The McGill Daily Vol. 108 Issue 9

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contents

Table of Contents

IN THE HEART OF THE QUARTIER DES SPECTACLES

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3 EDITORIAL Postal Workers’ Strike Isn’t an “Inconvenience” 4 NEWS Mourning Pittsburgh LOFTS WITH 18 FOOT CEILINGS FROM + TX $

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Outside the Bubble “The ‘R*dmen’ Name is Not the End” Small Attendance, Big Motions

SCI+TECH COMMENTARY 7 Art: 14 Don’t Buy Into Woke Capitalism A Vehicle for Science COCOA BUTTER 15 8 FEATURES “This is No Longer a Safe Place” My Mother, the Goddess COMPENDIUM! 12 CULTURE 16 Destination: Black Starr Planet Crossword

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EDITORIAL

Volume 108 Issue 9

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contributors Arno Pedram, Gloria Francois, Nelly Wat, Phoebe Pannier, Lavanya Huria, Sean Zhang, Claudia Kitchen, Aishwarya Moothan, Ece Ozer, Athina Khalid, Alex Tran, Jay VanPut Le Délit

Postal Workers’ Strike Isn’t an “Inconvenience”

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n October 29, at 10:30 p.m., 6,000 Canada Post employees in Montreal walked out from their jobs as part of the rotating postal worker strike across Canada. Over the past two weeks, the Canadian Union of Postal Workers (CUPW) has organized walkouts in many provinces, including Saskatchewan, Nova Scotia, Alberta, and Quebec. The CUPW has also issued an “overtime ban,” calling on workers to refuse to work longer than their mandated eight hours per day. The ban and nationwide strikes are a result of Canada Post’s failure to reach a labour agreement with CUPW on October 28, following 10 months of negotiations.

The CUPW outlined major issues affecting their workers, including forced overtime, lack of job security, wage inequality, and crucial health and safety measures that need to be taken. CUPW national president Mike Palecek said that workplace injury rates have “skyrocketed” recently. Moreover, 50,000 CUPW members have been working overtime without a contract since their overtime agreement expired. Canada Post has proposed wage increases to the CUPW, but they were not nearly enough to account for the increased cost of living for workers. Canada Post’s proposals have not addressed the working conditions that led to these injuries. “We outlined our major issues to Canada Post at the very beginning of the negotiation process […] and clearly stated that we would not sign any agreements that don’t address overwork and overburdening, equality and fulltime jobs,” stated Palecek.

After the strike action began, Canada Post announced its decision to cut disability and sick-leave benefits. The cuts have forced some workers with physical or mental illnesses to immediately return to work, and will also have an effect on workers with short-term disability claims filed before the strikes began.

Although the strike in Montreal ended on October 30, it is important to recognize that other provinces are still on strike, as Canada Post has yet to make a final negotiation with CUPW. Canada Post has put out a statement relating to how they are going to make up for delayed deliveries, which shifts the attention from the strikers’ requests to the consumers’ needs. “[Canada Post’s proposals] don’t address a single one of our major issues,” Palecek said on Wednesday in a statement on CUPW’s website.

Caring for consumers’ needs should not serve as a way to deflect from a conversation on workers’ rights.

As students, limiting our discussion of the Canada Post strikes to the inconvenience of delayed mail strengthens Canada Post’s disregard for its workers’ demands. It is vital that we push Canada Post to compensate for their lack of care for their employees’ health, safety, and livelihoods, and that we support CUPW in their fight for fair treatment in the workplace. While we cannot directly influence the outcome of the negotiations, you can follow the union’s updates on the strike at facebook.com/ cupwsttp or cupw.ca. You can also send this editorial to Canada Post’s Facebook Messenger @canadapost or call them at +1 (866) 607-6301.

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News

November 5, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Mourning Pittsburgh

Vigils for Pittsburgh Shooting Held Across Montreal Athina Khalid The McGill Daily

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n October 27, a man opened fire at The Tree of Life Synagogue in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. The shooter killed 11 people and injured six. The attack took place while members of the synagogue were praying. The suspect allegedly yelled “all Jews must die” before opening fire, and had various anti-Semitic posts on his social media. The shooting is being labeled as an anti-Semitic hate crime.

On October 28, despite the sleet, about two hundred people gathered in front of Montreal’s Holocaust Museum to commemorate the lives of those killed in the Pittsburg synagogue shooting. The vigil was organized by Independent Jewish Voices (IJV) Montreal, IJV McGill, am McGill, and If Not Now McGill.

Speakers, including Niall Ricardo, Sam Hersh, Hani Abramson, and Rachel Kronick reaffirmed their Jewish identity and emphasized anti-Semitism as part of broader racist violence. Niall Ricardo told The McGill Daily that “anti-Semitism doesn’t exist in a void; it’s tied to all kinds of racism and discrimination linked to the global rise of fascism.” Samer Majzoub, the President of the Canadian Muslim Forum, and Shaheen Junaid, the President of the Canadian Council of Muslim Women, spoke as well. Both offered their sympathies and

emphasized the importance of solidarity in the face of violence and racism.

Two other vigils have been organized in Montreal since then. One, organized by Federation CJA and CIJA-Quebec, took place Monday at 7:30pm at the Beth Israel Beth Aaron Congregation. The Congregation was at its maximum capacity; estimates range between several hundred and over a thousand attendees.

Both David Ouellette, Director of Research and Public Affairs at CIJA-Quebec, and Lesli Green, Chief Communications Officer of Federation CJA, emphasized the importance of this vigil for Montreal’s Jewish community.

Another vigil, organized by McGill, Concordia, and UdeM organizations such as Israel on Campus at McGill, IJV McGill, McGill Jewish Studies Students’ Association, Ghetto Shul, CIJA-Québec, Hillel Montreal, and others, took place at Concordia and McGill at 5:00p.m. on Tuesday, October 30.

The Y intersection was full; approximately three hundred people attended. Jazlyn Hellman, President of Am McGill, told The McGill Daily that this vigil was important for campus Jewish communities to come and grieve together, both at McGill and Concordia.

Niall Ricardo, of IJV Montreal, told The McGill Daily that various organizations such as Federation CJA and Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs (CIJA) were invited to the vigil on Sunday, but they declined. Ricardo implied that this had to do with the differing positions of the organizations in terms of

Athina Khalid | The McGill Daily Israel: one of IJV’s key tenets is Palestinian solidarity, which is not an opinion shared

by Federation CJA and CIJA. Ouellette, of CIJA-Quebec, said that the Sunday vigil was announced very shortly after the shooting, and that his organization was busy preparing for Monday’s vigil. Hellman, of Am McGill, said that because the shooting happened on

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Shabbat, during which some Jews do not work or use electricity, certain people were not aware of the vigil or could not attend.

Representatives from all three vigils emphasized that these events brought communities together. More specifically, it brought the Jewish community together in the face of rising anti-Semitism.

news

November 5, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

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Outside the Bubble Voter Suppression in the U.S.

Phoebe Pannier The McGill Daily

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merican midterm elections will be held November 6; however, states across the country are passing legislation to suppress the voting rights of people of colour. Carol Anderson, chair of African-American Studies at Emory University in Atlanta, GA., told the CBC that she believes laws with the goal of suppressing Black votes are being drafted with “horrific efficiency.”

Georgia has an “exact match” policy, meaning that a voter registration form can be rejected if it contains a single misspelling. On October 24, only two weeks before midterms, a judge ruled that voters must be notified of

their status and given a chance to fix the error. 70 per cent of voters denied due to the exact match policy have been Black. The exact match policy is enforced by chief election officer Brian Kemp, who is running for governor against Democrat Stacey Abrams. If she wins, Abrams will be the first Black female governor in the entire country.

Kemp has been endorsed by President Trump and has a largely white voter base.

Dodge City, Kansas, which is predominantly Hispanic, has closed its only polling place: residents will now have to travel further to access a polling location. This will require voters to take more time off from work in order to vote, and will require access to a vehicle; as, the nearest bus stop is a mile away from the new polling place.

Dodge City is currently being sued by the American Civil Liberties Union for intentionally misleading voters about the location change.

North Dakota has a new policy in place which will target Indigenous voters. North Dakota was the only state in which voters were not required to register before election day and provide proof of residency in order to vote. Now, voters must provide a residential address, which proves difficult for many Indigenous people, as the five reservations in North Dakota do not use the same addressing system as the rest of the state.

