Issuu

DECEMBER 2021

ISSUE NO 4

Photo by Surya Théaudin

Sciences Po – an insider’s outsider perspective

Photo courtesy of Philipp Frank

Article by Philipp Frank, guest reporter

Le Havre’s Administrative Scandal Student disillusionment transcends the boundaries of Sciences Po Paris’ different campuses.

Article by Celeste Abourjeili, Edtor-in-Chief Earlier this month, notifications from Instagram and Facebook Messenger about an incident at Le Havre flooded the phone of every student at the Sciences Po Paris campus of Menton. In the middle of finals week, students were busy discussing the mistreatment of a fellow student by the Le Havre

administration. While complaints of administrative failures are common to all campuses of our esteemed institution, very rarely do they transcend the borders of our respective campuses. This time was different. This time was drastic, and it is clear that students have had enough. It all started on December

5, 2021. A student residing in the Centre Régional des Œuvres Universitaires et Scolaires (CROUS) campus housing, who has since resigned from Sciences Po Paris, was violently and physically attacked just outside his public, state-subsidized residence. He reached out to his administration for help and was met with disinterest and exasperation. In a later email

Questioning your past choices and worrying about the future are fundamental human traits. They are particularly prevalent among us young, adolescent students still trying to figure out how we want to live our lives. Studying at a university – especially if it is an international, multicultural and world-renowned institution like Sciences Po – is both exciting and stressful. continued on page 13

from the campus director Controversy as Saudi Catherine Droszewski to Arabia gains entry into another administrator, which was accidentally top-flight football forwarded to the student Why the Saudi takeover of Newcashimself, she responded tle United is a dark day, not only for sarcastically to an email the footballing community, but also from his parents “sym- for the wider United Kingdom popupa, le mail des parents!” lation. (meaning, “nice, the email of the parents!”). Article by Hugo Lagergren, staff reporter read more on page 8 continued on page 17

Johnson and Johnson Baby Powder Lawsuits The Menton Times

DECEMBER 2021

Photo by Hugo Lagergren

Article by Jessica Cheng, staff reporter Reaching the status of becoming a household name is a goal that many brands attempt to achieve, even though only a select few succeed. Once this staple status is fulfilled, many brands will either become well-established within the consumerist public and have a specific product that is unequivocally linked to the brand. For example, although there are many brands of instant macaroni and cheese in the United States, the most ubiquitous is Kraft’s. Likewise, for Johnson & Johnson ( J&J), the talc-based baby powder sold in an iconic white bottle became the product that established and solidified the company’s wholesome image nearly over a century ago. Companies strive to become a household name because the status comes with a multitude of perks, such as automatic consumer trust. But what happens when a breach of trust occurs between the public and the brand? Formed over a century ago in 1886, the brand and pharmaceutical gi-

a separate subsidiary. Although this split does not seem like a big deal at first glance, the numbers behind it would tell otherwise. The J&J Baby Powder offshoot, known as LTL Management, is valued at $2 billion — an amount that pales in comparison to the $440 billion that the entire pharmaceutical company is worth. Accounting for just

The push to establish LTL Management, which would inherit most of J&J’s baby powder lawsuits, can be seen as a strategic move to retain funds for the parent company. ant J&J has recently come under scrutiny for not only going through a lawsuit over the existence of asbestos in its talc-based baby powder, but also attempting to split its baby powder from the rest of its company via the establishment of

$2 billion of its parent company’s value, the split guarantees that lawsuit plaintiffs will win smaller sums of money from LTL management than they would have with the J&J parent company.

Although J&J denies that the creation of the subsidiary is related to the baby powder suits, the company is facing nearly 40,000 lawsuits alleging that its baby powders and other talc-based products contain asbestos, a carcinogenic substance. Evidence against J&J is growing, and thousands of individuals, predominantly women who have developed ovarian cancer, have announced that J&J did not warn them of the potential risks of asbestos contaminating the baby powder. Additionally, the March 2020 move to discontinue sales of their famous talc-based baby powder from the North American market paints a negative picture of the company. To counter this, J&J is denying that their baby powder contains carcinogens and continues to claim that the split has nothing to do with the suits. A 2018 investigation by Reuters, however, uncovered that the company was aware of asbestos in

its talc-based products for several years but chose to keep the information undisclosed. This evidence, which includes internal documents between company leaders and other forms of verification of J&J’s knowledge, has aided in furnishing favorable lawsuit verdicts for the plaintiffs.

The push to establish LTL Management, which would inherit most of J&J’s baby powder lawsuits, can be seen as a strategic move to retain funds for the parent company. Almost immediately after LTL Management’s inception, the subsidiary company filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy, a costly and long process in which the debtor is able to negotiate with creditors for the terms of the loan without having to liquidate their assets. Even though J&J is headquartered in New Brunswick, New Jersey, the corporation chose to split into two companies in Texas. The state has a controversial law called the “Texas TwoStep” that at its core is a restructuring method that companies can use to safeguard themselves in cases of mass tort litigation. While splitting into two companies in Texas, LTL Management chose to convert into a North Carolina Limited Liability Corporation (LLC), a business structure that safeguards its owners from personal responsibility for the company’s liabilities or debts, in order to file for bankruptcy. While

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DECEMBER 2021

many other states such as New Jersey do not have such archaic law which would most likely make the lawsuit much harder on the company, the Chapter 11 protection law in North Carolina momentarily pauses litigation against the bankrupt entity. Not only is the well-known pharmaceutical company undergoing

dose, a number likely aggravated by the pandemic. While most believe that there are a multitude of players to blame for the uptick in deaths as a result of the opioid crisis, blame continues to be shifted from manufacturers to distributors, from doctors prescribing the drugs to pharmacists filling prescriptions, etc. While progressing, these lawsuits

For context, J&J is one of the three leading drug distributors that are getting sued for their role in the United State’s nationwide opioid crisis. Over half a million people died from this crisis between 1999 and 2019, while 2020 ended with 69,000 deaths due to opioid overdose, a number likely aggravated by the pandemic. lawsuits and creating a separate subsidiary for its baby powder, Johnson & Johnson is also separately splitting into two different companies: one focusing on consumer health products and overthe-counter drugs, and the other focusing on pharmaceuticals, medical instruments, and vaccines. While the company denies that the influx of lawsuits are the reasons for the company-wide split, which include the United State’s nationwide opioid crisis and the sunscreen suit involving Costco Wholesale, many legal scholars suspect that one of the motivations behind such a decision was because of the social and legal reckoning the company is currently facing. For context, J&J is one of the three leading drug distributors that are getting sued for their role in the United State’s nationwide opioid crisis. Over half a million people died from this crisis between 1999 and 2019, while 2020 ended with 69,000 deaths due to opioid over-

do not seem to be reaching an end anytime soon. For most, Johnson & Johnson is a trusted brand whose products can be easily found in any local store. The many lawsuits the company is facing, however, raises questions about consumer safety and whether regulations of consumer products of private companies are too lax. While the public has confidence in the products of established labels, the multitude of lawsuits filed against J&J’s products are causing consumers to question the sanctity of such brands.

The Menton Times Staff Editor-in-Chief

Celeste Abourjeili*

Menton Policy Review President

Florian Heydecker Copy Chief

Ayse Lara Selçuker Head of Design

Ada Baser

Marketing Team

Lenora Dsouza Viola Luraschi

Section Editors

Bechar Benmoumen Lara-Nour Walton

Head of Photographers

Hugo Lagergren

Photographers

Wang Di Charlotte Howden Emilia Kohlmeyer Staff Reporters

Jessica Cheng Florian Heydecker Viola Luraschi Angeliki Vytogianni Luca Utterwulghe Guest Reporters

Barbara Kuza Tarkowska Philipp Frank Riwa Hassan Ata Tezel

Dare More Progress: Freedom, Justice, and Sustainability Are Germany’s New Leitmotifs

News

Article by Florian Heydecker, staff reporter and MPR President On November 24, the Social Democratic Pary (SPD), the Greens, and the Liberal Party (FDP) presented the coalition agreement for the next four years of government. The paper is the result of almost two months of negotiations that aimed at forming the first three-party coalition and the first government after sixteen years of Angela Merkel. Two weeks later, Olaf Scholz, SPD candidate and Minister of Finance in the previous government, was elected Bundeskanzler (Chancellor) and took office on December 8. Now Germany has a new leader, a new government, and a new agenda. The parties called their coalition ‘traffic light’ referring to their colors: red for SPD, yellow for the FDP, and the Greens. Briefly, the traffic-light coalition will increase the minimum wage, respect the balanced budget amendment, implement the coal phase-out, and legalize cannabis. Post-Merkel Germany will revolve around these new axes.

