Whatever Urbanism

WHATEVER URBANISM UD 718: THEORIES AND METHODS OF URBAN DESIGN

WINTER 2018 | TAUBMAN COLLEGE OF ARCHITECTURE AND URBAN PLANNING

STUDENTS Xuewei Chen, MUD+MURP Olaia Chivite Amigo, MArch Benny Cruz, MArch Shane Donnelly, MArch+MUD Kunheng Han, MUD Samuel Kirchner, MUD Seth Kopka, MArch Bradley Kotrba. MURP Stephen Daniel Magray, MArch Kelsey Ryan, MUD Dewi Kartika Tan, MURP Matthew Weinberg, MArch Junxi Wu, MUD Jiushuai Zhang, MUD

INSTRUCTORS María Arquero de Alarcón Associate Professor of Architecture+Urban Planning. Director, Master of Urban Design McLain Clutter Associate Professor of Architecture. ssociate Dean of Academic Affairs and Academic Initiatives

© The Regents of the University of Michigan. All rights reserved A. Alfred Taubman College of Architecture and Urban Planning 2000 Bonisteel Boulevard Ann Arbor 48109 www.taubmancollege.umich.edu

TAUBMAN COLLEGE

architecture+urban planning

University of Michigan

WHATEVER URBANISM UD 718: THEORIES AND METHODS OF URBAN DESIGN

CONTENTS 04 08

New/Lean Urbanism

36

Tactical Urbanism

06

Projects Timeline

Collective Map

64

92

Empirical Urbanism

Post-Industrial Urbanism

Landscape / Ecological Urbanism

160

Infrastructure Urbanism

198

226

256 Informal Urbanism

284

Post-Colonial Urbanism

312

340

368

120 Social Urbanism

Typological Urbanism

Anthropocene/ Planetary / Hinterlands Urbanism

Smart City Urbanism

Visionary Urbanism

URBANISMS COLLECTIVE TIMELINE 1800

[ Tactical [ Empirical [ Post-Industrial [ Landscape + Ecological [ Lean / New

Infrastructure + Network

[

1850

1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 19

City Modern Cherry Hill Village Times Square Park(ing) Day The Stripscape Duck & Cover Emscher Park 30th Street Station Freshkills Park Klyde Warren Park Zeekracht The Plastic Sea A Plan for Tokyo Pearl River City

Masdar City [ Kashiwa-no-ha Superkilen Social [ Pedestrianization Vila Nova Palestina Informal [ Chicoloapan Old Town Jakarta Post-Colonial [ Mill Village Penang Tropical City Typological [ 21st Century Museum Ijburg Anthropocene [ Pacific Aquarium Neck of the Moon La Ville Radieuse Visionary [ Broadacre City

A-4

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Harvard Urban Design Moon Landing

TEAM X

WW2

CIAM

WW1

End of French Revolution

Historical Events

Smart City

1995 2000

Global Recession Big Data Emerges

1990

Euro September 11

Oil Crisis

1985

Berlin Wall

980 2005 2010

Cases Timeline

2015

A-5

2020

Masdar City Smart City

Ruhr River Region Post-Industrial Ville Radieuse Visionary

COLLECTIVE MAP

Mill Village Post-Colonial

The Plastic Sea Infrastructure / Network

Superkilen | Pedestr Social Ijburg Anthropocene

Zeekracht Landscape/Ecologi

E E EEE E E E

E E

E EE

Penang Tropical City Typological Old Town Jakarta Post-Colonial Pearl River City Infrastructure / Network

A-6

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

21stC. Museum of Contemporary Art Typological

City

A Plan for Tokyo Infrastructure / Network Kashiwa-no-ha Smart City Smart City

rianization

Duck & Cover Empirical

Times Square Renovation Park(ing) Day Tactical Tactical

ical

Neck of the Moon Visionary

Freshkills 30 st. Station Redevelopment Landscape/Ecological Post-Industrial

Vila Nova Palestina Informal

E

E E EE

E E

E

E E

Modern | Cherry Hill Village New / Lean Broadacre City Visionary The Stripscape Empirical

Pacific Aquarium Anthropocene Chicoloapan de Juarez Informal Klyde Warren Park Landscape / Ecological

Cases World Map

A-7

NEW URBANISM

A-8

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

New Urbanism is a design movement that emerged in the early 1990’s, largely in response to the evacuation of urban cores, associated suburban sprawl, and policies incentivizing both of these phenomena that developed in the American context in the latter half of the twentieth century. New Urbanism reasserts the validity of traditional city structures and characteristics such as walkability, density, connectivity, mixeduse zoning, and aesthetics to build a more sustainable future. Prevalent criticisms attack the movement’s conservatism – arguing that New Urbanism adheres to ostensibly “traditional” urban structures, reiterates the marginalization of un-empowered groups and identities on the basis of race, class, and gender.

Cases World Map

A-9

NEW URBANISM

INTRODUCTION

New Urbanism sprouted from planners and designers breaking with the sprawl, traffic congestion, and disconnection of traditional American suburban development. New Urbanist theory focuses on Traditional Neighborhood Development (TND); a strategy that champions inclusion of “a variety of housing types, a mixture of land uses, an active center, a walkable design and often a transit option within a compact neighborhood scale area.”1 NeoTraditionalists and New Urbanists were not the first people to reject single-use zoning, integrate varieties of housing types, and make public space prominent.

Instead, they were continuing ideas first theorized by proponents such as Jane Jacobs, Lewis Mumford, Kevin Lynch, and Dolores Hayden.2 In 1979 Robert and Darryl Davis, in conjunction with architects Andres Duany and Elizabeth Platers-Zyberk, began planning and designing the Florida coastal community of Seaside. The Neo-Traditional planning and design project was one of the first widely publicized realizations of traditional neighborhood design in America. Seaside is an entirely private development. This gave the developers a complete tabula rasa on which to write their own zoning codes and design standards independent of the city’s application and site review processes.

As Neo-Traditionalism advanced through the 1980s it evolved into New Urbanism by the 1990s. Throughout New Urbanism’s history, its proponents have attempted to display its flexibility by establishing New Urbanist developments both in pre-existing urban neighborhoods and as standalone, ground-up communities. Their stress on walkable neighborhoods, options for public transit, and the integration of multiple land-uses at the neighborhood level provides an alternative to the suburban sprawl that has shaped America since the 1940s.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

1. National League of Cities, “Traditional Neighborhood Development,” March 7, 2017, https://www.nlc.org/resource/traditionalneighborhood-development.

2. Emily Talen, “New Urbanism and the Culture of Criticism,” Urban Geography 21, no. 4 (2013): 318-341, doi: 10.2747/0272-3638.21.4.318.

Figure NU_01. Seaside, Florida Source: Tribou R. Seaside, Florida. Orlando, Florida: Orlando Sentinel; 2017.

New Urbanism

A-11

Figure NU_02-09. Left to right from top. Seaside, Florida, Andres Duany and Elizabeth Plater-Zybrek (creators of Seaside, Kentlands, Oluwalu Town, Hendrix) Kentalnds, Maryland, Laguna Hills, California, 1st Congress of the New Urbanism, Hendrix, Arizona, Oluwalu Town, Hawaii, Peter Calthorpe (creator of Laguna Hills, California).

A-12

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

New Urbanism

A-13

LINEAGE

New Urbanism is rooted in movements such as “City Beautiful” and “Garden Cities”. The City Beautiful movement stressed the importance of locations such as coastlines, harbors, rivers, and grand vistas overlooking striking natural features.

They also focused on organizing around town squares, civic malls, and public parks, arguing that these were ideal features that had been neglected by the rapid expansion of overcrowded global industrial cities.3 Ebenezer Howard, a court stenographer, was not trained as a planner or designer, but instead witnessed the ill effects that congested and polluted cities had on society. Howard’s solution was to develop new communities that were organized around a variety of land uses that ranged from agricultural and industrial to residential and civic spaces.

In 1909, the British sociologist, Sir Patrick Geddes, developed the Valley Section.

He was one of the first people to propose that settlement patterns should be related to the characteristics of specific regions. This later developed into the regional transect. The Transect organized regions based on their density, from the least dense rural regions, to the densest urban centers. Each region within that gradient maintains a variety of land uses and building types that compose the region’s character. The appeal of both City Beautiful and Garden City were their simplification of the settlement types within often unorganized and illegible cities.

The first American suburban developments began as small exurban hamlets or planned residential communities, often close to urban boundaries and accessible by trolley car or a short train ride. After World War II, sprawl expanded at unprecedented scales. The mundane mass-produced lifestyle, as well as the resources that these developments consumed began to wear on the American psyche as well as its cities and towns. Planners and designers began to look for new organizations that were less taxing on the built and natural environment.

Developments like Seaside, Florida received public attention as an attractive alternative to the traditional suburb.4 Mixed-use neighborhood and land-use development was revived and evolved into New Urbanism, a trend that cities and towns have continued to explore as a viable planning alternative to suburban development.

A-14

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Figure NU_10. Charter of the New Urbanism (1999), Sustainable Urbanism: Urban Design with Nature (2008), The New Transit Town (2004).

3. William Fulton, The New Urbanism: Hope or Hype for American Communities? (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Library, 1996).

4. Ibid.

CRITIQUE

New Urbanism is often criticized in both the scholarly and practical worlds.

The first major argument against New Urbanism is that it assumes that superior design can create a good community. Communities cannot (or should not) be designed all at once as the vision of a designer or planner, but should instead develop over time. There are many factors that change and evolve over time that are independent of design. A self-declared better design does not change the other systems that affect the ways in which society interacts with itself. This is a similar issue that the City Beautiful movement faced in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Building well-designed public spaces didn’t fix the overcrowding, class and racial segregation, poor conditions, and systematic issues that plagued American cities at the time.

Another critique of the New Urbanist doctrine is related to its self-proclaimed egalitarianism. Enclaves such as Seaside are homogeneous in nature. The careful planning and design of its custom buildings, parks, and shaded streets have created a commodity that is visually appealing. This appeal commands a high price so that residents tend to be wealthy, non-minorities who have lots of leisure time to spend in the new community’s amenity facilities. Through the selfcontrol of architectural and planning codes, New Urbanism is manipulating and oppressing. Finally, many argue that developers have created a banality in which historical imagery is painted on to create a sense of place, when in fact, it isn’t historical at all.

New Urbanism

A-15

+

CITY MODERN DETROIT, USA

City Modern is a Brush Park Development Partners revitalization project in Detroit by Bedrock Detroit and Hamilton Anderson Associates.

This community development unites Brush Park’s historic lineage with integration of modern design and urban living that emphasizes inclusive design, walk-ability, and multimodal transportation. Brush Park is situated to serve as an innovative link between Downtown and Midtown by establishing a sustainable, walkable environment for a diverse community.

A-16

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Figure NU_11. View of the Mews, landscape park between residential houses

CITY MODERN Location Year(s) Status

Detroit, USA 2020 In progress

Footprint

8.4 acres

Designer

Hamilton Anderson Associates (HAA), Hunter Pasteur Homes, Christian Hurttienne Architects (CHA), Merge Architects, Studio Dwell, and Lorcan O’Herlihy Architects (LOHA)

Additional Agents Key Project Components Program(s)

Bedrock LLC (Developer) Residential (Single Family & Multi Family Residential )& Retail Urban Infill Building Landscape and Architecture

Funding Streams

Private

Additional Items

Walkable Neighborhood Multi-modal transportation neighborhood

A-18

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

0

100 ft 25 m

Open Space

Park

Water New Urbanism

A-19

TRANSECT

0

20 feet 6m

Figure NU_12-14. Renderings of City Modern in Detroit.

A-20

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

New Urbanism

A-21

AGENTS

Buyers & Renters Chase JP Morgan FUND SOURCES

Hamilton Anderson Associates Hunter Pasteur Homes Christian Hurttienne Architects Merge Architects Studio Dwell Lorcan O’Herlihy Architects Q-line Detroit

COLLABORATORS

CITY OF DETROIT CITY MODERN CENTER BEDROCK LLC

Public Residents

INTENDED USER

LEADING ORGANIZATION

ULI Urban Open Space Award Texas Society of Architects Honor Award Federal Highway Administration Environmental Excellence Award AWARDS

PROCESS

2000 CITY MODERN

A-22

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

2005

2008

2009

2010

TAXONOMY

2012

2013

2014

Design Concept & Development

2015

2016

2017

2018

Construction began

New Urbanism

2019

2020

Target Completion

A-23

+

CHERRY HILL VILLAGE CANTON, USA

Cherry Hill Village is a mixed-use development project located at the intersection of Cherry Hill and Ridge Roads in Canton Township, Michigan. It was developed based on New Urbanist principles throughout the 1990s, as a feature of Canton Township’s updated master plan. Cherry Hill Village was developed through a collaborative effort between master developer Baltimore Development, LMK Architects, township officials, and township residents. This New Urbanist development is centered around a 400 seat performing arts center and community facility. It incorporates commercial space, singlefamily housing, and multi-family condominiums and apartments.

A-26

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Figure NU_15. Aerial view of Cherry Hills Village in Canton, USA.

CHERRY HILL VILLAGE Location Year(s) Status

Canton, USA 1998 - present In progress

Footprint

460 acres

Designer

Looney Ricks Kiss Architects & Planners

Additional Agents Key Project Components

Baltimore Development, Breault Homes, Livonia Builders Mixed-Use New Urbanist Development containing 931 single-family homes, 360 townhouses/condominiums, 600 rental Apartments, 216,000 square feet of total commercial space, 26,000 square feet of civic space, a 400-seat community theater, a firehouse and elementary school.

Program(s)

Residential (Single Family house & Multi Family House) Civic space, Elementary School, and Theatre

Funding Streams

A-28

Total Project Cost $400 million in private funds

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

0

0.2 m 0.2 km

Open Space

Park

Water New Urbanism

A-29

TRANSECT

COMMERCIAL RETAIL 0

20 feet 5m

Figure NU_16-19. Views of Cherry Hill Village.

A-30

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

SIDEWALK

BUS STOP

DROP OFF & PICKUP AREA

PLATING STRIP

2 WAY ROAD

SIDEWALK

MULTI FAMILY HOUSE

New Urbanism

A-31

AGENTS

Buyers & Renters $400 million in Private Resources FUND SOURCES

Looney Rick Kiss (LRK) Architects Biltmore Development Breault Homes Livonia Builders

COLLABORATORS

The Woodall Rodgers Park Foundation The City of Dallas

INTENDED USER

Public Residents

LEADING ORGANIZATION

Canton Township Board of Supervisors, Planning Department & Planning Commission INVOLVED INSTITUTIONS

PROCESS

1990

1995

2000

CHERRY HILL VILLAGE Project proposed & approved

A-32

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Phase One and Phase Two begin construction

Phase O and Phase T comp

One Two plete

TAXONOMY

2005

Phase Three begins

Phase Three completed.

Adjoining 122 acres purchased for further development. – Approval received to increase residential development density

2010

2015

2020

Phases Four through Seven developed, Breault Homes and Livonia Builders joins project development for remaining residential construction and land development

New Urbanism

Phase Eight in process

A-33

TACTICAL URBANISM

A-36

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

A catalog of tools to retrofit the built environment through quick, temporary, inexpensive and easily scalable urban interventions, the term aspires to long-term impacts and policy reform often operating at the neighborhood scale. Despite its popularity as a DIY toolset empowering residents to revitalize long-term distressed urban areas, Tactical Urbanism has also garnered criticism as a machine of soft gentrification that is not sufficiently inclusive and strategic.

New Urbanism

A-37

TACTICAL URBANISM

INTRODUCTION

Tactical Urbanism is an approach to the activation of neighborhoods using short-term, low-cost, and scalable interventions. Tactical Urbanism is used by a range of actors, including governments, businesses and nonprofits, citizen groups, and individuals. It makes use of open and iterative development processes, the efficient use of resources, and the creative potential unleashed by social interaction.1 This definition, given by Andres Duany in Mike Lydon’s well-curated literature, builds upon Merriam-Webster’s definition of tactical as “of/or relating to smallscale actions serving a larger purpose” or “adroit in planning or maneuvering to accomplish a purpose,” while alluding to a larger radical strategy for development that is itself a critique of conventional practices. Although projects that are defined as Tactical Urbanism may vary by source, interventions are always nimble and opportunistic. In stark contrast to traditional top-down planning, they begin from the bottom-up while still aiming to effect long-term change.

Tactical Urbanism has three consistent characteristics: short-term (and often ephemeral) implementation, scarce resources, and citizen involvement. These methods represent Tactical Urbanism’s rejection of conventional planning processes. The circumstances of the early 21st century placed significant restraints on the conventional city-building process in the United States, which had become inefficient. Tactical Urbanism emerged as an alternative, capable of bypassing the gridlock of outdated and bureaucratic traditional planning.

The ideological “push back” against conventional planning has led to the conception of many Tactical Urbanism projects that are or were initially unsanctioned. Many Tactical Urbanism projects showed clear potential as alternative (and often preferable) city programming, which governments have since adapted or implemented permanently. Park(ing) Day, for example, began as an unsanctioned urban experiment, and has since been adopted as a holiday by cities around the world. These collective successes are proof that short-term action can, in fact, create long-term change.

A-38

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

1. Quoted from Andres Duany in Mike Lydon and Anthony Garcia, Tactical Urbanism: ShortTerm Action for Long-Term Change, (Washington, DC: Island Press/Center for Resource Economics, 2015), 2.

Figure TU_01. An example of the Better Block project in Dallas, Texas from nextcity.org.

Tactical Urbanism

A-39

Figure TU_02-08. Images from Lydon and Garcia’s Tactical Urbanism.

Tactical Urbanism has many applications, and when initiated by citizens, it allows “immediate reclamation, redesign, or reprogramming of public space.�2 While the concept of small-scale intervention for long-term change was arguably conceived as a strategy for informal employment by everyday citizens, it has recently been adapted for a variety of other uses and agendas. For example, developers can implement Tactical Urbanism as a tool to test projects before making long-term investments. Additionally, governments have made use of tactical urbanism as a tool for public engagement during the planning process. Thus, the adoption of Tactical Urbanism by these entities has shown the potential to redefine public perception of top-down and bottom-up city building processes.

A-40

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

2. Quoted in Lydon and Garcia, Tactical Urbanism, 3.

Tactical Urbanism

A-41

LINEAGE

While the term “Tactical Urbanism” is fairly new, its ideas, devices, and related library of projects are not. Conceptually, “the inherent tension between the government and the governed is as old as cities themselves.”3 Perhaps the most relevant historical context for Tactical Urbanism as it has recently been defined was the economic recession in the United States in the first decade of the 21st century. At this time, a vacuum of conventional commissions for projects inspired designers and artists to pursue strategies for inventive thinking. These designers were inspired by groups such as the Green Guerillas in the 1970s, as well as practitioners who created DIY-esque urban projects during earlier recessions, such as Gordon Matta-Clark. Many of the resulting projects were more polemic than practical, and challenged conventional practice. More often than not, they were motivated by a grassroots activism and driven by local issues and needs.

A critical mass of these collective efforts was recognized soon afterward, and the public perception of these activities shifted from purely unsanctioned, political, and artistic, toward practical bottom-up activism. Rather than being deployed by artists alone, average citizens, planners, government officials, and developers alike recognized these strategies as necessary toward effecting long-term change.

The identification of these small-scale efforts as a larger idea led to the discovery of Tactical Urbanism as an effective learned response to the gridlock of conventional but outdated planning policies and initiatives.

A-42

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Figure TU_09. Volumes of Tactical Urbanism, several of which have been written specifically for foreign countries.

3. Quoted in Lydon and Garcia, Tactical Urbanism, 21.

CRITIQUE

Tactical Urbanism is considered a flexible approach towards urbanism that is less prescribed than traditional processes of urbanization. Its more free-for-all system of approach is energizing and fresh, but for all of its successes, it comes with some fundamental flaws. Its major criticism can be broken down into three parts: 1. Effectiveness 2. Soft Gentrification 3. Inclusiveness The effectiveness of Tactical Urbanism has been called into question on multiple occasions. Typical projects do not last more than a few months, and while their ephemeral nature is intentional, they do not often make a lasting impact or true change of the urban environment’s identity. Although Tactical Urbanism can become a long-term response, rarely do any projects lead to permanent changes of the urban fabric.

At this moment, Tactical Urbanism refers to a process of implementing some barriers or objects in middle- to upper-class environments. It is touted as a way to improve all types of cities, but rather only slightly alters more formally wellestablished cities. The strategies used only work on prospering cities, and when applied to a lesser area, gentrification comes into play. Tactical Urbanism has yet find a way to adapt to a variety of city types, and continues to focus on projects without considering the wants and needs of the locals, which can lead to eventual gentrification.

Tactical Urbanism is, as of now, only viewed through the lens of Western society.

Not only is Tactical Urbanism hard to find anywhere else in the world, but even within the US it is mostly unknown. The places and people that engage in Tactical Urbanism are not the same as those impacted by Tactical Urbanism. This includes lower-class communities, older generations, and foreigners. Many times, these projects exclude residents and the larger community. They are run by a few with little regard for the whole; continuously locating Tactical Urbanism projects in wealthy cities in the developed world.

Tactical Urbanism

A-43

+

TIMES SQUARE RENOVATION NEW YORK CITY, USA

Times Square has always been considered a central hub of New York City. Being at the cross-roads of Broadway and 7th Avenue, the area is highly active, both by car and by pedestrian. The conflict between pedestrian and car showed the need for change. By closing Broadway to cars at Times and Herald squares, they restored the right angles of the traffic grid. Along Seventh Avenue in Times Square, the street was reconfigured with a fourth driving lane. Clearer signaling and simplified intersections created safer crosswalks. Pedestrians had fewer lanes to cross and wouldn’t have to guess where the next car was coming from. In the process of fixing the grid for better traffic management, removing vehicles from Broadway created vast tracts of new pedestrian space for the 82% of people in Times Square who walked. Pedestrians could safely stop, snap pictures, and take in the city without creating gridlock.

A-44

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Figure TU_10. Snohetta redesign of Times Square New York.

TIMES SQUARE RENOVATION Location

New York City, USA

Year(s)

2013 - 2016

Status

In progress

Footprint

13 acres

Designer

Snohetta

Additional Agents Key Project Components Program(s) Funding Streams

A-46

New York City DOT, Private Land Owners, NYC Mayor’s Office Close down Broadway in Times Square to create more pedestrian walkways and reduce traffic incidents Pedestrian Walkway Public Funding

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

0

360 ft 180 m

Open Space Water Tactical Urbanism

A-47

TRANSECT

8TH AVE

Figure TU_11-15. Photos of Times Square.