The policy, put in place by a Republican-led Legislature, is being introduced prior to the potential re-election of Democrat Heidi Heitkamp, who narrowly won a Senate seat in 2012 due to support from Indigenous communities.

Khashoggi Case Drags On

Claudia Kitchen News Writer

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amal Khashoggi was killed in the Saudi Arabian consulate in Istanbul, Turkey on October 2. Khashoggi was a journalist for The Washington Post, a U.S. resident, and a critic of the Saudi royal family. He went to the consulate to retrieve proof of his past divorce so he could marry his fiancée. Initially, Saudi officials had denied any knowledge of what happened inside the consulate. Later, they retracted their statement, instead saying the journalist died in a fist

fight. After weeks of pressure by Turkish prosecutors, they admitted that the murder was premeditated, and identified 18 suspects in the case.

The Turkish government, unhappy with the way the investigation has been proceeding, has insisted that the suspects face prosecution in Turkey, but Saudi Arabia demands that the case be dealt with on their own grounds.

Currently hindering the investigation is the unknown whereabouts of Khashoggi’s body. “I want to bury the body of beloved Jamal. Therefore I am asking once again, where is his body? I believe that the Saudi regime knows where his

body is. They should answer my demand,” said Hatice Cengiz, Khashoggi’s fiancée. Despite pressures from Turkish officials, Saudi authorities have not yet forfeited any information pertaining to the location of the body.

The United States has hesitated to get involved in the issue, although they have condemned Saudi Arabia’s resistance to a full investigation. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo stated it would be a “handful more weeks” before the U.S. could retaliate. Security interests, such as U.S. access to Saudi Arabia’s petroleum resources, could be at stake if the U.S. decides to further their investigation of Khashoggi’s death.

Merkel Resigns from CDU

Aishwarya Moothan News Writer

not run again for the leadership of the party come December.

The party’s decline in popularity is related to the rising rightwing and anti-immigration sentiments, notably in the form of n October 29, Angela Merkel announced in an address the nationalist Alternative for Germany party. The question to her party that she will not be seeking re-election as is now whether Merkel will be able to last her full term. It is Germany’s chancellor when her office term ends in speculated that the current coalition between her party and 2021. Merkel’s party, the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) the Social Democrats may collapse before the next national suffered heavy losses in regional elections in the German state elections, in which case a snap election would be called.

Whichever direction the upcoming elections take, of Hesse. Merkel took responsibility for the CDU’s losses in the local elections, and confirmed to party members that she will changes at the top of Germany’s political hierarchy can have

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important implications for all of Europe; the announcement of Merkel’s resignation itself has shaken confidence in the Euro within the region. Her successor will face major challenges. Reshaping the European Union after Brexit, Europe’s response to refugees, strengthening European unity, and clashes with governments in the west (the United States and the Trump Administration), and to the east (Russia and the Kremlin) are all factors the next chancellor must deal with. Merkel has confirmed that she will not be formally backing any of the candidates for the position.

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news

November 5, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

“The ‘R*dmen’ Name is Not the End” Pro-Name Change Demonstrators Gather in Front of Admin Building

Ece Özer The McGill Daily

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n October 31, under the pouring rain, hundreds of students gathered at Community Square to take part in the #ChangetheName campaign. The “R*dmen” name, which is rooted in the stereotypicalized and historically racialized image of Indigenous peoples, currently designates all the McGill men’s varsity teams.

Slogans shouted in the demonstration include “Change the name today” and “Hey hey, ho ho, the R*dmen name has got to go”. The demonstration started with an Indigenous men’s drumming circle, which included McGill students. Students held a multitude of posters supporting the cause. Some said, “Not Your R*dmen,” and one proclaimed, “Intent Does Not Erase Impact.”

Tomas Jirousek, the leader of the #ChangetheName campaign, the SSMU Indigenous Affairs Commissioner, and an Indigenous varsity rower, led the demonstration.

Jirousek welcomed everyone to the demonstration, then gave the stage to Nakuset, Executive Director of the

Claire Grenier | The McGill Daily Native Women’s Shelter of Montreal.

“You don’t understand how hard it is to speak about our injustices because they are always ignored,” she said, “the struggles we go through are not what this university really wants to have as a team name, [...] we are struggling and you are wearing our name like it’s some kind of badge and it doesn’t belong to you.”

Ella Martindale, co-chair of the Indigenous Students Alliance (ISA), from the Cowichan nation in British Columbia, described how the “R*dmen” name affects her life: “it connects to identity. Who am I? What am I doing here? Do I really belong here at McGill?”

The Black Students’ Network (BSN) of McGill spoke in

solidarity with #ChangeTheName demonstration. Abdel Dicko, VP Political Coordinator of BSN, stated “we, the BSN, firmly believe that the ‘R*dmen’ name and the very significant weight it carries does not have its place at this university. Just like any other unambiguously derogatory racial slur, the ‘R*dmen’ name has been

harmful and this needs to stop immediately.” Joshua Archibald, a varsity athlete on McGill’s football team, raised his voice on the issue, “First Nations are patronized by being referred as ‘R*dmen.’

By changing the name we will send an important message that they are welcomed, included, and valued. […] With my support and along with the support of many student athletes, I think it is time for a change.”

Jirousek invited everyone to sign the online petition on change.org and the open letter urging the university to change the name. As of November 1, the online petition has already reached 9,000 signatures. Jirousek also strongly encouraged every student to vote “Yes” on changing the name in the upcoming SSMU referendum, which will be held between November 9 and November 12. In his closing statements, Jirousek asserted that “the ‘R*dmen’ name is not the end, Indigenous students will not stop fighting […] until we see ourselves reflected in every level […] of the university. […] Truth before reconciliation and the truth is this name is hurtful and it is time for the ‘R*dmen’ name to change.”

Small Attendance, Big Motions Arno Pedram The McGill Daily

Fall 2018 SSMU General Assembly Poorly Attended

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n October 29, about 50 students gathered in the New Residence Ballroom for the Fall 2018 General Assembly (GA). Because the quorum of 350 people was not reached, the General Assembly became a consultative forum. Any motions approved at the GA are now recommendations awaiting ratification at the November 1 Legislative Council.

The consultative forum passed the nomination of Members at Large for the Board of Directors and the Auditor for the Fiscal Year of 2019 for Legislative Council to consider. Executives faced questions about spending incurred by the aftermath of SSMU’s Halloween party at MacDonald Campus. Following students vomiting and trashing the buses on the way to the event, the bus company decided to not provide return trips.

There is a clause in the bus company’s contract allowing them to refuse service if their buses are damaged. SSMU then told students to take cabs or Ubers, and that they would be

Claire Grenier | The McGill Daily reimbursed by SSMU for the trip.

The cost of reimbursement was estimated by SSMU executives at the GA to be around $10,000. VP External Matthew MacLaughlin justified the cost by arguing that they could not let everyone pay for the misbehavior of some.

Current SSMU President, Tre Mansdoerfer, also presented a “blacklist” initiative which would bar students who have demonstrated harmful behaviour from participating at SSMU events.

During the question period, questions were raised regarding the

newly deregulated international tuition for international students.

VP University Affairs, Jacob Shapiro, responded that SSMU advocated for international tuitions not to be raised for current students, but that they would be raised incrementally for future students.

SSMU executives reported on their first semester, and on the new division of tasks since the resignation of former VP External Marina Cupido. All their individual reports are available at ssmu.ca/ governance/general-assembly/ general-assembly-2018-2019.

ScI+TECH

November 5, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

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Art: A Vehicle for Science Conversations in Neuroethics

Sean Zhang Sci+Tech Writer

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euroethics is a rapidlyemerging discipline examining the impact of neuroscience and neurotechnology on human livelihoods. The field aims to answer questions like: can brain scans be used to determine innocence or guilt in a court of law?

Do personality changes resulting from Deep Brain Stimulation change a patient’s identity?

Some of these questions remain abstract, yet many are pertinent in the creation of policies that govern our society. As I’ve recently learned, neuroethics is also an excellent topic for “speed-dating.”

On October 19, Dr. Siddharth Ramakrishnan, a neuroscience professor at the University of Puget Sound in Washington, gave a seminar at Concordia University on how art can be used to convey ideas in the field of neuroethics.

The talk was held in partnership with Convergence Initiative, an organization that promotes collaboration and exchange between the arts and sciences.

Open to the general public, it was attended by a diverse group of over 90 individuals in various fields, such as neuroscience, fine arts, medicine, and philosophy.

