (be it psychological or physical) in the mother. This has continually caused a massive gulf between the Labour Party and the Catholic church. However critics of Labour’s abortion policies, such as David Quinn of the Independent (writing on February 11th) massively over-exaggerate the extent to which this would affect abortion in Ireland, implying that it would be abortion on demand. I would argue that there is no way in hell the Irish people would stand for that kind of upheaval of their values. Abortion, if introduced by the Labour party, would be gradual and massively restricted, and remain so for years.

According to a recent report by the European Court of Human Rights in December 2010, the Irish ban on abortion ‘violates’ women’s rights, as, though

Not the opinion of the masses anymore. theoretically abortion was legal in certain circumstances, the Irish government has made no effort in the nearly twenty years proceeding the Supreme Court judgement to practically implement their decisions. Labour leader Éamon Gilmore on RTÉ radio last week admitted that the rest of Europe felt that Ireland was “out of kilter” in terms of human rights, specifically Irish policies on abortion.

The drop in support for the Labour party in the polls after this declaration of its stance on abortion (which to some extreme anti-abortionists is tantamount to allowing terminations on demand) indicates that the Irish position on abortion is still very strong.

Labour are perhaps more aware of the Irish position on the political stage than other parties due to their participation in world labour organisations. They are also aware that the rest of the world considers this aspect of Irish policy backward and staunchly traditionalistic.

Times have changed and Ireland is the only country in the EU to still have an active ban on abortion. This seems to the rest of Europe a denial of modern society, and leads to women taking more drastic measures to end an unwanted pregnancy.

It may take a long time, but eventually Ireland will have to catch up with the rest of the world in terms of abortion. It is not a form of contraception, it is an escape for women in desperate situations. In the end, whatever party comes into power in the coming years, the Irish people will eventually realise that transient social and religious factors do not justify denying a woman’s right to life, and eventually abortion, in rightfully restricted form will come into place.

When this will happen though, no one can guess.

Clare Burnett is a Senior Freshman student of English Literature and History 23

Politics : Sport

Si Hablo, adi贸s Mundial y adi贸s Europcopa Doping in sports may be more prevalent than we all think.

by Gavin McLoughlin

24

i hablo, adiós Mundial y adiós Eurocopa.” “If I speak, say goodbye to the World Cup and the European Championships.”

These are the words allegedly uttered to a cellmate by the infamous Dr. Eufemiano Fuentes, the Spanish gynaecologist now twice implicated in Guardia Civil inquiries into the systematic doping of athletes.

Previously at the epicentre of Operation Puerto, the 2006 investigation that led to the exclusion from that year’s Tour de France of 1997 winner and five-time runner-up Jan Ullrich, the good doctor finds himself once more under the scrutiny of the Spanish authorities. The latest sting, Operation Galgo, accuses Fuentes and 13 others (among them world steeplechase champion Marta Dominguez) of operating a doping ring involving top-level Spanish athletes including European 1500 metre champion Nuria Fernandez and European crosscountry champion Alemayehu Bezabeh.

But while fans of cycling and athletics are no strangers to betrayal by their heroes, it is the purported involvement of a hitherto relatively untarnished sport that really chills the blood. Is cheating in this way the preserve solely of so-called “dirty” sports like cycling and athletics?

If not, just how far has the doping net extended into the beautiful game?

It is perhaps axiomatic that the sophisticated methods of blood doping developed in the early 1990s are of greatest benefit in these sports that are tests mainly of endurance. The science here is relatively simple. In short, artificially boosting their red blood cell count (hematocrit) allows athletes to increase their oxygen transport capabilities, greatly benefiting stamina and recovery times. Whistleblowers suggest that the ingestion of red blood cell boosters such as EPO and autologous blood transfusions (the removal, refrigeration and later reinfusion of one’s own blood) are the methods primarily used. The problem from the point of view of the authorities is that they are locked in a race with doctors like Fuentes who continue to invent new ways to cheat the system, while those who seek to invent new tests by definition take time to catch up.

While a test for EPO has been developed, it is thought that athletes are able to subvert this by micro-dosing so as to not only enable their red blood cell values remain within the limits prescribed by the biological passport system operated by the governing bodies of both cycling and athletics, but also to enable the drug to leave their system quickly. No test is currently employed for the detection of autologous blood transfusions.

Common sense dictates that if the testing regime remains inadequate in those sports where it is most rigorous, it is even easier for competitors in other sports to evade detection if they decide to blood-dope. Moreover, when one considers the infinitesimally greater sums of money that attend success at the highest level of soccer, a simple exercise in logic posits a simple question; why not dope?