DECEMBER 2021

Voting Rights and Cannabis The new government is committed to lowering the active voting age for elections to the Bundestag and the European Parliament to 16. The traffic light coalition also wants to revise the electoral law “within the first year” to prevent the Bundestag from growing. Furthermore, the government wants to introduce the controlled distribution of cannabis to adults “for consumption purposes” in licensed stores. This reform would supervise quality, prevent the distribution of contaminated substances and ensure the protection of minors. The regulations for marketing and sponsorship of alcohol, nicotine, and cannabis will become more restrictive.

Minimum Wage and Housing The statutory minimum wage should increase to 12 euros per hour in a one-off adjustment, hence overcoming the current wage of 9.60 euros per hour. The minimum wage commission is then to

decide on further increases and adapt it to the national and international circumstances. In addition, the coalition agreement outlines the goal of building 400,000 new homes per year, including 100,000 publicly subsidized homes. An “affordable housing alliance” will be established, and a new non-profit housing scheme with tax incentives and investment subsidies is to be launched immediately. The rent brake will be extended and tightened. In areas with a tight housing market, rents will be allowed to rise only up to 11 percent within three years instead of up to 15 percent as before.

Climate The traffic light coalition wants to bring forward the coal phase-out. “Ideally, this will already succeed by 2030,” the agreement said. This eight-year process will revolve around the expansion of wind and solar power. By 2030, 80% of electricity consumption is to come from renewable energies. This will require more gas-fired power plants. The partners want to more than the triple solar capacity to 200 gigawatts (GW), by making photovoltaics mandatory on commercial roofs, among other things. They also want to accelerate the

expansion of offshore wind energy, which is to climb to 30 GW in 2030 (previously 20 GW). Two percent of Germany’s surface area is to be reserved for onshore wind energy. The phase-out of coal is also to be accelerated via European trading in CO2 pollution rights. The coalition, therefore, intends to lobby the European Union (EU) for a minimum price for these certificates, which power plants require. If this is unsuccessful, it will be fixed nationally such that the price does not fall below 60 euros per ton. In the future, climate protection will be more strongly integrated into the decisions of the German government than in the past. Each ministry is to review its draft laws for climate impact and compatibility with national climate protection targets and provide an appropriate justification — the so-called climate check. The Federal Climate Protection Act will be further developed “consistently” before the end of 2022, and an emergency climate protection program will be introduced.

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DECEMBER 2021

Nuclear Weapons The new federal government wants to abandon Germany’s fundamental rejection of the United Nations Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons and thus deviate from the previous. Germany will participate in the Conference of the Parties as an observer. The controversial treaty banning nuclear weapons was adopted by 122 of the 193 countries of the United Nations in 2017 and entered into force at the beginning of this year. It prohibits the possession, acquisition, development, and deployment of nuclear weapons. All nuclear powers, as well as all NATO countries, and thus also Germany, have so far rejected it because they considered the previous treaties to be a better basis for nuclear disarmament.

together. Deutsche Bahn AG will be retained as an integrated group, including the group’s internal labor market, under public ownership. Internal structures will be made more efficient and transparent. The infrastructure units (DB Netz, DB Station und Service) of Deutsche Bahn AG will be merged into a “new infrastructure division oriented toward the common good.” Cross-border traffic will be strengthened and night train services developed with the EU and the member states. By 2030, 75 percent of the rail network is to be electrified. Germany aims to become the lead market for electromobility, with at least 15 million electric cars in 2030. The SPD, Greens,

Migration and Right to Stay Visa issuance is to be accelerated and increasingly digitized. Residence permits should not expire during temporary stays abroad. The “complicated system of toleration” is to be reorganized. “Well-integrated young people,” up to the age of 27, will be allowed to stay after three years of residence in Germany. People who have lived in Germany for five years by January 1, 2022, have not committed any criminal offenses, and are committed to the free democratic basic order will be able to obtain a one-year

Starting next year, the regional funds for local transportation will be increased. Quality criteria and standards for services and accessibility for urban and rural areas will be defined by both the federal states and local authorities

Financing The Balanced Budget Amendment enshrined in the Basic Law is to be complied with again starting in 2023. In the coming year, however, new loans will have to be taken out again due to the ongoing consequences of the Covid-19 pandemic. Municipalities with high levels of old debt are to be relieved. “In 2022, there will also be continuing pandemic consequences to deal with, which will continue to constitute an exceptional emergency in the sense of the debt rule,” the agreement said. “Beginning in 2023, we will then limit debt to the constitutional margin provided by the debt brake and comply with the debt brake requirements.”

Foreign Policy The signal of continuity in German foreign policy could not have been clearer. At the G20 summit in Rome, Chancellor Angela Merkel (CDU) and her vice-chancellor and successor Olaf Scholz (SPD) took part in a virtual duet and completed all the important talks together.

Photo by Florian Heydecker

Transport

and FDP also want a reform of the truck toll. In 2023, a “CO2 differentiation” of the truck toll is to be implemented. Commercial road haulage of three and a half tons or more will be included in this toll, and a CO2 surcharge will also be introduced — on condition that a double burden from the CO2 price is ruled out.

probationary residence permit. For faster asylum procedures, the new coalition wants to relieve the Federal Office for Migration and Refugees. “We want faster decisions in asylum proceedings, as well as a standardization of jurisdiction and will quickly present a bill to this end,” the three parties announced.

The administration of U.S. President Joe Biden continues to rely on a strong Germany that assumes responsibility within the EU, NATO, and the international community. The U.S. will pay particular attention to how the new German government positions itself vis-à-vis China and Russia. Washington D.C. is pushing for a more confrontational approach to its strategic rival, whereas Merkel’s government has tended to focus on dialogue and good trade relations.

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As for China, Merkel is already sorely missed in Beijing because she spoke her mind honestly, but also always showed understanding

...the new German government entails both continuity and rupture with the Merkel era for China and pursued a more business-oriented China policy. Beijing hopes that Scholz is also aware of how dependent Germany is on economic cooperation with China. Yet, the Greens and the FDP not only want to do more for human rights, including the persecution of Uyghurs and Tibetans and the situation in Hong Kong but also advocate free trade and fair market access. This last aspect resonates well with the increasing tensions between Beijing and the U.S. Further developments will become more visible in the future.

A Coup D’État

DECEMBER 2021

man rights and the right to asylum. Concerning Israel, a policy of continuity can be expected from the traffic light government as a whole. The new government is also committed to a two-state solution in the Middle East. Meanwhile, Palestinians are expected to make “progress on democracy, the rule of law and human rights.” Israel is expected to halt settlement expansion in the Palestinian territories and, hence, promote a future peace settlement. Finally, the EU expects a solid continuation of Merkel’s European commitment. With the SPD, the Greens, and the FDP as pro-European parties, Paris expects a certain continuity of previous German policies. Scholz, as an already wellknown and experienced politician, gives Paris a certain degree of security and is seen as a desirable partner. Some concerns might arise due to different views between the Greens and the FDP. France also

Back to Europe, ...the coalition will adopt Russia does not exa more liberal line for napect a fundamental tional politics and a harder improvement in its approach with regards to relationship with human rights and rule of law Germany given abroad the severe tensions of recent years. Moscow-based observes the way Germany will Germany expert Vladislav Belov, combine climate investments and however, expects the chancellor to strict debt policy. The strengthencontinue to set the foreign policy ing of the collaboration with Italy lines. He does not see a new con- has also become a further point of frontational course under Scholz. the EU balance. “The coalitionists are not starting from ‘red lines’ but a constructive Thus, the new German government approach,” said the head of the entails both continuity and rupture Germany Center at the European with the Merkel era. Although Olaf Institute of the Russian Academy Scholz should preserve, if not even of Sciences. strengthen, Germany’s transatlantic and European commitment, the On the other hand, Turkey will coalition will adopt a more liberal likely face a tougher course from line for national politics and a hardthe new German government con- er approach with regards to human cerning human rights issues and rights and the rule of law abroad. the EU-Turkey refugee deal. Both Post-Merkel Germany has taken its SPD and the Greens are committed first steps, the race has just begun. to emphasizing the respect of hu-

The sentencing of a deposed leader and the rise of public unrest Article by Viola Luraschi, staff reporter On February 1, 2021, a military coup d’état led to the fall of democracy in Myanmar and the implementation of a military regime. Since 2015, the National League for Democracy (Myanmar’s liberal democratic party led by Aung San Suu Kyi) has been ruling the country. Its ascendance to power marked the end of 50 years of military rule. Although not detected

coup’s Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing. He has been subject to condemnation and sanctions from international entities as a consequence of his alleged role in the military-led attacks on ethnic minorities in Myanmar. The country is currently under a state of emergency, which was first declared when the military came to power in February and which was subsequently extended for a further two years. However, the military has promised a “free and fair” election