A-48

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

TIMES SQUARE

Tactical Urbanism

A-49

AGENTS

Public Funds FUND SOURCES

Design and City Officials: Snohetla New York Dot New 42 Street Property Owners Mayor Bloomberg’s Office

COLLABORATORS

CITY OF NEW YORK NEW YORK DEPARTMENT OF TRANSPORTATION

INTENDED USER

NYC Residents + Tourists

LEADING ORGANIZATION

PROCESS

1970

1980

1985

TIMES SQUARE RENOVATION Initial concept of Times Square rejuvenation

A-50

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

1990

199

95

TAXONOMY

Folding Chairs

Tables and Umbrellas

Stone Seating

Planters

Traffic Cones

Stone Pylons

2000

Project proposal for a redevelopment of the Times Square midtown area

2005

Pilot Program Initiated: Green Light for Midtown

2010

Snohetta selected for redesign

Tactical Urbanism

2015

2020

Completion Construction begins

A-51

+

PARK(ING) DAY PHILADELPHIA, USA

In San Francisco in 2005, Park(ing) Day was conceived as a prototype for open-source urban design at the level of the ordinary citizen. It has since been adopted annually by hundreds of cities in dozens of countries worldwide, with notable examples such as its well-documented celebration in Philadelphia. It challenges the presence and necessity of ubiquitous metered parking spaces in urban spaces by proposing endless alternatives that produce and allow for creative, political, and cultural expression.

While each installation is temporary, and often quite simply constructed, they often have lasting effects in their contexts, and are collectively shifting the perception of the urban street.

A-54

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Figure TU_16. In some cities, such as this one, Park(ing) Day envelops entire streets.

PARK(ING) DAY Location Year(s) Status

Philadelphia, USA 2005 - present Ephemeral

Footprint

Dynamic; various parking lots per city’s regulations

Designer

Various

Additional Agents

Local parking authority Other government entities

Key Project Components Program(s)

Temporary interventions Parks / Recreation Local Business Tourism

Funding Streams

A-56

Public and private

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

0

500 ft 100 m

Open Space

Park(ing) Day Locations

Water Tactical Urbanism

A-57

TRANSECT

REGULARLY USED PARKING SPACES

PARK(ING) DAY INSTALLATION

Figure TU_17-21. Various temporary Park(ing) Day installations.

A-58

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

REGULARLY USED PARKING SPACES

Tactical Urbanism

A-59

AGENTS

Architecture / Design Firms Various Universities Various Institutions FUND SOURCES

Philadelphia Parking Authority AIA Philadelphia Community Design Collaborative Charter High School for Architecture & Design

COLLABORATORS

PHILADELPHIA CENTER FOR ARCHITECTURE & DESIGN

INTENDED USER

Public Residents | Students | Tourists

LEADING ORGANIZATION

Rebar’s 2005 temporary park Initiative in San Francisco

PRECEDENTS

PROCESS

1960

1970

1980

PARK(ING) DAY Green Guerillas use unsanctioned community gardening as a tool to reclaim urban land in New York City

A-60

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

1985

1990

1

1995

TAXONOMY

Potted Plants

Movable Chairs

Artificial Turf 2000

Traffic Cones

Makeshift Bench 2005

Art and design studio Rebar converts a parking space in San Francisco to a temporary park to raise awareness of the necessity for green space in urban environments

Construction Barrier

2010

2015

Park(ing) Day is first presented in Philadelphia

Tactical Urbanism

A-61

2020

EMPIRICAL URBANISM

A-64

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Empirical Urbanism reflects a commitment to design within the constraints and conditions of the city as-found. A pragmatic school of thought, Empirical Urbanists work within the political economy of the capitalist city by “rejiggering” the system to produce novel and less contentious results. Empirical Urbanism could be contrasted to visionary, utopian, or totalitarian urban design practices that are precedent on the tabula rasa – the complete erasure of existing contexts – or the top-down projection of ideologically motivated urban design.

Tactical Urbanism

A-65

EMPIRICAL URBANISM

INTRODUCTION

Empirical Urbanism is an analytical/observational approach to defining the qualities of the city in order to generate new design interventions within the city as-found. This type of urbanism emphasizes the analysis of complex geographic, socioeconomic, morphological, and historical dimensions of urbanism as preconditions to design intervention. Empirical Urbanism allows one to instigate novel urban practices that work within existing city systems.1 As explained in the After Empirical Urbanism Symposium, “through systematic analysis and documentation, Empirical Urbanism provides a framework for revealing the sometimes ‘hidden’ philosophical assumptions and design alibis among a diverse group of urban theories and practices that, while often thought to represent opposing ideologies, share an empirical approach.”2 Through this sensibility, Empirical Urbanism promotes the study of cities through experimentation and observation to acquire a holistic awareness of a complex system. It calls for architects and urbanists to be aware of the complexity of cities and to analyze the city as-found before intervening. Empirical Urbanism praises projects that generate an understanding of the city’s context, focusing more on how we can understand the city rather than change it.

Empirical Urbanism is a response to the modernist top-down approach of the latter half of the 20th century. As urban design emerged as a practice, and new approaches towards urbanism were adopted, designers introduced empirical bases to support their work. As Colin Rowe and Fred Koetter’s Collage City reflected on new ways in which cities could be understood, Empirical Urbanism sought to reposition urbanist ideals behind emerging forms of statistical and visual analysis. As a response to Modernist planning, Rowe and Koetter analyzed and criticized different methodologies of urbanization and proposed “Collage City.”

In “Collage City” they layered examples of existing city conditions that would speak to the utopia of modernism while keeping an ad hoc quality of cities. By doing so, they would generate new ways to read the city from its own fragments.3 The composite city would represent a variety of different contexts, little utopias, and laissez fare interventions in order to form new readings from these borrowed fragments.

A-66

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

1. Maria Arquero de Alarcon and McLain Clutter, “Empirical Urbanism,” Theories and Methods of Urban Design Lecture (University of Michigan, 2018).

2. Richard Sommer, Michael Piper, Ultan Byrne, Roberto Damiani, and Mauricio Quiros, “After Empirical Urbanism Symposium,” Cargo Collective, University of Toronto, February 27, 2015, http://cargocollective.com/ afterempiricalurbanism/Description.

3. Colin Rowe and Fred Koetter, Collage City (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1983).

Figure EU_01. Las Vegas Strip showing every written word seen from the road. Photo Credit: Venturi, Scott Brown & Izenour, Learning from Las Vegas.

Empirical Urbanism

A-67

Figure EU_02-06. Top: Images from Learning from Vegas Book. Bottom Left: Images from Koolhaas’ Mutations, Right: Atelier Bow Wow’s Made in Tokyo.

The emergence of these analytical practices soon reverberated among the architecture community. Practitioners like Robert Venturi, Denise Scott Brown, and Steven Izenour urged new movements of learning from the existing landscape, questioning how architects and designers may begin to look at cities. Venturi, Scott Brown, and Izenour analyzed the city of Las Vegas as a phenomenon of communication and compiled their series of analytical diagrams and observational studies in Learning from Las Vegas. Throughout the book, they attempt to move architectural practices away from acting as “authoritarian”

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

4. Robert Venturi, Denise Scott Brown, and Steven Izenour, Learning from Las Vegas: The Forgotten Symbolism of Architectural Form (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1977).

figures delivering urban renewal and new development (a product of modernism), and instead towards analyzing existing American urbanism as a socially desirable activity.4 They proceed to analyze Las Vegas’ capitalistic reality through a series of diagrams and images, creating a taxonomy of the city’s forms, signs, and symbols.

The development of these studying practices reverberated throughout the architectural practice and generated new awareness of the complexity of cities, changing the focus to how to understand the city rather than change it.

Empirical Urbanism

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LINEAGE

Although never clearly defined, Empirical Urbanism relies on encompassing a framework of the city through the understanding of the complex systems that live within it. Because of the broad spectrum of this understanding, this type of urbanism can encompass a wide range of urban theories, practices, and processes of observation. The focus of this study addresses the contemporary moment, from a western perspective, through the analysis of Dana Cuff and Roger Sherman’s Fast-Forward Urbanism.

In Fast-Forward Urbanism, Cuff and Sherman call for new operations that reference the existing urban work - the city as-found. The authors draw from different urban approaches such as, every-day and landscape urbanism, modernism and Dutch urbanization to generate a new capacity for architecture to reconfigure, revitalize and re-imagine the American city. Cuff and Sherman understand the American city as a complex system composing different types of urbanities that tell an incomplete story for contemporary urbanism.5 Addressing the agency of the architect, Cuff and Sherman urge designers to engage in a more complex role in which their interests alternate between the client and the people affected by their actions. This type of intervention challenges the role of designers, asking them to be ingenious in incorporating laissez faire urbanization practices that provoke novel practices of design that operate within architecture’s framework. While architects can propose idealized projects that are based on empirical understandings of the city, they should intend to rejigger the existing urban protocols so to promote new, yet familiar, arrangements.6 In encompassing this new method of practice Cuff and Sherman propose eight strategies to fulfill the city’s needs: the radical increment, in vivo rather than in vitro, identity and experience, recasting the performative, infrastructure as catalyst, plastic ecologies, the question of contingency and negotiating discourses. Rather than providing a toolkit for understanding the city, they provide a framework of strategies to understand the interwoven systems of the city and redirect the city’s spatial formations.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Figure EU_07. Covers of Fast-Forward Urbanism, and Learning from Las Vegas.

5. Dana Cuff and Roger Sherman, Fast-Forward Urbanism: Rethinking Architecture’s Engagement with the City (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2011).

6. Ibid.

CRITIQUE

Although Empirical Urbanism focuses on a holistic approach to analyzing the city prior to any design decisions, this same methodology of working can generate misappropriations and misreadings. Empirical Urbanism uncovers or sheds light on different assumptions about the city from the person conducting the analysis - particularly if the analyzer is an external actor. This type of scenario is reflected in the work of Rem Koolhaas’ Mutations, as discussed in Matthew Gandy’s critique of Koolhaas’ approach to the city of Lagos, Nigeria.

7. Rem Koolhaas, Harvard Design School, Stefano Boeri, Multiplicity, Sanford Kwinter, Nadia Tazi, Hans Ulrich Obrist, Mutations (Barcelona: ACTAR, 2000).

8. Mathew Gandy, “Learning from Lagos,” New Left Review (2005): 36–52.

9. Fred Koetter, “On Robert Venturi, Denise Scott Brown and Steven Izenour’s Learning from Las Vegas,” Oppositions 3 (1974): 100-101.

Rem Koolhaas studied the city of Lagos through the Harvard Research on the City program. In the early 2000s the project shed light on the city’s capacity to function given a lack of resources and essential public services considered necessary in traditional urban studies. Through a “view from above” Lagos is described as having an “asymptotic behavior that seems to indicate a terminal condition a steady state, suggesting that the Lagos condition might be years ahead of other cities.”7 However, this empirical analysis of the city was criticized by geographer Matthew Gandy as comparing it to a research laboratory, dehistoricizing and depoliticizing the city’s experience.8 The informal economy that Koolhaas praised and envisioned as the engine for western cities exists as a product of a conflicted political territory, and oppressive history that generated alternative methods of living. Therefore, Empirical Urbanism’s approach can be subject to biases of the analyzer - especially when making claims as an ‘outsider’.

Additionally, critiques on empirical methodologies of analysis and their relevance within architecture’s discourse have emerged from a frustration with attempting to provide a convincing argument for its ability to create novel practices. For example, Fred Koetter questions the character of Learning from Las Vegas, from its methodology to the relevance of its analysis. While he praises the approach, he also raises concerns on the role of architecture with all the information learned and if this analysis is even relevant for the profession to generate valuable interventions.9 Koetter’s commentary on the empirical approach begins to question the validity of analytical practices and the role of the architect to serve society and create meaningful environments from contentious analyses.

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THE STRIPSCAPE PHOENIX, USA

Located along Seventh Avenue, a one-mile commercial corridor in Phoenix, Arizona, the project utilizes an inclusive methodology that critiques both the totalizing view of conventional master-planning and the smaller tactical interventions illustrated in contemporary urban theories such as everyday urbanism.

It is a flexible and “emergent� urban infrastructure that develops with the city, establishing a new identifiable district for each neighborhood that it connects while accommodating the specific existing conditions of each site. It features amenity infrastructures that combine shade, lighting, ground surfaces, landscape, and signage to transform conventional pedestrian and automobile infrastructures into amenities such as shaded parking, display areas, outdoor seating, and recreation areas.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Figure EU_08. Combination of bands, vertical panels, canoes, and trees in Stripscape to create “amenity infrastructures.�

THE STRIPSCAPE Location Year(s) Status

Phoenix, USA 2000 - 2004 Built

Footprint

63,500 ft2

Designer

Darren Petrucci / A-I-R, Inc / Arizona State University

Additional Agents

7th Avenue Merchants Association Phoenix Public Art Department

Key Project Components

Amenity Infrastructure Shade, Lighting, Ground Surfaces, Landscape and Signage

Program(s) Funding Streams

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Street Furniture, Planting, Canopies Federal Transportation Enhancement (T-21) Grant

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

0

100 ft 25 m

Open Space Water Empirical Urbanism

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TRANSECT

SINGLE FAMILY HOUSE 0

STORAGE

10 m 50 ft

Figure EU_09-13. Drawings and realized view of the Stripscape.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

THE STRIPSCAPE INTERVENTION

7TH AVENUE

CAR SHOPS

SINGLE FAMILY HOUSE

0 0

Empirical Urbanism

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10 m 50 ft

AGENTS

Federal Transportation Enhancement (T-21) Grant FUND SOURCES

City of Phoenix Department of Street & Transportation Phoenix Public Art Department

INSTITUTIONS

PRECEDENT INITIATIVE

Arizona Department of Transportation 1968 Plan to Widen North-South Transportation Corridor

7th AVENUE MERCHANTS ASSOCIATION

INTENDED USER

Public Shop Owners, Customers | Citizens

LEADING ORGANIZATION

ASU Joint Urban Design Program (JUDP)

Darren Petrucci

COLLABORATION

PROCESS

DESIGNER

1960

1970

1980

The Melrose Neighborhood PUBLIC PARTICIPATION

1985

THE STRIPSCAPE Arizona DOT make plan to widen north-south traffic corridor on 7th Ave.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

1990

TAXONOMY

Canopy Planter

Planting Wall

Street Light

+

Billboard Furniture

Chair

Billboard

+

Water Fountain Paint on Ground

Canopy Installation

Retail Garage Sale

Scrimscape: Landscape

Appropriated Space

1995

The 7th Avenue Merchants Association (SAMA) was formed to improve neighborhood environment through art and events

2000

The city received funding and appointed Darren Petrucci to develop prototypes as new standard details for city infrastructure

2005

2010

2020

Project completed as amenity infrastructure for leisure and art activities

Design Empirical Urbanism

Installation A-79

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DUCK & COVER NEW YORK, USA

This set of projects explores how a big box retailer-- Target-- may be strategically deployed towards creating new forms of collective lives. Three projects were developed, targeting different types of urban characters that are under-supplied in each of the suburban locations. Part billboard, part landscape, the project uses an activated surface simultaneously as a strategy of advertisement and concealment, literally and figuratively “branded” with a surface graphic that broadcasts Target’s identity and functions as a formal device in which actual functions may be embedded.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Figure EU_14. Duck and Cover Rendering in the City. Image Credit: Robert Sherman Architecture + Urbanism.

DUCK AND COVER Location Year(s) Status

New York, USA 2009 Unbuilt

Footprint

6.33 acres

Designer

Roger Sherman Architecture + Urban Design

Additional Agents

4th International Architecture Biennale Rotterdam Director: George Brugmans Curators: Kees Christiaanse and Tim Rieniets

Key Project Components

Combining advertisement with landscape to create branding functional strategies Using Big Box Retail to revitalize suburban environment

Program(s)

Big Box Retail Programmatic Play Landscape

Funding Streams

Private

Alternative Uses

Use of the branding for Geo-referencing with Google satellites

Alternative Locations

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Tracy, CA: Target.TOWN, Phoenix, AZ: Target.GREEN

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

0

150 ft 25 m

Open Space Water Empirical Urbanism

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TRANSECT

SUBURB HOUSING

0

TRANSIT CORRIDOR

LOGISTICS DELIVERY

BIG BOX STORE

62.5 ft 12.5 m

Figure EU_15-19. Figures Presented at 2009 Rotterdam Architecture Biennial. Image Credit: Roger Sherman Architecture + Urbanism.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

DUCK & COVER

TRANSIT

PLAY & SHOP DISTRICT

CORRIDOR

Empirical Urbanism

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AGENTS

Ministry of Culture of Rotterdam Gemeente Rotterdam ETH Netherlands Architecture Institute (NAI) VPRO Dienst Ruimtelijke Ordening Rotterdamse Academie van Bouwkunst

Aksara Bookstore/Winfred Hutabarat, Jakarta Verein von Freunden der TU Berlin Deutscher Akademischer Ausstauschdienst (DAAD) Netherlands Institute for Sound and Vision Dutch Cultural Broadcasting Fund Mondriaan Foundation Amsterdam Art Foundation Images for the Future The Netherlands Institute for Planning and Housing (NIROV) Centraal Fonds Volkshuisvesting Amsterdam Istanbul 2010: European Capital of Culture

OTHER INITIATORS 4th International Rotterdam Architecture Biennial

FUND SOURCES

Private Stichting Bevordering Van Volkskracht Chivos Oncdo Cultuur fonds

Bundesministerium f체r Unterricht, Kunst und Kultur Kulturabteilung des Amtes der Steierm채rkischen Landesregierung, Austria The Netherlands Architecture Fund (Belvedere) Prince Claus Fund The Dutch Consulate in Istanbul, Lebanon, Jordan and Egypte Anadolu K체lt체r Friedrich-Ebert-Foundation Istanbul United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) AHRC (Arts and Humanities Research Council, UK) Isandra Matin

INITIATOR

INTENDED USER Architect Roger Sherman Architecture+ Urbanism

TARGET CITY OF NEW YORK

DESIGNER

EVALUATOR LEADING ORGANIZATION

Public Families | Downtown Employees | Tourists

The Woodall Rodgers Park Foundation Board

Venturi, Scott Brown,Izenour Learning from Las Vegas PRECEDENT INITIATIVES

PROCESS

1900

1910

1920

1930

1940

1950

1960

1970

1980

198

DUCK & COVER Window Display for commercial Advertisement

Signs and Shed become primary method for advertising in USA

Target begins Nationwide Expansion Learning From Las Vegas, Venturi, Scott Brown & Izenour

Target Discount Store is Founded by John F Geisse from the Dayton Company

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Emergence of the Decorated Shed & Duck

85

TAXONOMY

DUCK DUCK DUCK CK K UC DDU

CK

DU

DUCK

DUCK

K

DUC

CK

DU

Store front

Sign & Shed

Decorated Shed

Duck 1990

1995

Duck & Cover 2000

Target becomes a corporation

2005

2010

2015

Duck and Cover Proposed at Rotterdam Design Biennial by Roger Sherman

Empirical Urbanism

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2020

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Empirical Urbanism

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POST-INDUSTRIAL URBANISM

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Related to Post-City Urbanism, Post-Industrial Urbanism refers to a specific collection of practices and thought that has developed to rework formerly industrial cities in the absence of their industrial bases. Post-Industrial Urbanism is particularly relevant to America’s Rust Belt, as well as industrial cities throughout the western world that declined in the context of globalization in the latter half of the twentieth century.

Empirical Urbanism

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POST-INDUSTRIAL URBANISM

INTRODUCTION

Post-Industrial Urbanism is a world-wide phenomenon, left-overs ubiquitously scattered across many landscapes, both urban and ex-urban, creating shades of their former importance as economic drivers. The sheer force that industry and large-scale manufacturing imposed on human history, quite literally, created a new epoch.

Industrialism began in the mid-17th century. It spread across Europe and the United States not long after. Declination of the western industrial hegemony began to wane in the 1960s. In many cities today, the crumbling remains of manufacturing facilities and warehouses lay vacant and unused. As the population in these cities continues to decline because the immigration of low-skilled workers into city neighborhoods has stopped and the skilled workforce that could afford to moved out into suburban areas. Many of these cities have embraced the necessity to consolidate in size, infrastructure, and ability to maintain their assets.

In simpler terms, the shrinking cities of the world must become sustainable to survive. Hunter Morrison suggests that the way that these, “historically industrial communities address their legacy liabilities – such as brown-fields, widespread abandonment and disinvestment, and how low educational attainment and economic exclusion based on race and class”1 must be addressed. The suggestion that planners will always be, “merely reactive because planning has little influence on… deindustrialization, demographic change(s) and even suburbanization,”2 must also change to evolve. Many cities, like Detroit, have created streamlined land development strategies, or Pink Zoning, which, “seek(s) to transform Detroit’s complex land use regulations into a positive force for neighborhood revitalization. ‘Pink’ refers to a lessening of the ‘red tape’ that can quickly thwart revitalization initiatives. Process inefficiencies, outdated ordinances, and rigid code interpretations can strangle the most creative place-making projects, resulting in urban environments that fall short of their potential.”3

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

1. Hunter Morrison, “Lessons Learned from a Shrinking City: Youngstown 2010 and Beyond,” in Julia Czerniak, Formerly Urban: Projecting Rust Belt Futures (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2013).

2. Ibid.

3. City of Detroit, “Pink Zoning Detroit,” City of Detroit, Accessed March 26, 2018, http:// www.detroitmi.gov/Government/Departmentsand-Agencies/Planning-and-DevelopmentDepartment/Pink-Zoning.

Figure PIU_01. Industry City, Brooklyn, New York.

Post-Industrial Urbanism

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Figure PIU_02. Zollverein Coal Mine, Essen, North Rhine-Westphalia, Germany.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Figure PIU_03. The Jam Factory, London, England.

Post-Industrial Urbanism

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LINEAGE

The United Kingdom is touted at the cradle of industrialization. Beginning in the middle of the 17th century in the English Midlands region, cities like Birmingham became centers of mass production via industry. This industry was powered by great mill factories located along major rivers whose commanding flows provided the energy for machines to produce their goods. Throughout the 17th century the United Kingdom was the center for industrialization, fully embracing and shaping their society around these novel technologies. However, the titan of industry soon shifted across the Atlantic to the United States by the early 18th century.

In the United States, industrialization began in the Northeast, where similarly to the United Kingdom, factories grew around major waterways. These industrial companies drove the formation of new cities, where their entire economies and social structures revolved around the mills they were centered around. As the United States continued to expand west, so did it’s manufacturing might. With the advent of coal, oil, and electrically powered machines the Midwest became the new industrial mecca by the turn of the 20th century.

Detroit, Youngstown, Pittsburgh, and countless other cities, both domestic and abroad, grew around their mono-culture industry, many believing that their wealth and population growth would be limitless, that the singular source for their economic prosperity would continue indefinitely. Between the 1950s and 1970s these cities golden age of industry had either begun or were already in decline, as the singular companies that each urban center relied on downsized, automated, and or relocated due to advancing technology, cheaper labor, and or offers by other regions with economic incentives. As the industry, economy, and populations left, a majority of these cities were slow to act to reorganize their urban plans to meet the requirements of a shrinking city. The result of their delayed reaction to their changing environment was a post-industrial condition, characterized by high poverty rates, crime rates, contaminated grounds, and copious amounts of abandoned and or wasted space. Today these factors still plague numerous cities, all of whom must address these conditions in order to be relevant in contemporary times. Many of these forthcoming urban interventions will have to deal with re-purposing the wasted space left over by the postindustrial landscape. They will have to use the landscape that is left behind to be remade into the future of urban design.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Figure PIU_04. Covers of Drosscape and Formerly Urban: Projecting Rust Belt Futures.