Health considerations spring immediately to mind, but if the lesson of history has taught one thing, it is that there have always been professional athletes willing to disregard their personal wellbeing in the pursuit of glory. Of course, this is all a mere exercise in idle speculation; a hypothetical illustration of why competitors in sports like soccer may be tempted to dope. If any substance is to attach to the implications of Fuentes’ alleged words, credible evidence of systemic doping in soccer needs to be adduced.

Juventus team doctor Riccardo Agricola was convicted at first instance of “sporting fraud”...

He was later acquitted on appeal on a technicality A little digging in the archives bears a lot of fruit. Let us take for starters the explosive comments of Arsenal manager Arsene Wenger reported in both The Guardian and The Independent in October 2004. At that time, Wenger alluded to the fact that a number of players he had signed from the continent had been presenting with abnormal hematocrits.

While stressing that he believed the doping problem in soccer to be a small one, Wenger voiced his suspicion that they had been doped with blood-boosters at their previous clubs without their knowledge. This is a remarkably serious proposition. In November of that year, Juventus team doctor Riccardo Agricola was convicted at first instance of “sporting fraud” for administering EPO to members of the team between 1994 and 1998. He was later acquitted on appeal on a technicality. A 2006 interview conducted with Fuentes by French daily Le Monde quotes the doctor stating that he had worked with Spanish clubs at both premier and first division level, and that same year disgraced cyclist and Fuentes client Jesus Manzano told the same newspaper that he had once met a Real Madrid player at Fuentes’ clinic.

These and other reports surely merit a serious inquiry into whether soccer is as credible as is made out.

Grave questions must be raised about the apathetic manner in which both alleged and proved doping infractions

are greeted by soccer fans and authorities alike. Perhaps the most compelling way of demonstrating this is to compare the manner in which doping offenders are treated in soccer compared to their cycling and athletics equivalents.

As regards the latter, it is fairly certain that Ben Johnson, Floyd Landis and Marion Jones are names forever to be associated with scandal and disgrace.

On the other hand, Pep Guardiola and Diego Maradona (both of whom have served bans for artificial performance enhancement) continue to be feted for their achievements, the former being the current manager of the overwhelmingly dominant Barcelona side, and the latter arguably the greatest player ever to set foot on a pitch. The type of argument customarily used to justify this apathy rotates around the undeniable truth that more than just physical fitness and endurance is required to make it as a top professional footballer. However, with the continued evolution of the game and the ever-expanding schedule of matches, these attributes are now more important than ever. No-one can seriously deny that artificially boosting stamina and recovery could not be of benefit in soccer.

Perhaps most depressingly, there does not seem to be any real desire to conduct an authoritative investigation into blood doping on foot of the aforementioned reports, although that is perhaps unsurprising given what we have learned about FIFA in the wake of the Qatar 2022 bid fiasco. The crux of this matter is that an unconscionable double standard is in play here. It is right that those who are caught cheating be punished, but absolutely wrong that athletics and cycling be ridiculed and deserted by sponsors merely because other sports keep their dopers out of sight and mind.

Fans, the cash-cows of every sport, deserve know for sure whether the achievements of their heroes are ill-gotten. Justice demands that the integrity of competition be upheld so that clean athletes are not defrauded. Real transparency is required from the relevant authorities so that cheats are caught and excluded and a proper inter-sport strategy developed to stamp out this egregiousness once and for all. While we may never know if Fuentes’ implications are true, they may serve some good in alerting people to the fact that this is a problem not confined to the sporting subculture. This can only help in the fight against the pejoration of sport into mere manufactured entertainment.

Gavin McLoughlin is a Senior Freshman student of Law and Political Science 25

Student survival guide

Student Survival Guide: The Budget We look at how to cope with some of the changes the last budget brought to education.

by Louisa mcindoe

ou could hardly have failed to notice that the government made drastic cuts to most services in the country. Although the media in general have possibly put too much emphasis on this, it is true that the budget proposals will be damaging to much of the country.

Therefore, we have outlined proposals in the budget which may possibly affect your life, and suggest ways in which you can try to minimise the impact.

PRIMARILY – THE GOOD NEWS FIRST Tax on alcohol and tobacco has not increased, as Lenihan wisely realised that everyone was buying their vices from the North. However, with the cost of tobacco still being high, the easiest way of avoiding this is just to quit smoking. Many of the bars aaround campus do deals on drinks - not that we’d encourage that sort of thing or anything.

SECONDLY – THE RELIEF For a lot of students, the changes to your life will not be dramatic. Petrol has gone up 4c a litre, and they have reduced the levy on air travel to ¤3 as of March 26

2011, on a temporary basis. That won’t really factor in to your holiday plans, but it’s nice that it’s a cut we benefit from.