Due to its high-profile nature and the controversy that surrounds the trial, the proceedings have taken place in a closed court and no access has been given to observers, no information regarding the legal cases have been disclosed to the public. by independent election observers, the military claimed massive voter fraud. The military justified their coup by asserting that their takeover would guarantee a “true and disciplined democracy”. However, it cannot be argued that the current state of Myanmar fits the description of a democratic state. Leading the Tatmadaw, Myanmar’s military, is the

following the state of emergency. Suu Kyi was under military detention from 1989 to 2010 due to her “commitment to establishing democracy in Myanmar.” In 1991, when Suu Kyi was still under military detention, she was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for her commitment to establishing democracy within Myanmar through non-violent means. She would have be-

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DECEMBER 2021

come president in 2015 when her party won by landslide victory, had it not been for a rule that prohibits people with foreign national children from taking office. However, she was regarded by many as the legitimate ruler, and Win Myint was merely the face of Myanmar. Her public image received a negative impact following the events of the Rohingya crisis of 2017, during which Myanmar saw the largest wave of Rohingya fleeing the country due to what has been considered by many a genocide. In fact, in 2019 Suu Kyi was called to appear before the United Nations International Court of Justice and stand in defense of her country, which faced accusations of genocide. The new leader, Min Aung Hlaing,

Kyi is now facing a prison sentence after being found guilty of violat-

ing coronavirus restrictions as well as incitement. The case regarding her sentencing was based around statements that had been posted on the Facebook page of the National League for Democracy; this,

The military justified their coup by asserting that their takeover would guarantee a “true and disciplined democracy”. However, since February, Myanmar has seen more than 10,600 people arrested and a minimum of 1,303 deaths by the junta during demonstrations. has now assumed all state power in his capacity as commander-in-chief. With this role he has prioritized an investigation into fraud claims of the new elections, which had supposedly been won by the National League for Democracy. As a result of the investigations regarding the recent elections, Suu

however, was posted by other party members only after she and other leaders of the party were already being detained by the military. The charges of incitement and violation of coronavirus regulations are only two of eleven charges which the former prime minister

is currently facing. Suu Kyi has denied all of these charges and,

Kyi and Myint, accusing them of serving as the “latest example[s] of the military’s determination to Photo by Kjetil Elsebutangen, eliminate all opcourtesy of Flickr and under Creative Commons licensing position and suffocate freedoms in Myanmar.” Michelle Bachelet, UN Human Rights chief, has claimed that the “sham trial” will only “deepen rejection of the coup” on both international and domestic fronts. Furthermore, the foreign secretary of the United Kingdom, Liz Truss, has said that “the arbitrary detention of elected politicians only risks further unrest” and that it can be identified as “another appalling attempt by as a result, her sentence has been Myanmar’s military regime to stifle reduced from what was previous- opposition and suppress freedom ly four years to two.The reduction and democracy.” of the sentence was approved by Junta Chief Min Aung Hlaing. The Due to its high-profile nature and details are, however, still unclear the controversy that surrounds the regarding where, when and if Suu trial, the proceedings have taken Kyi will be placed in prison, and place in a closed court and no acher current location is undisclosed. cess has been given to observers, Former President Win Myint is a no information regarding the legal co-defendant in Suu Kyi’s trial, as cases have been disclosed to the he has also been placed on trial, public. Furthermore, Suu Kyi’s lawand his sentence is the same as Suu yers have been forced to sign a gag Kyi’s although this could be subject order. to change. Salai Maung Taing San, a spokesperson for the National The military justified their coup by Unity Governmentand profession- asserting that their takeover would ally known as Dr Sasa, said that the guarantee a “true and disciplined “military generals are preparing democracy”. However, since Febfor 104 years of sentences for [Suu ruary, Myanmar has seen more Kyi] in prison.” than 10,600 people arrested and a International voices have spoken minimum of 1,303 deaths by the out against the trial and the mili- junta during demonstrations. Thus, tary coup. In fact, Amnesty Inter- it cannot be argued that the current national has used the word “bogus” state of Myanmar fits the descripto describe the charges for Suu tion of a democratic state.

Editorial

DECEMBER 2021

Le Havre’s Administrative Scandal

Student disillusionment transcends the boundaries of Sciences Po Paris’ different campuses Article by Celeste Abourjeili, Editor-in-Chief The student was not only ignored by administrators but met with mockery. Additionally, the Bureau des Élèves (BDE) of Le Havre was tasked with taking care of the student. Let me re-emphasize this matter: elected student representatives were told they were responsible for meeting the medical, psychological, and logistical needs of a student who had been brutally attacked, all in the middle of finals week.

She further commented on the role and expectation placed on the BDE at Le Havre. “I think that the BDE stepping up in this situation is applaudable for the support and effort they put into helping the student. However, such a responsibility should not be up to students themselves to solve, as that kind of a burden on young adults does not foster a healthy student environment for anyone,” she said. “The role of the BDE in the very rules of the organization is to provide links between the administration and the students. In line with

is a central part of student concern. The director of the Menton campus, Yasmina Touaibia, did not respond to our request for comment. Our Le Havre counterpart, “Le Dragon Déchaîné,” has done the service of publishing the written version (full version accessible here) of the letter read by students at the General Assembly which followed this scandal. The letter is a collection of points that was produced from a discussion of more than 160 Le Havre students, and we have summarized the main points expressed by the students here: •

•

screenshot of Dragon Dechaine’s Instagram post

We received a comment from the Menton BDE President Ada Baser, who said that she was “heartbroken at the situation in Le Havre.” She indicated that she has contacted the Le Havre BDE and offered to stand with them as members of the same extended student body.

•

that, I think it is in part the responsibility of the BDE to aid their fellow classmates, but not the extent that we saw in Le Havre,” said Baser. The idea that the administration needs to start caring about our well-being outside of academic matters and the university setting

•

Disgust towards the indifference of the director, who, in addition to her sarcastic exchanges with other members of the administration, downplayed the severity of what happened, citing the fact that the student was “not killed in the event.” Disappointment at the lack of assistance for international students who, in addition to facing a language barrier, face a “hostile bureaucratized administrative apparatus both inside and outside the campus microcosm.” They assert that the administration, it seems, is unwilling to take on the responsibility of recognizing and assisting international students’ special needs. “No effective support, neither institutional nor emotional, was provided” in this case — the student was left helpless while the institution looked the other way and maintained an overly “sarcastic and disrespectful attitude.” The BDE and other associations were expected to take on the needs and grievances expressed by students, leaving

•

those students with little support. “We cannot reasonably expect them to be accountable for the protection of the students in the city. That is not something they have been trained to do… the incompetence of the administration has ultimately burdened our associations and health ambassadors with additional responsibilities on top of their day-to-day duties.” This is not an isolated incident, but a pattern of behavior on behalf of the administration. Similar incidents of administrative indifference and contradiction, for instance, one student was refused time off or an excused absence after suffering a concussion and was forced to attend class. Fellow students and the teacher had to help them walk home, and Ms. Droszewski responded to this situation in a condescending manner, stating that the student should have stayed home (even though the student had deliberately not been excused from class). The message from the administration was perceived to be that “whatever happens outside of our campus walls is not the responsibility of the administration. They tell us, ‘we are not your parents.’” Towards the end of the letter, the students sorted their grievances into five categories: (1) lack of empathy on behalf of the administration; (2) mutual trust and responsibility; (3) pedagogical failures; (4) lack of medical support; (5) lack of support for international students. They further listed their demands as follows: (1) admin-

Editorial

DECEMBER 2021

•

istrative recognition of wrongdoing and formal justification for their actions; (2) transparency, accountability, and support for future incidents; (3) create a position within the administration for international students; (4) address academic short-comings. Finally, the listed actions that the student body is willing to pursue to see actual change: (1) make the administration in Paris aware of the lack of systematic support and procedures in Le Havre; (2) extend this cause to the other Sciences Po undergraduate campuses.