A “speed-dating” event was held after the talk, where attendees were randomly paired up to have 5-minute discussions on the lecture topics. Guests were encouraged to contribute their thoughts and ideas through either writing or drawing onto a communal sheet of paper.

Essentially human brains could develop into supercomputers.

But we have to ask: who would have access to the technology?

Why Neuroethics?

Dr. Ramakrishnan asserted the importance of neuroethics in our everyday lives. As our technology evolves, new policies need to be developed to govern their use. Ramakrishnan gave the example of ethical issues

pertaining to Brain-Computer Interfaces (BCI) – microchips that can be implanted in the brain for cognitive enhancement. BCIs are being developed to improve the quality of life for people living with paralysis or severe motor impairment. Other potential benefits of BCIs include increased overall intelligence, enhanced memory, and the implementation of complex computerized functions such as GPS or calculators. Essentially, human brains could develop into supercomputers. But we have to ask: who would have access to BCIs? What about individuals who choose to not use BCIs, or can’t afford them? Despite their potential for good, technologies like BCIs also carry potential to further increase social disparities, and deepen already existing divides. If only those with capital to access the technology are able to benefit from cognitive enhancements, we can imagine that the benefits would disproportionately help groups which have traditionally benefitted from an unfair advantage.

Public Inquiry is Important Equality movements have made society more inclusive of groups that have historically been marginalized because of age, gender, sexual orientation, or ability. There are more stakeholders at the discussion table, though we still have work to do to get everyone there. “We are all stakeholders,” says Dr. Ramakrishnan.

The “speed-dating” discussions echoed the imperative for the general public to be both wellinformed and critical of science.

One neuroscience student observed

that a substantial portion of the public denies scientific facts: the rise in prominence of antivaxxers, climate-change deniers, and flat-earth believers are all symptoms that allude to a growing ailment of scientific ignorance.

Cristian Zaelzer, neuroscience Ph.D. and the founder of Convergence Initiative, gave his account on the rising prominence of anti-science movements.

He explained that the brain is constantly bombarded with different information, and the process used by the prefrontal cortex of the brain to sort through all this data is exhausting. Thus, the mind often resorts to using heuristics – mental shortcuts that constrict attention to one particular aspect of a complex situation to conserve mental stamina. Dr. Zaelzer argues that through this explanation, we can understand how, for example, anti-vaxxers might choose to disregard the benefits of vaccine and focus instead on the myth that vaccines cause autism. He also believes that this type of heuristic explains how, because measles is largely under control (ironically, through vaccination), anti-vaxxers often conclude that vaccines are no longer necessary.

to reconcile the idea that mindcontrol, widely believed to be science fiction, is possible at some level. The exhibit immediately opens a discussion on the ethics of mind-control devices, and creates public awareness and inquiry into future developments of such neurotechnology.

Another thought-provoking exhibit, “Heirloom,” was created by artist Gina Czarnecki by carefully growing human cells on glass casts of a person’s face. The exhibit was created by culturing tissue samples of the artist’s daughters on glass casts of their faces. While the use of human tissue is heavily regulated in science, little consideration seems to have been made to their use in art.

This exhibit raises questions about the ethical issues of using human tissue – in both science and art.

Bettina Forget, Ph.D. in art education, believes the Alex Tran | Photographer importance of art lies in its ability would be to have an interactive art to take otherwise unremarkable confusing subjects and project to attract people, and we or accentuate its significant features. could have a dialogue about it.”

Art can dispel unproductive heuristics by creating compelling and interesting narratives to follow. Art can also act as a bridge for complex scientific topics, such as neuroethics, by capturing the interest and wonder of the general public.

The importance of art lies in its ability to take otherwise unremarkable or confusing subjects- and accentuate its significant features

Dr. Ramakrishnan presented an intriguing collection of interactive and visual works of art inspired by neuroscience and neuroethics.

One noteworthy exhibit, “Mind Control,” effectively allowed one person to control another’s movements via a simple remotecontrol car device. The remote control was programmed to send signals into a pair of electrodes worn by a volunteer. The electrodes, when worn around the head, would then stimulate the vestibular system – the structure responsible for balance, causing Art as an Essential Bridge How can art explain neuroethics? the volunteer to lean left or right A vital benefit of art lies in its depending on the remote control accessibility to the general public. command. If the volunteer is “A lecture like this is probably walking, the device could force not the best way to reach a large them to walk in a direction audience,” Dr. Ramakrishnan admits of its choosing. People who jokingly, continuing, “a better way encounter this exhibit are forced

Collaboration The core message highlighted throughout the event was the importance of collaboration.

Dr. Ramakrishnan emphasized the universal relevance of neuroethics and encouraged the use of art as a vehicle to carry out its understanding. The speeddating discussions provided further proof: guests from a plethora of different backgrounds, whether experts or laypersons, came together to bring forth their unique perspectives on current issues in neuroethics.

Bridging various identities and disciplines, the event facilitated new connections to foster deep and critical understandings of neuroscience and a public awareness of neuroethics.

This seminar was the culmination of the tremendous efforts between Convergence Initiative, in partnership with the Brain Repair and Integrative Neuroscience Program (BRaIN) of McGill, the Faculty of Fine Arts of Concordia (FoFa), McGill Integrated Program in Neurosciences (IPN), and the Canadian Association for Neuroscience (CAN/CAN).

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features

November 5, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

“THIS IS NO LONGER A SAFE PLACE”

HOMOPHOBIC POLICING IN QUEBEC, 2007-PRESENT GAY CRUISING

Cruising refers to the practice of walking or driving around a public area in search of a sexual partner. This practice has historically allowed queers, especially men, to fulfill their sexual needs while at the same time circumventing the constraints imposed by homophobia. Cruising is largely non-verbal. Eye contact and body language are used to signal sexual interest and consent.

HETEROSEXISM

Heterosexism posits that heterosexuality is superior to homosexuality and that heterosexuality is the only valid sexuality. It also involves discrimination against queer people and internalized homophobia.

BAITING

Baiting is a common entrapment tactic used by agents provocateurs. It involves purposefully misleading individuals into committing a crime. Police use gay cruising codes, such as sustained eye contact, to provoke sexual encounters between themselves and queer men, leading the men from whom they have solicited a sexual act to technically violate sections 173(1) or 271(1) of the Canadian Criminal Code.

by

ACAB

content warning: homophobic slurs, targeted arrests n August 28 2017, the Service de Police de la Ville de Montréal (SPVM) officially apologized for “the events that took place during different police operations in gay bars and clubs during the ‘60s to the ‘90s.” Emphasis on bars and clubs. Purposeful omission of parks and public washrooms. Homophobic policing practices on the island of Montreal are far from over. With the collaboration of the Services des Grands Parcs, three neighbourhood police stations in Montreal have launched coordinated attacks on men who use the wooded areas and public washrooms of parks for the purposes of consensual sexual encounters with other men. Similar projects have been launched by the Service de Police la Ville de Longueuil (SPAL), the Service de Police de la Ville de Saguenay (SPVS), the Service de Police de la Ville de Québec (SPVQ), and the Sûreté du Québec (SQ).

Using their knowledge of gay cruising practices, plainclothes cops continue to harass, ticket, and arrest men who seek out sexual companionship in places other

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than those officially recognized and legally sanctified by heterosexist sexual norms. Having co-opted our shared understanding of location, plainclothes cops are able to exploit, in a discrete, and largely unforceful manner, our need for affection and sexual companionship.

The number of arrests made within the context of these supposedly gender- and sexualityneutral “anti-indecency” operations is alarming. Together, the SPVM, the SPAL, and the SPVQ have arrested at least 300 men for cruising in public spaces since 2007. I say “at least” because the statistics obtained by filing access to information requests with these police services did not include statistics for certain projects or years. Equally as striking are the sums of money that the Service des Grands Parcs has spent trying to make parks on the island of Montreal less attractive to men who have sex with men. A conservative estimate suggests a sum of approximately 2.2 million dollars.

Knowledge of gay cruising practices has made it remarkably easy for private security forces and police services to entrap men who have sex with men. Thwarting their ability to do so requires that we

understand the tactics that police services use in order to entrap us while cruising. For reasons that will be explained below, police services in this province tend to make use of sections 173(1) and 271(1) of the Canadian Criminal Code when hunting down men who have sex with men. Criminal code accusations are not the only tactics currently being used by cops to harass men who have sex with men. In an underhanded attempt to mask the homophobic nature of their repressive operations, Longueuil police have started using a seemingly mundane municipal bylaw to crack down on men having sex with men in public spaces.