THIRDLY – THE BAD NEWS There has been ¤2b of cuts, which has to hurt in some ways. Unfortunately, if you qualify for a grant, you will be hurt the most. Firstly, the non-adjacent and adjacent rates have all been cut by 5%, so below we have the figures for the grants in 2010, and the new figures for 2011.

Secondly, the definition of ‘adjacent’ and ‘non-adjacent’ rates have changed.

The boundaries used to be that to qualify as living adjacent to college, you had to be within 23km of the institute. So from Trinity College, that is as far out in each direction as North Beach, Ratoath, Maynooth, Kilteel, Enniskerry and Bray.

This has now been changed to 45km, which to give you a scale of that is as far out in each direction as Drogheda, Tullyallan, Navan, Longwood, Newbridge, Dunlavin, and Wicklow. Therefore, unless you live further out that 45km, you will now get the adjacent, rather than the non-adjacent rate, which is obviously a lot less. If you use one of the

teaching hospitals such as Tallaght, that is not taken into account with your adjacent/non-adjacent status. Therefore, for example a nursing student living in Drogheda and their commute being 52km in and out of Dublin to get to the hospital, they live within the 45km boundary, so they won’t get compensated. Thirdly, mature students were automatically eligible for the non-adjacent rate, due to their expected living costs, which is no longer the case.

MINIMISE THE IMPACT The stock advice is still worth repeating – try and take food into college with you rather than eating out, attempt to walk or cycle rather than take the very expensive public transport (and there is exceedingly cheap bicycle insurance available, so shop around – for a €200-€300 bike it is possible to find insurance for as little as €30). Try to go green and save on the electricity bill – short showers, turning off the heating and switching off lights. Remember to ask everywhere whether they have a student rate, and the ENTS card has a lot of good deals.

With landlords, it is worth asking for a

Batman has robbed some of us of our grants. There are ways to cope with the reductions reduction in rent, especially if you have been at the same place for more than a year. It is the renters market, rather than an owners, so it is worth asking. Secondly, when leaving a place, make sure you get your deposit. Unless you have caused substantial damage, there is no reason why you shouldn’t get your deposit back.

Photograph any damage on your arrival and departure, and if you have any

severe problems, the Welfare Office have helped many students deal with their landlords.

If you think you may be entitled to a grant, it is worth applying. The Level 1 grant is capped at ¤51,380, with staggered levels below that, so if your family income is less than you should apply.

Secondly, if your grant application is rejected you have 30 days to appeal the

decision. It is worth applying if it is possible that you will be given it, so go to www.studentfinance.ie. For help with grant application, also see the Welfare Office.

Louisa McIndoe is a Junior Sophistor student of English Literature and Philosophy

The Grant Rates Adjacent Rate 2010 »» Level 2 25% Maintenance »» Level 3 – 50% maintenance »» Level 4 – 75% maintenance »» Level 5 – 100% maintenance »» Level 6 – 100% maintenance +

Non Adjacent Rate 2010 ¤330 ¤650 ¤980 ¤1300 ¤2545

Adjacent Rate 2011 »» Level 2 – 25% maintenance »» Level 3 – 50% maintenance »» Level 4 – 75% maintenance »» Level 5 – 100% maintenance »» Level 6 – 100% maintenance

»» Level 2 – 25% maintenance »» Level 3 – 50% maintenance »» Level 4 – 75% maintenance »» Level 5 – 100% maintenance »» Level 6 – 100% maintenance +

¤810 ¤1625 ¤2435 ¤3250 ¤6355

Non-Adjacent Rate 2011 ¤313.50 ¤617.50 ¤931 ¤1235 ¤2545

»» Level 2 – 25% maintenance »» Level 3 – 50% maintenance »» Level 4 – 75% maintenance »» Level 5 – 100% maintenance »» Level 6 – 100% maintenance +

¤769.5 ¤1543.75 ¤2313.25 ¤3087.5 ¤6037.25 27

Politics

The Death of a Politician Some Irish politicians just won’t get the hint.

by Rory Michael Gleeson

he death of a politician in Ireland is now a rare thing. Rarely dramatic either, and usually very long overdue, another case of politics taking after public transportation. Gone are the days the politician would meet his end by being dragged out like the town witch, measured against an inanimate object and drowned before admitting fault, or having admitted fault, taken out and burned. A time existed, our grandparents’ generation, when people expected politicians to be perfect and thought they were. But when the inevitable cock-up occurred, the tax on childrens shoes, the suggestion offered from the bow of a yacht that we tighten our belts, the offender was cast out, strung up from a gallows and spat on.

And thus may be all tyrants.