While we have not yet been asked to take action with the other campuses as a part of a Sciences Powide movement, many members of our Mentonese ummah seem ready to do more. There is already a Google form circulating by Mentonese 2A Basile Rochet to collect students’ thoughts and feedback on the administration across campus-

es. (If you are a Sciences Po student who has not filled out the form yet, contact Rochet for more information on how to do so). On a Messenger group chat for Menton, one student said, “honestly I think it’s time the students actually start protesting the incompetence of the admin[istration]… it could’ve been any of us and [the] Menton admin[istration] wouldn’t do sh*t. This needs to change.” These complaints are not new, either. I published a controversial article nearly one year ago in the campus journal, “Le Zadig,” expressing a variety of complaints put forth by students about the Menton administration. In fact, when I had asked for opinions on the administration, my inbox was flooded with messages, not one of them positive. Mentonese students felt similar to those at Le Havre about having to fill the gaps left by administrators, and they were especially fed up with the pedagogical failures. The article also touched on the lack of

medical support with regards to COVID-19 (in fact, until March of 2021, the campus’ COVID response was entirely run by the Social Service Pole of the BDE). The article is a product of the anecdotes and testimonies that I received. Although members of the administration had either declined to comment or failed to respond to my request for comment, one administrator contacted me personally several times requesting that I take down her name from my article. At one point, she even linked my article in an email chain CC’d with the entire administration concerning problems with my account access. She wrote, “We are all sure about your investment and how much you care about your studies at Sciences Po. You also expressed and share[d] your opinion on the blog recently: [attached link].” We received a comment from “Le Dragon Déchaîné” that “the general mood of the campus has rather simmered down for the moment, mostly due to finals and later the

beginning of winter break. It is also partly attributable to the fact that the campus struggled to channel the original motivation into concrete, collective measures or demands from the Paris administration.” Besides the letter and a few signs of protest, no other forms of demand had taken place. Director Catherine Droszewski “wrote an email to the students in response to the letter which very briefly mentioned her intention of having further dialogue with the students, but nothing else of substance.” Only time will tell what the future holds for the undergraduate community of Sciences Po Paris, but if one thing is certain, it is that students across campuses are running out of patience with the remiss administration. Note from the editor: The Menton Times and the general Menton student body stands in solidarity with the campus of Le Havre and all those affected. We remain open and available for any action required on behalf of our campus to help.

Photo by Alessandra Turrisi

Editorial

Sciences Po Student Disillusionment

Article by Lara-Nour Walton, staff reporter

Unlike its American counterparts, Sciences Po does not offer Guided Self-Compassion Meditation, Low Lounge DIY Crafts, or Vinyasa Yoga. The French scoff at excesses such as these. Accordingly, nobody comes to Sciences Po to be coddled. But American institutions, with their extravagant and perhaps even saccharine student services, at least appear to care about the wellbeing of their students. Sciences Po does not bother to pretend. Coasting off the inertia of its illustrious household name and impenetrable reputation, the institution knows it can afford to neglect its students. As a result, disillusionment is endemic to Sciences Pistes. Expectations for a school that churns out greats like Veil, Proust, and Dior are high. In fact, the Sciences Po student body is dubbed by the French populace as “l’élite de la nation.” However, the public perception of the institution often feels disjointed from reality. How can Sciences Po be training the nation’s future elites with a quality of education that, according to an anonymous Reims campus 1A, feels “worse than high school?” “I really don’t find the classes that difficult or fascinating,” continues the Reims 1A “The education is very superficial…” One of the most common educational grievances among the student body is the lack of standardization, not only between French and English sections, but also amongst

DECEMBER 2021

different teachers within the respective tracks. Menton English track first year, Gayle Krest, wrote her history final about the similarities between the 1848 European

Revolutions and the Arab Spring because her teacher is known to evaluate on the basis of originality: “If he is bored by your essay he will give you a lower grade.” Another 1A English track, who wishes to remain anonymous, had a wildly different experience in her History of the 19th Century class. Her teacher graded on historiographical knowledge. “I was encouraged to rely heavily on the opinions of the scholars we learned about,” she said. “[My history course] didn’t always push me to critically think about the topics. I was rewarded more for remembering the names of scholars than I was for having actual opinions.” The stark inconsistencies between both history teachers’ grading criteria is a microcosm of Sciences Po’s irregular and disorganized educational structure.

“When exams come around you don’t know who is going to grade your (work). So you have no clue what methodology to use,” lamented the Reims 1A, “It creates so

The Reims 1A’s experience at her campus demonstrates that this is not limited to Menton, as even in Reims, “the instructors are not as experienced as they should be. How can they help their Photo by Wang Di students if they’re confused about what they are doing?”

much ambiguity.” But ambiguity and structural disorder does not necessarily hinder one from securing a valuable education. What can serve as educational impediments, however, are incompetent and disinformed professors. According to Menton English track 1A, Angela Saab Saade, Sciences Po faculty is a mixed bag. “Some of the instructors are very qualified, others not so much,” said Saab Saade. Basak Üstün, a first year student at the same campus and track as Saab Saade, worries about the caliber of her professors at Sciences Po. Üstün said, “I learned very little this semester. Many of my teachers offered me no guidance or actual instruction. Often, we do not know the general framework for essay writing and the feedback that we receive later is not constructive.”

The cross-campus similarities also reside in the administrative failure to meet campus needs. An English track 1A was “feeling terrible [mentally] during finals week.” Contemplating self harm, the student sought out mental health support from the school psychologist. They agreed to meet before his history final. But, when he arrived at his appointment, the psychologist was not in her office. “I got an email after my exam saying that she could not be there at that time and that she could meet in January,” he said. Such neglect amply demonstrates that the administration offers help as theater rather than out of true concern for student wellbeing. “If Sciences Po wants to retain that privilege of being an elite institution they need to deliver. They can’t do everything in service of their image because that comes at the expense of student life and education,” said Saab Saade. The appalling events that took place at Le Havre earlier this month serve as even further proof that these administrative shortcomings exist beyond the boundaries of campus alone. You can read more about the situation at Le Havre in the article “Le Havre’s Administrative Scandal” written by Celeste Abourjeili, featured on page 8.

Poland and the EU: A Whirlwind Romance That Ends in Divorce

DECEMBER 2021

Editorial

Years of yearning to join the European Union seem to have been long forgotten with the recent developments in Polish-EU relations, as well as judicial reforms in the country. Article by Barbara Kuza Tarkowska, guest reporter When the United Kingdom left the European Union (EU), setting a dangerous precedent, no one thought that any country would realistically follow suit. Brexit was supposed to be the exception, an anomaly, not the beginning of some new rule. But recently the question of a “Polexit” has surfaced. While Poland has played the role of the EU’s black sheep for a few years now, most dismissed it simply as bickering — like every married couple does. However, Polexit entered Polish and European public discourse over the summer, when the European Court of Justice (ECJ) ruled that Poland’s Disciplinary Chamber (transl. Izba Dyscyplinarna) — a judicial organ that reprimands judges when they break the rule of professional ethics — should be liquidated. While the idea behind the disciplinary chamber is not necessarily a bad one in theory, it has been abused by the ruling party to open investigations into, and eventually suspend, judges who are vocal critics of the government.

The promising meet-cute Like every tale of romance, this one starts years back. Poland entered the EU on May 1, 2004, after 77.45% of those voting in the referendum an-

swered yes to the question “Do you love, the honeymoon phase, call it swear them in, which he ultimately allow the accession of the Republic what you will — it seemed like life decided against. When the new of Poland to the European Union?” as a European nation could not get PiS government was formed, they Television reports from the day of any better than becoming a part of unlawfully appointed three new the referendum shows Poles cheer- the Union. judges who conveniently correing, whooping, jumping up and sponded to PiS’ placement on the down with smiles on their faces. However, things started rappolitical spectrum. This provided Joining the EU was a dream come idly changing when the Law the groundwork for the Sejm to true for the Polish nation after liv- and Justice party (PiS) came to pass several unconstitutional laws ing under communist rule and So- power in 2015. The outgoing Sejm and, with a complicit President viet influence for 44 years. A united (lower chamber of the legislative and Constitutional Tribunal, it Europe symbolized to many Poles body), led by the Civic Platform, was more than easy. In 2017, the a guarantee of no more wars — the S e c o n d World War and the Cold War still haunted collective memory. Opening up the market and having access to goods which used to be rarities brought by lucky cousins from abroad was another dream come true. FurPoland’s Prime Minister Morawiecki claims Polexit is “fake news”, yet the government’s actions prove otherwise. thermore, Photo by Kancelaria Prezesa (Chancellery of the President), courtesy of Flickr and under public domain free movement between countries meant appointed three judges for the Disciplinary Chamber was created some could see places that they had Constitutional Tribunal before the and in April of 2020, the so-called only heard about in stories or saw end of its term. It was up to newly “muzzle” act was passed, which in newspapers and movies. Puppy elected President Andrzej Duda to envisioned disciplining judges for