MODUS OPERANDI Accusations under section 173(1) of the Canadian Criminal Code Currently, Section 173(1) is the most common accusation being made against against gay men in the province of Quebec. Section 173(1) makes illegal the wilful performance of “an indecent act in a public place in the presence of one or more persons, or in any place with intent to insult or offend any person.” Section 173(1) takes after its now repealed predecessor,

features section 157, which prohibited acts of “gross indecency” and was almost exclusively used for the purposes of persecuting homosexuals.

Like section 157, section 173(1) is terminologically vague; the term “indecency” is (purposefully?) left undefined. This feature of section 173(1) has made it the weapon par excellence of homophobic police in the province. Drawing on an analysis of a homophobic police sting published in the December 1980/January 1981 issue of La Berdache, and on municipal court rulings describing these stings, we have done our best to expose the strategy of undercover cops who lay charges of “indecency” under section 173(1).

The first step to any “successful” operation involves selecting a known gay cruising ground; however, in most, if not all cases, the selection process can be completely foregone thanks to a heterosexist public that actively reports sightings of men engaged in “indecent” activities with other men (or so police say). Once a cruising ground has been selected, the officer, now in plainclothes, picks a spot and loiters (sexily?). Though he is obviously not interested in any form of sexual exchange, the “success” of the operation depends upon his ability to convince other cruisers that he is interested in having a sexual encounter. To avoid being accused of entrapment, however, the cop cannot express this interest verbally (if he does, the courts are much more likely to see through his little game); instead, he expresses his interest by purposefully failing to object to the non-verbal sexual propositioning of other cruisers, as well as by staying put and taking on the role of the passive, voyeuristic observer.

Let us recall that for charges to be laid under section 173(1), two requirements must be fulfilled.

First, an “indecent” act must take place. Second, this “indecent” act must be committed in the presence of “one or more persons” or “with the intent to insult or offend any person.” Though “indecency” is left undefined, an examination of two recent court cases in which police laid charges of “indecency” against gay men suggest that police understand this term to mean exposure of one’s genital organs for the purpose of sexual gratification.

For this reason, the undercover cop waits until the clothed foreplay is over and a sexual act begins to reveal his true identity. Once the cruiser has unclothed the lower portion of his body, the first requirement of the “crime” has been fulfilled. As we have seen, for the accusation to hold in court, the sexual act must have been committed in the presence of “one or more persons.” This is where the second undercover cop makes his appearance. After having

November 5, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily lurked unnoticed, he now appears to witness the sexual act. The second requirement is now fulfilled and a charge of “indecency” can be laid against his unsuspecting victim.

“He moved slowly, in a 90 degree arc-like fashion, back and forth, all the while looking at me with interest...”

—Anonymous

In many cases, however, the requirement that the act be performed in front of “one or more persons” is given a lax interpretation both by police and the courts. In R. c. Martin, a 1997 court case involving a plainclothes cop and a cruiser in Parc Angrignon, Judge DENAULT slyly circumvents this requirement by arguing that the plainclothes cop was a member of the public at the time of the interaction (how convenient!). For the plainclothes security guard provoking a sexual encounter between himself and a cruiser in the washrooms of Montreal’s Eaton Centre back in 2017, on its own, the fact that other people “auraient pu voir le PRÉ se masturber” (could have seen the defendant masturbating) was seen as fulfilling the (seemingly?) more stringent criterion that the act actually be performed in front of “one or more persons.”

Last year’s Eaton Centre arrest, though it was carried out by a private security firm rather than by state agents, is characteristic of the kinds of operations carried out by plainclothes cops in the province of Quebec for the purposes of laying accusations under section 173(1).

For this reason, and for reasons that will soon become clear, this arrest it is worth dwelling upon a bit longer.

According to the police report written by the arresting officer, the events surrounding the cruiser’s arrest happened as follows: “We arrived at the Eaton Center to meet [REDACTED], head of Eaton Centre security who informed us that the man was being detained after having masturbated in front of the urinals of the Eaton Centre. He began by explaining to us that such behaviour represents an important problem in the Eaton Centre. Since a few weeks, men have been showing up at the urinals in order to masturbate. They frequently make their way there in order to meet other men for the purposes of

masturbating in front of the urinals. According to the security guard, seven men have been caught performing indecent actions in the washrooms of the Eaton Centre. In order to remedy [the ‘problem’ of consensual sexual encounters between men], [Eaton Center security] installed cameras in the 3rd floor washrooms of the Eaton Centre and a security guard works in plainclothes in order to catch individuals in the act.”[...]

“Using the cameras, they notice the defendant make his way to the urinals, around [TIME STAMP], located in the 3rd floor washrooms of the Eaton Centre. They therefore send their plainclothes security guard [REDACTED]. [...]

The defendant exchanges a few glances with security guard [REDACTED]. About 2 or 3 minutes later, the security guard notices the defendant’s erection and that he is making thrusting movements while holding his penis, all the while looking at [REDACTED].

The security guard notices the man masturbating. [...] When security guard [REDACTED] notices the defendant masturbating, he exits the washroom and communicates with the security control centre in order to proceed to the arrest of the defendant” [my emphasis].

In order to exculpate the plainclothes agent, the arresting officer fudges the amount of time during which the cruiser and the plainclothes agent exchange glances.

Video footage of the events show the plainclothes agent exchanging glances with the man for a period of five to six minutes – exchanging and holding gaze is a common way of determining interest and consent.

On his way out of the washrooms, the cruiser is tackled to the ground by numerous security guards—a fact that is conveniently omitted from this incident report. The report continues: “Agent X then asks the defendant why he comes to do this at the Eaton Centre.

The defendant responds by saying that the washrooms at the Eaton Centre represent an important meetup spot for homosexual people

wishing to have sexual exchanges with men.” [...]

“The Morality division of the SPVM is aware of the problem affecting the 3rd floor washrooms of the Eaton Centre. It has been a recurrent problem for many weeks.”

At the beginning of this report, security head X claims that the “problem” of cruising is a problem that dates back only “a few weeks.”

This claim is grossly misleading.

The ninth floor washrooms of Chez Eaton, the now renovated and renamed mall after which Montreal’s Eaton Centre is named and beside which Montreal’s Eaton Centre currently stands, were used for cruising as far back as the early

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’80s. More upsetting, however, is the way in which, a few moments after the cruiser informs X that the third floor washrooms in the Eaton Centre are a well-known meetup spot, the officer writing the report reaffirms in his closing lines that the “problem” of cruising “has been a recurrent problem for many weeks.” The cops performing the arrest overlook the defendant’s attempt to historicize his action, choosing instead to reassert the narrative that has been fed to him by both security personnel and the SPVM’s morality division.

To cast the defendant as a threat to public safety, security and police actively sought to dehistoricize the phenomenon of cruising. To do so, they tell tales of men suddenly flocking to public washrooms to engage in sexual behaviours. The phrase “since a few weeks, men have been showing up at the urinals in order to masturbate” is so much more scary than the phrase “since first opening its doors, Eaton Centre washrooms have served as a meeting ground for men seeking consensual sexual relations with other men.” By dehistoricizing the defendant’s act, security and police effectively polemicized the defendant’s act — an act that is otherwise common, mundane, harmless, and dare I say, hot. When security and police say that the “problem” of cruising is recent, what they really should be saying is that cruising is a phenomenon that they have recently gotten into the habit of problematizing.

Accusations under section 271(1) of the Canadian Criminal Code Police in the province of Quebec continue to use charges of “sexual assault” to punish men who engage in consensual sexual relations with other men. Police documents reveal that between the years of 2012 and 2013, the SPVM was ready to make use of this section of the criminal code within the context of at least two “anti-indecency” projects — on that targeted Parc Angrignon (Opération Sentier) and the other that targeted Maisonneuve Park and le Boisé de Pères (Opération Narcisse), all of which are wellknown cruising grounds. The SQ is known to have made use of this article of the Criminal Code during its undercover operations that took place back in 2010 on Île Melville — another gay cruising ground.

Accusations under section 271(1) are made in much the same way as those that are made under section 173(1). A plainclothes cop places himself in or around a known cruising ground and waits. This time, however, he is not waiting for an unsuspecting cruiser to show him his genitals, nor is he waiting for his accomplice to witness any exhibitionistic act. This time, he is waiting for the cruiser to touch him.