CRITIQUE

Daniel Bell, an American Sociologist, created the argument that post-industrial is only a shift in societal structure and not the physical landscape. His argument being that post-industrial society is actually a shift in the structuring of the economy and causing phenomenon, such as occupational reworking to develop.

The investigation into this condition, in terms of this chapter’s thesis, is that planners and designers can contribute to the development of well designed repurposing of post-industrial space. Therefore, post-industrialism largely has social impacts outside of realm of designers, arguing that re-educating the urban postindustrial society to condition society to fit new models, which Bell has, doesn’t readily create solutions to filling brown-field sites.

5. Daniel Bell, The Coming of Post-Industrial Society: A Venture in Social Forecasting (London: Heinemann, 1974), 13.

He does suggest that this re-education may create development of new science and technology, and with this new technology post-industrial society can create an intellectual commodity market. Bell goes on in greater detail about his theory, which is beside the point. The question remains, ‘are planners and designers the ones that should handle the re-configuration of a free market society, such as capitalism which created industrialism to prevent these changes from happening?’

Unfortunately no.

What planners and designers should do is further the re-development of the postindustrial space to allow sustainable progress to move ahead in such an urbanism.

Post-Industrial Urbanism

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+

RUHR RIVER REGION RHINE-WESTPHALIA, GERMANY

The Emscher River is a tributary of the Ruhr River and the Rhine River in Northwest Germany. This region is home to Germany’s industrial heartland. The largest industry in the Ruhr river valley is coal production.

Large coal mining and refining facilities are dotted across the landscape between Duisburg and Dortmund.

Canals have been created over the last two hundred years to shuttle barges from one port to the next. The canals connect the industrial region to the North Sea and large ports such as Hamburg. De-industrialization began in earnest in the 1960s and most mines and facilities had closed by 1980s. In 1990, the region’s leaders came together and chose to reinvent themselves. Embracing the industrial past, clean up pollution, incorporate brown-field redevelopment. What they created was a decades long roll-out of infrastructure, park systems, and cultural heritage centers to embrace the region’s history.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Figure PIU_05. Example of Emscher River Park in Essen, Germany.

EMSCHER PARK NETWORK Location Year(s) Status

Emscher River, Germany 1990 - present In progress

Footprint

320 km2

Designer

Emschergenossenschaf (water/sewer board)

Additional Agents

15 regional SUD government entities 5.1 million regional residents

Key Project Components

53 km total length, Three 3,500 gallons/sec pumping stations/treatment facilities Millions of acres of parkland, incorporation of cultural elements

Program(s)

Emschergenossenschaf 15/15 plan (Water board and regional municipalities disconnect 15% sewer infrastructure within 15 years.

Funding Streams

Public and Private ventures, totaling 4.5 billion euros

Builders

Wayss & Freytag Ingenieurbau, Germany Contractor Porr Tunnelau, Austria Contractor

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

0

5.25 mile 5 km

Open Space Water Post-Industrial Urbanism

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TRANSECT

EMSCHER RIVER

NEW SEWER INFRASTRUCTURE

INNER PARKLAND

0.5 km 0

0.25 mile

Figure PIU_06-08. Photographs of an Emscher River Park (former water treatment facility), the Gelsenkirchen Pipeline along the Emscher waterway and river.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

EMSCHER SHIPPING CANAL

Post-Industrial Urbanism

A-105

AGENTS

European Union Investment Bank NRW Bank Federal Agency for Environmental Protection FUND SOURCES

Many Municipalities Private Companies Organizations of the region of North Rhine-Westphalia

COLLABORATORS

The State of North Rhine - Westphalia German Ministry of Climate Emschergenossenschaft

INTENDED USER

The Citizens of North Rhine Westphalia.

Public | Private

INSTIGATORS

PROCESS

1985

1985

1990

RUHR RIVER REGION The regional council is set up and begins the process of networking 53 separate governmental bodies to create a vast regional economic and environmental recovery

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

1995

5

TAXONOMY

2000

2005

2010

2015

Construction begins on the Gelsenkirchen Sewer System, with over 50 km of pipeline and 3 giant pumping stations.

2020

Projected completion scheduled by 2020

Gelsenkirchen Pump Post-Industrial Urbanism

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+

30TH STREET STATION REDEVELOPMENT PHILADELPHIA, USA

The 30th Street Station Redevelopment looks to reuse the vast wasted space of the rail yards next to the historic 30th Street Station along the Schuylkill River. The project was designed by SOM in conjunction with the city’s planning department, Amtrak, and nearby neighborhoods. The project renovates the station while adding commercial, residential, educational, and public use. This is achieved by the new urban fabric being built over the industrial space of the rail yards and abandoned industrial lands along the Schuylkill River. Knowledge of this proposed project represents a new turn in how cities are developing in the postindustrial world. There is a shift from seeing industrial sites as blights to the urban fabric, locations that are meant to be abandoned and uninhabited after they lose value. Today, these sites are finding renewed value in their industrial past, capitalizing on as investments into the new post-industrial future.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Figure PIU_09. Rendering of Philadelphia, USA.

30TH STREET STATION REDEVELOPMENT Location

Philadelphia, USA

Year(s)

2015 - 2050

Status

In progress

Footprint

140 acres

Designer

Skidmore, Owings, and Merrill; PennDOT, Amtrak

Additional Agents Key Project Components Program Funding Streams

A-112

Drexel University, City of Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania.

New Amtrak Rail Station, Multiple High-rise Commercial and Residential Institutional, Transit Hubs, Parks, Commercial, Residential State Capitol. Tax Incentives/Breaks, City of Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania, Drexel University, PennDOT, SEPTA, and Private Investors

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

800 ft

0 500 ft

Open Space Water Post-Industrial Urbanism

A-113

TRANSECT

SEPTA RAILYARDS

30TH STREET STATION REDEVELOPMENT O

Figure PIU_10. 30th Street Station and rail yard as it is today.

A-114

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

OVER RAILYARD

NORTHEAST CORRIDOR

SCHUYLKILL RIVER

SCHUYLKILL EXPRESSWAY

Figure PIU_11. 30th Street Station Development rendering by SOM, depicting new buildings, parks, and roadways.

Post-Industrial Urbanism

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AGENTS City of Pennsylvania Pennsylvania Industrial Development Commission (PIDC) Southeast Pennsylvania Transit Authority (SEPTA) Federal & State Tax Incentives and Breaks Amtrak FUND SOURCES

University of Pennsylvania Drexel University Skidmore, Owings & Merril (SOM) FXFOWLE ARUP !melk University City District West Philadelphia Neighborhood

COLLABORATORS

CITY OF PHILADELPHIA STATE OF PENNSYLVANIA BRANDYWINE REALTY TRUST AMTRAK PENNDOT

INTENDED USER

Public Residential | Commercial Institutional | Infrastructure Universities / Academia

INSTIGATORS

PROCESS

1930

30TH STREET STATION REDEVELOPMENT

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1940

1950

1960

30th Street Station built

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

1970

1980

1985

19

990

TAXONOMY

1995

2000

2005

2010

2015

2020

PennDOT, Amtrak , and City of Philadelphia begin accessing possible development over rail yard by 30th Street Station Project put on freeze until Philadelphia knows if they win Amazon HQ2 bid

Projected projected completion initially 2050

Post-Industrial Urbanism

A-117

LANDSCAPE / ECOLOGICAL URBANISM

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Landscape Urbanism emerged in the 1990’s in response to the dissipation of traditional urban cores in the context of the American city. In the wake of political, cultural, and economic developments that left many cities spotted with urban voids and spaces of disinvestment, the disciplinary tools and intellectual traditions of the landscape architect were uniquely suited to make sense of newly vacuous cities by suturing their disconnected systems through the medium of the horizontal surface. Today this legacy persists in design practices with interests in infrastructure, public space, and urban metabolism.

With deep ties to the project of Landscape Urbanism, and drawing from the methods and techniques of the field of (Urban) Ecology, the term calls for a holistic, multi-scalar and system-based approach to the study of the urban phenomena addressing urgent environmental concerns, novel models of urban governance and finance, and a regained cultural relevance. Central to the term is the agency of design in better integrating the ecological and social urban functions in the production of sustainable ecosystems.

Post-Industrial Urbanism

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LANDSCAPE & ECOLOGICAL URBANISM

INTRODUCTION

Landscape Urbanism emerged near the end of the 20th century in response to dramatic changes in American cities, in which open space in urban areas was re-conceived as an alternative to architecture as a medium for “articulating a layered, non-hierarchical, flexible, and strategic urbanism.”1 This approach viewed metropolitan areas as living arenas of change over time, and rejected the marginalization of landscape architects as mere purveyors of bourgeois decoration that was marginal to spatial formation. Landscape Urbanism argues that the transformation of contemporary urban territory is far too complex to allow for isolated disciplinary specialization and that landscape is a critical part of the urban environment, rather than a polar opposite to architecture in a binary system.

Landscape Urbanism is championed by theorists and designers James Corner and Charles Waldheim. In their writing, they argue that infrastructural systems and public landscapes could be used as ordering mechanisms in the urban field.

The acceptance of landscape as urban fabric can be used to create spaces that are adaptable to (and that anticipate) open-endedness, indeterminacy, negotiations and changing urban conditions. Corner believes that the actual processes of urbanization are far more significant to the shaping of cities than the spatial forms of urbanism themselves, emphasizing the importance of design and accommodation to process rather than fixed form.2 Similarly, Ecological Urbanism considers the urban condition with a world-view that is fluid in scale and disciplinary focus. Design provides the synthetic key to connect ecological principles with urbanization processes in an integrated way.

In many ways, Ecological Urbanism is an evolution and critique of landscape urbanism, arguing for a more holistic approach to the design and management of city regions. To some extent, we can say that Ecological Urbanism is a worldwide revolution of theory and practice of city, of changes of current urban planning, and method and mode of urban management, and even of a new lifestyle.

Originally, the core concept of Ecological Urbanism is to treat a city as an urban

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

1. Charles Waldheim, Landscape as Urbansim: A General Theory (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2016).

2. James Corner, “Terra Fluxus,” in The Landscape Urbanism Reader (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2006).

Figure LEU_01-02. Left to Right: Field Conditions Diagram, Stan Allen. Concept of Ecological Urbanism.

Lansdacpe / Ecological Urbanism

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Figure LEU_03-06. Top, Left to Right: Parc de La Villette. High Line Park. 11th Street Bridge. Yokohama International Passenger Terminal.

ecological system, and to try to create harmonious, efficient, green urban human habitation environments from society, economy, culture, planning and other aspects. Besides, Ecological Urbanism proposes a strengthening of the perception towards the city, an emphasis on urban mobility, and a focus on productive landscape. Ecological Urbanism draws from ecology to inspire an urbanism that is more socially inclusive and sensitive to the environment, while being less ideologically driven than its predecessor.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Figure LEU_07-11. Bottom, Left to Right: 2009 GSD Ecological Urbanism Conference and exhibition.

Lansdacpe / Ecological Urbanism

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LINEAGE

Landscape Urbanism emerged over time through the influences of multiple precedents, designers, schools of thoughts, and socio-economic conditions. The moment where Landscape Urbanism starts to emerge from the discipline of landscape architecture is in the late 1800s in Frederick Law Olmsted’s Central Park in New York City and Back Bay Fens in Boston. In the Theory of Landscape Urbanism, Olmsted stands as the founder of the discipline. Both projects use the combination of ecological and infrastructural systems, however landscape urbanism in its deployment in the contemporary city strives to integrate contrasting systems. The decentralization of infrastructure and production, the unprecedented suburban development and the extended disinvestment in central cities significantly contributed to the emergence of Landscape Urbanism. In the 1950s U.S. cities were rapidly extending horizontally, reducing the distinction between city and countryside. The 1960s was a period of urban renewal policies and projects that resulted in the progressive deindustrialization of the city and the subsequent loss of jobs and population. The abandonment of inner cities and the obsolescence of industry happened hand in hand with the suburbanization of the territory that experienced the largest population increase in its history. The economic recession in the 1980s brought a decline in building and construction, and architects turned their attentions to competitions that dealt with larger postindustrial landscapes left behind in the metro regions. This was a peak moment in the emergence of Landscape Urbanism, although many projects from these competitions embodying the principles of Landscape Urbanism remained speculative. Critical in the formative years of Landscape Urbanism approach was the project produced by OMA for the competition for Paris’ Parc de la Villete in 1982. Although not the winning entry, the approach to address this former industrial site introduced key concepts like programmatic diversity, connections and superimpositions, and maintenance regimes. As Landscape Urbanism moved into the 21st century, it remained applicable through its principle of adapting to the changes in urban conditions that have and will continue to affect cities, more specifically in the integration of infrastructural systems of the industrial age and the natural ecology. Landscape Urbanism, in its later years of progression became the umbrella for branches of similar design methodologies, specifically Ecological Urbanism.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Figure LEU_12. Landscape Urbanism Publications, Ecological Urbanism Publications.

LINEAGE

3. Jari Niemela, “Ecology and Urban Planning.,” Biodiversity and Conservation 8 no. 1 (1999): 119131.

4. Mohsen Mostafavi and Gareth Doherty, Ecological Urbanism (Baden: Lars Müller Publishers, 2010).

The predecessor of Ecological Urbanism is Urban Ecology. Urban Ecology is the scientific study of the interactions of organisms, built structures, and the physical environment where people are concentrated.3 It started in the 1970s as the ecological study of human-dominated landscapes. Then, several organizations, like School of Chicago, UNESCO and US National Science Foundation, in different periods gradually developed a diversity of approaches to urban ecology towards easing the deteriorative relationship between human and nature. In past decades the overconsumption of resources and the ever increasing pollution have forever altered the fragile balance between humans and nature. Based on a gradually deeper understanding of urban ecology, people tried to involve it into urbanism to address complicated problems among environment, human and city. However, the call for an Ecological Urbanism didn’t form until the end of 2008, current Dean of Harvard University Graduate School of Design, Mohsen Mostafavi, coined the term to integrate ecology with Landscape Urbanism – using less resources to build cities and creating new landscape environment and space aesthetics. Then in April 2009, The Ecological Urbanism Conference was organized

by Harvard University Graduate School of Design. This conference brought together design practitioners and theorists, economists, engineers, environmental scientists, politicians and public health specialists, with the goal of reaching a more robust understanding of ecological urbanism and what it might be in the future. A central aim of this conference, parallel exhibition, and forthcoming publication, was to provoke multiple discussions on the ecologies of urbanism as a way to addressing sustainability at urban scales. Ecological Urbanism was published in 2010 with over forty new projects that consider the city using multiple instruments and a world-view that is fluid in scale and disciplinary focus. Design provides the synthetic key to connecting ecology with an urbanism that is not in contradiction with its environment.4

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CRITIQUE

Landscape Urbanism has been highly criticized since its inception. Its most wellknown critics have been Andres Duany and Emily Talen, who have consistently argued against the perception of landscape supplanting architecture as a more capable medium for shaping cities, culminating in the publication of Landscape Urbanism: Dissimulating the Sustainable City in 2013.5 Within the book, Talen ultimately asserts that the most serious problem with Landscape Urbanism is an apparent ignorance of humans and the human scale in its theoretical approach.

Another major criticism of Landscape Urbanism is an alleged pervasive ambiguity. The writings of James Corner and Charles Waldheim convey ideas of projects that might fit the bill, but don’t provide a clear framework for application.

On the other hand, the flexibility of program and space that landscape urbanism calls for leads to an ambiguity of identity in practical results.

Landscape Urbanism is unique in that it was ideally suited for American cities at a time when funding for conventional architecture projects was limited, while the departure of large sums of people from inner cities left massive open spaces with untapped social and ecological potential. The financial aspect of landscape urbanism’s contextual impetus, furthered by the infrequency of the United States government’s investments in large-scale parks and public projects, resulted in the purely speculative nature of most landscape urbanism projects. This hints to a lack of understanding of practical real estate logic by landscape urbanism proponents, and a clear incompatibility between these projects and the United States’ system of funding for large-scale architectural projects. However, it also suggests that landscape urbanism projects may be better suited to countries more prone to public spending. This is evidenced by the success of projects by firms like Turenscape in China, where the government has a far greater capacity to advance large-scale projects. The reason for this is that in China, the urban land belongs to government, so the large-scale projects are always funded by government. Upon on this background that political power determines public power, it is easy for large-scale projects to come up.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

5. Andres Duany and Emily Talen, Landscape Urbanism and its Discontents: Dissimulating the Sustainable City (Gabriola: New Society Publishers, 2013).

Therefore, such large-scale projects which are based on the theory of Landscape Urbanism emphasizing city as an integral landscape system, coupled with China’s politics, are easily achieved in China. However, such top-down projects merely reflect the wills of designers and seldom involve public. In this point, we can only assume that the large-scale landscape projects accomplish partial theory of Landscape Urbanism. Whether they can satisfy the public still remains question.

As a critique and an evolution of Landscape Urbanism, to some extent, Ecological Urbanism supplements the deficiency of Landscape Urbanism on the theoretical level. Ecological Urbanism emphasizes the participation of human activity in ecology both in the visible dimension and the invisible dimension.

Nevertheless, Ecological Urbanism’s contributions do not necessarily provide a solution to landscape urbanism’s primary limitation: the gap between theory and practice.

6. Matthew Gandy, “From Urban Ecology to Ecological Urbanism: An Ambiguous Trajectory,” Area 47 no. 2 (2015), doi: 10.1111/ area.12162.

Ecological Urbanism which is led by designers and based on the method of human intervention is contradictory with the essence of nature. The contemporary emphasis on the “greening” of cities ranges from spontaneous manifestations of “wild urban nature” to manufacture landscape that from an integral dimension to the “recapitalization” of post-industrial sites, disused waterfronts and other ostensibly “empty” spaces.6 In this process, there is still a doubt that whether the guidance of Ecological Urbanism could suit the requirement of urban ecological security. Additionally, Ecological Urbanism may provide “justification” for political intrigue. It could become a tool of political ambition. The Ecological Urbanism projects would start with removing slum settlements from more lucrative locations. In this case, “gentrification” would appear and social inequity would be the potential result of Ecological Urbanism.

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KLYDE WARREN PARK DALLAS, USA

This project combines landscape and infrastructure in order to create an urban park, which acts as a bridge connecting two districts in the City of Dallas, previously divided by an eightlane highway. The objective behind the development of Klyde Warren Park was to overcome the physical and psychological barriers that divided the Uptown and Downtown districts of Dallas. The integration of ecological and infrastructural systems played a key role and developing the space. The park was seen as a catalyst for the city in promoting pedestrian activity and economic growth. To achieve such a feat as spanning a landscaped park across a highway required not only the combination of multiple professional disciplines, but the integration of natural systems with the existing and new infrastructure.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Figure LEU_13. Aerial view of Klyde Warren park Dallas, Texas.

KLYDE WARREN PARK Location

Dallas, USA

Year(s)

2004 - 2012

Status

Built

Footprint

5.2 acres

Designer

The Office of James Burnett

Additional Agents Key Project Components Program(s) Funding Streams Primary Focus Concept Influence

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Woodall Rodgers Park Foundation Creating a physical and psychological bridge between two districts in Dallas, and simultaneously integrating ecological and infrastructural systems.

Open recreational and flexible lawns, designated children’s playground, events pavilions, and restaurant space.

Public & Private The integration of multiple systems, existing, natural, and infrastructure.

This urban park was initially instigated as a social and economic development driver in the city.

Klyde Warren Park embraces the medium of landscape in shaping the city.

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

0

150 ft 112 ft

Open Space Water Lansdacpe / Ecological Urbanism

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TRANSECT

MUSEUM

0

DOWNTOWN FINANCIAL DISTRICT 160 feet

120 feet

Figure LEU 14-17. Aerial view of Klyde Warren Park and its urban context. Key objects that characterize the programming throughout the park.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

KLYDE WARREN PARK`

FEDERAL RESERVE BANK

HIGH-END HOUSING

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AGENTS

Public The City of Dallas State Highway Fund State Stimulus Funds

Private Texas Capital Bank Real Estate Council Individual Donors

FUND SOURCES

The Woodall Rodgers Park Foundation The Office of James Burnette Jacobs Engineering Group Texas Department of Transportation McCarthy Building Companies, Inc.

INSTITUTIONS

COLLABORATORS

INTENDED USER

The Woodall Rodgers Park Foundation The City of Dallas

MAINTENANCE

LEADING ORGANIZATION

Public Families | Downtown Employees | Tourists

The Woodall Rodgers Park Foundation Board

ULI Urban Open Space Award Texas Society of Architects Honor Award Federal Highway Administration Environmental Excellence Award AWARDS

PROCESS

1960

1970

1980

KLYDE WARREN PARK First time the concept of a deck park built over the Woodall Roders Freeway is considered

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

1985

1990

1

1995

TAXONOMY

Fermob Bistro Chair

Fermob Bistro Table

Food Truck

2000

Pathway Lighting

Street Tree

2005

Concept resurfaces and support for future development is established

2010

The Real Estate Council provides a $1 billion grant to fund a feasibility study, and a total of $2 million dollars in private donations were given towards the development of the park

2015

Construction begins

2020

Projected completion and open to public

The Woodall Rogers Park Foundation is formed and this organization led the project from design to completion

Before Construction Lansdacpe / Ecological Urbanism

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After Construction

+

FRESHKILLS PARK NEW YORK, USA

Freshkills Park is a massive landscape project built over a capped former landfill site. Its design turns Staten Island’s western coastline into a public park. It also provides a habitat for the area’s native wildlife and curates manufactured ecologies of native New York plantings. Due to its large size, it is projected to take over 30 years to complete. The project explores how landscape can be used as a medium for overlapping numerous processes and systems, including biology, hydrology, and human interaction. Through the integration of these processes, Freshkills Park produces a new type of urban nature.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Figure LEU_18. Rendering of Freshkills Park.

FRESHKILLS PARK Location

New York, USA

Year(s)

2001 - 2036

Status

In progress

Footprint

2,200 acres

Designer

James Corner Field Operations

Additional Agents

New York City Department of Parks and Recreation New York City Department of City Planning

Key Project Components

Native Landscape Restoration Ecological Atonement Sustainability

Program(s)

Parks / Recreation Park Buildings Infrastructure

Funding Streams

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Public

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

0

2000 ft 500 m

Open Space

Landfill

Water Lansdacpe / Ecological Urbanism

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TRANSECT

NEW JERSEY

ARTHUR KILL

Figure LEU_19-22. The observation tower, kayaking on the channel, a bicycle track, and solar collectors at the park.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

FRESHKILLS LANDFILL

HIGHWAY STATEN ISLAND NEIGHBORHOODS

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AGENTS Mayoral Capital Funds New York State Department of State New York State Department Funds Recreation and Historic Preservation Federal Highway Administrations FUND SOURCES

James Corner Field Operations NY City Planning BKSK Architecture SAGE + COMBE Architects

COLLABORATORS

NEW YORK CITY DEPARTMENT OF PARKS AND RECREATION FRESHKILLS: PARK ALLIANCE

INTENDED USER

Public Residents | Tourists

CLIENT

2001 NYCDCP International Design Competition INITIATIVES

PROCESS

1930

1940

1950

1960

FRESHKILLS PARK A salt marsh in Staten Island is converted to a landfill

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

1970

1980

1985

19

990

TAXONOMY

Wind Turbine

Observation Tower 1995

Hiking Trail

Wetlands 2000

The landfill is closed, and NYC City Planning holds a design competition to find a landscape architect to design it as a park

Trees

Native Plantings 2005

Kayak Launch

2010

James Corner Field Operations is selected as the landscape architect; schematic design and design development

2015

Construction begins

Phase 1 Lansdacpe / Ecological Urbanism

2020

Projected completion scheduled by 2036

Phase 2

Phase 3 A-147

+

ZEEKRACHT THE NORTH SEA, NETHERLANDS

Zeekracht is a master-plan for the North Sea. It maps out a massive renewable energy infrastructure engaging all of the surrounding countries-- and potentially those beyond-- in a international effort that will be both immediately exploitable and conducive to decades of coordinated development.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Figure LEU_23. Aerial view of Zeekracht, the North Sea.