Editorial

applying EU law in court cases, and sending inquiries to the EU Court of Justice. The issue of restricted abortion, which was precisely made possible by the ju-

DECEMBER 2021

fact patriots. On the 19 of October, a hearing was held in the European Parliament on the topic of violations of rule of law in Poland. Patryk Jaki, a Member of the Euro-

As in most dysfunctional marriages, when things go south, one of the partners has to say “I can’t live without you, please stay” to put past quarrels aside and make amends. In this case, it seems it is the EU that wants to hold onto Poland, whereas the Polish government unfortunately does not reciprocate the feeling. diciary reforms, further developed in March of this year. The Constitutional Tribunal ruled then, that abortion in case of fetal defects was unconstitutional after an inquiry to the Tribunal was made by far-right parliament members. A love turned sour? This summer, when the ECJ ruled that the Chamber must be liquidated, Law and Justice politicians rushed to send an inquiry to the Constitutional Tribunal about whether or not Poland should comply with the ruling. And unsurprisingly, the Tribunal ruled that Polish law is superior to EU law. At this point Poland asked itself whether it was in a toxic relationship with the EU. Am I losing my independence and sense of self? But it really was not. It was just realizing that it was not in love with its partner as it used to be. The ruling of the Constitutional Tribunal sparked a series of protests in support of the EU. Nevertheless, the state-controlled media, TVP Info, made a special effort to further polarize the conflict, headlining the dissent as “protests against the Polish constitution,” indirectly suggesting that those who do support the EU are not in

pean Parliament (MEP) from the Law and Justice party, pompously quoted Jean Jacques Rousseau and whined about how the EU was against the Polish government. The Prime Minister Morawiecki, on the other hand, could not resist mentioning the name that always stirs up a myriad of controversies: Donald Tusk. Donald Tusk, in the case of the Polish-European marriage, is like that shared friend whose expected position after the divorce is unclear. Or at least that is how the government views it. He served as the Polish Prime Minister in the years 2007 to 2014 from the Civic Platform (the largest opposition party), after which he became the President of the European Council. PiS partly built its election campaigns on demonizing him — at one point the national news portrayed him having a reddish tint. So is Donald a friend? A foe? Depends who you ask. Therefore, instead of addressing the issue at hand, the rule of law (or in Poland’s case, a lack thereof), Morawiecki decided to redirect the attention onto Tusk. He pushed back against the accusations of judicial ruling being politically motivated by saying “Please show me one ruling like that. One.”

Indeed, ladies and gentlemen, Poland was officially gaslighting the EU. Moreover, he pointed out that during Tusk’s rule — contrary to now — politically motivated court rulings were made. But the only reaction he was met with for this statement was scarce applause and a Polish MEP shouting “don’t lie” in the background.

“But will they

”

really get divorced?

A member of parliament, Janusz Kowalski, even mentioned 2027 as the year for a Polexit referendum. Nevertheless, as of October, 88% of an Ipsos poll’s respondents (made for Gazeta Wyborcza and OKO. Press) supported Poland’s continued membership in the EU. On the other hand, the Polish nation is becoming increasingly polarized, and the government-controlled media outlets are becoming progressively more ruthless by the day. As if that was not enough, on the 18 of December 2021, the Sejm passed a law commonly dubbed Lex TVN. The law is targeted against Poland’s largest independent news broadcaster, TVN, which is owned by American company Discovery. The new bill prohibits companies from outside the European Economic Zone to have complete ownership of a Polish radio or TV station.

Is the Poland-EU dispute just a bump along the road, a crisis that every marriage must endure? Or is it truly the end of a great love story, one that ends with heartbreak? Only time will tell.

However, things started rapidly changing when the Law and Justice party (PiS) came to power in 2015.

Another worrying indication is how reckless the Law and Justice politicians have become when talking about a potential Polexit.

Editorial

DECEMBER 2021

Sciences Po – An Insider’s Outsider Perspective Article by Philipp Frank, guest reporter However, it is first and foremost an unbelievably formative time that each and every one of us should try to get the most out of. As some (I hope not too few) of the current 2As know, I was a 1A student at the Sciences Po Paris Menton campus last year. I dropped out at the end of summer to begin studying law at Heidelberg University in Germany this winter. Now that I know two different worlds – an “elite” institution like Sciences Po and a “regular” public university like Heidelberg University – I have gained a whole new perspective on the academic and student life of Sciences Po. I believe that sharing this experience can give 2As some fresh insight and 1As – especially those among you still trying to figure out how to fit in or whether Sciences Po is the right choice for you – a different idea of what to expect.

THE ACADEMIC LIFE The educational system of Sciences Po is largely based on suffocating students with work. Whether it is presentations, exams, research papers, homework or simply revising lecture material – you are made to work a lot. There is some form of assessment that will influence your end-of-semester “relevé de notes” almost every week. There is free time, of course: days when you are free for a trip to Monaco or a swim at Sablettes. Moreover, all the work in the world will thankfully not stop people from going out and partying anyways. Nevertheless, no student can claim that Sciences Po

does not significantly predetermine their daily and weekly schedule or that it leaves much room for them to manage their time themselves. Hence, the Sciences Po system is applying artificial pressure by making important decisions for you and requiring you to work long, hard and disciplined hours. This is training your physical and intellectual strength, resilience, and endurance to work successfully and effectively under pressure for a long time. Furthermore, you learn how to confront, analyze and summarize a lot of material and break it down to its essentials in the very short amount of time that is allocated to single tasks. In short, Sciences Po is aiming to transform you into a highly effective working machine – a very important trait to have personally and later in your career. However, there is a flipside to the Sciences Po system, for which the German language offers a wonderful word: “verschulung.” Verschulung is negatively connotated. It means the implementation of educational methods from high school in educational programs that do not take place at high school (such as a university degree) and for which different educational methods are preferable. These educational methods include largely predetermined curricula, mandatory attendance, and dull knowledge transfer and retrieval — sound familiar? The consequence of verschulung at the university level is, in my opinion, that the ability to learn to work on your own and take personal responsibility falls short. To illustrate this problem, take the system of my current university: there is no mandatory attendance for any course, not even for the main ones. No professor or other

Photo courtesy of Philipp Frank

lecturer checks or cares whether you come to class. There are no presentations, no oral contributions, no homework. Only exams and research papers count, which take place once during and in between semesters – and you do not have to take most of them right away. In short, everything is voluntary and, in theory, you do not have to work at all. This can be very liberating, but it puts a different kind of pressure on you because upon receiving your exam grades, you are confronted with reality. You see how well prepared you were and to what degree you lied to yourself. The university does not directly make you study; your motivation and your discipline have to come from

yourself. Thus, in the long term, you learn to assess yourself, the limits of your knowledge and your intellectual capabilities, and how to make decisions based on that. You decide whether it is worth going to a lecture. You decide whether you have revised a topic enough or not. You decide whether you want to take one day off or maybe even four. Nothing is forced on you, everything lies in your hands, and at the end of the semester, you get what you deserve. This is not to say that Sciences Po students do not have or cannot learn these skills. However, having studied both at Sciences Po and Heidelberg University, I can confirm that the latter has challenged my discipline and motivation to study for the better.

Editorial

The tightness of the Sciences Po system has another consequence: the fact that there is only one degree for all students means that everyone is trained in more or less the same way of thinking. Regardless of where the people you meet come from, they are all social scientists in the making, hearing the same lectures, writing the same papers, learning the same logical methods. While I could not possibly claim that Sciences Po students generally have the same opinion (in fact, it is quite the opposite), I simply want to recommend to everyone to use the time abroad during your third year or your master’s degree to get to know people from a different academic background. I am a member of a debating club in Heidelberg and I cannot emphasize enough how fascinating it is to see students of law, maths, biology, and German literature debate each other and approach the same topic from four completely different perspectives.

DECEMBER 2021

SOCIAL LIFE My Heidelberg debating experience reminded me of another Sciences Po asset: the campus as a melting-pot of internationality and multiculturalism. Its importance and influence on personal development cannot be understated enough. The intercultural exchange taking place at Sciences Po comes in so many forms, whether it is language, food, associations, all forms of habit, or simple conversations. It might be boring to sit with six students of social sciences, but it can equally be exciting to sit with six students from six dif ferent c o u n tries and cultures. However, ever yone living and cherishing this experience every day is well aware of this asset, so I have kept it short here.

The educational system of Sciences Po is largely based on suffocating students with work. Whether it is presentations, exams, research papers, homework or simply revising lecture material – you are made to work a lot.