Then a change. Our parents’ generation. A view that politicians are not perfect, but they should be expected to try to be. Give them a bit of slack, surely, but lads, don’t foul up too big. Don’t beat up children or take a shit on the flag, pretty simple. Of course politicians being politicians and in some ways similar to humans, cock-ups are inevitable. Should they fail, should a brown stain be found hiding in the bottom right hand corner of the tricolour, diluted by spit and fingernail marks attempting to erase it, the politician must recognise this and vanish itself. Should fall on its own sword before being taken out and spanked before the school assembly just like all the other naughty, vile little children.

Now, god forgive us, another change.

Not just the expectation of a politician 28

to fuck up, not just a knowledge that it will sooner or later take its genitals out in public and splay them around, but the acceptance of it, and a shrug of the shoulders when it happens. Bertie pranced around for years, high fiving everyone, dis dat dose dese. The Teflon Taoiseach, a label of admiration, a title celebrating how good the man was at evading his just deserts. Jesus isn’t he a great man, we’ve been trying to catch the slippery bugger for years but we can never get him, fair play.

Eventually we got rid of him, somewhere in between his hiding his kickbacks in a sock up his arsehole and saying that he actually won it on a horse. And guess what, we still love the man. Reports of Berties death have been greatly exaggerated. The man bent the country over and gave it a good rogering before going out and making us buy lots of crazy expensive shit (we drew the line at personalised stadium) and then he took off with the spare change. Surely we should be out hunting for this loony in the hills with pitchforks and torches.

He should be running for his life. Oh no, he might be running for president.

I don’t know, maybe nothing has changed, we’ve always loved cute hoors, from Dev shimmying back into the dail saying it was an empty formula to Willie o Dea staring down the barrel of his 44 magnum.

The last full on political death with any meaning to this generation was that of Trevor Sargant. Now there was a hippy with solid morals. He stood up and said, if we get into bed with Fianna

Fail I’ll do myself. The Green Party gives itself up easier than a 14 year old at the Wez, and true to his word Trevor blows his own head off. Surely we should admire a man like this. No, we laugh at him. What the hell Trev? We know what you said you’d do but that’s no reason for actually going out and doing it. Trevor went out in true style. Jumped off the top of the building before it was set on fire and burned to the ground. Should be put on his tombstone Mr Sargent. Killed

Don’t beat up children or take a shit on the flag, pretty simple.

Of course politicians being politicians and in some ways similar to humans, cock-ups are inevitable himself, because he said he would. No brown envelopes and golfing holidays for him, though, moron. He got a junior minister post as a consolation prize.

Our current politicians will never die because we refuse to insist upon it. We sit by the sickbed of our politicians, one eye on our iphones and the other on the corpse that should be. But it’s breathing steadily. When will it go when will it go, I thought it took its cyanide weeks ago, no actually it chose not to take it. It rather enjoys living actually, in whatever form. Nevermind that it weighs us down, the big meaty sack of flesh.

Plugs on in its bed, swollen red face.

Wheezing, but strong wheezing. I’m not going til I’m fucking ready. We should have hacked it to pieces months ago, so

There’s no way Bertie’s getting this kind of send-off why are we having a vigil for it? Shush that’s just what we do now. Where’s the outrage? Where’s the guillotine, the public stabbings the lynchmobs and the suicide assassins to take these things out? They’ve turned their heads. They all went out and bought nice cars in the nineties and nicer houses in the naughties and they’ve forgotten where their weapons are. They brought their kids up as hippies. March peaceful, march nice, they’ll listen to you in the end. 40,000 attend student protest, protest is peaceful, politicians don’t give a damn. The young people don’t know where the weapons are, and they don’t even know how to use them. They don’t particularly feel like joining a lynchmob (it’s an awful lot of work aside from everything else), so they’re leaving. The ex-assassins don’t care anymore, the sight of the bloated meatbag that betrayed them just disgusts them now, and they don’t have the energy to heave it out of the throne.

They look away in apathy and begin to take out their own hardback armchairs and back supports, begin to settle in and prepare for their winter. Getting old, too old for this. The warriors of the 60’s and 70’s don’t have the energy, and with them dies their talents, their beliefs.

Their parents (if they’re still living) get to use modern day issues and buzzwords to decry the side that either stuck with or went against the treaty 90 years ago,

and really wouldn’t care to change their party at this late stage, The warriors’ kids, the best of them, take flight and settle down to a nice cosy warm life in Australia, only to come back on holidays and remark how the country smells a bit musty, probably needs an airing. The bulging lumps in trolleys still littered around the house, god we almost pity them now. Bleary red eyes staring at us as we leave sacks of gold at their feet and sign away our future to them. It’s easier to do than going out and getting a forklift to wrench them from their resting places up high, their flesh seems glued to the cushions, or approach them from behind and break their necks. Sure we’d only replace them with another sagging gelatinous mess.