ZEEKRACHT Location Year(s) Status

The North Sea, Netherlands 2008 - 2040 Commissioned study

Footprint

285,000 km2

Designer

OMA

Additional Agents

Client: Natuur en Milieu, Project Director: Art Zaaijer, Project Leader: Talia Chiao, Christopher Parlato, Franziska Singer

Key Project Components

The Energy Super-ring, The Protection Belt, The Reefs The International Research Center

Program(s)

Complex Living Integrated System Design around Wind Energy New Recreation Parks, New Cultural Hubs and Service Islands

Funding Streams Jobs Supply

Public Manufacturing Jobs: 187,000 Supply Chain Jobs: 500,000 Operation&Maintenance Jobs: 7,800

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

0

625 miles 800 km

Open Space

Shipping Port

Water

Wind Farm Lansdacpe / Ecological Urbanism

Converted Oil/Gas Production Center

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TRANSECT

0

1/20 mile 1/20 km

Figure LEU_24-28. Photos of Zeekracht, Natuur & Milieu.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

DUTCH TOWN

Lansdacpe / Ecological Urbanism

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AGENTS

Dutch Ministry of Economic Affairs FUND SOURCES

PARTNER: Rem Koolhaas, Reinier de Graff PROJECT DIRECTOR: Art Zaaijer PROJECT LEADER: Terri Chiao, Christopher Parlato, Franziska Singer

COLLABORATORS

NATUUR & MILIEU

INTENDED USER

Public Countries around the North Sea

CLIENT

Zeekracht - A Strategy for Masterplanning the North Sea OMA, 2008 PUBLICATION

PROCESS

1990

1995

2000

ZEEKRACHT

Pha A-156

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

ase 1

TAXONOMY

The Energy Super-Ring

Adjacency to Super-Ring

The Production Belt

Shipping Power

2005

The Reefs

Ecological Stimulus

Energy Storage

2010

The Current Situation

The International Research Center

Hybrid GasWind Energy

Gas/oil Platform

2015

Building Towards the Future

2020

Fulfilling National Needs

2025 Building towards Int’l Cooperation 2030 Sharing Power 2040 The New Economics of Energy

Phase 2

Phase 3

Phase 4 Lansdacpe / Ecological Urbanism

Phase 5

Phase 6 A-157

INFRASTRUCTURE / NETWORK URBANISM

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Network Urbanism is a means of re-conceptualizing cities within the increasingly interconnected context of global capitalism. This way of theorizing urbanism emerged in the latter half of the twentieth century, following international economic liberalization, the deindustrialization of many first world nations, and the attendant industrialization of many developing countries.

Network Urbanism problematizes the way the economic flows of global capital, goods, and population have created urban entities that exist outside of the juridical, aesthetic, and spatial logics of traditional cities within sovereign states.

Drawing on the role of infrastructure as main driver of urban transformation under the auspices of globalization, the term Infrastructure Urbanism reclaims the role of the designer in the deployment of intelligent polyfunctional systems.

Lansdacpe / Ecological Urbanism

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INFRASTRUCTURE/NETWORK URBANISM

INTRODUCTION

Infrastructural Urbanism explores how spatial and social forms are transformed through infrastructural interventions. It is interested in the interplay between social and spatial aspects of infrastructural systems within the current economic and political context.1 It looks to understand infrastructures as more than supplementary systems as defined over the last century in an attempt to revitalize and jump start decaying infrastructural systems.

It needs to change; multi-use sought within infrastructural development can accommodate changes in transportation technology, unused infrastructure in urban settings, and establish a relationship with the built environment to provide connectivity at the pedestrian level in locations that currently cater only to automobiles. A transition must happen, and the approach toward new and existing infrastructure must become part of the designed urban fabric of cities.2 In many ways, infrastructure allows urban environments to exist and thrive, but it rarely considers how cities are planned and developed. Infrastructure acts as the invisible, but fundamental element that organizes urban space. Infrastructures organize and manage complex systems of flow, movement, and exchange. In this way, urban infrastructure is often seen as something that allows the city to function, but at times is separate from the life of the city itself. “Not only do they provide a network of pathways, they also work through systems of locks, gates,and valves – a series of checks that control and regulate flow.”3

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

1. Pierre Bélanger, Landscape as Infrastructure: A Base Primer (Abingdon: Routledge, 2017).

2. Ibid.

3. Stan Allen, Points Lines: Diagrams and Projects for the City (New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2012).

Figure INU_01. Louis Kahn, “Reformed Traffic Circulation Pattern, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, 1952.”

Infrastructure / Network Urbanism

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Figure INU_02-07. Computer City, Peter Cook, Leslie Street Split Views, Field Conditions Stan Allen, Youngstown, OH vacancy map. Love Canal.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Infrastructure / Network Urbanism

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LINEAGE

The story of people can be told through our infrastructure. In the rise and fall of cities throughout history, the places best positioned for a thriving future have always been those that offer systems to create the lives that we want. And we can see that as the innovations of canals, aqueducts, railroads, and highways did in their time, the kind of infrastructure that we build today matters to our success. If we do it right, it will forever transform our way of life.3 Infrastructural Urbanism developed from comparisons between the logistics and networking of infrastructural systems and the urbanization of certain territories.

It was not until infrastructural systems began breaking down that a change was needed. A system that was once hidden became exposed by its own decay.

With this decay an adjustment in approach to infrastructure was needed. The evidence was clear: the toxic spills and dirty run off, like the toxic spill of Love Canal, displayed that a change had to be made. This new approach opened the conversation of how infrastructural systems could ingrate into urban designs.

Infrastructural Urbanism was published by architect Stan Allen, a New York architect and author. Allen’s writings emphasize that architecture cannot only be defined by its meaning. This means that the connection of said meaning and function emphasize the relationship of the human condition to architecture. Infrastructure works not so much to propose specific buildings on given sites, but instead to construct the site itself. Infrastructure prepares the ground for future buildings and creates conditions for future events. Its primary modes of operation include: division, allocation and construction to support future programs, the establishment of networks for movement, communication and exchange.4

Figure INU_08. Points + Lines: Diagrams and Projects for the City.

3. Ryan Gravel, Where We Want to Live: Reclaiming Infrastructure for a New Generation of Cities, (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2016), xi.

4. Hannah Boyd, “Infrastructural Urbanism: Hybridizing Our Networks,” Honors College Capstones and Theses, May 4, 2017, http://digitalcommons.kennesaw.edu/honors_ etd/12.

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CRITIQUE

The shortcomings of Infrastructural Urbanism lie in its desire to add specificity to the agents that define it. This is mainly a fault of the many disciplines involved in its creation. In the workings of city making, the concept of infrastructure embodies different meanings depending on the theoretical framework with which it is interrogated. To landscape architects and ecologists, nature is a form of infrastructure. To planners and engineers the definition of infrastructure might be quite different, ranging from highways and railways, to academic institutions and hospitals. Whatever the case, redefining the perception of infrastructure is critical for determining the mode of intervention.

Another challenge of Infrastructural Urbanism lies in presenting the pivotal role infrastructure has in shaping a space and promoting a quality of life to both government entities and private developers. In the case of cities that have monoeconomies, such as those of industrial production, the infrastructure developed caters more specifically to the particular needs of its sponsors by providing the necessary facilities that aid in the production of goods. This is mainly a result of the financial contributions these industries have on the economic health of a region. Here the main challenge is the innate attitude embedded in the desire for profitability, which tends to disregard the impact caused by such processes or the consideration for possible futures where these megalithic industries are no longer providing revenue streams for the region or utilizing the networks built. Yet, this is where the potential for intervention lies. The excess of infrastructural elements could find new life in the re-imagined uses cities could assign them. With many cities growing and many shrinking, the demands and expectations on what infrastructure is or should be is never constant. Infrastructural Urbanism cannot start anew. It is hindered by the limitations of aging technologies, methods of production, and financial dependency.

Infrastructure / Network Urbanism

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+

THE PLASTIC SEA EL EJIDO, SPAIN

A rocky infertile part of Spain began to change in the 1970s. The growth in greenhouses started in the late 1970s as a local response to an economic opportunity to provide vegetables to the European marketplace. The transformed landscape has also transformed the economy from a land of farmers struggling in dry rocky soil to an economy of extremely wealthy greenhouse owners. The outcome of this overwhelmingly large amount of greenhouses are a sea of plastic that can be seen from space. The entire region is dedicated to these greenhouses and not much else.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Figure INU_09. “L’âge De L’Homme : Comment Les Humains Transforment La Planète.”

THE PLASTIC SEA Location

El Ejido, Spain

Year(s)

1970 - present

Status

In progress

Footprint

26,000 acres

Designer

Local Farmers

Additional Agents Key Project Components Program(s) Funding Streams

A-170

City of El Ejido, Private Land Owners Landscape that is composed of Greenhouses Farming and Agriculture Private

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

650 ft

0 100 m

Open Space Water Infrastructure / Network Urbanism

A-171

TRANSECT

CITY CENTER

TRANSIT CORRIDOR

Figure INU_10-13. Images of El Ejido.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

GREENHOUSES

Infrastructure / Network Urbanism

A-173

AGENTS

Private Funds

FUND SOURCES

Designers and City Officials: CITY OF EL EJIDO PRIVATE LAND OWNERS

COLLABORATORS

PRIVATE LAND OWNER

INTENDED USER

100,000 Works Immigrants 1 billion dollar Economy

LEADING ORGANIZATION

Mubadala Development Company FUND SOURCES

PROCESS

1960

1970

1980

EL EJIDO The first development of Greenhouses

A-174

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

1985

1990

1

1995

TAXONOMY

Crops

Greenhouses

2000

2005

2010

2015

Most of El Ejido’s landscape is now occupied by Greenhosues

Infrastructure / Network Urbanism

A-175

2020

+

A PLAN FOR TOKYO TOKYO, JAPAN

Tange imagined a new urban plan for the city of Tokyo for the 1960 World Design Conference. It manifested itself as a 15 kilometer long series of islands, ring roads, offices, and housing blocks across the entirety of Tokyo Bay. It was a direct response to the massive inflation of Japan’s population following the end of World War II which caused the country’s urban areas to sprawl out into the country-side with alarming speed.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Figure INU_14. Rendering of “A Plan for Tokyo.”

A PLAN FOR TOKYO Location Year(s)

Tokyo, Japan 1960

Status

Unbuilt

Footprint

35 km2

Designer

Kenzo Tange

Additional Agents Key Project Components Program(s)

MIT, The Metabolist Group, 1960 World Design Conference Infrastructure Housing, Vehicular Infrastructure, Office Space, Commercial Space Public Space, Parks

Funding Streams

Japanese Committee for Housing World Design Conference 1960

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

0

1.5 mile 1 km

Open Space Water Infrastructure / Network Urbanism

A-181

TRANSECT

RESIDENTIAL ISLANDS

0

1 mile

RESIDENTIAL ISLANDS

1 km

Figure INU_15-19. Model views and drawings.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

TRANSIT CORRIDOR

TRANSIT CORRIDOR

OFFICE AND CIVIL

OFFICE AND CIVIL

L CORRIDOR

CORRIDOR

TRANSIT CORRIDOR

TRANSIT CORRIDOR

RESIDENTIAL ISLANDS

RESIDENTIAL ISLANDS

Infrastructure / Network Urbanism

A-183

AGENTS

Public Fund Private Fund FUND SOURCES

Kenzo Tange Konho Kurokawa Arata Isozaki MIT The Metabolist Collective

INTENDED USER COLLABORATORS

STEERING COMMITTEE OF THE WORLD DESIGN CONFERENCE HOUSING COMMITTEE OF JAPAN

RECOGNITION

INITIATORS

PROCESS

1940

1950

1960

1970

General Public of Tokyo

World Design Conference 1960

1980

PLAN FOR TOKYO Plan is completed and showcased at the 1960 World Design Conference in Tokyo Tange begins work on the plan at MIT Tokyo is heavily bombed by the Allied Powers

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Tange reexamines the plan

1985

1990

0

TAXONOMY

Commercial + Office

1995

Civil

2000

Housing

2005

2010

2015

First 5-Year Plan

Second 5-Year Plan

Third 5-Year Plan

Fourth 5-Year Plan

Infrastructure / Network Urbanism

A-185

2020

+

PEARL RIVER CITY ZHUJIANG RIVER, CHINA

Pearl River City is a speculative project that accepts the realization of the HKZMB, a 45 kilometer bridge connecting Hong Kong, Zuhai, and Macau. The project identifies the harbor as a strategic location in which to craft an economic condition, with “entrepreneurial logic”, to serve as the extended landscapes of production for these regions. The proposal implies the occupation of three sovereign powers within one building enclave exporting their specialization. Macau will be a casino. Hong Kong will be a shopping mall. China will dedicate itself to food production and export, as well as markets and restaurants.

The building’s footprint covers the entire site, maximizing its volumes with the influence of the automobile infrastructure below and the airport paths above.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Figure INU_20. “Pearl City” Plan.

PEARL RIVER CITY Location Year(s) Status

Zhujiang River, China 2010 Unbuilt

Footprint

925,000 m2

Designer

Jonathan Solomon

Additional Agents Key Project Components

Katrina Stoll, Scott Lloyd, Stan Allen Three dimensional sovereignty Architecture as Infrastructure

Program(s)

Macau’s Casino, Hong Kong’s shopping Mall, China’s food production and export

Funding Streams

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Private

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

0

1 mile 1 km

Open Space

0’

Water Infrastructure / Network Urbanism

A-191

2000’

4000’

TRANSECT

Figure INU_21-26. Maps of Zhuhai River and Renderings.

A-192

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Infrastructure / Network Urbanism

A-193

AGENTS

Jovis Publication

FUND SOURCES

INFRASTRUCTURE AS ARCHITECTURE

Jonathan D Solomon

INITIATOR

ARCHITECTS

Architects

Katrina Stoll Scott Lloyd Stan Allen

INTENDED USERS

PROCESS

1800

1850

COLLABORATORS

1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970

PEARL RIVER DELTA British and Chinese sign 99 year lease of HK to Britain Macau is recognized as Portuguese territory The British gain HK Opium War between China and Britain

A-194

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Japan occupies HK HK turns from important trading port to a manufacturing economy Macau gambling industry booms

Zhuha becomes a Special Economic Zone

198

80

TAXONOMY

Enclave + Space of Production

Hong Kong Zhuhai Bridge 1985

1990

1995

Macau inaugurates its international airport Zhuhai FTZ is founded British lease over HK expires Construction of Lotus bridge connecting Macau and Zhuhai

2000

2005

HK tallest building constructed.

International Finance Center Sai Van bridge is completed between Macau and Zhuhai

2010

Construction of the HKZB begins

HKZB construction completed

2010: HK New tallest building is constructed.

484 meters International Commerce Center

2018: HKZB scheduled to be open

Macau East Asian Games Dome is inaugurated

Infrastructure / Network Urbanism

2015

A-195

2020

SMART CITY URBANISM

A-198

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Smart-City Urbanism refers to theory and practice around the emergence of embedded technology, remote sensing, ubiquitous computing, and autonomous mobility within 20th and 21st century urbanism. Critical, projective, and visionary perspectives to the emergence of these technologies will be discussed.

Infrastructure / Network Urbanism

A-199

SMART CITY URBANISM

INTRODUCTION

The Smart City is an urban imaginary combining the concept of ‘green cities’ with technological futurism and giving a name to techno-centric visions of the city of tomorrow. At the same time, smart city is a framework for policies supporting technological and ecological urban transitions, a political technology that is currently spreading across Europe and fertilizing national and local political agendas.1 According to a census organized by the United Nations, by 2050, 60% of the world’s population is expected to occupy urbanized territories. Technology is a relatively new force used in marketing the development of these urbanized territories for cities and elites competing in the global economy. The ease and accessibility of emerging technologies offers cities the opportunity to promote an image of a city with rapid public transit, green infrastructure, clean energy, a higher quality of life for all citizens, and a transparent government. Robert Goodspeed describes in his essay, “Smart Cities: Moving Beyond Urban Cybernetics to Tackle Wicked Problems,” that we are currently seeing developing cities organizing around the concepts of the “Smart City” as a primary tool of promotion. At the same time, many existing cities in Europe are using the concepts of Smart Urbanism to retrofit specific areas of their cities. These retrofitted areas are often smaller prototypes for larger ambitions.

Goodspeed explains that although the term “Smart City” has grown into a leitmotiv. Corporate promoters of the concept argue that a smart city is one that uses information technology to pursue efficient systems through real-time monitoring and control.2 This notion is directly tied to early ideas of urban cybernetics dating back to the 1970s. Alberto Vanolo argues that a contemporary smart city retains six characteristics: a smart economy, smart mobility, smart governance, smart environment, smart living (related to a generalized quality of life evaluation), and smart people (related to a generalization regarding the level of social, political, and economic engagement of the citizen).

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1. Alberto Vanolo, “Smartmentality: The Smart City as Disciplinary Strategy,” Urban Studies 51, no. 5 (2014): 883-898, doi: 10.1177/0042098013494427.

2. Robert Goodspeed, “Smart Cities: Moving Beyond Urban Cybernetics to Tackle Wicked Problems,” Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy and Society 8, no. 1 (2015): 79–92, doi: 10.1093/ cjres/rsu013.

Figure SCU_01. Smart City Concept. Source: Four strategies to make smart cities work for citizens, Sooraj Shah, March 9, 2018.

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Figure SCU_02-07: 2017 SmartCity Education Festival. 2016 Smart City Conference. Smart City market. Industry Smart City. Smart City model.

In order to operate efficiently, the municipality must work harmoniously with the private sector in a way unlike traditional public-private relations. The 21st Century has brought with it a new global trend of “sustainable urban development.�

This concept adds new dimensions to urbanization which requires a quick need to upgrade existing cities. Smart Cities are forward-looking, progressive, and resource-efficient while providing a high quality of life. The core concept of a smart city is a more intelligent operational approach which alters the way governments, businesses, and people interact with each other.

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LINEAGE

The Smart City concept emerged as the result of a series of academic and corporate conferences and initiatives. While there is growing global interest in smart city applications, there are also significant challenges in scaling, implementation, and impact. Therefore, massive conferences were held to discuss the missions, goals, and methods of Smart Cities of the future. An international conference in San Francisco titled Smart Cities, Fast Systems, Global Works, explored the city through information technology.3 It leveraged the word “smart” to imply the successful experience of sustainable urban competitiveness. The conference was followed with the publication of A Phenomenon of Scientific and Technological Society: Smart City, Fast Systems, Global Works in 1992.4 The European Union first proposed the innovation of “Smart City” in its 2007 EU Smart City report. IBM came up with the idea of “Smart Earth” in 2008, and in 2009 the European Commission proposed specific plans for building smart cities.

The Smart City has experienced three phases. Smart City 1.0: Technology Driven, is characterized by technology providers encouraging cities to adopt their solutions. However, they were often not required to properly understand the implication of those technological solutions, or their impacts on citizens’ quality of life (PlanIt in Portugal and Songdo in South Korea). Smart City 2.0: Technology Enabled, City-Led, opposed technology providers in favor of city driven models. City administrators increasingly focused on technological solutions as enablers to improve quality of life.

Recently, a new model has been introduced. Smart City 3.0: Citizen Co-Creation, rejects tech-driven provider approaches and city driven, technology enabled models in favor of citizen co-creation models for helping drive the next generation of smarter cities.5 Medellin, for example, is a leading city at the top of the annual Smart Cities rankings. It has focused on urban regeneration from the bottom-up by engaging citizens from the city’s most vulnerable neighborhoods in transformative projects such as the “Cable Car” and “Electric Stairs” projects as well as new technology-enabled schools and libraries. Medellin has recently expanded its commitment to citizen innovators by supporting the development of an impressive innovation district to attract and retain entrepreneurial talent.6 A-204

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Figure SCU_08: Smart Urbanism: Utopian Vision or False Dawn. Smart: About Cities.

3. David V. Gibson, George Kozmetsky, Raymond W. Smilor, The Technopolis Phenomenon: Smart Cities, Fast Systems, Global Networks (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 1992).

4. Ibid.

5. Boyd Cohen, “The 3 Generations of Smart Cities,” Fast Company, August 10, 2015, https://www.fastcompany.com/3047795/the-3generations-of-smart-cities.

6. Clay Nester, “From Planning to Partnerships: What’s Driving Smart City Initiatives Around the World,” GreenBiz, March 6, 2018, https://www.greenbiz.com/article/ planning-partnerships-whats-driving-smart-cityinitiatives-around-world.

CRITIQUE

The idealized state of Smart City Urbanism depicts a utopian vision. However, individual groups are often marginalized in the process of attempting to practically and impartially implement such strategies. Disconnections between sectors arise and political hierarchies are disrupted. The Smart City’s appeal lies in its promise of higher efficiency, advanced technological savvy among citizens, and a clean, sustainable infrastructural system. Its advertising images are overwhelmingly filled with technological futurism while completely void of human subjects; which is often indicative of the strategy’s ideal implementation.

Masdar City, in the United Arab Emirates, is a clear example of how new cities can be constructed from scratch with a bias towards technologically organized infrastructure. As urban geographer Alberto Vanolo explains, not enough research is done on integrating smart city strategies into existing and mature global cities. A vast majority of cities capable of integrating Smart City strategies effectively have operated successfully long before the concept arose. Therefore, one may question the validity of introducing a new system to a structure that is not yet broken.

Smart Cities also privilege specific spaces, areas, people, and activities. Therefore, if a city is “smart” one could assume that not all areas are equally as smart; ultimately resulting in what Alberto Vanolo describes as a Privatopia. On one hand, the Smart City model has the potential to proliferate certain places, people, and locations, but on the other, it will also likely marginalize and discriminate against other people, places, and areas. Likewise, competing agendas will arise between the politicians dependent on the data produced and recorded, the private organizations operating and distributing the machinery, the technicians operating and maintaining the machinery, and the citizens who are being recorded. It is clear that new partnerships and alliances will form, but it is still unclear how these relationships will be overseen so that privacy is maintained for citizens. Due to advancements in technology and social media, the invasion of our personal privacy has become commonplace and unnoticed. The implementation of Smart City strategies will likely increase the invasion of our privacy. On an urban scale, this has the potential to lead to widespread corruption, discrimination, and marginalization within the city.