Much more interesting at this point is the nature of the social life of such a small campus as Menton. Here, everyone knows everyone, more or less. This has several implications, the first being that getting to know people and finding friends is much easier. A small campus and a well-connected student community in which various associations stage events for everyone to come to on an almost daily basis makes it easy to talk to new people, network to promote the new association

that you founded, or look for a running buddy. This is in stark contrast to Heidelberg University, where lecture halls can be crammed with up to 400-600 people try finding someone particular you met during Integration Week there…

It is difficult to be lonely at Menton, because certain “student institutions’’ hold the community together and, if needed, somewhat accountable.

The small size of the campus has another implication though, as it makes social life in Menton much more personal, whilst leaving students with much less anonymity. This can be stressful and frightening in certain situations – gossip spreads much faster. Yet, overall, it gives the student community the chance and responsibility to integrate everyone. It is difficult to be lonely at Menton, because certain “student institutions’’ hold the

community together and, if needed, somewhat accountable. I am particularly thinking of the Feminist Union in this case, whose work and effort to raise awareness for sexual assault and educate about consent and sexual health I deeply admire, even more so now in retrospect after having left Menton and seeing that such associations are much needed elsewhere. Life at Sciences Po is hard-working, vibrant, and exciting. It is very formative because you are thrown into a stressful, multicultural melting-pot for only two short years. Time flies, especially at Menton, which is why – regardless of whether you like the system or how long you stay – you should dive all in and make the most of it.

Regardless of where the people you meet come from, they are all social scientists in the making, hearing the same lectures, writing the same papers, learning the same logical methods.

DECEMBER 2021

Sciences Pistes Model United Nations Menton à Reims

Article by Angeliki Vytogianni, staff reporter x MEDMUN It all started on a Thursday morning — at the crack of dawn to be exact — when around 40 Sciences Pistes walked across Menton to reach the bus that would take them to the first intercampus event in two years. In reality, preparations for the SPMUN conference had started back in August when MEDMUN Secretariat leaders members Celeste Abourjeili, Florian Heydecker and Basile Rochet collaborated with RIMUN executives to organize and give life to this initiative. It took months of work for this event to come together, but in the end, everyone agreed that not only was it worth the work, but that it was one of the highlights of the semester. The Mentonese spirit was alive even at 5 a.m. waiting for Michel the bus driver to pick us up. Even though some of us had to walk for almost half an hour to get to the pick-up spot, and we were about to experience a 14-hour bus ride across the country, the vibes were immaculate. The bus ride had long cig breaks, numerous snack stops, and top notch music. Several pauses later, we reached frosty, cold and foggy Reims. The regal town looked intimidating and captivating from the moment we stepped off the bus. The fog,

the champagne, the fancy buildings, the cathedrals… walking through the city was a different experience — a lovely change of scenery after many months in our cozy Menton. Our hosts were lovely, having filled entire living rooms with blankets and mattresses for us. They even showed us around and took us for late night kebabs, as the Mentonese were hungry (the gas station pasta boxes proved to not be very filling). The next day, everyone was dressed fancy and chic: it was time for the opening ceremony. By far outnumbering the other campuses, and making much more noise than everyone else, the Mentonese were ready to start the conference. We applauded our secretary general and our chairs; we listened to interesting points by different guest speakers on the current climate crisis and COP26. Then it was time for the most important part of the conference: the club. The ride there was long and we were late, but nevertheless we all got drunk together and had a wonderful time, with good music and lovely people.

Sciences Po Reims Campus Photo by Emilia Kohlmeyer

Day two of the conference was equally interesting: with everyone going to their committees, the debates officially began. From meat industry shenanigans to fishing incidents, each committee was special. The Menton campus had a very strong presence in UNEP, ECOSOC, Security Council, the Brazilian Amazon Crisis, the American Meat Industry, and much more.

Feature

Sports

DECEMBER 2021

Is the Boycott of the 2022 Beijing Winter Olympics an Effective Diplomatic Tool?

CC BY-SA 4.0 <https:// creativecommons.org/ licenses/by-sa/4.0>, via Wikimedia Commons

Article by Luca Utterwulghe, staff reporter The 2022 Winter Olympic Games, set to take place in Beijing, China this coming February, has become a spotlight for diplomatic contention. The United States, the United Kingdom, Australia, and Canada have established what Time called a “diplomatic boycott,” meaning that the aforementioned countries will refuse to send government employees to the games. Nonetheless, athletes from each of these countries will be sent to Beijing. The last U.S. boycott of an Olympic Games took place amidst the Cold War, as the Games in Moscow took place during the Russian invasion of Afghanistan. This time, boycotting nations are openly criticizing the detention and human rights violations of China’s Uyghur

ethnic group as well as the Chinese government’s repressive measures taken to quell the protest movements in Hong Kong. Moreover, the boycott emerged in light of the recent disappearance of Chinese tennis player Peng Shuai after she accused Zhang Gaoli (former Chinese vice premier) of sexual assault. The boycott thus reflects the mounting international concern regarding the abuse of fundamental rights under the current Chinese government. There is no clear consensus on the effectiveness of the boycott, however. French President Emmanuel Macron, for instance, has dismissed the American strategy as a politicization of the Olympics devoid of “useful effect.” Macron has instead worked with the International Olympic Committee to ensure the safety of athletes,

demonstrating the divergence in the French and American approaches. In the U.S., opposition to the boycott has come largely from Republicans in government who are promoting more aggressive measures, such as withholding athletes from attending the Games.

multilateral measures require more cooperation and consensus, the boycott may, as Bertamini states, “be the most Western countries can do without overtly shifting the global balance of power, ie. through military interventions or economic sanctions.”

Sienna Bertamini, a first year student at the Sciences Po Menton campus who lived in Hong Kong for most of her life, suggests that, “as a form of soft power, the Olympic Boycott does very little… in terms of combating the human rights violations occurring in China.” Bertamini further notes that “China places a larger emphasis on hard power threats” and that “militaristic strategies are a greater risk to their regime,” indicating that a boycott may be little more than a performative measure. However, because strong,

What does this boycott mean for the future of Chinese-American foreign relations? A New York Times article noted that “while boycotts may not change policy, they do run the risk of reprisals.” A Chinese government publication has already demanded that China initiate a retaliatory boycott against the 2028 Los Angeles Olympics. This boycott may initiate a series of tit-for-tat soft power sanctions and may well escalate as more nations determine their respective courses of action.

Sports

DECEMBER 2021

Controversy as Saudi Arabia Gains Entry Into Top-flight Football

Article by Hugo Lagergren, staff reporter

rights record with the glamour of top-flight football.”

feet, and he is holding a rainbow armband in tatters.

The recent takeover of Newcastle United by the Public Investment Fund (P.I.F.), Saudi Arabia’s sovereign wealth fund, has sparked outrage across the football community due to its strong connections with the Saudi Arabian government and Mohammed bin Salman, the crown prince. Football fans and human rights activists have criticized the Premier League and Newcastle United for their apparent refusal to consider Saudi Arabia’s dismal human rights record during the takeover saga.

However, Amnesty was not the only group to criticize the takeover. Fans of Crystal Palace put up a banner denouncing the Premier League for allowing the

Recently, the Premier League has cracked down both on racism and the discrimination of the LGBTQ+ community through various initiatives, including taking a knee

Amnesty International’s United Kingdom branch has also criticized the takeover and called for the English Premier League to reshape its owners and directors test to include a larger focus on human rights issues. Amnesty UK’s CEO, Sacha Deshmukh, stated that the takeover represented “a clear attempt by the Saudi authorities to sportswash their appalling human

transaction. The banner depicts a man in a thawb, a traditional Arab garment which Crystal Palace fans labeled the P.I.F., wielding a large blood-stained sword. Next to him, what appears to be a Premier League official is standing in a pool of blood with bags of money at his

These campaigns extend beyond just the players. Within each broadcast, the Premier League includes graphics underneath the scorecard with slogans such as “No Room For Racism.”

These initiatives have highlighted the English Photo by Hugo Lagergren football community’s united stance, for the most part, on these issues. They have issued strong and clear messages repeatedly denouncing any form discrimination within the sport. Despite some continued instances of discrimination, notably after the final of the 2020 UEFA European Football Championship, there has been progress towards elimibefore each game and sporting nating racism. rainbow shoelaces and armbands. The majority of players take a knee Indeed, it is this progress that fabefore each game, with only a few cilitated Australian football player exceptions. The rainbow campaign Josh Cavallo to come out as gay on remains less prominent among October 27th 2021, thus becoming players yet is still supported by the first and only openly gay player most. in top-flight football, and one of

Sports

DECEMBER 2021

the only openly gay athletes in any major sports leagues across the world.