Maybe it might be a kindness to do them in, put an end to their misery…. No, best leave them. They still derive some small comfort from stinking the place up, from viewing their kingdom in ruins as their own future is secured. Their knowledge that they evaded what was coming to them and their idea that they were loved because they were never destroyed keeping them warm at night. Their bloodshot eyes glow in the dark, they will only close for sleep and beyond when they’ve sucked the place dry and filled the room with a putrid stench for the future to enjoy. They’ll go when no one is watching anymore, and no one cares, those

that did are either gone or dead, or have settled into their own armchairs and keep the tv on sky sports, to watch young men and women thrive passionately for a cause in which they believe.

The prolonged, comfortable death we allow politicians. A cosy life and a quiet death; a death we deny people who hold up post offices or rob cars, deaths we deny celebrities or protestors, deaths we deny to the starving who never hurt us or the people being slaughtered in far off corners of the world. we allow most other public figures the glory of a quick or a slow painful death, a death behind bars or a death mixed with scandal, reporters at the window why did you do it. Deaths we afford to football managers and irish poets and people that put cats in bins. We eject them from our hearts and our lives quickly and brutally or we else trawl through their personal lives and past misdeeds with morbid obsession, determined to destroy them.

Traitor, wretch, blackguard. The politicians we give life, we give the skin off our backs and the dignity of an exit of their own choosing. Why? Because it is the easiest choice, and one we don’t even have to make. It’s pre arranged, and why try to fix something that’s broken when you can just ignore it.

Rory Michael Gleeson a Senior Sophister student of Psychology 29

politics : health

We Need to Talk About Health We take a closer look at healthcare policy in politics today.

by Andre Mendonc Madaleno

nation’s greatness is measured by how it treats its weakest members.” At the brink of a long overdue shift in the power balance on the Irish political scene, Gandhi’s remark is a very appropriate starting point to talk about how the next government should implement health care reform.

The Irish government has taken upon itself to save the financial health of the nation while its blind cuts on health services will lead to unjust and insufficient distribution of resources for treating its citizens’ health. Even if it is easy to blame the politicians, Irish people need to be reminded of who put them there in the first place and why. The pervasiveness of “political pragmatism” as 30

opposed to a true debate of ideas on how to achieve the common good for society through democratic government seems a peculiar characteristic of the Irish political system. This means that TDs are busy getting ditches repaired or lobbying for hospitals in their constituency to be kept open against all reasonable arguments of rational distribution of resources and expertise. The best Dáil should not be a market place for lobbyists, however, but a battlefield for idealists. While ideology is an offensive word, this is because we instantly assume it is radical, unreasonable, oblivious to dialogue and ignorant of what it means to be human. Firm opinions and convictions are nothing more than heuristics for political problem solving and as any Pure Maths student will tell you, heuristics are quite

useful; you just have to find the right one.

But what about health care? Clearly there is a basic ideological value here: treating the sick is not only a good thing but a duty of society deriving from their right to health. While not all sick are completely blameless for their disease (alcohol, smoking, STDs, etc.) most of us will recognize that they deserve treatment, especially if urgent or lifethreatening disease is in question, for the simple fact that they are human beings just like us.

However, with the healthcare bill ¤16 billion every year for a small nation such as Ireland, taxpayers are asking questions (and should ask them more often!) about whether we are getting the value for money we should be. Potential healthcare expenditure is, with the current biomedical technology, essentially limitless. Amartya Sen points out on his book The Idea of Justice that as life expectancy values increase in developing countries, so does reported morbidity (and therefore use of medical care resources) increase. This happens because development, which is linked to increased life expectancy, also means higher literacy values and public health services causing individual citizens to be more aware of what it means to be sick and of what to do when they are sick.

This idea of limitless expenditure leads us to the example of US healthcare reform. In 2009, the United States spent 17.3% of their GDP while 16% of Americans were uninsured. This

$2.5 trillion constitutes such a massive amount of money that some US hospitals are known for their “incidentalomas”.

These are abnormal findings on imaging techniques such as computed tomography (CT) or magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) that are investigated and treated even though they are of little or no clinical significance (i.e. importance for the daily life of the patient). However, the 50 million uninsured Americans bring the US from 2nd in percentage of GDP spent in healthcare to 42nd in terms of life expectancy (behind Cuba at 37th!), according to UN 2006 data. Barack Obama’s insistence on putting a lot of his political stamina into a fairer health system was probably the major redeeming feature of an otherwise average presidency. Still, the changes approved will be gradually introduced between 2011 and 2018, providing time for a complex change that was opposed by a multi-million dollar lobby industry hired by the health insurance companies.