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MASDAR CITY UNITED ARAB EMIRATES

Masdar City is a planned city in Abu Dhabi. The city is being built from the ground up. It runs on renewable energy and hosts the headquarters for the International Renewable Energy Agency. A large solar farm North-East of the city center provides clean and renewable energy for citizens. The infrastructure for the city is removed from the ground plane, returning valuable space back to the people.

Transit systems, energy distribution and sewage disposal all take place beneath the city’s surface. Masdar city is designed by Norman Foster Architects and is largely funded by Abu Dhabi municipalities.

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Figure SCU_09. Masdar City Rendering.

MASDAR CITY Location Year(s) Status

United Arab Emirates 2006 - present In progress

Footprint

6 km2

Designer

Norman Foster & Partners

Additional Agents

Key Project Components Program(s) Funding Streams

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Mubadal Development, Masdar (aka: Abu Dhabi Future Energy Co), the Abu Dhabi Government, Masdar Institute of Technology, & the International Renewable Energy Agency Renewable energy (i.e. Solar and wind), rapid underground transit, smart technology to promote a healthy environment and lifestyle Housing, Live/work, high-end retail, technology facilities, educational facilities, tech-industries Both Public and Private

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0

1.5 mile

Open Space

Solar Farm 0’

1 km

Water Smart City Urbanism

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200’

400’

TRANSECT

UNDERGROUND INFRASTRUCTURE

SOLAR FARM AND WIND TURBINE TECHNOLOGY PROVIDE CLEAN ENERGY FOR THE CITY

Figure SCU_10-14. Masdar City models and renderings.

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UNDERGROUND TRANSIT

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AGENTS

Abu Dhabi Government

FUND SOURCES

Norman Foster Architects

COLLABORATORS

INTENDED USER

Masdar Institute of Science and Technology

PUBLICATIONS

International Renewable Energy Agency IRENA

MASDAR ABU DHABI ENERGY COMPANY CLIENT

Mubadala Development Company FUND SOURCES

PROCESS

2000

2005

MASDAR The project is officially initiated

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Construction did begin until 20

TAXONOMY

Solar Farm

Greenscape

Clean Energy

asdar Institute of ience and chnology

Solar Farm

Clean Energy

ternational enewable nergy Adgency ENA

not 008

High Tech

Abu Dhabi Government

Underground Masdar Infrastructure FUNDING SOURCE

Norman Foster Architects

COLLABORATORS

Abu Dhabi Energy Company LEADING ORGANIZATION

Mubadala Development Company

INTENDED USER PUBLICATORS

Masdar Institute of science and technology International Renewable Energy Adgency IRENA

Underground Infrastructure

FUNDING SOURCE

2010

The first six buildings were constructed

2015

2020

Loss of funding put a halt on the project.

Smart City Urbanism

Estimated year of completion 2030

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KASHIWA-NO-HA SMART CITY KASHIWA, JAPAN

The Kashiwa-no-ha Smart City concept was built on the themes of environmental symbiosis, health and longevity, and the creation of new growth industries. The objective is to “realize an international academic city in which cutting-edge knowledge, industry, and culture can be developed and bring about a next-generational environmental city where people coexist in harmony with a rich natural environment and healthy, high-quality living and working environments in a creative setting that integrates the campus and town through partnerships among the government, private industry, and academia.�

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Figure SCU_15. Aerial view of Kashiwa-no-ha.

KASHIWA-NO-HA SMART CITY Location

Kashiwa, JAPAN

Year(s)

2000 - 2030

Status

In progress

Footprint

2.73 km2

Designer

Chiba Prefecture, University of Tokyo, Chiba University

Additional Agents

Developer: Mitsui Fudosan Co. Ltd., Owner : Mitsui Fudosan Co. Ltd., Consultants: Hitachi Ltd., Nikken Sekkei, Glumac, City of Portland

Key Project Components Program(s)

Environmental-Symbiotic City, Health & Long-life City, Innovative City for New Industry, Area Energy Management System Planned Community or Resort including Cinema, Cultural Use, Education, Hotel, Medical, Housing, Office, Retail, Transportation

Funding Streams Sustainability Framework Collaboration Number of inhabitants

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Public Capital Source LEED ND Plan Platinum Certified Public-Private-Academia Partnership 26,000 (5,000 in Phase I) residents, 10,000 (1,000 in Phase I) workers

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0

???? ????

Open Space Water Smart City Urbanism

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TRANSECT

CONSTRUCTION

RESIDENTIAL

LAND 0

1/20 mile 1/20 km

Figure SCU_16-20. Photos of Kashiwa-no-ha Smart City, Mitsui Fudosan Co. Ltd. A-220

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RETAIL & OFFICE

CONSTRUCTION LAND

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AGENTS

Public Fund PUBLIC Kashiwa Community-Building Public Corporation General, Incorporated Foundation, Chiba Prefeiture, NPO Support Center

PRIVATE Mitsui Fudosan, Metropolitan Intercity Railway Company, Kashiwa Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Tanaka Region Hometown Council

FUND SOURCES

COLLABORATORS

INTENDED USER

Public Residents | Students | Tourists

AWARD

LEED ND Plan Platinum Certification

UDCK

CLIENT

ACADEMIC University of Tokyo, Chiba University

2013 AIA Honor Award in the Regional & Urban Design Category Aga Khan Award for Architecture Red Dot 2013 Product Design Award DESIGNER

PROCESS

1990 KASHIWA- NO-HA SMART CITY

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1995

2000

Opening of the University of Tokyo Kashiwa Campus, Construction begins

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

TAXONOMY

2005

2010

Opening of LaLaport Kashiwanoha

2015

2020

Completion of Gate Square (completion of Stage I)

Phase 1 Smart City Urbanism

Projected completion scheduled by 2030

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SOCIAL URBANISM

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

The tenets of Social Urbanism hold that the way people and groups use the city and socialize within urban space is the most important aspect of cities, and the primary criteria for evaluating the success of urban design projects. Often drawing on theories and methods from the social sciences, this broad school of thought sometimes starkly contrasts urban design theories that place more importance on formal or aesthetic considerations. Social Urbanism emerged as a reaction to the top-down methods of modernism – from the tabula rasa schemes of early CIAM, to the institutionalized urban renewal in the United States.

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SOCIAL URBANISM

INTRODUCTION

Social Urbanism integrates new public spaces and facilities with municipal social programs, and the active engagement of local communities through sociological strategies.1 The definition of Social Urbanism is loose, so as to expand its reach into broader territories. Through technical and imaginary representation, some laboratories are articulating social and spatial actions in response to vulnerable populations in perilous contexts.2 The citizens that Social Urbanism strives to engage are those who are underrepresented in current design work, particularly in the design of public spaces. These underrepresented populations include children, refugees, elderly people, the disabled, and other urban minority groups.

While other urbanisms may prioritize the aspirations of citizens, Social Urbanism holds itself responsible to marginalized populations. The projects displaying Social Urbanism are grounded in the revision or creation of policies, and most importantly, they utilize public participation throughout the design process. The evolution of this urbanism argues against the use of checklists and catalogs of interchangeable elements; arguing that attempts to define a one-size-fitsall guideline disregards the context surrounding a project. In order for Social Urbanism projects to be successful, they must explicitly involve the social and physical context of the city. Using the complexities and disparities of the city, Social Urbanism utilizes the production of new policies, programs, and processes to bring together fragmented cities; strengthened through the development of physical design.

1. Camilo Calderon, “Social Urbanism Participatory Urban Upgrading in Medellin, Colombia,” in Roderick J. Lawrence, Hulya Turgut, and Peter Kellett, Requalifying the Built Environment: Challenges and Responses (Göttingen: Hogrefe Publishing, 2012).

2. Sébastien Thiéry, “Manifeste,” PEROU, October 1, 2012, http://www.perou-paris.org/ Manifeste.html.

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Figure SU_01. Jane Jacobs and others picket to save Penn Station from demolition, 1963.

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Figure SU_02-03. The expansion and changes of PREVI reflect the economics and cultural evolution and progress of low-income families in the neighborhoods.

LINEAGE In the 1960s, the ideas of advocacy planning, self-building, and user participation emerged as part of the effort to redefine architecture’s meaning as a way to realize the needs of users. CIAM and “CIAM Urbanism... has been credited with and blamed for the design of all the standardized mass housing settlements that rejected the older pattern of corridor street.”3 This movement raised against the legacy of CIAM and the Modern Movement emerging from within. Team 10 members (assembled in the 9th CIAM) defended that urbanism was the “science and art of building for social interrelationship.”4 Team 10 incorporated the idea of participation and education to the table, and tried to create a democratic A-230

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3. Eric Mumford, The CIAM Discourse on Urbanism 1928-1960 (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2002).

4. Max Risselada, Team 10: 1953-81: In Search of a Utopia of the Present (Rotterdam: NAi Publishers, 2005).

5. Risselada, Team 10.

6. Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of American Cities (New York: Modern Library, 2011).

model, which aimed to enable architectural design to make strategic decisions.

Members of Team 10 started to bring the public into the conversation, but “without replacing the decision-powers of the project or encroaching on the central role of the architect-urban designer.”5 They engaged the public, but never gave them real power in decision-making.

In the 1960s, numerous advocates emerged for cities planned for people; among them was Jane Jacobs. She argues that “cities have the capability of providing something for everybody, only because, and only when, they are created by everybody.”6 She also challenged modernist planning and architecture, inspiring future theories like New Urbanism, Everyday Urbanism, and Tactical Urbanism.

Moreover, she promoted allowing citizens (planning amateurs) to be the decisionmakers in shaping urban spaces. These ideals laid the foundations for public participation in planning practice.

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LINEAGE

In the 1970s, Jan Gehl and William H. Whyte started to focus on the lively, livable, sustainable and healthy city; to reclaim the public spaces to walk, to stay, and bicycle as much as possible. Since the 1960s, cities like Copenhagen and Melbourne formalized a series of plans and regulations to transform the core of the city from an overcrowded traffic environment to a peaceful yet lively people-oriented city center. Whyte tackled strategies to create urban spaces which encouraged a diverse social life. He identified several important elements that address open spaces in urbanized areas, including plenty of suitable spaces with a relationship to the street, available food, and accessibility to sun, water and trees.

New policies started to regulate these elements. For example, New York zoning favors food kiosks and cafÊs defined as amenities. It specifically encourages developers to use up to 20% of the open space of plazas for these cafes.7 As the ideologies of Social Urbanism progressed into the 1990s, they evolved towards adjusting the political process of designing cities. The goal is to make people visible and to encourage design experts such as architects, landscape architects, and planners to approach future design endeavors through the analytical study of people and human behavior. As healthy lifestyles become trends, sustainable and welcoming public spaces must address the present needs and desires of the city’s diverse citizens.

A particular concern for Social Urbanism in the 1990s and early 2000s was providing equal representation to populations within cities that are normally neglected or underrepresented. The city of Medellin, Colombia represents the successful use of social urbanism. It went from being one of the most dangerous cities in the world to a model of social transformation through the creation of viable public spaces and social infrastructure which increased safety, mobility, and community engagement. To achieve these results, policy changes were required, and the implementation of citizen participation methodologies were key. Social Urbanism has evolved, from the ideas set out by Gehl and Whyte to implement simple elements into public spaces for the creation of livable cities, into a political process to aid the disenfranchised through participatory design methods. Today, Social Urbanism has transformed into a process-driven approach for creating safety and equality to replace previous internal turmoil and segregation.

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Figure SU_04. CIAM, The Death and Life of Great American Cities, Life Between Buildings.

7. William H. Whyte, The Social Life of Small Urban Spaces (New York: Project for Public Spaces, 2014).

CRITIQUE

One prominent critique of Social Urbanism is that the strategies deployed to create public spaces are limited to urban circumstances, with citizens who are normally represented in different scenarios. To create and encourage livable public spaces, William H. Whyte deployed specific strategies from sitting space, sun, wind, trees, water, food, and the relationships with the street. The strategies Whyte studied were adopted by the government to encourage social activities in urban spaces. However, the lack of consideration towards minorities and other underrepresented publics limits the studies. An overarching limitation, directly related to aspects of the work done by Whyte and Gehl, is that these two advocates for social urbanism create methodologies which oversimplify the complexity of the urban fabric in cities. The creation of a guideline or models of success produces the understanding that Social Urbanism can be easily replicated in any urban framework and the results will be consistent. However, this is not the case. The historical processes resulting in fragmentation and citizen disengagement in cities may have commonalities across geographies, but no city is like any other. Therefore, solutions to a city’s ills require individuality.

Many of the projects that deploy the methodologies of Social Urbanism are in response to a dire need for urban intervention. The issues surrounding Social Urbanism projects include protection against violence, creating social justice, integrating diverse publics, and promoting community engagement. The end goal is to produce successful projects that provide attractive, safe, and inclusive public spaces which citizens take pride in and feel a sense of ownership. What happens if these projects are too successful? If these spaces become extremely successful there can be a transition from a prosperous public space to a commodified urban attraction. In an effort to enhance the quality of life for citizens living in urban areas of conflict, gentrification might slip in. As with many areas where successful redevelopment has occurred, people of social and economic mobility are attracted, and inevitably the original citizens are displaced.

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SUPERKILEN COPENHAGEN, DENMARK

This project initial began as part of a large urban renewal movement taking place in Copenhagen. Superkilen was meant to provide multi-functional public space that would bring the community together. It explores the use of “extreme participationâ€? as a method for engaging a more diverse public in the development process of an urban park for the Nørrebro neighborhood in Copenhagen, Denmark. This neighborhood has historically been the most economically, socially, and culturally diverse part of Copenhagen, and has been challenged in providing safe public spaces for the community as a whole. Social engagement of the public was a large part of the planning and design process. To achieve a socially sustainable public space, marginalized populations were targeted to gain insight about what underrepresented populations wanted to see in community spaces.

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Figure SU_05. Aerial view of Superkilen in Copenhagen, Denmark.

SUPERKILEN Location

Copenhagen, Denmark

Years

2007 - 2012

Status

Built

Footprint

355,000 ft2

Designer

Bjarke Ingels Group, Topotek1, and SUPERFLEX

Additional Agents Key Project Components Programs Funding Streams Additional Information

The Municipality of Copenhagen and Realdania Philanthropic Association Combining public participatory design processes and with the necessity to create safe, accessible, and engaging social spaces.

Community gathering space, market space, leisure and recreation lawn, and continuous bike path.

Public and Private Superkilen is an urban park in Copenhagen’s most socially and economically diverse neighborhood.

This project began as park of a larger urban renewal initiative to create safe and dynamic community spaces.

This project takes advantage of “extreme participation” in the design process.

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0

1 mile 1 km

Open Space Water Social Urbanism

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TRANSECT

MULTI-FAMILY HOUSING 0

SUP

1 mile 1 km

Figure SU_06-09. Site plan of the park. Key objects specifically curated through the use of “extreme participation” process.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

PERKILEN

BIG BOX SHOPPING & INDUSTRY

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AGENTS

Public Municipality of Copenhagen Neighborhood Organizations The Danish Arts Council

Private Realdania

FUND SOURCES

Municipality of Copenhagen Local Governance Board

Bjarke Ingels Group Topotek 1 SUPERFLEX Lemmin & Eriksson

INSTITUTIONS

INTENDED USER

MUNICIPALITY OF COPENHAGEN REALDANIA COLLABORATORS

MAINTENANCE

Public Youths | Elderly | Families

Municipality of Copenhagen

LEADING ORGANIZATION

2013 AIA Honor Award in the Regional & Urban Design Category Aga Khan Award for Architecture Red Dot 2013 Product Design Award AWARDS

PROCESS

1950

1960

1970

1980

SUPERKILEN Nørrebro official becomes part of Copenhagen

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Large influx of refugees Nørrebro experienced extreme social unrest that eventually erupted in violent riots

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

1985

1990

TAXONOMY

Morrocan Fountain

1995

Japanese Cherry Blossom

2000

2005

Competition open to professional teams in a call for entries from the fields of architecture, landscape architecture,sociology, ethnology, art, and IT The winning teams were selected: architect - BIG, landscape architect Topotek1, and artist group - SUPERFLEX

Thai Boxing Ring

2010

2015

Project completed and open to public Realization of project takes place Process of “extreme participation� takes place among residents and a catalog of objects to populate the park is curated

Social Urbanism

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2020

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Social Urbanism

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PEDESTRIANIZATION COPENHAGEN, DENMARK

Up until 1962, all of the streets in the city center were filled with car traffic, and all the squares were used as car parks. The post-war increase in car traffic meant rapidly deteriorating conditions for pedestrians in the city center. Starting from the 1960s, Copenhagen has followed a series of strict policies targeted at reducing the impact of traffic on the city center and improving conditions for uses.

In large scale, there are four chapters of the Municipal Plan that discuss topics that concern the quality of the walking environment. Some of these topics discuss direct interventions such as street and urban space improvements, and others are indirect, such as housing policies that affect the density and demographic profile of the neighborhoods.

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Figure SU_10. Pedestrianized Strøget street in Copenhagen.

PEDESTRIANIZATION Location Year(s) Status

Copenhagen, Denmark 1960 - 2000 Built

Footprint

95,750 m2

Designer

Multiple Architects, Landscape Architects, and Artists

Key Project Components Program(s) Funding Streams Goal

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Pedestrianization Retail, residential, commercial, and institution Public Reclaim the street for people

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

0

1 mile 1 km

Open Space Water Social Urbanism

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TRANSECT

10 -

AF 0

BEF

1 mile 1 km

User Legend

Figure SU_11. View from Nyhavn after pedestrianization.

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Pedestrian Space

- 12m

FTER

FORE Parking

Mixed Traffic

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AGENTS

Public Fund FUND SOURCES Various Architects, Landscape Architects and Artists: Mogens Breyen Mogens Møller KHR Architects Bjørn Nørgaard Stadsarkitektens Direktorat Sanne Maj Andersen Leif Dupont Laursen Sven Wiig Hansen Torben Schønherr Jørn Larsen Hans J. Holm I.P. Andersen Ginman Harboe Borup Schmidt Hammer Lassen Architects ...

INTENDED USER

CITY OF COPENHAGEN CITY ENGINEER DIRECTORATE CITY ARCHITECTURAL DIRECTORATE

COLLABORATORS

PUBLICATIONS

LEADING ORGANIZATION

Public Resident | Student | Tourists

Public Space, Public Life Jan Gehl, 1996

1936 Green Areas of the Copenhagen Region 1947 Finger Plan PRECEDENTS INITIATIVES

PROCESS

1960

PEDESTRIANIZATION IN COPENHAGEN

1970

1980

1990

Copenhagen’s first pedestrianized zone opens — Strøget.

By the end of 1962: 15,800 m2

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1985

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

By the end of 1968: 22,860 m2

By the end of 1988: 65,150 m

m2

TAXONOMY

Areas of the city that most unattractive ground floor facades are located.

Areas of the city that remaining through traffic routes in the city center.

Entertainment, cinemas, theaters Hotels Pubs and restaurants Kiosks and shops

Diverse types of city functions open around 23:00 on a summer evening.

Areas of the city that feature lively, attractive little streets.

1995

2000

Copenhagen now has six times the area of car-free space than in 1962.

2005

2010

2015

Copenhagen has one of the lowest rates of car ownership in Europe at 208 per 1,000 of the population.

By the end of 1996: 95,750 m2

Social Urbanism

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2020

[COLLAGE

E BEFORE]

[COLLAGE

E AFTER]

INFORMAL URBANISM

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Less of an organized movement than a phenomena, Informal Urbanism encompasses an attempt to address the logics behind the rapid and organic growth of residential areas that have emerged outside of typical legal frameworks, often without the professional expertise of planners and architects, and lacking government administered infrastructure. Informal urban communities often emerge on land that is publicly owned and house the most disenfranchised urban populations. Informal urban settlements often have juridically exceptional power structures, economies, and means of development.

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INFORMAL URBANISM

INTRODUCTION

“Less of an organized movement than a phenomenon, Informal Urbanism encompasses an attempt to address the logics behind the rapid and organic growth of residential areas that have emerged outside of typical legal frameworks, often without the professional expertise of planners and architects, and lacking government administered infrastructure.”1 Informal Urbanism is the practice of studying informality throughout the metropolitan regions of the global south.

Close examination of this type of urbanism sheds light on the ways in which these settlements create new socio-spatial structures and how their image can inform of a discursive approach to urban life.

To understand the qualities of informality, it is imperative to generate a definition for what constitutes these types of settlements. Informality has become a universal term used to describe an increasingly broad category of forms, methods, and systems of living in urban environments throughout the world. However, the types of occupation vary in both their formal arrangement (from squatters alongside train tracks in Mumbai to occupations of “abandoned” buildings) and in their geographical location (from the hills of Rio de Janeiro to the periphery of Mexico City). Informal settlements have one commonality: they operate outside legal frameworks of the city. Institutions like the UN-Habitat define informality as unplanned settlements and areas where housing is not in compliance with current planning and building regulations.2 These conditions, which hinge on the fact that these occupations are illegal in nature, underscore the vulnerability of informal settlement as a method of inhabitation. While many organizations and institutions try to come up with overarching definitions, they fail to notice that they address a seemingly disorganized process with a historical lineage that can be traced to the beginning of urban organizations.

Prior to our understanding of contemporary informality, some cities in the past grew without regulated planning. Bernard Rudofsky questions architecture’s ability to be identified as art from a single rendition and uses the architecture that emerged by the spontaneous and continuing activity of people to develop housing types.3 Rudofsky promotes an analytical study on the catalog of urban structures

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1. Maria Arquero de Alarcon and McLain Clutter, “Informal Urbanism,” Theories and Methods of Urban Design, University of Michigan, 2018.

2. UN Habitat, “Habitat III Issue Papers: 22 Informal Settlements,” United Nations Conference on Housing and Sustainable Urban Development (New York, 2015).

3. Bernard Rudofsky, Architecture without Architects: A Short Introduction to Non-pedigreed Architecture (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1987).

Figure IU_01. Favelas on Rio de Janeiro. Image Credit: Rio on Watch.

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Figure IU_02-03. Shanty Towns in Manila Bay. Image Credit: Top, Liz Cooke. Bottom, Bernhard Lang.

that have emerged on the periphery of what we understand as architecture. For him, this is the base for understanding structures outside of the formal realm.

In contemporary times the emergence of informality responded to the mass migration of the work force from the rural districts to the metropolis. This phenomenon can be correlated to industrialization and the ambition to generate top down approaches to urbanism. In early industrial years, cities of the northern hemisphere saw rapidly growing slums and overcrowding which lacked hygienic qualities of the ideal city and were addressed to fit within the conditions of modern urbanity. However, when these conditions emerged in the southern

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4. Kim Dovey and Ross King, “Forms of Informality: Morphology and Visibility of Informal Settlements,� Built Environment 37, no.

1 (2011): 11-29.

hemisphere, governments did not have the capacity to match this growth in either the formal housing sector or the formal market.4 Since then, the settlements have grown to become more permanent. With such permanence, the study of informal urbanism emerged to define a new urban sector type, and to investigate possibilities for intervention.

Today, informal urbanization is the largest mechanism of urban land production globally and the scale and intensity of the phenomenon challenges traditional strategies of intervention. Instead, Informal Urbanism attempts to create an understanding of the political and socio-spatial conditions, to advocate for incremental improvements and to readjust their visibility and self-image.