Women remain heavily repressed in practice and in law, with many laws ensuring that they remain subordinate to men. Harassment Now that Saudi Arabia’s P.I.F. has and intimidation are common been acceptpractices ed into the Recently, the Premier that women football comLeague has cracked in Saudi munity, it will down both on racism Arabia face create the and the discrimination on a regsense that the of the LGBTQ+ com- ular basis. LGBTQ+ are munity through various Indeed, in less welcome. initiatives, including 2015 alone, While it may taking a knee before the Ministry not affect each game and sporting of Labor and the English rainbow shoelaces and Social DeLGBTQ+ armbands. velopment communireported ty directly, since Newcastle will over 8,000 cases of violent and probably continue to support the psychological abuse. Only very various LGBTQ+ campaigns, it recently have small steps been makes it abundantly clear that, taken to make Saudi society more despite the warm words, football’s inclusive towards women, such as governing bodies value money the extension of the right to drive. over inclusivity and the protection However, Saudi Arabia remains of human rights. extremely patriarchal. Football fans have rallied behind the LGBTQ+ community to criticize the Premier League for approving the deal, many citing Saudi Arabia’s continued criminalization of homosexual behavior. Indeed, Saudi Arabia continues to encourage violence and repression of the LGBTQ+, as it operates under an uncodified criminal code based on Sharia Law, which strongly prohibits any form of homosexual activity. Public floggings are a routine occurrence and many gay citizens have been imprisoned. However, Saudi Arabia’s human rights abuses extend far beyond the LGBTQ+ community. Intellectuals and activists across the country are imprisoned for speaking out against Mohammed bin Salman’s regime. This includes Raid Badawi who was imprisoned in 2012 on the charge of “insulting Islam through electronic channels.” Public demonstrations by groups of people are also a criminal act.

Saudi Arabia’s ardent censorship also caused the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi in 2018 for being critical of the regime, and his death sparked outrage around the world. Furthermore, Saudi Arabia remains one of the world’s top executioners, as dozens of people are put to death every year, often in the form of public beheadings. Other controversial issues include the civil war in Yemen that Saudi Arabia takes an active role in, the continued use of torture as a state-sanctioned punishment, religious discrimination against Shi’a minorities, and the banning of human rights organizations such as Amnesty International. The wife of murdered journalist Jamal Khashoggi expressed her shock that the Premier League approved the Newcastle deal. She also expressed her sadness in relation to the state of Newcastle United and English football in

general, due to their acceptance of authoritarian regimes into the sport. Despite the controversy and widespread condemnation, Newcastle fans have celebrated the takeover, as many hope that increased investment from the P.I.F. will lift the club out of a cycle of misfortune and failure that has plagued it over the past 20 years. Alan Shearer, the Premier League’s all-time top scorer and a Newcastle legend, hailed the takeover as a “special day” for the club’s supporters. Shearer acknowledged the concerns regarding Saudi Arabia’s human rights abuses, yet cited “Russians” (Chelsea), “Chinese” (Wolverhampton Wanderers) and “Abu Dhabi” (Manchester City) as a justification for Saudi Arabia’s presence in the Premier League.

football must place more emphasis on ethics. “The example given is that the Saudi sovereign fund has also invested in Uber and so on, but people don’t have posters of Uber cars at home. They don’t have tattoos of the logo on their skin or take their children to Uber’s AGM [Annual General Meeting].” Evain joins the wider call for stricter ownership tests to prevent similar regimes from engaging in acts of sportswashing, a term used to describe the process of countries or states using sports teams or events to improve their political image, both domestically and abroad. The failure of the Premier League to block the deal highlights how football remains an industry driven by greedy bureaucrats who are willing to sacrifice ethical issues in favor of monetary controversy gain.

When asked about huDespite the man rights and widespread conconcerns, demnation, Newcastle Authormany Newfans have celebrated the itarian castle fans takeover, as many hope regimes are defended that increased invest- increasingly their joy by ment from the P.I.F. will using sportciting Saudi lift the club out of a cycle swashing Arabia’s of misfortune and failure to distract investments that has plagued it over attention in Twitter, the past 20 years. from their Facebook oppressive and Uber, arbehavguing that we, as a society, have not ior. This includes the Chinese stopped using these platforms as a Olympics in 2008, the Russian result, and continue to enrich SauWorld Cup in 2018 and Winter di Arabia by using these platforms. Olympics in 2014, and attention So, they argue, why shouldn’t New- is now turning to the 2022 Qatar castle fans rejoice if it means it will World Cup. This is an issue that bring their club more success? is not going away anytime soon, and therefore, must be addressed Rona Evain, the executive director if the footballing community is to of the Football Supporters Europe become as inclusive and egalitarian Association, argues persuasively as it pretends to be on the surface. that the ethical considerations within football are more important due to the sport’s influence on society. He considers this to be why

Arts and Entertainment

DECEMBER 2021

Current Art Exhibitions in Nice

Article by Emilia Kohlmeyer, staff reporter What better way to start the new semester than to indulge in Nice’s flourishing art scene? Escape the January blues with a range of new exhibitions from classical to modern art, spanning from Marc Chagall to Roman artifacts alongside modern sculptures.

MARC CHAGALL -

Le passeur de lumière The intersection between colour and light

Until when? January 10, 2022 Where? Musée National Marc Chagall What? On exhibit is one of the most notable aspects of Russian-French artist Marc Chagall’s work: stained glass. Considered one of the most important Jewish artists and a major influence on modernism with his synthesis of cubism, fauvism, and symbolism, Chagall’s work is now displayed in prominent places such as the United Nations headquarters with his stained-glass memorial “Peace.” His works are rich in iconography and his use of colors has been commended by artists such as Pablo Picasso, who said that after Matisse’s passing, Chagall would be the only

Photographs by Barbara and Michael Leisgen exhibition Photo by Hugo Lagergren

artist left to comprehend colors. The exhibition highlights two important pieces: model of the rose as well as “The Creation of the World,” accompanied by professional lighting to highlight the intention of the works on the importance of spirituality and humanity’s “inner light,” in addition to musical renditions in the evenings.

VOYAGE MUSICAL -

A musical journey to Eastern Asia and Africa Until when? January 10, 2022 Where? Palais Lascaris

What? Exhibited are 21 musical instruments from Eastern Asia and Africa from the collection of musician Zia Mirabdolbaghi. One can explore these artifacts ranging from Iran to Anatolia, all in playable condition following the collector’s aim to explore their cultural function, sound and evolution. After viewing this new addition, one can explore over 400 other instruments in the second largest instrument collection in France, kept at Palais Lascaris.

“one can explore over 400 other instruments in the second largest instrument collection in France”

SOSNO SQUATTE L’ANTIQUE Connecting the present and the past

Until when? January 23, 2022 Where? Museum of Archaeology of Nice/ Cimiez What? The exhibition revolves around the art of renowned French artist Sacha Sosno. Native to the South, he is largely known for his sculptures and the application of the concept of obliteration, the dominant theme of his works. Along with

Arts and Entertainment

DECEMBER 2021

Photo by Hugo Lagergren

TUUL ET BRUNO MO- NOËL RANDI DOLLA ‘Le routes du thé’

traditional tea serving ceremony on the 9 of January.

Noel Dolla with a piece of his series “sniper” Photo by Max Torregrossa, CC BY-SA 4.0 <https://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by-sa/4.0>, via Wikimedia Commons

artists such as Yves Klein, he was a part of the “Nouveau Réalisme” (New Realism) movement. The exhibition presents over 70 works set along Roman artifacts onsite the ancient city of Cemenelum. It invites the viewer to draw the relationship between the contemporary and the past.

LES PAYSAGES DE L’AME -

A contemporary love letter to landscapes Until when? February 2, 2022

Where? Musée Départemental des Arts Asiatiques What? Explored in this exhibition is the relationship between Chinese philosophy and aestheticism of 11 Chinese and Taiwanese artists. Themes which are under exploration include finding ‘The soul of nature‘, concepts of spiritualism and beauty, opposing the traditional Chinese approach to display of landscape, rather taking an abstract occidental approach. Artists represented in this exhibition include Li Chevalier, a practitioner of “experimental inkwork’” and Rao Fu, who utilizes an approach of double or triple perspective, immersing the viewer into his works.