Obama’s changes are in accordance with the prevailing public health science view, described in books such as The Spirit Level by Richard Wilkinson and Kate Pickett. While most cutting edge treatments are developed in the USA, the problem is (or was? – we will see) a lack of access to healthcare for everyone, caused by income inequality. While not to the same extent, this is exactly what happens in Ireland. The so-called twotier system affects everything, including access to imaging modalities and

therefore diagnosis, and the dreadful reality of waiting lists for surgical procedures. There are an approximate 20,000 inpatients on waiting lists for elective procedures for over 3 months and these do not include those who will rather pay than wait. Not to mention trolleys in Emergency Departments, a sad reality we have grown used to and which has spurn the opening of private EDs such as in the Blackrock Clinic. Hence, what political options do the Irish have for healthcare reform?

In practical terms, the only clear and systematic policy document on healthcare reform has come from Fine Gael’s spokesperson for Health Dr. James Reilly. Moreover, Labour is ready to follow FG’s lead on the introduction of Universal Health Insurance coverage according to a speech by Eamon Gilmore on 14th April 2010 while Sinn Fein defends the introduction of a centralized HSE similar to the British NHS (ironic!?).

While the introduction of a state-run health service is a guarantee of equality of access it seems an unnecessary step if a regulated private sector-run system is able to deliver the same results. Moreover, where possible, it is more appropriate for the State to enable rather than replace civil society in providing the services essential for the common good such as health, education, etc.

If you read the FairCare document published in 2009 by Fine Gael the first thing you will notice is a systematic approach, with concrete and evaluable

Head surgeon Obama 31

Health and Social Problems in more unequal countries. Source: Wilkinson and Pickett, The Spirit Level, 2009 goals for up to two governmental mandates. The decision to adopt the Dutch model of universal coverage of private healthcare as opposed to a public system like the UK’s NHS seems carefully bound by the same regulatory precautions that are in place in the Netherlands. These differentiate the German and Dutch Bismarck model from the heaven for health insurance inequality and waste of resources that was the liberalized medical insurance system in the US. Moreover, the hospital budgeting mechanism of activity-based payment (“money follows the patient”) seems fairer and more conducive to good quality treatment than the current global budget mechanism for hospitals (where each hospital has a yearly allowance). This will lead hospitals to compete for patients rather than shoving them off as sources of expense, as currently happens.

The focus on the central role of primary care in an integrated health system is also recognized and promised still further stimulus. In fact, general practice is the best gate-keeping mechanism for hospital referrals and conduces to more efficient and faster tertiary-centre medical treatment and reduced overall expenditure. However, the concept of free GP care for all, while a possible vote winner, will probably imply an overflow in unnecessary consultations that could be avoided if small charges were applied, according to the income situation of the 32

patient, for all GP consultations.

Similarly, there is little about a readjustment of the current hospital network to the Irish population size. There needs to be the political courage to close hospitals that are hard to staff and likely to result in poor quality care. While a town may revolt against these measures, a rational, evidence-based approach should be followed on a consistent basis throughout the country, closing some units where appropriate and revamping others where necessary.

While Fine Gael’s policy seems set for the right direction, it leaves no comments on other important areas such as a necessary refocus on supporting maternity, childcare, and in utero as well as embryonic human life which are inseparable from any coherent idea of what it means to defend the most vulnerable in our society. Moreover, its mention of a “demographic time bomb” fails to break with the usual scaremonger talk that tends to blame people for living longer and, more importantly, is scientifically out of date. In a 2010 Nature article by James Vaupel, analysis of Swedish and other demographic data shows how “ageing” is being delayed not lengthened. This leading American scientist explains how an increase in disability prevalence and burden of disease does not necessarily follow from an increase in life expectancy in developed countries. It is up to the society at large

to find out how to integrate the elderly into productive activities suited to their abilities rather than assuming they can no longer take part in normal social and business life. Recent increases in VHI charges typically targeting the elderly seem to be another sign of discrimination against those who most need our healthcare system to work properly. Will a new government lead the way in the fight against ageism as well?

This and many other questions will soon be answered. The upcoming elections promise a new direction in healthcare reform, however many details are still to be updated in FG’s policy and in how this funding system will be put into practice in Ireland - FG’s plan includes the creation of a Universal Health Insurance Commission to implement a consensus agreement. While Fine Gael launches its PR campaign promising to listen to the people, it has also started talks with a major international insurance provider. It seems its ideas are not far from what is best for the country and could be a platform for agreement in a possible FG-Labour coalition or in a Fine Gael government supported by a group of independent TDs. We will hope the next government will avoid the errors of the last.