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LINEAGE

Informal districts are often a nest of complex systems that underly a need for a better understanding of urban environments-- either typologically, morphologically, culturally or socially. There are many authors who follow different analytical methods to frame their studies of informality.

Many authors focus on the conceptual levels on which informality emerged in cities. For example, authors such as Alsayyad and Vyjayanthi Rao discuss the social and economic means under which these occupations emerged – dealing with globalization and liberalization of the markets, and their effect on political and social structures within the urban fabric.5 Through these approaches authors offer a reading of informal settlements as a phenomenon caused by isolation and exclusion, and discuss the ways in which they are recognized or not as part of the city in their own right.

Other authors categorize informal settlements, their performance and structure under an umbrella of distinct typologies. The work of Kim Dovey and Ross King frames informality through a series of geographic types. They argue that the readings of slums can mediate the visibility of informal settlements within their surroundings.6 The image of the slum highly impacts how informal developments are perceived politically and economically. They provoke readings on informal districts as larger assemblages of systems that rely on sophisticated understanding of their context.

Finally, other authors such as Ananya Roy create a bridge between policy and practice, and informal urbanism. She problematizes institutional planning frameworks that have produced the unplanned and “unplannable.”7 Roy addresses that governments have lacked or generalized definitions of urban policies to address the issues presented in informal occupations. The limitation of policy models that adopted characteristics of urban renewal to deal with informality are not enough to tackle the rapid growth of informal settlements. These type of outdated policies are criticized by Roy, calling for a change in planning processes to recognize these new methods of urbanization as legitimate and offer mechanisms for engagement.

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Figure IU_04. Alsayyad and Roy Urban Informality, and “Habitat III Issue Papers: 22 Informal Settlements”.

5. Vyjayanthi Rao, “Slum as Theory: The South/ Asian City and Globalization,” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 30, no. 1 (2006), doi: 10.1111/j.1468-2427.2006.00658.x.

6. Dovey and Ross, “Forms of Informality,” 11-29.

7. Ananya Roy, “Urban Informality: Toward an Epistemology of Planning,” Journal of the American Planning Association 71, no. 2 (2005): 147-158.

CRITIQUE

Although there is a lot of intricacy in trying to understand informality, there are practices that attempt to generate better frameworks of urbanity specific to the needs and capacities of these communities. For example, the work of Catalytic Communities in Rio de Janeiro advocates that cities should learn from Brazilian favelas as models for sustainable urban development.8 Although a promising idea, most of the approaches to address sustainability still address western frameworks, using frameworks such as LEED. These methods of sustainability may have proven efficient in the northern hemisphere, but they fail to categorize the complex problems that exist on these types of settlements. Furthermore, the use of these types of frameworks standardizes informality, adopting a blanket strategy to address a wide range of unique and distinct systems of inhabitation.

8. Catalytic Communities, “Favela as a Sustainable Model,” Catalytic Communities, Accessed March 20, 2018, http://catcomm.org/ favela-modelo/.

9. Elisabete Franca, “São Paulo Calling,” Domus February 8, 2012, https://www.domusweb.it/ en/news/2012/02/08/sao-paulo-calling.html.

10. Ibid.

11. Ibid.

Additionally, single overarching strategies have been present since the emergence of informality as a method of urbanization. From the beginning, governments and practices have disregarded the different qualities and capacities that each of these settlements possess. Elisabete Franca explains three consecutive phases in the attitude of politics and architecture on informality. First, in early informal emergence, planning and architecture practices ignored the exponential growth of bottoms-up strategies of urbanization around the metropolis, focusing instead on the efforts on new modernist approaches of urbanism.9 Second, after the phenomenon of informality grew so large that it was impossible to ignore, practices to address informality attempted to annihilate and eradicate them, following urban renewal types of approaches.10 And finally, the practice of architecture moved to understand what happens within these informal settlements, becoming attentive to what happens at these complex areas and informing new practices from which these communities can obtain better living conditions.11 This transition of various practices attempts to generate new frameworks to provide more sustainable practices for these communities. Once we are able to understand informality and its capacities, we can begin to develop new anticipatory capacities to inform more sustainable practices from early stages and incorporate these communities within the city’s operational framework.

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VILA NOVA PALESTINA SÃO PAULO, BRAZIL

The project explores informal inhabitation as a politically motivated action to protest for the lack of adequate housing for all in the city of São Paulo. The failure of habitation programs such as “Minha Casa, Minha Vida”, inspired a social movement MTST - to occupy a vacant terrain and hosted families in need of housing.

Over the years, the settlement has hosted over 8,000 families and it is extremely organized in 21 groups, each sharing a central kitchen. Coordinators of the Organization and Volunteers take rounds to check general conditions, protect residents, and intervene in disputes between neighborhoods. The occupation has a special temporal quality in which they are responding to a governmental inequality and exerting pressure through protest, rather than seeing the occupation as a solution to the current housing problem of São Paulo. The tents of the settlement remain precarious and become a place where families can move in and out as needed.

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Figure IU_05. Vila Nova Palestina Occupation. Image credit Leonardo Soares.

VILA NOVA PALESTINA Location Year(s) Status

SĂŁo Paulo, Bazil 2013 - present In progress

Footprint

24.2 acres

Designer

Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Teto

Additional Agents

Moradores (Citizens without Housing) Response to Government Program Minha Casa, Minha Vida

Key Project Components

Study of the emergence of informal settlements as a method of protest Bottom-up, self organized methods of urbanization through informality

Program(s)

Residential squatters organized in 21 units, each with central kitchen and power Common space and area for gathering, and event organization Citizens fund organization

Funding Streams Occupants Temporality Litigation

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Partnership with other organizations The occupation has over 8,000 registered families Provisional character where people occupy to exert political pressure Located in near an ecological reserve, the occupation is threaten for eviction

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

0

250 ft 50 m

Open Space Water Informal Urbanism

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TRANSECT

WEALTHY SUBURBS 0

FOREST BUFFER

37.5 ft 7.5 m

Figure IU_06-10. Vila Nova Palestina from the ground. Image Credit from: Mulheres Da Periferia,Vieira, Leonardo Soares, Luciana Bedeschi.

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VILA NOVA PALES

STINA SETTLEMENT

FOREST BUFFER

MAIN

ENVIRONMENT

ROAD

PROTECTED AREA

Informal Urbanism

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AGENTS

PARTNERS OF MTST

Resistência Urbana Periferia Ativa Movimento Dos Trabalhadores Sem Terra Movimento Passe Livre Uneafro Circulo Palmarino Movimento Dos Sem Teto Da Bahia Terra Livre Quilombo Urbano Brigadas Populares Pastoral Operári Fábricas Ocupadastribunal Popular Observatorio Das Violências Policiais COLLABORATORS Centro De Mídia Independente Agência Carta Maior Revista Caros Amigos Brasil De Fato Correio Da Cidadania Rojo Y Negro Cgt Espanha Fenasps Blog Da Raquel Rolnik Sindicatos De Trabalhadores Do Judiciário Federal No Estado De São Paulo Rádio Cirandeira Fogoneros Fórum Popular De Saúde Do Estado De São Paulo Movimento Popular Por Moradia Rua Juventude Anticapitalista Juntos

Citizen Funds Fundraisers FUND SOURCES

INTENDED USER

MOVIMENTO DOS TRABALHADORES SEM TETO PUBLICATIONS LEADING ORGANIZATION

Moradores Low Income Citizens Volunteers Construction Workers Por Que Ocupamos?

Uma Introducao a Luta dos Sem-Teto, 2015

Minha Casa, Minha Vida Prefeitura de São Paulo GOVERNMENT PROVOCATION

PROCESS

1990

1995

2000

VILA NOVA PALESTINA MTST Becomes a Social, Political and Popular Movement

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TAXONOMY

Occupied Buildings

Cortiรงo

Consolidated Favela

Young Favela

2005

Temporary Settlement

2010

2015

Minha Casa Minha Vida Instituted to provide housing for people on sub-optimal conditions

2012

Loteamento

2014

2020

Occupation of Terrain

2016 Informal Urbanism

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CHICOLOAPAN MEXICO CITY, MEXICO

This research explores the various types of land development in Mexico City’s peripheral municipalities.

With the introduction of informal settlements and social organizations, a few typologies of land division and development have emerged as municipal governments attempt to transition their inefficient agricultural lands into urban’ taxable land. The study focuses on the municipality of Chicoloapan where new urban land is developed in two ways: by social organizations with the primary goal of gaining political control or through government subsidized developments driven by the private profits of developers and builders. Each of the different typologies of urban development in Chicoloapan provide different qualities of urban life as well as infrastructural, residential, and commercial distribution.

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Figure IU_11. Chicoloapan de Juarez. Image credit: Google Earth Pro.

CHICOLOAPAN Location Year(s) Status

Chicoloapan de Juarez, Mexico 2000 - present In progress

Footprint

8.27 km2

Designer

Private Developers (Casas Geo, SARE, Casas ARA, FOVISSSTE)

Additional Agents

Citizens in need of housing Municipal and Federal Government

Key Project Components

Discrepancy between politics of social housing in Mexico City Informal Settlements are more adapted to living conditions than social housing

Program(s)

Social housing organization vs. Informal housing organization Infrastructure qualities of each of these organizations

Funding Streams

Public Funding for Private Developments Citizen funds for informal settlements Political Organization involved

Rapid Growth Development Informality vs. Formality

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Chicoloapan has had over 50,000 social housing units built from 2000 to 2010 Informality is more adapted to living conditions than their formal counterparts

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

0

750 ft 150 m

Open Space Water Informal Urbanism

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TRANSECT

GOVERNMENT SOCIAL HOUSING

0

25 ft 5m

Figure IU_12-16. Chicoloapan Elevations. Image Credit: Google Earth.

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BUFFER

H

HISTORICAL / COMMERCIAL CENTER

MAIN DISTRICT ROAD

Informal Urbanism

INFORMAL SETTLEMENT

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AGENTS

GOVERNMENT

SOFOLES

INFONAVIT FOVISSTE Credits

Bancomer & Banamex Onavis & Banca Fideicomisos

LEADING ORGANIZATION

CONTROLS ALL CREDIT FOR PUBLIC SECTOR

FACILITATE CREDITS TO BUY SOCIAL HOUSING

PROVIDE MORTGAGES

INTERVENTION PER PROPERTY TYPE

Private Sector Social Housing Development

URBI GEOVILLAS CASAS GEO HOMEX SARE

TYPE OF DEVELOPMENT

INTENDED USER

FUND SOURCES

Low Income Citizens Construction Workers Citizens living in Informal Settlements

DEVELOPER ORGANIZATIONS

CONTRACTS WITH STATE & PRIVATE

COMMUNAL & EJIDOS

PROCESS

DGRT CODEUR

FINEZA CRESEM

DISTRITO FEDERAL

STATE OF MEXICO

CORETT FIDEURBE

PROCEDE AURIS

1800

1850

1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970

198

CHICOLOAPAN Chicoloapan de Juarez Receives Municipla Status Mexico sets Housing for Workers as a Constitutional Right

FHP Popular Housing Fund Distribution of Lands Law Regulation of Ejidos National Institute For Development of Housing and Community

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FOVISS Institute Housing Social Se

INFONAVI National Fun for Housing the Workers Emergence of Big Developer Operations

80

STE e of g for ervices

IT nds of

TAXONOMY

Formal Typology

Informal Typology 1985

1990

FONAVIR Rural Housing National Fund

1995

2000

Development of Ejidal Land, Over 50,000 houses built Agricultural Law: Ejidos to develop as trading systems

2005

2010

2015

2020

National Development Plan for public and affordable housing Municipality Regulation: to control their own urban development

Earliest Development

Informal Urbanism

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Latest Development

1 km

POST-COLONIAL URBANISM

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

The term Post-Colonial Urbanism refers to the novel forms of urbanization that emerged with the recession of Western colonial powers within formerly colonized cities. Post-Colonial Urbanisms often reflect a hybridization of the social, cultural, and formal qualities of their former occupying power and native cultural traditions and methods of city-making. Post-Colonial Urbanisms are often found in the global south.

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POST-COLONIAL URBANISM

INTRODUCTION

Post-Colonial Urbanism emerged as an umbrella of counter-narratives to contemporary Western-centric urban theories. Post-Colonial urbanists criticize that western experiences failed to explain the mega-city situations pervasive in the “Global South” or the “Third World.” They argue that those seemingly informal phenomena represent a divergent modern route of city building independent from western-centric understandings of modernism.

Post-colonial urbanism presents two main areas of reflection. First, it proposes a definition for Modernity and Development.1 As cities are distinctive in social, economic and political character, idiosyncrasies of every city should be recognized as individually unique and ought to be represented as differentiated urban developmental models. Second, it recognizes Informality.2 Post-Colonial urbanists argue that the informal fabric is “a mode of urbanization,” or modernity, in global southern cities. They object to the conventional depiction of informality as “underdevelopment and backwardness.” They deny accepting the teleological concept of city evolution and linear narratives of development.

Post-Colonial Urbanism is more than a reflection on existing urban conditions.

It is a critical methodology which seeks to deconstruct Euro-American centrism and “worlding” system of knowledge. It is an ideological resistance that proposes a theoretically reflective counterpoint to the ideological totalization of urban age discourse.

Jennifer Robinson developed the idea of “Ordinary Cities,”3 and Ananya Roy advocates for “New Geographies of Theory.”4 Through reconceptualizing traditional urban theory, post-colonial urbanism opens a new way of doing global metropolitan studies, introduces new opportunities for locus-based theories, comparative urban studies and new approach to “worlding” narratives.

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1. Ananya Roy, “The 21st-Century Metropolis: New Geographies of Theory,” Regional Studies 43, no. 6 (2009): 819-830, doi: 10.1080/00343400701809665.

2. Ananya Roy and Aihwa Ong, Worlding Cities: Asian Experiments and the Art of Being Global.

Chichester (West Sussex: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012).

3. Jennifer Robinson, Ordinary Cities: Between Modernity and Development (London: Routledge, 2006).

4. Roy, “The 21st-Century Metropolis,” 819830, doi: 10.1080/00343400701809665

Figure PCU_01. Aerial View of New Delhi.

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Figure PCU_02-03. City view of Havana and Mumbai.

Figure PCU_04-11. Important academic publications.

Figure PCU_12-15. Urban landscape in global south cities (Mumbai, Dharavi, Lagos, Copperbelt ).

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LINEAGE

Post-Colonial Urbanism is derived from a series of urban studies which claim the unique value of the Global South’s urban conditions. There is no clear definition for Post-Colonial Urbanism. It is still developing in various sub-theories. Roy and Robinison developed the concept of Subaltern Urbanism5 and Comparative urbanism.6 They ask for comparative methodologies which focus on the mutual effects between cities and how the process could be understood.

Other theorists have come up with Locational Difference7 and Strategic Essentialism,8 which call for an approach as “process” rather than “trait” geographies. A third thread promotes seeing space and agency as the result of associating humans and non-humans through the lens of assemblage thinking9 and actor-network theory (ANT).10

5. Ananya Roy, “Slumdog Cities: Rethinking Subaltern Urbanism,” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 35, no. 2 (2011): 223-38.

6. Jennifer Robinson, “Cities in a World of Cities: The Comparative Gesture,” International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 35, no. 1 (2011): 1-23.

7. Mary Lawhon, Jonathan Silver, Henrik Ernstson, and Joseph Pierce, “Unlearning (Un) Located Ideas in the Provincialization of Urban Theory,” Regional Studies 50, no. 9 (2016): 161122, doi: 10.1080/00343404.2016.1162288.

8. Susan Abraham, “Strategic Essentialism in Nationalist Discourses: Sketching a Feminist Agenda in the Study of Religion,” Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion 25, no. 1 (2009): 15661, doi: 10.2979/fsr.2009.25.1.156.

9. Ben Anderson Colin McFarlane, “Assemblage and Geography,” Area 43, no. 2 (2011): 124-27, doi: 10.1111/j.1475-4762.2011.01004.x.

Antonio Gramsci

Michel Foucault

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Ananya Roy

Jennifer Robinson

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

10. Ignacio Farías and Thomas Bender, Urban Assemblages: How Actor-Network Theory Changes Urban Studies (New York: Routledge Press, 2010).

CRITIQUE

It is obviously good to see the rise of provincial theoretical consciousness, but is it possible for regionally produced concepts to be deployed in a global context?

Could provincialization simultaneously be “located and dislocated?”

Post-Colonial Urbanism was built mostly upon comparative study; north and south, regional and global, etc. It seeks to reconstruct urban theory and commits to re-narrate “worlding” knowledges. But can comparative methodologies overcome their limitations of fragmented depiction and reach to an intact epistemology of contemporary urban conditions?

Reflection on modernity and informality are a contemporary approach towards looking into global south cities that draws conclusions from empirical experience.

To what extent does it have the potential to explain the future of informal settlements, and potentially describe some of the post-colonial cities of the Global North? How can we approach informalities situated in different contexts to develop a more general, productive and constructive theory that could be understood widely?

The problem with Post-Colonial Urbanism might be its unilateral observation based on specific seemingly untold urban developmental periods and cultural contexts. Post-Colonial urbanists intentionally try to avoid the fact that urban space has become a global capital apparatus. No city has escaped from the neoliberal logic of urban accumulation. Political-economic principles are obviously universal but driving different cities toward economic prosperity with disparity appearances. On this point, all cities are heading towards a similar direction which make it impossible to deconstruct the world city paradigm.

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OLD TOWN JAKARTA JAKARTA, INDONESIA

Kota Tua was the first walled settlement of the Dutch in Jakarta in 1800. This inner walled city contrasted with the surrounding villages. From the 17th19th century, it was established as the capital of the Dutch East Indies. Soon after Indonesia gained independence in 1945, this area was abandoned. In 1970, the Governor of Jakarta officially designated the Old Town as a heritage site. Despite the Governor’s Decree, Old Town remained neglected. In 1980, the business & banking district moved to other areas in the south of Jakarta.

In 2013, the government engage with OMA to develop an innovative way to revitalize the Old Town with an “engage and reveal” concept. Since then, the area has become one of the most prominent tourism districts in Jakarta.

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Figure PCU_16. View of an abandond building in Old Town Jakarta, Indonesia.

OLD TOWN JAKARTA Location Year(s) Status

Jakarta, Indonesia 1945 - present In progress

Footprint

3.7 acres

Designer

OMA

Additional Agents

City of Jakarta Indonesian Ministry of Tourism Dutch Government

Key Project Components

Civic Building Museum Heritage & Historic Building

Program(s)

Revitalization Infill Development

Funding Streams

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Public

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

0

0.2 mile 0.2 km

Open Space Water Post-Colonial Urbanism

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TRANSECT

0

20 feet 5m

Figure PCU_17-19. Various perspective views of Old Town Jakarta, Indonesia.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Post-Colonial Urbanism

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AGENTS

Public Fund Dutch Government Fund FUND SOURCES

OMA (Design & Architect) Local Architect & Engineers Southeast Asia Heritage Southeast Asia Tourist Association ASEAN Economic Community Trans Jakarta

CITY OF JAKARTA MINISTRY OF TOURISM DUTCH GOVERNMENT

COLLABORATORS

INTENDED USER

Public Residents | Touritst

LEADING ORGANIZATION

City Planning Department Indonesian Heritage Center FUTURE DEVELOPMENT PARTNER

PROCESS

1602

1800

1850

1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960

198 1

OLD TOWN JAKARTA Dutch East India Company arrived & colonialized Indonesia

VOC nationalised

Indonesia’s Independence day from colonialism

Old Town designated as a heritag location & revitalization process o “Freeze & Conceal” was starte

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

1970 80

TAXONOMY Fatahilah Museum

Old Train Station

Row of Abandoned Buildings

Ceramic Museum 1985

The Banking District at the Old Town was disappeared

1990

1995

Fatahilah Squae 2000

2005

Revitalization concept shift to “Engage & Reveal”

Batavia Cafe 2010

OMA’s Jakarta Old town rebirth project

ge of ed

Post-Colonial Urbanism

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2015

2020

Ongoing

+

MILL VILLAGE GIRANGAON, INDIA

Girangaon is now a part of central Mumbai. At one time this area had almost 130 textile mills, with the majority being cotton mills. 90% of the population who worked at the mills lived within a 15-minute walking distance. All of them lived in the overcrowded tenements (chawls).

The mills of Girangaon significantly contributed to the prosperity and growth of Mumbai into a major industrial metropolis. Even after the British left, the mills were operated until the Great Bombay Textile Strike of 1982 caused the majority of mills to close. Many buildings were abandoned, and the textile industry in Mumbai has largely disappeared. Conservation efforts began in 1991 to preserve the old mills, while the rest were converted into mixed-use by private developers.

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Figure PCU_20. View of the abandoned mills in Girangaon, India.

MILL VILLAGE Location Year(s) Status

Girangaon, India 1945 - present In progress

Footprint

N/A

Designer

Various Architects ADA Sterling Engineering Consultancy Services Pvt. Ltd. )

Additional Agents Key Project Components Program(s)

Mumbai Metropolitan Region Development Authority (MMRDA) Mills, Residential (Single Family & Multi Family Residential), Office & Retail Urban Infill Building Revitalization

Funding Streams

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Private

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

0

0.2 mile 0.2 km

Open Space Water Post-Colonial Urbanism

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TRANSECT

CHAWLS 0

0.1 mile 0.1 km

Figure PCU_21-23. Perspective views of Girangaon, India.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

MEDIUM RISE BUILDI

ING

MARATHON FUTUREX

MEDIUM RISE BUILDING

Post-Colonial Urbanism

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AGENTS

Marathon Group: Private Capital FUND SOURCES

Mumbai Metropolitan Region Development Authority (MMRDA) ADA (Architects) Sterling Engineering Consultancy Services Pvt. Ltd.

COLLABORATORS

M/S MARATHON REALTY PVT. LTD MMRDA LEADING ORGANIZATION

INTENDED USER

Corporate IT Parks Commercial Office

GREEN TECH

The Woodall Rodgers Park Foundation Board

ULI Urban Open Space Award Texas Society of Architects Honor Award Federal Highway Administration Environmental Excellence Award FUTURE DEVELOPMENT PARTNER

PROCESS

1800

1850

1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970

198

MILL VILLAGE Colonial period (under British) until 1945

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

India’s Independence day from colonialism

M in w

80

TAXONOMY Abandon Mills

Marathon Futurex 1985

Mill Village still n operation until 1982 when riot happened

1990

Chawls Culture Courtyard

Chawls 1995

Textile industry in Mumbai largely closed down

2000

Globalization and New economy

2005

2010

Marathon Futurex Construction begin

Post-Colonial Urbanism

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2015

2020

Marathon Futurex Construction Phase 1 Completed

Ongoing

TYPOLOGICAL URBANISM

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Typological Urbanism contends that the designer can best influence the character of the city through its formative building-components – through the design of institutions, housing, and monuments, as opposed to blocks, districts, or other scales that might define an urban design project. The building type performs as a unit of embedded urban culture, architectural legibility, a reservoir of collective memory, or as a scale of design through which the systems of the surrounding city might be condensed and redirected. Recent theorists have suggested that design at the scale of the building type is a means through which the capitalist city might be resisted, or that the idea of building typology as a semiotic unit has been replaced with the building format as a performative unit within the context of globalization.