Tracing the significance of tea across Asian societies

Until when? February 7, 2022 Where? Musée Départemental des Arts Asiatiques What? A photographic exploration of countries in which tea plays a significant role in terms of production and consumption, this exhibition takes the viewer on a journey to China, Japan, India and Sri Lanka over to Tibet, Mongolia and along the Silk roads to explore the medium of tea. From its philosophical conception to colonial trade, tea served as a means of socialization in tea houses, and the photographic couple explored the meaning of this celebrated beverage. Additionally, one can partake in a

visite d’atelier / Sniper, 2018-2021

Exploring the abstraction of violence Until when? March 31, 2022 Where? Musée Matisse Nice What? On display is a selection of the work of Niçois artist Noël Dolla, produced during the last four years in the context of his sniper series. The works are created by projecting paint from a compressed air gun, and they explore darker themes of war and death. The weapon represents an intercessor between artist and canvas. Considering himself a “‘baroque rationalist’,”1 the artist explores concepts of abstraction in context of socio-political issues.

Middle East / North Africa

DECEMBER 2021

Collapsing Lira Signals the End of the Road for Turkey’s Erdoğan

Article by Ata Tezel, guest reporter “Whoever supports higher interest can not be on the same side with me!” were the words President Erdogan used in his party’s annual meeting in November, reaffirming his commitment to lowering interest rates at any cost. His words portrayed not only his unconventional economic beliefs but also posed a direct threat towards the administration of the central bank, which had been reluctant in following his interest policies. However, with the lira falling like a rock, it is unclear whether Erdogan will keep standing by his beliefs or concede to make a political U-turn, something his administration has been associated with for years. Among all major currencies, the Turkish lira has been the worst-performing since 2018, losing up to 80% of its value in a three-year span. Turkey has also experienced one of the highest rates of inflation among leading developing economies, with its official annual inflation rate surpassing 20% this year. It is therefore confusing to many that Erdogan strongly advocates for lowering interest rates, an unconventional and practically counterintuitive policy to combat an economy in stagflation. Erdogan’s economic priorities are different from those set by virtually every other nation in the world. Amidst the demand recovery from the health crisis this year, Turkey is the only nation that reduced policy rates, which says a lot about the recent shift in Erdogan’s political agenda. In his own words, Erdogan believes that “interest rates are the culprit, inflation is the result.” In an economy that is heavily depen-

dent on foreign financialization and one that experiences high currency volatility and interest rates, it is unclear how Erdogan, a self-claimed economist, reached

election indicate, for the first time in his political career, that he and his party are on track to get ousted from power.

of the people, who now call for early elections. Consequently, it is unknown whether Erdogan can survive the View over the Bosphorus strait in Istanbul

Photo by Emilia Kohlmeyer

this conclusion. Nonetheless, what is clear is that pursuing this belief has resulted in a massive economic downturn which, if not changed, will certainly lead to catastrophic consequences.

Therefore, Erdogan’s fixation with his economic policies indicates that, following his massive loss in the 2019 Mayoral Elections, he has been unclear about his political intentions and insecure about his future. In fact, for the first time, What is interesting about the Erdogan is resistant against calls situation is that the consequences for early elections by the opposiof the president’s interest policy tion. For a populist figure that has were not unprecedented — many legitimized all his actions based on in the poballot results, litical and For the first time, these scan- this is unprefinancial dals are receiving the attention cedented. spheres of of the people, who now call for Turkey, as early elections. Moreover, it well as otis clear that her global players, have repeatedly the power of political Islam in raised concerns regarding the long- Turkey has been diminishing sigterm sustainability of Turkey’s nificantly as the economic turmoil unconventional growth mechanics. gets more severe. Many of ErdoMoreover, the Turkish people gan’s supporters could care less have been the direct subject of his about the religious rightness of the failures, and their unrest against concept of economic interest over the government amidst witnessing their declining living standards. their savings and income shrink His attempts to deviate attention is heard loud and clear. In fact, from the crisis has been unsuccessErdogan currently has the lowest ful, on the contrary, scandals from approval rate of his 20-year-long his past and present have been rule, and both the presidency and piling up. For the first time, these parliamentary polls for the 2023 scandals are receiving the attention

upcoming elections in 2023. More worryingly though, it is unclear if the economy and the people can endure the crisis for two more years. Solely in the first half of December 2021, the central bank of Turkey has spent more than ten billion USD of foreign reserves in an attempt to stabilize the plummeting currency, just for it to fall further once the interventions ended. The gap between official and unofficial inflation rates is staggering; both domestic and foreign investment has plummeted, and there are instances of people waiting in lines to receive food supplies. It is uncertain how Erdogan plans to regain his popularity. However, one thing is certain: when people can’t afford their food and shelter, their political views change. And if this continues to be the case for Turks, the end of the road for Erdogan is near.

Middle East / North Africa

DECEMBER 2021

Never Give Up on Your Voice: Expressing my voice in Lebanon, a country that has been collapse

Article by Riwa Hassan, guest reporter Nothing uncommon, just some videos of militias terrorizing the country with their legal and illegal arms. Over the years, this has become a norm for me and for everyone who lives in Lebanon, one of the most politically complex and divided countries in the MENA region. For decades now, our citizens have stood by political warlords and religious extremist figures, which has weakened Lebanese unity and allowed for corruption to infiltrate almost all governmental and non-governmental organizations. Today, with the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, the economic crisis, the Beirut explosion, and the overall socio-political situation compounded, people can no longer afford their basic necessities.

that the country was on the verge of a civil war. Hezbollah and Amal Movement, known as the duo-Shiite, protested against the judge for the Beirut explosion investigation, Tarek Al Bitar, and accused him of being biassed after he involved some of their leaders in the investigation. As the protestors approached Ain El Remmaneh, where the residing majority are Christians who follow the Lebanese Forces Party, the clash, which soon became a bloodshed, began. This Tayouneh-Ain El Remmeneh bloodshed was called a “mini-civil war” as it also started in the same area where the Lebanese Civil War began in 1975.

During that same time, I was in French class, trying to process all the news and the videos while texting my loved ones to make sure they were safe. The whole clash was not as View out of window in Beirut, Lebanon Photo by Emilia Kohlmeyer disappointing to me as the youth supporters of these political parties, whose dreams and daily lives have been destroyed over the past two years.

On October 14, 2021, although the scene was not very different from today, the backstory was in fact more threatening, as it seemed

The protest, which was clearly not peaceful, was defended by Hezbollah and Amal supporters, as they backed it up with their right to protest and express themselves freely. They only recognize such human rights when it is in their interest. This sentiment was expressed in a

Tweet I shared, which compared Hezbollah and Amal’s reactions in protests against a judge doing his job to the protests which demanded justice, equality and basic life necessities. In the former, they clearly supported the protests, but in the latter, their reaction was opposing and full of violence.

Photo courtesy of Riwa Hassan

As I normally do, I wrote a Tweet, “Remember when they called us ‘ate3een tor2at’ and ‘ze3ran’ and accused us of threatening civil peace when we were protesting for our basic rights #‫ةلادعلا‬ ‫ مكبيهرت_نم_ىوقأ‬#‫هنويطلا‬.” ‘Ate3een tor2at’ and ‘ze3ran’ can be translated to bandits or crooks. The hashtag under which I shared my Tweet is translated to “justice is stronger than your terrorism.” Suddenly, my Tweet was trending, and while some were threatening and cursing me, others showed their full support. On that evening, when I was casually texting my relative as we discussed the whole situation, he sent me a photo that my Tweet was shared on TV, on Lebanon Broadcasting Corporation International (LBCI). I received a lot of messages that encouraged me to continue voicing my opinion. At the same time, I got messages to be careful, and warnings that being bold about my stance is not safe.

Later this year, on November 22, Lebanese Independence Day, while I was supposed to be studying for my finals, I could not help but think of how our lives have flipped upside down during the past two years, and reflect on what independence I was supposed to celebrate. I poured the words from my heart onto a post on Instagram. In almost an hour, my post was shared on numerous Instagram stories, especially within the Sciences Po community. For that, I cannot explain how safe it felt to be living in such a supportive community. I cannot thank you enough but I am forever grateful for your effort to help share my voice. I am writing this article on the plane on my way back to Lebanon and I have never felt this afraid yet excited at the same time. I know that I have only been away for around three months, but the situation in the country is changing very fast and, sadly, for the worse. On the bright side, this is the first time I have seen this amount of people going back to Lebanon, which explains how much love all the Lebanese diaspora hold for this country despite all the traumas and losses it has caused them. Sharing my stance and explaining the situation in Lebanon means a lot to me, and I will always express my opinion regardless of the consequences. Freedom of expression might only be found in our constitution, on paper, but we have the duty to share our concerns and turn it to action. The latter is one step forward towards change which Lebanon is in dire need for.