Once the cruiser touches the cop, he

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features

November 5, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

is arrested, and a charge of sexual assault is laid.

The truth, however, is that plainclothes cops do not just “wait” for their victims to “fall” into their traps; they actively court them, misleading and manipulating them every step of the way. The following is the testimony of a man who was arrested for “sexual assault” on a plainclothes cop in the Parc de l’Île Melville back in 2010. It does remarkable job at highlighting the kinds of misleading foreplay that plainclothes cops actively engage in when trying to “catch” men who have sex with men. More than simply loitering around and waiting to be touched, the undercover cop purposefully maintains the gaze of his victim, adamantly pursues him through the woods, engages him in friendly conversation, conversationally suggests that he is gay, and finally, offers his victim his ass: “Before leaving the park, around [TIME STAMP], I returned to the first parking lot, for a few minutes, to see if there were any men [...] It was close to [TIME STAMP] and I was about to leave the area when I saw [PLAINCLOTHES COP Z] exiting the woods. He looked interesting.

I therefore made my way towards him in a perpendicular fashion so that he could see me.

He saw me. Once we had made eye contact, I turned around, retracing my steps telling myself that if he was gay and interested he would come in my direction.

Which he did. We were about three meters distance from one another, standing up, without moving, looking at each other during a few minutes. He moved slowly, in a 90 degree arc-like fashion, back and forth, all the while looking at me with interest, but with a certain degree of reservation. This interaction lasted about 5 to 10 minutes.

Because I was conscious of the fact that I was older than him, I interpreted his hesitation to approach me as a sign that after having seen me close-up, he was no longer interested in me and did not know how to leave without offending me. So, I decided to walk away from him in order to give him the chance to either part ways with me or to follow me if he was interested.

In order to do this, I had to pass in front of him and he took advantage of this moment to speak to me, saying: ‘there [aren’t] many people.’ I answered in the affirmative, all the while

making my way away from him and from the place where we found ourselves [...]

In this way, I began a walk of almost one hundred meters south-west into the woods [...] to be certain that he was interested in me, and to, in this way, avoid any misunderstandings. At first,

area was a known area for homosexual encounters and he responded in the affirmative. I asked him how he came about this knowledge. He responded by telling me that he had found this information online at gay411.com [...]

There was a malaise between

me his ass. I found his behaviour strange because I had only suggested that we embrace. In the context of gay cruising, though, there are ‘bottoms’ who are submissive, passive, and behave in this manner. I took one or two steps in his direction and put my right

I thought that he had gone, because I no longer saw him, so I slowed my pace and finally, after a delay of about two minutes, I could see him starting to follow me. While walking, I looked behind myself many times to see if he was following me, which he was. [...] I stopped to drink some water and to let him catch up with me.

Indeed, he caught up with me and we started a friendly conversation that lasted a couple minutes. We were a few feet from one another. [...] I asked him if he was aware of the fact that this

us because neither one of us was making any moves and we were just standing there, waiting.

Therefore, after a few minutes of conversation and of indecision, I asked him ‘what do we do now’ in order to determine what his expectations were. He answered by saying that he was‘ uncomfortable and didn’t know what to do in such circumstances’. I then told him that we could at least embrace one another.

Strangely, he turned his back to me while continuing to face me, as if he was offering

hand on his back, bringing him against me, gently, but firmly, all the while saying ‘no, come here’. We embraced one another, as one gives a hug [...] To show him that I took the interest that he had previously manifested seriously, I dared a more intimate caress, sliding my right hand down his body towards his sex— over his pants [...] But as soon as he felt the contact of my hand getting close to his genitals, he pushed me back and told me that I was under arrest for sexual assault, showing me his

police badge on which I saw the name [COP’S NAME].”

Accusations under article 4.08a of municipal bylaw no. 81-1923 (City of Longueuil) Unsurprisingly, the Canadian Criminal Code is not the only body of law currently being used to legitimize the mistreatment of men who have sex with men by state agents.

Municipal codes and park regulations prohibiting “indecent” or “obscene” conduct, play an important role in this legitimation.

The following testimony comes from a man who was ticketed by a plainclothes cop for having violated article 4.08a of municipal bylaw no. 81-1923 — a municipal bylaw that prohibits the performance of “obscene” or “indecent acts.”

“I was cruising in [PARK NAME], in the parking lot close to [AREA NEARBY]. A plainclothes cop was waiting in his car. He tried everything to make me believe that he was gay. The tango lasted close to 30 or 40 minutes.

Seeing as I wasn’t doing anything, he began to wander around my car, smiling at me.

I was rubbing my inner thigh, never my genitals. Seeing that I was still not doing anything reprehensible (I was very much on my guards), he then approached the driver side door that I had left open (it was hot and this would allow me to more easily enter into contact with him if things took a turn in that direction) and pointed his crotch in my direction. I took this as an invitation to touch him.

I touched his inner thigh just above his knee and he immediately took out his badge, telling me that I was guilty of committing an act of gross indecency” [my emphasis].

Though “gross indecency” — section 157 of the Canadian Criminal Code criminal — was repealed in 1988, Longueuil police continue to use this term to designate the charges they lay against gay men in parks. This systematic misnaming is no error.

Municipal regulations, like the article 4.08a, serve the same repressive function that section 157 did before it was repealed: that of punishing the existence and expression of nonheterosexual desires.

Longueuil police are not the only ones engaged in this systematic misnaming of charges. Last month, in an article entitled Parc Lafontaine: un «oeil magique» dans une salle de toilettes publique, the term was tellingly, but irresponsibly, tossed around both

by Philippe Teisceira-Lessard, the La Presse journalist writing the piece and by Anik de Repentigny, communications director for the City of Montreal.

features Accusations under article 5.03 of municipal bylaw no. 81-1923 (City of Longueuil) In 2016, Longueuil police convinced city council to pass a law making it illegal to walk on unmarked trails in four Longueuil parks, at least two of which are established gay cruising grounds. Their idea was simple. Cruising requires that men who have sex with men be able to access the less visible wooded areas of parks. Accessing these areas requires men who have sex with men to make use of unmarked trails. Cut off access to these trails and the cruising will stop.

The following “statement of offence” which details the events leading up the ticketing of a gay man in August of 2017 on Île Charron does a strikingly good job at highlighting the homophobic impetus behind this law.

“Where I was: Undercover operation in plainclothes on l’Île Charron, a location reputed for sexual exchanges between men in the unmarked trails. What I saw: I find myself at the end of the parking lot, in the hairpin bend. The defendant looks at me, I look at him.

He therefore parks his car immediately in the parking lot right beside. I then make my way through the green space nearby, he exits his vehicle and follows me, I enter an uncleared wooded area where the vegetation is dense. The city does not maintain this area, in order to gain access to this area, I have to clear a path with my hands. The defendant follows me into this area and says to me: the paths are not like they used to be. He circulates in the unmarked path for a period of five minutes before returning to his vehicle, intercepted while he was re-entering his vehicle.”

As if the first sentence of his statement were not incriminating enough, the plainclothes cop then goes on to make explicit reference to his use of the gaze — a gay cruising practice that has been widely documented by, among so many others, Henning Beck and Mauriz Lenzoff. As the above excerpt makes clear, the current tactics used by undercover cops hoping to lay charges under article 5.03 of bylaw no. 81-1923 are near-identical to those used to by undercover cops hoping to lay charges of “indecency” or “sexual assault.”

To listen to previously unreleased audio in which a plainclothes describes his weekly sting, tune into CKUT 90.3 FM tomorrow November 6 at 5pm.

The audio will also be available on CKUT’s Soundcloud after the show has aired.

November 5, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily Accusations under other municipal by-laws and other hokey and violent tactics Longueuil police are not the only ones making use of seemingly unrelated municipal bylaws for the purposes of whitewashing their morality campaigns against men who have sex with men. In 2017, the municipal councillor of Saguenay, Marc Pettersen, had plans to pass a bylaw that would make it illegal to park one’s car near Parc de la Colline, a well-known cruising ground. This seemingly benign bylaw will make it possible for SPVS agents to harass men who have sex with men while simultaneously protecting themselves against accusations of sexual profiling.

Following the much publicize nudity raids on Chutes SainteMarguerite (commonly referred to as the Gay Falls), the mayor of Saint-Adèle, Robert Milot, publicly announced his plans to limit access to the falls by means of a security checkpoint. To make his intentions less covert, Mr. Milot should equip the checkpoint with a sign that reads: “no faggots; no fucking.”