Andre Mendonc Madaleno is a Senior Sophistor student of Medicine

student life

My Guilty Pleasures Everyone has them but nobody talks about them. We all have the shows we’re ashamed to watch, the foods we daren’t tell anyone we eat and the books we “never” read. Enjoy them in your secrecy.

by Tara Monaghon

don’t know anything about the economy. That is to say, I know what the Metro Herald tells me in the fifteen minute bus ride up the quays. Even so, mostly I just read it for the stale gossip found in Guilty Pleasures and This Life by Rick Brookes. From what I have gathered from the hundred word snippet articles, Ireland has well and truly squandered the only wealth this country has seen in 800 years. In fact the only person who has benefited from the entire episode is Kevin Gardiner who originally termed the boom the “Celtic Tiger” in an article in 1994.

He must be swimming in royalties.

Speaking of terms, it is hard to make it through one day without hearing the nation’s favourite word: recession.

Spoken, the perfect verbal cocktail of fear, excitement and glee at the woes to come, “recession” has a particular bite to it which appeals to the masses. We Irish 33

One of our main exports, along with Louis Walsh, of course. truly thrive on impending doom. Almost uncomfortable with relaxation and security, the population indulges in despair.

Petrol prices will always rise, wages will always be cut and rest assured, RTE will spend your hard fought for TV licence fee on shows like Fade Street to ensure we are acquainted with rock bottom.

I say enough talk of this recession and time for a re-session at the local public house.

Surrounded by hype and Prime Time specials, it is easy to point the finger at those we feel are responsible for the mess. Not me though. I find myself

It’s no wonder Ireland is currently the Neville Longbottom of the political classroom. pointing a Colt 45 straight down Kildare Street, metaphorically of course. It is hard to describe the complete lack of faith I have in the 166 people (supposedly) sitting in Dáil Eireann, at least without turning cynical.

Although knowing very little on the specifics of our economy, I do credit myself with being politically aware. If Jr. Cert CSPE taught me anything, it’s that you don’t have to be attractive to be elected. Banana yellow suits, body mass indexes that NASA are still calculating and cringe-worthy facial hair are only a 34

few of the features that our representatives can be identified by. As superficial and shallow as I may sound, I would appreciate our nations “finest” to be at minimum presentable in comparison with the most influential leaders in the world. A leader should be somebody you would proudly follow into the battle field. At the moment, I wouldn’t even follow Brian Cowen into a chipper. Only behind my fingers, my head buried deep in my hands could I watch our Taoiseach hand over the bowl of shamrocks to Barak Obama last St. Patrick’s Day. I know politics isn’t a beauty pageant but slouched over, buttons popping off your shirt and drool hanging from an open gawp is hardly in vogue. It’s no wonder Ireland is currently the Neville Longbottom of the political classroom.

Ignoring shudder worthy appearances, I try and focus on what these politicians actually achieve. You can tune in TG4 in the wee hours of the morning to catch live coverage of Dáil Eireann: Daily Quibble. Essentially, there is great coverage of the highest paid crèche facility in the country, where the Ceann Comhairle tries to break up the petty squabbles of the five TDs he minds before the stragglers sprint in for the six-one news.

Being an Irish politician isn’t exactly difficult. We don’t enter wars and our current terrorist threats amount to little more than a leaving cert chemistry project. The only natural resources we have

are grass, cows and paddy-whackery.

Our main exports are Guinness, qualified third level students and Louis Walsh.

With this in mind, it is not unfathomable to notice that most political parties in this country have almost identical policies. Apparently you don’t need to form opinions on anything to be elected. As an active and registered voter, I cannot tell you which TDs are pro life or pro abortion, for or against gay rights, let alone economic matters. The only criteria to be elected is that you either are related to somebody from the first Dáil meeting or own the Newsagents and the Petrol Station in the town, have enough Irish to close a speech and don’t openly disagree with anything from the Vatican. We don’t demand anything more of candidates, so why expect them to be anything more when elected?

I personally take no responsibility for the current condition of our economy. I have never spent more than I’ve earned.

I don’t hire stretch limos to get around a modestly small city. I have never appeared intoxicated on a Morning Ireland interview nor have I splurged on useless beauty treatments with Fás. It wasn’t my idea to put an expensive giant spike opposite the GPO and all of my electronic voting machines are functioning perfectly. You probably find yourself in a similar situation to me. However, long after pensions are collected, our generation will be paying for the mistakes of the gluttonous and the moronic. That is if the swine flu doesn’t get us first and if the snow stays away. Let’s not forget global warming and terrorists. Oh and Cheryl Cole releasing another horrible single. With the future looking like this, I think I’ll stick to my guilty pleasures.