Post-Colonial Urbanism

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TYPOLOGICAL URBANISM

INTRODUCTION

Typological Urbanism claims that urban form can be influenced through the design of its individual components. It relies on a precisely developed understanding of the definition of the architectural type. As put forward by Moneo, “(Type) can most simply be defined as the concept which describes a group of objects characterized by the same formal structure.”1 In other words, we might understand architectural type as a formal structure that is present in a group of dissimilar objects.

An extension of this definition may think of the urban environment as a group of dissimilar objects. Typological Urbanism makes a case for architects to reassert themselves as players in the design of cities through controlling architectural objects. In this way, individual objects may begin to dictate certain rationals or formalism within the city. As Moneo describes it, “Type as a formal structure is also intimately connected with reality – with a vast hierarchy of concerns running from social activity to building construction.”2 This leads into Typological Urbanism’s central argument. It argues that the architectural object can become a vessel for ideologies, political biases, economic ideals, and other formal concepts. Through implementing these ideals into an urban form, Typological Urbanism can begin to reshape not just the physical composition of urban space, but its ideological organization as well. It argues that the city can be reclaimed from the sprawling characteristics of modernist urbanization by using specific components, whether they be buildings, infrastructure, or public spaces.

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1. Raphael Moneo, “On Typology,” Oppositions 13 (1978): 23.

2. Ibid., 24.

Figure TU_01. J.N.L. Durand, Plate 21 of Précis des leçons d’architecture donnés à l’École polytechnique.

Typological Urbanism

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Figure TU_02-05. Top, Left to Right: 16th Century House Types. Durand’s Porch System. San Cataldo Cemetery. Rafael Moneo. Case, City as Political Form.

Typology does not refer to the programmatic use of architecture or urban space, but instead to the deep study and understanding of the ways in which concept of “type” is manifested not only physically, but also politically. The primary feature of Typological Urbanism is its rather narrow focus on a singular object as a primary driver of design. Pier Vittorio Aureli cites four projects in his piece City as Political Form: Four Archetypes of Urban Transformation, as objects that were used to project political power structures on the urban forms that they inhabit. He offers the concept of the “Archetype,” an urban intervention that projects control over the urban form through it socio-political and physical characteristics. This includes the axial street in Rome, a project that connected key strategic points of the city to assert a culture of military control.

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Figure TU_06-10. Bottom, Left to Right: Case in City as Political Form. Cases in Typologcal Urbanism.

The AD issue titled Typological Urbanism and the Idea of the City, suggests that typological urbanism projects reconsider the role of the building and urban space not only as a piece of the urban fabric but a part of the socio-political structure of the city. These projects situated within the city become symbols of power, capital, and ideology. They attempt to dictate urban form at the scale of an object through architectural forms. This could be through the marriage of a variety of programs like the projects in the AD piece such as OMA’s Penang Tropical city, to the linear park typology as a sort of urban band-aid for post infrastructural areas, to the overtly political examples explored by Aureli. All of these projects work with the architectural object, a distinct departure from the other urbanisms.

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LINEAGE

The ideas behind Typological Urbanism can be traced back through architectural theory and history in the writings of Quatremere de Quincy, a French architectural and art theorist working in the 18th century. He argued that type served as the primary driver for choosing architectural forms because it could explain the connection between the logic of a design decision and its use. He goes on to distinguish type from J.N.L Durand’s concept of the “Model.” According to Quatremere de Quincy, “the model, understood in the sense of practical execution, is an object that should be repeated as it is; contrariwise, the ‘type’ is an object after which each artist can conceive works that bear no resemblance to each other. All is precise and given when it comes to the model, while all is more or less vague when it comes to the ‘type.’”3 In “On Typology,” Moneo offers several important distinctions between type, model, and prototype to clarify type as a concept. Moneo made the argument that repetition was adopted by the modernist movement and thus represented a departure from traditional understandings of typology in architecture, “… for to them it meant immobility, a set of restrictions imposed on the creator who must, they posited, be able to act with complete freedom on the object,”4 thus creating the concept of the prototype as driver of urban form.

Aldo Rossi, in his The Architecture of the City, also examines the role of typology in seeking to develop an understanding of the city beyond simple functionalism.

He defined type as “… the very idea of architecture, that which is closest to its essence. In spite of changes, it has always imposed itself on the ‘feelings and reason’ as the principle of architecture and of the city.”5 He introduced the idea of the “Urban Artifact” which refers to the building as a fragment of the city (not just the physical thing), but all of its history, geography, structure and connection to the general life of the city. The permanence of types enables artifacts to convey historical richness and relate to collective experience and memories. Thus, incorporating the complexity of the city’s totality gives it individuality.

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Figure TU_11. Oppositions 13, Dictionnaire d’architecture, The Architecture of the City.

3. Quatremère de Quincy, The True, the Fictive, and the Real: The Historical Dictionary of Architecture, trans. Samir Younés (London: Papadakis Publisher, 1999), 255.

4. Moneo, “On Typology,” 32.

5. Aldo Rossi, The Architecture of the City, trans.

Diane Ghirardo and Joan Ockman (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1982), 41.

CRITIQUE

6. Moneo, “On Typology,” 38.

7. Ibid., 29.

Typological Urbanism establishes a systematic methodology of understanding architecture and the city through examining contrasts and comparisons among their components. It also contributes to discussions about the relationship between physical architecture and urban form, and the intangible social and political factors that effect cities. However, one of the greatest challenges surrounding Typological Urbanism is that type is still misunderstood. Methods of typological analysis rely on previous understandings of the formal structures and frameworks of architectural and urban objects. Therefore, typological approaches encounter difficulty in coping with the complexity of the ever-changing context of cities today. As recognized by Moneo, “the so called ‘typological’ research that happens today results in the production of images, or in the reconstitution of traditional typologies.”6 Additionally, Typological Urbanism may privilege certain socio-political agendas. These agendas can exert too much control over the urban form leading to potentially disastrous results. It also seems likely that Typological Urbanism could encounter similar pitfalls as modernists due to encouraging an over-simplification of the city. This is likely due to the fact that type can be misconstrued as dictating form through its repeated use of the same object.

Moneo suggests this while analyzing Durand. Durand argues that architecture is created from a series of pre-ordained pieces, suggesting that there is a recipe for the city. It reduces the city into a good “composition,” created by varying pieces of architecture.7 This method of thinking may cause a homogenization in the understanding urban conditions due to its concern with the single architectural object or type.

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PENANG TROPICAL CITY PENANG, MALAYSIA

Penang Tropical City originates from a typological distribution of program-- a method of giving shape to differentiated urban environments by precisely allocating architectural and urban types. Therefore, the proposal is a web of relations (contrasts and transitions), the result of a spatial interpretation of type and program.

A distinction is made between ‘soft’ and ‘hard’ program. Soft program represents the institutional and necessitates public investment while hard program is private and attractive for profits. Soft and hard program are then identified with two contrasting types of urban environment. As a result of typological distribution, soup and islands embody contrasting urban territories that complete each other in function and use. Penang Tropical City is an expression of the contrasts, transitions and similarities latent in a mixed program of architectural types and urban environments.

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Figure TU_12. Model of Penang Tropical City by OMA.

PENANG TROPICAL CITY Location Year(s) Status

Penang, Malaysia 2004 Unbuilt

Footprint

1.74 km2

Designer

OMA / Ole Scheeren

Additional Agents

Arup, London Ang Chee Cheong, Kuala Lumpur

Key Project Components

Masterplan Architecture Types Combination

Program(s) Client

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Housing, Office, Mall, Convention Center Asia Design Forum

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460 ft

0 100 m

Open Space

Soft Programme (Urban Facilities)

Water Typological Urbanism

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TRANSECT

MOUNTAIN

0

SERVICED

CONVENTION

APARTMENTS

CENTER

100 m 200 ft

Figure TU_13-17. Left to Right: Masterplan. Functional Distribution Diagram. Model Photos. Vision Drawing, A-324

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RESIDENTIAL TOWERS

WATER

GARDEN APARTMENTS

SINGLE FAMILY HOUSE

TOWERS

0 0

Typological Urbanism

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100 m 500 ft

AGENTS

Asia Design Forum INITIATOR

Ole Scheeren Ang Chee Cheong Kuala Lumpur

COLLABORATOR

INTENDED USER

Public Creative Class, New-Comers

PUBLICATION

Architectural Design, January/ February 2011 Profile No. 209

OMA, ROTTERDAM

DESIGNER

Arup, London PLANNER, TRAFFIC ENGINEER

PROCESS

1800

1850

1900 1910 1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970

PENANG TROPICAL CITY

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198

80

TAXONOMY

Hotel

Semi-Detached Housing

Convention Center

1985

1990

Circular Housing

1995

Garden Housing

Residential Tower

2000

Water Tower

Park Apartments

2005

Office Tower

Mall

2010

OMA proposed typical mix of architecture to create representative for tropical modernity

Plan Typological Urbanism

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Superlink

Serviced Apartments

2015

2020

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Typological Urbanism

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21ST C. MUSEUM OF CONTEMPORARY ART KANAZAWA, JAPAN

This project, inserted into the urban fabric of Kanzanawana, challenges the typical museum typology. It is designed to be viewed from the exterior without a formal face or entrance. Rather, the museum is transparent with the individual galleries appearing as smaller architectural objects. In the words of Kazyou Sejima, the museum is meant to be understood and interacted with like a city park. It attempts to blend the scale of the object (museum) and the scale of the city.

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Figure TU_18. 21st Century Museum of Contemporary Art in Kanazawa by SANAA.

21ST C. MUSEUM CONTEMPORARY ART Location Year(s) Status Footprint

Kanazawa, Japan 2000 - 2004 Built 11,300 ft2 Museum 21,780 ft2 Site

Designer Additional Agents Key Project Components Program(s) Funding Streams

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SANAA City of Kanazawa, Kazyou + Associates, Miyake Design Studio Urban Park, Cultural Center, Community Center Exhibition Spaces, Public Park, Art Collection, Cafeteria Public and Private funds acquired by the city of Kanazawa

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100’

0

160 ft 25 m

Open Space Water Typological Urbanism

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TRANSECT

COMMERCIAL OFFICES

PARK

0

21ST. CE

100 m 200 ft

COMMERICAL OFFICES

PARK

Figure TU_19-23. Views of the galleries and grounds.

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21ST C. MUS

ENTURY OF CONTEMPORARY ART

PARK

SEUM OF CONTEMPORARY ART

PARK

0’

100’

CULTURAL DISTRICT

CULTRUAL DISTRICT

200’

Typological Urbanism

40

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AGENTS

Public Fund Private Fundraising INITIATOR

SANNA / Kazyou + Associates Miyake Design Studio Kanazawa Citizens Art Center Museum of Fine Art, Nancy France Art Basel

COLLABORATORS

CITY OF KANAZAWA URBAN CORE DISTRICT COMMITTEE | ISHIKAWA PREFECTURE PLANNING COMMISSION | 21ST C MUSEUM OF CONTEMPORARY ART KANAZAWA STEERING COMMITEE

INTENDED USER

RECOGNITION

Public Residents | Tourist | Students

Golden Lion Architecture Venezia Biennale 2004

LEADING ORGANIZATION

PROCESS

1990

21ST. C. MUSEUM OF CONTEMPORARY ART

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1995

Museum committee is established

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

2000

SANNA is selected as the architectural design Con with Kazyou + Associa as the architects of reco

ner nstruction begins ates ord.

TAXONOMY

2005

Construction Completed

2010

2015

2020

Museum reaches 10,000,000 visitors

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ANTHROPOCENE URBANISM

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

By no means a formally established movement, the thought and work gathered here under the heading Anthropocene Urbanism shares an interest in design at the geographic or even planetary scale within the context of the anthropocene – the current geologic age of profound human intervention with the earth’s environment. Implicit in the idea of the anthropocene is that all of the earth has been urbanized. As such, the environment itself emerges as an urban design project.

Anthropocene Urbanism is related to the most recent environmental thought that is critical of conventional sustainability.

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ANTHROPOCENE URBANISM

INTRODUCTION

We live in the Anthropocene age, a new geological epoch in which human actions have significantly impacted the planetary ecology. Humans, in the name of surviving and thriving, have claimed massive resources from nature. We have concurrently entered the Urban Age. 75% of all humans will live in cities by 2050. The City is seen as the core of human culture and the center of material and energy consuming processes. It has dominated the Earth and continues to reinforce its influence and reach over every non-city corner.

Scholars realized that emerging urban problems like climate change, resource shortages, and uneven development had far exceeded the city boundaries to reach the hinterlands and underrepresented rural areas in a more globalized world.

Through the lens of geopolitical economy, state theory, and other interdisciplinary urban studies “in which inherited scalar arrangements are being challenged and reworked,”1 Neil Brenner calls for rescaling the urban question and “the creation of new scales of urbanization.”2 Anthropocene / Hinterland / Planetary Urbanism attempt to enlarge our speculative scope, and seek to situate urban theory under the concern of environmental global crisis. These urbanisms claim that cities’ impacts on the Earth, such as disturbances of the carbon cycle, ocean acidification, changes to sediment erosion and deposition, global warming, and species’ extinctions have achieved a scale and intensity never before seen. They rethink city-dominant and human-dominant paradigms. They believe that cities-- the central consumption systems-- could play an important role in altering resource transformation and controlling global natural exploitation.

Anthropocene / Hinterland / Planetary Urbanism recast the dichotomy between urban and rural, inflating the paradigm to the extents of the planet. Approached from a planetary view, urbanization is not just about city but also non-city. Neil

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

1. Neil Brenner, “Rescaling the Urban Question,” in Neyran Turan, New Geographies (Cambridge: Harvard University Graduate School of Design, 2008): 60-71.

2. Neil Brenner, Implosions: Explosions Towards a Study of Planetary Urbanization (Berlin: Jovis, 2017), 15-31.

3. Ibid.

4. Matthew Gandy, Urban Constellations (Berlin: Jovis, 2011), 11-13.

2000

1900

1800

1700

10,000 BC

Figure AU_01. The evolution to Anthropocene age, Image Credit: Xuewei Chen.

Anthropocene Urbanism

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Figure AU_02-08. Important academic publications, Image Credit: The Urban Institute in UOS.

Brenner formulates Planetary Urbanism as “urban theory without outsides.”3 He argues that “spaces that lie well beyond the traditional city cores and suburban peripheries have become integral parts of the worldwide urban fabric”4 and “the spaces of the non-city have been continuously operationalized in support of citybuilding processes.”5 Hinterland Urbanism concerns the complexity and connectivity within and between cities. It promotes and responds to the “paradigm-shifting changes of both the Earth’s system and the Earth’s cities,”6 in which “people explore the flows of energy, water, food, goods, as well as people.”7 Shed, catchment, grid,

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5. Neil Brenner, “The Hinterland Urbanised?”

Architectural Design 86, no. 4 (2016): 118-127.

6. Kate D. Derickson, “Urban Geography III,” SAGE 42, no. 3 (2018):425-35, doi: 10.1177/0309132516686012.

7. Mike Hodson and Simon Marvin, “Urbanism in the Anthropocene,” City 14, no. 3 (2010): 298-313, doi: 10.1080/13604813.2010.482277.

8. Ibid.

and code are used as new methodologies for investigating global and regional networks and systematicity.

Finally, Planetary Urbanism attempts to deal with political issues and the fact that “urban-age metanarrative has come to serve as a justification for a huge assortment of spatial interventions.�8 City, in the process of reshaping planetary ecology, is ensuring that economic reproduction and ecological exploitation patterns continue following neoliberal urbanization logics. Market, consumption, production and reproduction, temporal, and spatial flows are constantly discussed and leveraged to identify the various economic and political connections existing beneath the visible fabric.

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LINEAGE

The Holocene Epoch describes the period from the last Ice Age nearly 14,000 years ago to the present. The end of the Holocene Epoch describes the end of natural climate cycles and the beginning of an unprecedented human induced climate change.9 In the past 1,000 years, there has been an accelerated impact on soil disturbance due to the increases in mining, terracing, deforestation, and proliferation of dams required to satisfy modern society’s excessive consumption of resources. The resulting increase in sediment discharge, known as Sediment Flux, is responsible for altering deltas and sea levels across continents more than the effects of the more widely discussed global warming.10 In the 1870s, Italian geologist Antonio Stoppani proposed the idea of the Anthropozoic Era to identify an entirely new geological era characterized by the appearance of humans. In Stoppani’s time, there were limited regulations to control human actions and effects on the Earth. Without an approach to control future actions, or the changes made to the Earth, the effects of human exploration may be irreversible.11 The impact of human activity on the environment was first recognizable around the mid-20th century. Since 1945, there has been an increase in human population that corresponds with an alarming increase in production and consumption of natural resources. The time of The Great Acceleration is expected to come to an end soon as the aggressive consumption of resources will eventually lead to their complete depletion.12 Urbanism encompasses social, economic, and political processes. These processes are intertwined with the rapid urban transformation, exploration of ecologies, overuse of resources, and production of pollutants that threaten the planetary territory. Since then, the Environmental Movement (1960s), Montreal Protocol (1987), Paris Agreement (2015), and many other agreements have been signed in response to the climate change.

Urbanists interpret anthropocene urbanism from different perspectives. Timothy Luke asserts that the anthropocenic change creates a “much more unpredictable context for the longer term development and reproduction of cities marked by climate change, implications for resource constraint, as well as energy, water

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Figure AU_09. Implosions: Explosions Towards a Study of Planetary Urbanization.

9. Juliet Prior and David Price Williams, “An Investigation of Climatic Change in the Holocene Epoch Using Archaeological Charcoal from Swaziland, Southern Africa,” Journal of Archaeological Science 12, no. 6 (1985): 457-475, doi: 10.1016/0305-4403(85)90005-6.

10. James P. M. Syvitski and Albert Kettner, “Sediment Flux and the Anthropocene,” Royal Society Publishing 369, no. 1938 (2011), doi: 10.1098/rsta.2010.0329.

11. Antonio Stoppani, Corso di Geologia, vol. ii, cap, xxxi, section 1327 (Milan, 1873).

12. Will Steffen, Jacques Grinevald, Paul Crutzen and John McNeill, “The Anthropocene: Conceptual and Historical Perspectives,” Royal Society Publishing 369, no.

1938 (2011), doi: 10.1098/rsta.2010.0327.

13. Timothy W. Luke, “Climatologies as Social Critique: The Social Construction/Creation of Global Warming, Global Dimming, and Global Cooling,” in Steve Vanderheiden, Political Theory and Global Climate Change (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2008).

and food security issues.”13 Based on Luke’s interpretation, Hodson and Marvin propose that it is important to understand the “wider societal and material implications of strategic responses to the pressures of climate change, resource constraint and their interrelationships with the global economic crisis.”14 However, the concept of Anthropocene Urbanism is no longer limited to the ecological perspective.

14. Hodson, “Urbanism in the Anthropocene,” 298-313.

Kate Driscoll Derickson believes that “Anthropocene thinking” is interrelated with “anticipatory governance” and that it pervades contemporary urban theory and governance. She argues, for example, that “data-driven, networked urbanism” actually produces a “selective, crafted, flawed, normative and politically-inflected” urban form.15 Neil Brenner expands this idea to the planetary perspective.

Urbanization should not only be defined as the growth of cities, but should also consider the non-urban realm located outside the urban area.

15. Derickson, “Urban Geography III,” 425-35.

CRITIQUE Some scholars argue that the concept of anthropocene has generic implications which obscure the class and place of the urban realm. Anthropocene urbanists promote terminology such as “Capitalocene” and “Eurocene,” intending to rectify the simultaneously classless and placeless implications of the term “Anthropocene.” This calls attention to the role that Western capitalism-- rather than “all of humanity ”-- plays in this transformation.16

16. Sue Ruddick, “Situating the Anthropocene: Planetary Urbanization and the Anthropological Machine,” Urban Geography 36, no. 8 (2015): 1113-30, doi: 10.1080/02723638.2015.1071993.

Other scholars are concerned by the simplification of rural experiences. If Planetary Urbanism has reached every hinterland corner, does it mean the end of the rural village and rural life? In contrast, maybe some cities, such as Los Angeles, have been ruralized.

It is false to say that the entire planet has been urbanized and could be understood from one single epistemology. It is also disingenuous to place all problems under the scope of urbanism. This method covers the facts of history in rural areas, and simply approaches them from a human dominated or city dominated view.

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IJBURG AMSTERDAM, NETHERLANDS

IJburg is a residential neighborhood under construction in the east of Amsterdam, Netherlands. It is an urban expansion project which consists of seven man-made sand islands developed in two construction phases on IJmeer Lake. After the 20 years exodus in Amsterdam in the late 1980s, the city experienced a huge population growth, which required more housing to accommodate the people. Recognizing that physical outward expansion was inevitable, IJburg contributed to the progressive urbanization from water to serve the pressures of growth. The Amsterdam city council decided to build the neighborhood in 1996. Opponents of the plan called for a referendum as there were objections to possible negative effects for the nature of the IJ Lake. This referendum was held 19 March 1997. Although a majority of voters were against the construction, an insufficient number of votes were cast and construction began.

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Figure AU_10. Aerial view of Amsterdam, Netherlands.

IJBURG Location Year(s) Status Area

Amsterdam, Netherlands 997 - present In progress 4.14 km2

Density

3,475 - 8,494 units per km2

Initiator

City of Amsterdam

Designer Key Project Components Program(s)

Ar Oskam, Klaas de Boer, Frits Palmboom, Tineke Van Der Pol Primarily housing Residential, Commercial, Office and Transportation

Funding Streams

Public

Inhabitants

45,000

Jobs

12,000

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

0

0.5 mile 0.5 km

Open Space Water Anthropocene Urbanism

A-351

TRANSECT

IJMEER

RESIDENTIAL BUILDING

LAKE 0

1 mile 1 km

Figure AU_11. Elevation of Ijburg.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

TR COR

RANSIT RRIDOR

IJMEER LAKE

RESIDENTIAL BUILDING

Figure AU_12. Aerial view of Ijburg.

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AGENTS Amsterdam Welfare Service City Housing Department Department of City Planning Dienst Engineering Agency Ingenieursbureau Amsterdam Environmental Services Department Department for Infrastructure, Traffic and Transportation Amsterdam City Land Development Co. Municipal Administration Department Omegam Research Institute Project Management Bureau

INVOLVED INSTITUTIONS Ar Oskam Klaas de Boer Frits Palmboom Tineke Van Der Pol

COLLABORATORS

CITY OF AMSTERDAM

INTENDED USER

Public Residential | Commercial

LEADING ORGANIZATION

Pampus Plan Johannes Hendrik “Jo” van den Broek and Jacob Berend (Jaap) Bakema, 1965 PRECEDENT INITIATIVES

PROCESS

1960

1970

1980

IJBURG IN AMSTERDAM Architects Johannes Hendrik “Jo” van den Broek and Jacob Berend (Jaap) Bakema designed the Pampus Plan for a town in the IJ Lake which was to house 350,000 residents.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

1985

1990

TAXONOMY

THICKENING Interior Variety 1995

LENGTHENING Increasing Perimeter 2000

Phase I started from the island of Steigereiland, Haveneiland, and Rieteiland.

2005

DIVIDING Aggregating the Public 2010

The first residents moved into their houses on Rieteiland.