To add insult to injury, at some point during the past decade, Longueuil police started delivering the tickets they issue to men who have sex with men directly to their victims’ home addresses in the hopes of wreaking havoc in the personal and romantic lives of those men who do not openly admit to being attracted to or to having extramarital sex with members of the same sex.

Under certain circumstances, cruisers arrested under section 173(1) may be required by prosecutors to both register as a sex offender and provide a DNA sample. All cruisers arrested under section 271(1) are fingerprinted and are required to register as sex offenders and provide DNA samples.

“The cop tried everything to make me believe that he was gay.”

—Anonymous

Imposing limits on freedom of movement is another tactic that police and private security agents use to discipline queer sexual desires out of existence. In R c. Major, a 1998 court case involving a cruiser and a plainclothes cop, Judge THEMENS ordered the cruiser to not find himself in or around Marie-Victorin Park. In the 2010 court case mentioned above, police ordered the cruiser not to find himself in the Parc de l’Île Melville between the time of his arrest and the time of his first court hearing. Again, in the 2017 court case mentioned

above, mall security ordered the cruiser not to find himself in the Eaton Centre for a period of one year.

By denying cruisers access to their preferred cruising grounds, security, police, and judges effectively deny cruisers the right to benefit from the presence and support of their fellow community members. Orders like these isolate individual cruisers from potential support networks, thus making it easier for authorities to subordinate them.

Homophobic politicians, security personnel, police, and judges will go to extreme lengths to both enhance their ability to subordinate men who have sex with men and to mask the homophobic motivations behind their raids. The list of tactics above, therefore, is not comprehensive.

Many are the undocumented and invisible means by which police purge public spaces of queer bodies and sexualities.

COMPLACENCE AND COMPLICITY Accusations made against cruisers using articles 173(1) and 271(1) of the Canadian Criminal Code and under petty municipal bylaws involve a number of false representations, purposeful miscontruals, and homophobic rationalizations.

Plainclothes cops make their way to gay cruising grounds with the intent of being touched and of having us show them our packages. They want to have their bodies caressed.

To construe consensual sexual encounters like these as “indecent” or “assault” is nothing short of perverse.

Despite this perversity, some of the most “important”“community” organizations in the province of Quebec—those whose voices the state is most likely to recognize—refuse to speak out against homophobic state initiatives.

Community Organizations Cruisers are not the only ones who have been subject to repression within the context of anti-‘indecency’ operations.

A couple of years ago, two of REZO’s outreach personnel were forced out of Maisonneuve park by cops while distributing condoms in a wooded area know to attract cruisers.

Despite this, REZO has refused to share information about the raids with the community. More than just refusing to warn the community, REZO Communications Director Alexandre Blais immediately sought to depoliticize the incident by blaming it on a few ‘bad’ cops — this, immediately after having been presented with police documents revealing the existence of multiple state projects designed to purge parks of men who have sex with men.

The response of the Conseil des Gais et des Lesbiennes du Québec is even more alarming. In 2011, the then head of the Conseil,

Steve Foster, met with the head of PDQ 38, Stéphane Bélanger, to discuss the «problématique» of cruising in Parc Lafontaine. M. Bélanger arranged this meeting for the purposes of asking for the Conseil’s «collaboration en matière d’information à transmettre à la communauté gai». If the Conseil had taken on this task, PDQ 38 would have both absolved itself of the unsavoury (politically unwise?) task of ordering faggots not to fuck in the park and successfully pinkwashed its morality raids. This is not what happened. Rather than legitimizing the raids by accepting an underhanded request to act as the mouthpiece of homophobic brutes, Mr. Foster seems to have provided Mr. Bélanger with implicit support he wanted by failing to speak out loudly enough against this initiative. The current head of the Conseil Marie-Pier Boisvert has simply chosen to ignore our emails.

Though seriously disappointing, the Conseil’s response — or lack thereof — is not nearly as troublesome as the response of MIELS-Québec, an organization that provides support services to people living with HIV-AIDS in the Quebec City region. In 2009, this “community” organization partnered with the Service de Police de la Ville de Québec for a two day operation called Opération RendezVous. During this operation, MIELS’ outreach worker, Philippe De Carufel, would “bait” cruisers, provide them with condoms and lube, and then suggest that they take their sexual activities elsewhere.

Once De Carufel had identified a cruiser, police would arrive on scene and “inform” the cruiser of potential fines and criminal proceedings.

During this two day operation, MIELS, using entrapment-like tactics, actively sought to make visible, and thus, policeable, the sexual population whose well-being it purportedly cares most about — a sexual population that was already vulnerable to illegitimate state intervention prior to this revolting collaboration.

“Our association with police is interesting, because it will allow us to inform the men that there will be repression.” De Carufel’s statement to the press is chillingly similar to the instructions given to officers conducting arrests of men who have sex with men on the island of Montreal a few years later. Arresting officers performing “anti-indecency” operations in Angrignon Park back in 2011 were told to “inform offenders of the repression to come.” Rather than engaging in the kinds of solidarity work that would have contributed to the well-being of men who have sex with men, during this two-day operation, MIELS chose to exploit the relationship of trust it had previously built with men who have

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sex with men in order to engage in precisely the kinds of threatening talk that police would soon identify as being key to purging parks of men who have sex with men — talk that can only be described as moralizing and disciplinary.

For its part, Interligne (formerly Gai-écoute), has simply chosen not to respond to any of our emails.

Depoliticized, these community organizations are of little help to those of us who inhabit the margins of the queer community, where non-compliance with heterosexist sexual norms continues to act as justification for police violence.

CLOSING REMARKS Testimonies of men arrested or ticketed during stings reveal that cops actively court their victims by smiling at them, courting them while sporting full-on erections, staring at them for extended periods of time ranging from 20 to 50 minutes, and by approaching their victims and offering to engage in touching of a sexual nature by means of suggestive body language.

The truth is that plainclothes cops play an active role in seducing their victims. The truth is that those of us who fail to conform to heterosexist sexual norms are continually made targets of illegitimate state intervention. The truth is that the morality raids never ended.

Most of the names and badge numbers of the cops or security agents performing the abovementioned operations have been omitted to protect the identities of the men concerned. It is important to recognize the violence implicit in this silencing. In order to protect the identities of the men whose testimonies we have shared, certain source documents have not been made public.

To see notes and references, visit https://www.mcgilldaily.com. com/2018/11/this-is-no-longer-a-safeplace/ For a more detailed discussion of police documents off of which this piece is based, consider attending Cruise Control’s upcoming participatory talk (in French) Violence, sexualité, et surveillance, which will be held on November 6 at 12:30 within the context of UQAM’s Semaine Contre la Surveillance.

For more information about the raids or to stay in touch, follow @ cruisecontrolmtl on Facebook.

Tune into CKUT on November 7th at 6pm to hear Audio Smut’s coverage of the Mont-Royal cruising scene in the 70s and 80s.

VISUALS BY NELLY WAT

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Culture

November 5, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Destination: Black Starr Planet

Athena Holmes Challenges Race and Gender Norms in Performance Arno Pedram and Gloria François The McGill Daily

A

thena Holmes (they/them) is a performing artist with two personas: Ms. Holmes, a roots, blues and jazz singer-songwriter, and BiG SiSSY, a drag performer from another planet. BiG SiSSY is from Black Starr Planet, and her show is an Afrofuturist rock-opera.

The McGill Daily sat down with Athena to chat about personas, performance, race, gender, black supremacy, and healing.

On Personas The McGill Daily (MD): Were your projects born at the same time, or one after the other? Were there any events in your artistic career or life that inspired your personas?

Athena Holmes (AH): They were not born at the same time. Ms. Holmes is my singer-songwriter

project which I’ve been doing since I started playing music. [Ms Holmes] is for my own songs and ideas, or if I get a commission to write, I’ll write under that name.

BiG SiSSY… I’m not sure what the catalyst for that starting was. I had seen some performances where people were doing things that made me really uncomfortable. I had to ask myself, “why does this make you uncomfortable? Is there actually anything wrong with what this person is doing? Why do you think they should be doing it differently?”

I had to question my own judgments about what I thought was permissible on stage, or what I thought was the right way to act. I wanted an outlet where I could push my own boundaries as a performer in terms of what I thought was “okay” or “going too far,” and push myself outside of my comfort zone.