Tara Monaghon is a Junior Sophistor student of Music Education

Qualified third level students - another national export

In Conclusion...Fintan Mallory

I

t is a truth commonly acknowledged that the commonly acknowledged truths of Irish political discourse are more or less bunk; well acknowledged in Trinity at least. Not only is the island a mass grave of martyrs but odours of decaying ideologies plague the air. Divisions continue between families and communities, not just to appease dead ancestors but to pay homage to dead political views for fear of what would happen once we let go. The faiths is iffy at best. As the intro should show, the metaphors have got out of hand and successive generations have had their hands bound by them. The incoherent abuse of language is on its hind legs and it’s dangerous.

Nowhere is this nonsense louder than in the north (insert pet name where appropriate). Things have always been a bit backward up there to be honest. It’s one of the few places in the world where Catholics are more socially progressive. Distinctions have always been a bit confusing (is a republican really just a nationalist who’s willing to kill people?), one can read book on book about the place, talk to well-informed, articulate people, intimately understand the historical process which creates such a situation but still find things utterly nonsensical.

Without the momentum of conflict, the distinctions that drive it decay.

In philosophy, one of the most important and valuable things a person can do is to deny the existence of an unclear or useless distinction. Historical interlude time -Descartes had to connect his mind stuff (which did the thinking) to his body stuff (which did the extending), he said they met in the pineal gland (which didn’t do the convincing). He had his reasons but these days people seem much more comfortable talking about how the mind is a function of the brain (and body etc) and we tend not to talk about a metysically distinct mind-stuff ). This

is swell. Up north though, we still rely on our pineal glands. We talk of ‘building bridges’, power is shared out in Stormont and we allow politicians to tell ridiculous lies to maintain these divisions. The media too loves a good narrative so we’ll hear of terroristturned statesman, or rabble-rouser overcoming his own bigotry. The tragic, Redmond-like and inevitable decline of the middle-ground. A lot of true things don’t matter here. I’ve been warned away from my usual rant about lies and the beards that tell them.

What is important is that a good story suits politicians and the media alike. It also suits ‘communities’ as well. We get to be part of an unfolding tale. It affirms the meanings of distinctions and allows us to continue on hugging our little destinies. Politics is much more fun this way, when one doesn’t have to know things like the VAT or when you can just blame another side for one’s problems.

Political parties tend to have gang mentalities. This Freshers’ Week, you could see FF handing out dog tags to members while FG had their life-size Michael Collins posters. Gangs are fun and there is no need to be lonely in them, all you have to do in exchange is ignore the regular disappointments, justify dodgy policies to yourself and know deep down inside that it’s better one of your guys is in power thano ne of the others. I bet there are even people that have convinced themselves to look forward to Enda as Taoiseach At least they arenactively trying to hurt people. Some people are so driven by existential crises that they’ll support murder if it is for some greater, self-justifying goal. We all need to feel relevant in our own ways.

Swinging us back up to the north.

You see, along with the assembly came an actual meaningful change. With the Agreement people signed up to the Principle of Consent. This means that it doesn’t matter if Stormont is

populated wholly with beards or with bigots, it’s the people outside of that building that would get to decide on ‘the constitutional question’. This is more than a bridge. This is an important and exciting secret.

The differences between parties regarding the union now become irrelevant. They toxin can be extracted from discussion and social, economic and ‘real life’ issues should prevail. The fact that arguments about parades and language acts may take a bit longer to resolve but as long as irrelevant distinctions remain, that business will be needlessly difficult. There remains the silly policy that MLAs designate their tribe when entering the assembly. This serves but to carry on bad faith.

The philosopher Dan Dennet was at the Hist last month. What allows him o be a clear thinker is his refusal to use terms which he no longer considers of value, that and a gleeful willingness to deny the existence of important distinctions. These are things which we need to do. If we get the language right, the politics will look after itself.

This may seem like ignoring the facts of how things are but that misses the point. The way we describe the facts, creates the facts. We just need to stop doing it in a divisive way.

So, aside from denying the meaning of all the old terminology (or the need for ‘new’ variations of it), let’s also dismiss the illusion that a cultural identity necessitates a political ideology. We’ll allow that one can both be Irish and ‘cool with’ partition. Hopefully, when all these things have settled in people will stop worrying about building bridges and realise that they were standing on the same side all along. Perhaps some day on a grander scale we’ll all catch on that we are all people and on that same side as well.

And wouldn’t that be lovely.

Fintan Mallory is a Junior Sophistor student of Philosophy 35

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