As an artist, I try to push myself outside of my boundaries in life in general, but [BiG SiSSY] is sort

“There is a bit of dissociation that happens when I look out into the crowd, looking specifically for Black faces, and I don’t see them.”

-Athena Holmes

Gloria François | The McGill Daily

Athena Holmes as BiG SiSSY | Courtesy of Athena Holmes

of a safe environment where I can experiment and see what comes out.

MD: So, would you say that BiG SiSSY is yourself or an alter ego?

AH: It is an alter ego, but it is definitely a lot of me. I asked my friends who have seen BiG SiSSY, “what astrological sign do you think BiG SiSSY is?” and they were like, “well, obviously a Scorpio,” and I’m a Scorpio, too.

MD: How would an encounter between BiG SiSSY and Ms. Holmes unfold? Would they ever meet? If so, how?

AH: They do meet! They’re both in me!

MD: What would they say to each other?

AH: I think they would write music together; they would probably write a song! It would probably be about smashing the patriarchy or destroying capitalism.

MD: Do you think Ms. Holmes would feel uncomfortable?

AH: No! I’m still down to say the things that I say through BiG SiSSY in my other projects, but I would just say it in a more polite way.

On Race, Gender and Performance MD: What is the relationship between your gender, personas, identity and performance?

AH: As somebody who’s been raised or perceived as female and as being “pretty,” I’ve often felt like I was performing my gender. Equally, being a singer

with a fairly clean-toned voice, I’ve been performing an idealized version of myself for mostly white audiences. Whenever people find out I’m a musician, they would remark, “oh, you sing jazz, right?”

I know that’s what you want, I know you want me up on stage, in an evening gown, singing jazz…

That’s how you want me. And

“I like to present my gender [the way people expect me to], but only when I want to. So when I do it as BiG SiSSY, I’m in control, and it also feels like a bit of a “fuck you, you want me to look pretty — ­ well, how’s this?” But it’s not for you; it’s not for the male gaze when I perform it, because usually by the end of it people are slightly grossed out, which is nice.”

-Athena Holmes

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“With BiG SiSSY, I don’t necessarily try to say anything in a pretty, flowery way. I think it can be really cathartic to feel like it’s okay to not be eloquent and to say exactly what you’re feeling and be able to do so in a public space.”

-Athena Holmes I’ve never been interested in acting the way people wanted to perceive me.

I also wanted to perform as BiG SiSSY to understand gender better and to turn it into a source of freedom, as it didn’t use to be. I felt like society has told me, “you have these feminine traits that we find sexy, and you should show them off.” So, with BiG SiSSY, I just go at it at full force: my ass is hanging, and everything is on display – my hair is long, I’m hyper-feminized, and hypersexual. In a way, I do like to present my gender like that, but only when I want to. When I do it as BiG SiSSY, I’m in control and it also feels like a bit of a “fuck you, you want me to look pretty — well, how’s this?” But when I uphold these feminine stereotypes, it’s not for you; it’s not for the male gaze, because usually by the end of it people are slightly grossed out, which is nice.

MD: Do you recall any performance where you felt like your message was perceived the

wrong way, or people weren’t understanding what you were trying to convey?

AH: As BiG SiSSY, I always feel great after the shows. I did do a show recently where I performed ‘Black Supremacist’ [a segment in BiG SiSSY’s performance], and I looked around and there were no Black people. The audience was very supportive of the performance,

“I’ve often felt like I was performing my gender and performing an idealized version of myself for mostly white audiences for a long time.”

-Athena Holmes

Athena Holmes as BiG SiSSY | Courtesy of Athena Holmes but I was kind of like, “what?

What is this now?” Black folks have long been considered or used as entertainment for white folks. When I perform for mostly white audiences, it’s challenging, because I can’t help but feel the weight of that. Even though I’m doing the work for me, it’s a complicated dynamic.

I also remember doing one performance where I had this video playing in the background of a Black preacher exorcizing a white woman. The sound of their voices was quite violent — she was speaking in tongues and everything. I wanted it to be representing an exorcism of the white devil specifically. Then, it cut to a song by Sister Souljah, and I went down on my knee with my fist up and I had somebody pass a hat, so that everybody could give me money.

On Black Supremacy MD: BiG SiSSY is a self-proclaimed Black supremacist. What’s the first

thing you would do after a Black supremacist revolution?

AH: A Black supremacist revolution? That sounds like heaven. I would want to have a party or celebrate in whatever way we would celebrate. If there was a Black supremacist revolution, it would bring a lot of people with similar ideas and compassionate hearts, energy and creativity together, and I would just want to be with them.

MD: What would a Black supremacist society look like?

AH: I wouldn’t want it to look anything like a white supremacist society. In my utopic vision, it wouldn’t be a system of domination, even though Blackness would be ‘reigning supreme,’ so to speak.

I feel like it would be more like an acknowledgement and a celebration of Blackness, and people not being afraid of it and instead actually embracing it and putting themselves outside of their comfort zone as a means

“Black folks have long been used as or considered entertainment for white folks. When I perform for mostly white audiences, it’s challenging, because I can’t help but feel the weight of that.”

Athena Holmes as BiG SiSSY | Courtesy of Athena Holmes

-Athena Holmes

of learning. There would be so much warmth and community, and more respect for children and elders. I feel like there would be a lot of laughing too, a lot of laughing at white people if they were mad about something, because then their power would’ve been stripped.

On Healing MD: What do you dream of?

AH: I think I dream of healing a lot. Because I think, again, under the white supremacist capitalist society that we live in, there is so much suffering, and a lot of it is unnecessary. As the oldest child in my family, I always wanted to bring people together to have real conversations and to initiate healing. I’m sure that to some extent, this bleeds into my performances too, in the way that I engage with audiences and how I invoke certain emotions that I think should be brought up. Hopefully, it’s a step towards healing. With BiG SiSSY, I don’t necessarily try to say anything in any kind of pretty, flowery way. I think it can be really cathartic to not have to be eloquent and to say exactly what you’re feeling, and especially to be able to do so in a public space.

The interview has been edited for clarity.

Catch BiG SiSSY performing at Hyper Real: Black History Kick-Off Party at the VAV Gallery on November 15 at 9 p.m.!

14

commentary

November 5, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Don’t Buy Into Woke Capitalism On the Pitfalls of Performative Allyship and “Ethical Buying”

Phoebe Pannier The McGill Daily content warning: sexual abuse

A

few weeks ago, The McGill Daily published an article about “woke capitalism,” or the practice of appealing to consumers seeking the social capital that comes from being socially aware. This article will continue that conversation.

Capitalism is a political system in which private corporations, rather than the government or the workers, control industries and the means of production. In theory, this does not seem inherently negative.

However, in practice, capitalism allows for businesses to be virtually unrestricted when it comes to the treatment of their employees. While most Western countries have laws preventing certain human rights abuses, corporations’ control over the industry gives them undue political sway in how laws are written.

Labour laws therefore contain loopholes that allow for exploitation regardless. All material consumption in a capitalist society plays into this system of exploitation. While there are brands which truly are less exploitative than others, their mere existence as for-profit corporations hurts marginalized people.

Furthermore there has been a trend in recent years of companies performing allyship and “woke capitalism” in order to succeed economically.

Factories are often located in Majority World countries, where populations, and therefore employees, are not white. Through systemic oppression, racialized communities overseas end up coerced into performing cheap, exploitative labour under capitalism.

Even within Minority World countries, the institutional racism inherent to capitalism creates exploitative labour through poverty wages and poor working conditions which are exemplified in sweatshops.

As people of colour in the West are not afforded the same opportunities as white people, they are often overrepresented in underpaid and dangerous types of jobs.

Nelly Wat | The McGill Daily Furthermore there has been a trend in recent years of companies performing allyship and “woke capitalism” in order to succeed economically. Corporations have realized that the quality of their products has become less significant to customers due to the sheer number of similar retailers in the market. In order to stay competitive, they position themselves as superior to the other, less-ethical brands.

They have recognized that people are speaking out against systemic injustice, especially engaging with feminist rhetoric and they have rebranded themselves as “woke.”

The most obvious example is Nike, who has hired Black Lives Matter activist Colin Kaepernick as their new spokesperson. Kaepernick’s slogan is “Believe in something. Even if it means sacrificing everything.”

But Nike’s supposed activism hardly constitutes sacrifice; online orders of their products rose 27 percent compared to the previous year.

Meanwhile, they have not addressed allegations of human rights abuses directed against them. As recently as 2017, the Fashion Transparency Index gave Nike the lowest possible score due to the poverty wages they pay their workers. Beyond being underpaid, Nike’s labourers in these Majority World countries have also been subject to inhumane working conditions, such as working in 37°C heat during ten-plus hour shifts, six days a week. In many cases, this has led to serious health consequences for these predominantly racialized workers, who are often working

under precarious short-term contracts and cannot file reports against their employers without losing their jobs. Yet Nike’s revenue continues to rise as a direct result of their performative allyship.

Many other brands have also participated in woke capitalism, selling clothes with messages which are not reflective of their actual human rights records. Forever 21 has been accused of gender discrimination and transphobia. Yet, Forever 21 is currently selling over a hundred different rainbow-printed items. And no, their designers don’t just like rainbows. Search “LGBT” on their website and you’ll see everything from skinny women in rainbow-striped thongs to skinny girls in rainbow shirts that say “girls for the future.” Recommended for me is a t-shirt which reads “What I want / what I really really want / is equality” and ironically costs more in “plus” sizes than in smaller sizes.

Rebranding corporations as “woke” has been taken further by brands such as Feminist Apparel. The company exclusively manufactures products featuring catchy feminist slogans, such as “pizza rolls not gender roles” and “men of quality respect women’s equality.” They use popular symbols, such as the pride flag and Rosie the Riveter, which have been adopted by young activists. The website clearly states that consent is “clear, conscious, and enthusiastic,” and that we should “talk about consent.”

However, the company’s founder and CEO must not be a man of

quality; he is an admitted sexual abuser. When confronted and asked to resign by his employees, he fired them all without notice or severance.

Beyond this blatant disregard for employees’ rights, Feminist Apparel showed that when forced to choose between ethics and profit, they chose profit. This isn’t an isolated incident, for-profit corporations cannot, by definition, prioritize anything over their revenue.

“Activism” that uses money to buy feminist shirts and LGBT Macbook stickers while not engaging in anti-oppressive practices is just performative allyship.

Do the people who buy these things know that they’re supporting and perpetuating the very injustices they claim to oppose? Do they care?

Most consumers of “woke” clothes are privileged enough that they don’t need to worry about how their things are made, who they’re made by, and what impact their purchase has on the lives of others. “Activism” that

uses money to buy feminist shirts and LGBT Macbook stickers while not engaging in anti-oppressive practices is just performative allyship. After all, performing wokeness is the easiest way to achieve “good person” symbolic capital, and doesn’t require much time, energy, or desire to actually create change. The failure to recognize the inherent exploitative and performative nature of woke capitalism not only commodifies activism, but also perpetuates cycles of oppression. Actually participating in activism, however, requires both physical and emotional labour.

Yes, the use of young people’s activism by corporations as a new way to make profit is wrong and should be acknowledged. However, while existing in a capitalist system, everyone can make choices that combat capitalist exploitation.

Owing to privilege, it isn’t fair to expect everyone to make the same less-exploitative choices, but no one is entirely powerless. You can buy things used, you can use trading groups on Facebook to get rid of things you don’t need in exchange for things you do. If you have to buy something new (I just don’t want used underwear and I can’t shame anyone for feeling the same), do your research about which brands you choose. There will never be ethical capitalism, and consumers need to recognize that and take their impact into consideration every time they buy anything.

Giving up and just buying a cheap tee with a pseudo-feminist slogan is certainly not a solution.

cocoa butter

November 5, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

15

My Mother, the Goddess Lavanya Huria Cocoa Butter I look like my mother.

I carry her curly hair on my shoulders and her laughter in my cheeks I pray to her, with her, for her, every morning and every night.

I started wearing lipstick when I moved away because my mother could be late, but not sans colourful lips.

I look like my mother, I proudly declare as my reflection gets ready in the morning.

She is the most honest person I know, and has confessed every embarrassing moment of her life to me.

How wicked, to remind me of her mortality, her imperfections, her moments of weakness.

I am tired, I am weak, would you mind making dinner for your father and me?

Oh, you’re having trouble. Here, let me.

My mum heals with everything she does and has ignited that same yearning within me.

You were put on this path to listen, you were put on this path to guide, you were put on this path to help, you were put on this path to show everyone that God is everywhere.

Stay strong, you have been taught to lead by example.

I look like my mother, and I pretend that it is her in the shadow that follows me as I jump through hoops and crawl through tunnels. I cannot fathom a world where she is different from me, and I from her.

Sometimes I wonder: maybe I am trying so much to become my mother that I have forgotten how to be myself: I want to tattoo all of her achievements on my skin, it would only serve as a list of all that I have yet to accomplish.

I am finding who I am supposed to be, and I look just like my mother.

Originally published in F Word.

Nelly Wat | The McGill Daily The Cocoa Butter Column is a weekly column in The McGill Daily that showcases and validates the experiences of BIPOC women and femmes through poetry.

Brown girls who have experienced events that have made them feel ‘othered’ or empowered on campus can send an original poem telling their story or email Kathleen Charles at cocoabutter@mcgilldaily.com to either schedule a short interview or send her a paragraph describing their experience. Kathleen Charles will write a poem that will validate, honour and raise awareness about what you choose to share with her in all confidentiality.

This column is here to encourage BIPOC women and femmes to speak up, take space, and reclaim our time.

16

compendium!

November 5, 2018 mcgilldaily.com | The McGill Daily

Lies, half-truths, and striking the bottom.

On the 21st of November

the staff of

The McGill Daily will elect new members of

the 2018-19 editorial board. becoming staff:

the basics: Our editors are elected by Daily staffers rather than hired by a committee.

To run for an editorial position or to vote in the election, you must be Daily staff.

To be staff, you must have six staff points – contributing articles, photos, graphics, and illustrations count as one point each. Writing a feature or coming in for a production night count as two points. If you’re not staff yet, there’s time before the election, so email an editor or DM our Facebook page to get involved!

the positions: News (x2) Managing Features Culture

Sports Photos Radio Video

November

21 5PM

the editorial board:

deadlines:

Editors share equal voting rights on issues, and work together to produce the newspaper every week. Each editor receives a monthly stipend of $290, and can apply to a financial aid package to receive $100 more each month.

For more information on individual positions, contact specific section editors (emails can be found on page 3 of this issue). You can also stop by The Daily’s office at 2075 Robert-Bourassa Blvd., Suite 500.

Crossword

elections

Jay VanPut Official Crossword Wizard

The Daily requires all candidates to submit a one-page application that includes your qualifications and interest in running, as well as two samples of writing, photos, illustrations, or design to coordinating@mcgilldaily.com. The deadline to submit your election package is NOVEMBER 18. Check the Facebook event “Join the McGill Daily team of 2018-2019!” for more information.

Across 1. “Lovely” Beatles girl 5. Comedian MacFarlane 9. Ave. crossers 12. Desertlike 13. ___ vera 14. Guy on first base 15. Antagonist of Friday the 13th 18. Ste. Catherine’s, for one 19. Voice below soprano 20. Famous vampire 26. Mardi ___ 27. TV’s “American ___” 28. Boiling blood 29. Type of wine ____ noir 31. Heavens 34. Burger toppers 35. Loafer, e.g.

36. Doctor who created life 40. “___ there, done that” 41. Hiver’s opposite 42. Antagonist of A Nightmare on Elm Street 49. Short lived craze 50. F.B.I. bust 51. Highway exit 52. Slick, like a fox 53. Neuter, as a dog 54. Linguists at McGill

Down

1. British rule in India 2. 401(k) alternative 3. “___ the season ...”

4. Makes prettier 5. Decided not to spend money 6. “Mr. Blue Sky” Band 7. Also 8. ___ Majesty 9. “A-okay!”

10. Iota preceder 11. Slightly worse than 9-down 16. Cashew, e.g.

17. Cart 20. What many fantasy movies use 21. Bobby of the Bruins 22. Abu Dhabi is its capital, abbr.

23. Wash cycle 24. “Much ___ About Nothing” 25. Camper’s bed 29. Jeu de mots 30. Bic filler 31. That girl over there 32. Type of fish in a pond 33. Japanese currency 34. Musical ensemble 35. Drives 36. Untamed 37. High-pitched 38. Geeky 39. Disco ___ (character on “The Simpsons”) 40. Favored pal, in a text 43. E.R. workers 44. Chatter 45. Korean car creator 46. Square dance partner 47. Cousin of an ostrich 48. Engine speed, for short