2015

2020

The Centrumeiland island expansion will start from 2019.

Right now, it is still at the phase of investment decision taken.

The Buiteneiland, Middeneiland, and Strandeiland expansion will start 2022. Right now it is at the phase of reconnaissance.

Anthropocene Urbanism

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PACIFIC AQUARIUM PACIFIC OCEAN

The Pacific Aquarium portrays the overlapping concerns of ecology and economy in the Pacific Ocean, where the projected 1 million square meters of deep-sea mining in the ClarionClipperton Zone could constitute the greatest footprint of human activity in what is considered the largest continuous ecological unit. The project appropriates the object of the aquarium to take aim at the abysmal distance between our selfish economic worries and the great scales of the Earth. Each aquarium constructs a section of the world in which the externalities of resource exploitation and climate change are weaved into spatial scales, temporalities, and species beyond the human. Collectively, the nine aquariums reclaim the production of nature into public controversies by connecting political ecology with speculative design and collective aesthetic experience.

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O 5C

-500m 10OC O

10

C

O

10

5O C

10OC 5 OC

C

10 O C

5 OC

-1000m O

5

C

5 OC

5O C

INTERMEDIATE WATER

5O C

O 3C

-1500m 5O C

IRON TOWER O

3

3OC

FISH COLONY

O 5C

-2500m O 3C

5O C

4O C

5O C 4O C

5C

CLIMATE SANCTUARY

O

-3000m

5O C

-20OC 4OC

20OC

40 C O

35OC -10OC 5OC

O

5

4OC

C

-3500m

5 OC

Figure AU_13.Vertical section of “Pacific Aquarium”, Image Credit: DESIGN EARTH.

4O C

2 OC

2 OC

DEEP WATER

4 OC

5 OC

3O C

C

-2000m

PACIFIC AQUARIUM Location Year(s) Status Designer Collaborate Team Agents Project Details: Awards:

Exhibitions:

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Clarion-Clipperton Zone (CCZ) 2016 Unbuilt Design Earth (El Hadi Jazairy + Rania Ghosn) Reid Fellenbaum, Ya Suo, Jia Weng, Shuya Xu, Saswati Das, with initial contributions from Rixt Woudstra Oslo Architecture Triennale Nine 60x60 cm drawings, Nine 45x45x160 cm models 2016 Architectural Education Award, Faculty Design Award, Association of Collegiate Schools of Architecture 2016 Best of Design Award for Architectural Representation, Honorable Mention, The Architect’s News Geostories: Another Architecture for the Environment, Cooper Union, 2017. Pacific Aquarium, Oslo Architecture Triennale, After Belonging, 2016

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

[9]

[6] [8] [3] [5]

[7] [2]

[4]

[1]

[1]Classified Sediments, [2] Robot Fish Colony, [3]Climate Sanctuaries, [4] Below the Water Towers, [5] Parliament of Refugees, [6] Iron Towers, [7] Overmining, [8] Marine Landfills, [9] Medusa Maze.

Open Space Water Anthropocene Urbanism

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TRANSECT

Sea level

Sea bed

CLASSIFIED SEDIMENTS

CLIMATE SANCTUARIES

ROBOT FISH COLONY 0

0.2 mile 0.2 km

Figure AU_14-19. Design representation of “Pacific Aquarium,” Image Credit: DESIGN EARTH. A-362

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

PARLIAME BELOW THE WATER TOWERS

ENT OF REFUGEES

OVERMINING IRON TOWERS

MEDUSA MAZE MARINE LANDFILLS

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AGENTS

Oslo Architecture Triennale FUNDING SOURCE

INTENDED USER Reid Fellenbaum, Ya Suo, Jia Weng, Shuya Xu, Saswati Das with initial contributions from Rixt Woudstra

COLLABORATOR

DESIGN EARTH (EL HADI JAZAIRY + RANIA GHOSN) AWARDS LEADING ORGANIZATION

Public Creative Class, New-Comers 2016 Architectural Education Award 2016 Best of Design Award for Architectural Representation

Geostories: Another Architecture for the Environment, Cooper Union, 2017.

Pacific Aquarium, Oslo Architecture Triennale, After Belonging, 2016 EXHIBITION

PROCESS

1950

1960

1970

1980

PACIFIC AQUARIUM Clipperton Fracture Zone discovered by the Scripps Institution of Oceanography in 1950

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

1985

1990

TAXONOMY

Classified Sediments Climate Sanctuaries Parliament of Refugees Overmining Robot Fish Colony Below the Water Towers Iron Towers

1995

2000

2005

Medusa Maze Marine Landfills

2010

2020

2015

Design for Oslo Architecture Triennale

20°0'0"N

5°0'0"N

Clipperton Fracture Zone Site 155°0'0"W

135°0'0"W1

15°0'0"W

Anthropocene Urbanism

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VISIONARY / UTOPIAN URBANISM

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

A wide variety of practices and theories could be gathered under the heading Visionary Urbanism.

What unites this diversity is a commitment to the agency of visionary urban design projects to redirect future realities – either through staunch critique of the dominant regime, or through the radical projection of potential alternatives. Visionary urban projects often emerge at moments of political and economic instability, as in the wealth of urban speculation that emerged in Europe in the years surrounding 1968.

Anthropocene Urbanism

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VISIONARY/ NETWORK URBANISM

INTRODUCTION

Visionary and Utopian Urbanisms are inherently ambitious. Their proposals are distinct, and although they share similarities, they are not entirely the same.

Visionary Urbanism is a form of urbanism that attempts to project alternative futures beyond our current capacities, but seem relatable because they build upon our collective imaginary; expanding what we know of the city and proposing solutions at different scales. The value of these types of urbanism lies not on their potential for realization, but on the commentaries embedded within them. They are reflective of global and cultural trends, triggering discursive conversations around topics that need to be addressed.

Partly due to the influence of architecture as a background, Visionary Urbanism attempts to merge infrastructure with buildings. This synthesis results in megastructures that take on different qualities, and becomes vital to the development of introducing a new scale to the city. A good example of this type of project is the work by DESIGN EARTH on Neck of the Moon, where the urban intervention extends beyond the limits of the city and onto the vastness of space.

With an understanding of the impact human activity has on space, the project proposes creating a new moon that orbits earth collecting the accumulated debris leftover from past excursions.1 Utopian Urbanism is similar in terms of visionary qualities but it deserves its own explanation. Utopian urbanism centers its attention on the socio-political issues that we experience within the social contract of civilization. It assumes idealistic conditions and seeks to re-invent that same social contract through collective living and new spatial formations.2 Such proposals manifest in different ways, from suburban living with every citizen owning their own property (as in the case of Levittown) to Le Corbusier’s Ville Radieuse which proposes towers for collective living that assumes equality.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

1. El Hadi Jazairy, “Neck of the Moon,” Yale School of Architecture, Accessed March 29, 2018, www.architecture.yale.edu/exhibitions/13neck-of-the-moon.

2. Victoria Watson, Utopian Adventure: The Corviale Void (Farnham: Ashgate, 2012).

Figure VU_01. “Neck of the Moon.”

Visionary / Utopian Urbanism

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Figure VU_02-06. Images of Le Corbusier’s “La Villa Radieuse,” “Linear City,” and “Shanghai Airport.”

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Visionary / Utopian Urbanism

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LINEAGE

The term utopia, meaning “no place” in ancient Greek, comes from the book of the same name written by Sir Thomas Moore in 1516. The book describes a settlement on five islands in the Atlantic Ocean where people live in a society full of peace, everything is ordered, and no one is ranked above anyone else in society. There is equal access to all lands, and there is equal pay and standards of living across Moore’s proposed society. Utopia has come to influence the minds and designs of architects, urban designers, and urban planners for centuries.

These design professions, and the key individuals behind them, studied the ideas of the ideal society found in Utopia. Grand figures like Le Corbusier, Frank Lloyd Wright, Superstudio, Antonio Sant’Ella, and Ebenezer Howard took a keen interest in how Thomas Moore describes the separation of societal programs into different zones. This led to numerous theoretical architectural and urban designs and movements, each arguing that what they proposed laid the groundwork to bring this fantastical Utopian ideal into reality.

The debates around Utopian Urbanism were at its height following both World Wars. With the mass destruction, displacement, and social upheavals following their conclusion, many of these aforementioned architects and theorists felt the need to find solutions to the problems these wars created.3 Designers looked through a visionary lens to rebuild cities, rethink housing to meet rising population demands, envision mass infrastructure for new technologies, and integrate multiple systems into daily life. Proposed projects were published and shared many common features. These include a separation of programs from one another, priority towards mass infrastructure like highways, the idea of towns in the garden, and the placement of technology over the human.4 While many proposed utopian designs were not built, the theories they proposed influence the urban conditions we see today, from the mass superhighways found in America and China, housing projects in Hong Kong and Marseille, and the creation of suburbia. As time progresses, no doubt new utopian and visionary designs and publications will emerge, questioning how we operate as designers and influencing how forms and urbanities of the future will appear.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Figure VU_07. Frank Lloyd Wright’s, The Living City, and Le Corbusier’s, La Ville Radieuse.

3. Frank Lloyd Wright, The Living City (New York: New American Library, 1963).

4. Le Corbusier, Appartement de Beistegui, Cité Univérsitaire, Pavillon Suisse, Ville Radieuse, and Other Buildings and Projects, 1930 (New York: Garland Pub., 1982).

CRITIQUE

A common trope of Architecture is the notion that with a high enough resolution of rationality and order all of society’s issues can be solved. Many of the world’s greatest Architects have succumbed to the temptation of designing a perfect, utopic city, all of which fail. Often these projects are attempting too much and are unable to achieve the extreme ambitions of the project. In other examples, such as Le Corbusier’s Ville Radieuse, infrastructural inserts like the pedestrian walkway-- which are notoriously unsuccessful-- are simply rejected by society.5 Utopian Urbanism out of the 20th century often organized city spaces by linking program / function with structure-- in which case residential areas were often completely separate from business areas and thus connected via a network of roadways. As a demand on design, it is far too difficult for a single plan to anticipate the needs of millions of citizens. In fact, the main point of failure for visionary / utopian design has been the designer’s emphasis on structures and infrastructures as opposed to an emphasis on the population itself. Even the projects that were developed were never able to live up to their promise.

5. Yuri Artibise, “Utopian Urbanism: The Impossibility of Perfection,” Yuri Artibise, November 18, 2010, http://yuriartibise. com/utopian-urbanism-the-impossibility-ofperfection/.

Visionary / Utopian Urbanism

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+

NECK OF THE MOON COTOPAXI, ECUADOR

Neck of the moon examines global trends in space exploration and proposes to clean up the orbital environment through the creation of infrastructure serving at the planetary scale. The proposal projects urbanism and other forms of colonization beyond the ones currently at practice and onto the networks of space. The project is a satellite planet that orbits the Earth collecting debris at higher altitudes with the help of robotic arms.

The compacted mass would grow organically eventually turning into the Earth’s second moon with its home base in Cotopaxi, Ecuador.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Figure 01. Concept Figurerendering VU_08. of Concept Neck of drawings the Moon / diagrams / perspectives for “Neck of the Moon.�

NECK OF THE MOON Location Year(s) Status

Cotopaxi, Ecuador

2015 Unbuilt

Footprint

1,700 miles

Designer

El Hadi Jazari and Rania Ghosn

Additional Agents

Jia Weng, Mingchuan Yang, Shuya Xu, Hsin-Han Lee, Sihao Xiong

Key Project Components

Planetary infrastructure Colonization of space

Program(s)

Landscapes of production, robot farms Landing site, space station

Funding Streams

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Private

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

0

1 mile 1 km

Open Space Water Visionary / Utopian Urbanism

A-379

TRANSECT

SPACE

Figure VU_09-13. Concept drawings / diagrams / perspectives for “Neck of the Moon.”

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

SPACE DEBRI ORBIT

SPACE STATION

N: MOON LAIKA

SPACE DEBRI ORBIT

SPACE

Visionary / Utopian Urbanism

A-381

AGENTS

Jacques Rougerie Competition INITIATOR

INTENDED USER Mingchuan Yang, Shuya Xu, HsinHan Lee, Sihao Xiong

COLLABORATOR

DESIGN EARTH (EL HADI JAZAIRY + RANIA GHOSN) PUBLICATION ARCHITECTS

PROCESS

1930

1940

1950

1960

1970

1980

Station Operators Global Citizens Yale School of Architecture Gallery.

Design Earth.org MIT Keller Gallery

1985

NECK OF THE MOON Nazi Germany explores long distance rockets

Soviet launches first artificial satellite, Sputnik 1

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3 humans stay Initiative aboard a workshop for an orbiting the Earth International Space Center Six apollo missions between Communications 1960 and 1972 expanded to carry t.v First man on programs the moon Russian LT. orbits Earth in Kostkov 1.

JFK proposes to put man on the moon

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

19

990

TAXONOMY

Space Station

Robotic Arm

3D Printer

Metal Furnace

Container

Telescope Parts

1995

2000

2005

2010

2015

First Humans inhabit the ISS

2020

Tesla sends car to space

Visionary / Utopian Urbanism

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+

VILLE RADIEUSE PARIS, FRANCE

Paris has been known for a center of architecture innovation and egalitarian thought for centuries. In the early 20th century few other architects were as experimental as Le Corbusier.

In his Ville Radieuse (Radiant City), Corbusier proposed a new city within a city, where over one million new inhabitants could be placed and live in the most modern way possible.

This utopian dream is known for it’s influence on many of today’s urban environments and even the base of modern planned cities, even though it was never built. Ville Radieuse is characterized by massive vehicular and aeronautical infrastructure, the creation of office towers, massive public housing structures, park space, and the separation of different programs into banded zones.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Figure VU_14. Model of “Ville Radieuse.”

VILLE RADIEUSE Location

Paris, Ile de France, France

Years

1924 - 1933

Status

Unbuilt

Footprint

48 km2

Designer

Le Corbusier

Additional Agents Key Project Components

Precedent inspirations include American factories, metropolises like New York, traditional Algerian towns, and Mayan cities Division of programmatic spaces into bands; city in the park; massive infrastructure for pedestrian, automotive, and aeronautical circulation

Program

Mid-rise to High-rise residential, commercial zones, institutional spaces, factories, warehouses, super highways

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

BUISNESS CENTER

RAILROAD STATION HOTEL + EMBASSY

HOUSING

FACTORIES

WAREHOUSES

HEAVY INDUSTRY 0

1 km 600m

Open Space Water Visionary / Utopian Urbanism

A-389

TRANSECT

600 M OFFICE + RESIDENTIAL 0 1 mile TOWERS

40 M HOUSING + COMMERCIAL + INSTIT

1 km

Figure VU_15-16. Hand rendering of a main boulevard in “Ville Radieuse.”

A-390

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

TUTIONAL

WAREHOUSES

Visionary / Utopian Urbanism

FACTORIES

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AGENTS French Government New York City Housing Authority United States Housing Authority Brazilian Government Public Housing in Lima, Peru Public Housing in Mexico City New York Five Architects Most Schools of Modernist Architectural Thought Bauhaus

INVOLVED INSTITUTIONS

1924 Exhibition The Radiant City Book 1933 International Universities

EVALUATOR

LE CORBUSIER

INTENDED USER

Public Residential | Commercial Institutional | Infrastructure Universities | Academia

ARCHITECTS

Infrastructure/ Network Urbanism New Urbanism Post Colonial Urbanism Smart City Urbanism PRECEDENT INITIATIVES

PROCESS

1920

1925

1930

1935

VILLE RADIEUSE Project designed and put on display in 1924.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Radiant City book is published describing the theories, drawings, and ides of the project. Released in 1933

1940

TAXONOMY

ND

A KL

R PA

1945

1950

1955

1960

1970

Visionary / Utopian Urbanism

1980

1990

A-393

2000

2010

2020

+

BROADACRE CITY MIDWEST, USA

Broadacre City was an urbanization proposal conceptualized by Frank Lloyd Wright. Wright envisioned a sprawled suburbia as a critique of densified urbanism. As opposed to maximizing the density of a particular plot of land, Wright spreads out the population. Each family was to be provided with one parcel of a oneacre (4,000 m2) plot of land from the government creating a vehicle and pedestrian friendly organization.

The few apartment towers that were proposed further articulates Wright’s ideal city as being one spread out within a natural landscape. Broadacre City promotes the usage of the automobile and a cohesive group of small communities that contain all necessities of modern life.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Figure VU_17. Rendering drawn by Frank Lloyd Wright.

BROADACRE CITY Location Year(s) Status

Midwest USA 1932 - 1935 Unbuilt

Footprint

4 mi2

Designer

Frank Lloyd Wright

Additional Agents Key Project Components Program(s)

Frank Lloyd Wright & Edward Kauffman 1 acre devoted per family, suburban sprawl, minimal apartment living, local commercialism Private Local / public amenities

Funding Streams

A-398

Edgar Kauffman

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

0

0.75 mile 1 km

Open Space Water

0’ Visionary / Utopian Urbanism

200’ A-399

400’

TRANSECT

1 ACRE

Figure VU_18-22. Renderings of Frank Lloyd Wright’s “Broadacre City.” Photographs of the 12’x12’ scaled model of “Broadacre City.”

A-400

Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Visionary / Utopian Urbanism

A-401

AGENTS

Edgar Kaufmann

FUNDING SOURCE

INTENDED USER Student Interns at Taliesin

COLLABORATOR

Mid-West American Families

FRANK LLOYD WRIGHT PUBLICATIONS

Industrial Arts Expo Federal Housing Administration

LEADING ORGANIZATION

“The Disappearing City” PRECEDENT INITIATIVES

PROCESS

1920

1930

1935

1940

1945

BROADACRE CITY Broadacre concepts first conveyed in Frank Lloyd Wright’s book: ‘The Disappearing City”

April 15, 1935 First displayed as a 12’x12’ model at the Industrial Arts Exposition in the Forum at the Rockefeller Center

June 18, 1935 Further display at the exposition: “New Homes for Old” in Pittsburgh. Sponsored by the Federal Housing Administration.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Broadacre city is further elaborated on in Wright’s second book: ‘When Democracy Builds’

Edgar Kaufmann

TAXONOMY Student Interns at Taliesin

FUNDING SOURCE COLLABORATORS

Frank Lloyd Wright LEADING ORGANIZATION

INTENDED USER

Mid-West American Families

PUBLICATORS

Industrial Arts Expo

“The Disappearing City”

Federal Housing Administration

1-Acre of Land per Family

Minimal Apartment Towers

PRECEDENT INITIATIVES

American st American ies milies

Arts al Arts Expo Expo

al ousing Housing nistration ration

1-Acre 1-Acre of Land of Land perper Family Family

1-Acre Per Family

Minimal Minimal Apartment Apartment Towers Towers

Suburban Sprawl

Apartment Towers

Suburban Sprawl

Suburban Suburban Sprawl Sprawl

1950

1955

1960

1970

1980

1990

Broadacre city is further elaborated on in Wright’s third book: ‘The Living City’. Frank Lloyd Wright died April 9, 1959 at age 91.

Visionary / Utopian Urbanism

A-403

2000

2010

2020

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Hamilton Anderson Associates. “City Modern Residential Development in Brush Park.” Digital Image. Crain’s Detroit Business, November 29, 2016. Accessed March 28, 2018. http://www.crainsdetroit.com/article/20161129/NEWS/161129870/city-modern-constructionin-brush-park-likely-to-begin-next-week.

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CHERRY HILL VILLAGE “A Look Inside Cherry Hill Village of Canton.” Digital Image. Livonia Builders (Blog). May 4, 2011. https://livoniabuilders.wordpress. com/2011/05/04/a-look-inside-cherry-hill-village-of-canton/.

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Fulton, William. The New Urbanism: Hope or Hype for American Communities? Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Library, 1996.

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Talen, Emily. “New Urbanism and the Culture of Criticism.” Urban Geography 21, no. 4 (2013): 318-341. doi:10.2747/0272-3638.21.4.318.

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TACTICAL URBANISM TIMES SQUARE Bagli, Charles V. “After 30 Years, Times Square Rebirth Is Complete.” The New York Times, December 3, 2010. https://www.nytimes. com/2010/12/04/nyregion/04square.html.

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Theories and Methods of Urban Design

Walker, Peter. “Streetfighting Woman: Inside the Story of How Cycling Changed New York.” The Guardian, March 11, 2016. https://www. theguardian.com/cities/2016/mar/11/cycling-fights-new-york-mean-streets-janette-sadik-khan.

PARKING DAY Alter, Lloyd. “Park(Ing) Day at the Terry Thomas in Seattle.” Digital Image. TreeHugger. September 19, 2008. Accessed April 13, 2018. https://www.treehugger.com/culture/parking-day-at-the-terry-thomas-in-seattle.html.

Groundswell Design Group. “Park(ing) Day Philadelphia 2011.” Digital Image. Groundswell Design Group. Accessed April 13, 2018. http://www.groundswelldesigngroup.com/projects/parking-day.

Lydon, Mike, and Anthony Garcia. Tactical Urbanism: Short-Term Action for Long-Term Change. Washington, D.C.: Island Press/Center for Resource Economics, 2015.

Mercier, Dominic. “1300 Block of Walnut St.” Digital Image. Hidden City Philadelphia. September 21, 2012. Accessed April 13, 2018. https://hiddencityphila.org/2012/09/greetings-from-parking-day-2012-wish-you-were-here/.

“PARK(ing) Day.” Digital Image. Agile City. Accessed April 13, 2018. https://agile-city.com/community-project/parking-day/.

“PARK(ing) Day is September 21, 2018.” PARK(ing) Day Philadelphia. Accessed April 13, 2018. https://sites.google.com/parkingdayphila. org/2017/.

“PARK(ing) Day Philadelphia.” Digital Image. The Philly Calendar. Accessed April 13, 2018. https://www.thephillycalendar.com/events/ park-ing-day-philadelphia.

PARK(ing) Day Philadelphia. “Parking Day.” Digital Image. Uwishunu Philadelphia. September 16, 2010. Accessed April 13, 2018. https:// www.uwishunu.com/2010/09/take-back-the-street-tomorrow-is-parking-day/.

Rebar Group. “The PARK(ing) Day Manual.” American Society of Landscape Architects. Accessed April 13, 2018. https://www.asla.org/ uploadedFiles/CMS/Events/Parking_Day_Manual_Consecutive.pdf.

Schneider, Benjamin. “How PARK(ing) Day Went Global.” CityLab. September 15, 2017. https://www.citylab.com/life/2017/09/fromparking-to-parklet/539952/.

EMPIRICAL URBANISM THE STRIPSCAPE A-I-R, Inc. “Stripscape.” A-I-R Inc. Accessed April 3, 2018. https://a-i-rinc.com/portfolio-item/stripscape/.

A-I-R, Inc. “Stripscape.” Digital Image. A-I-R Inc. Accessed April 3, 2018. https://a-i-rinc.com/portfolio-item/stripscape/.

Cuff, Dana, and Roger Sherman. “Rethinking Architecture’s Engagement with the City.” Fast-Forward Urbanism: Rethinking Architecture’s Engagement with the City. New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2011 Heath, Kingston. Vernacular Architecture and Regional Design. London: Architectural Press, 2009.

“Pedestrian Amenities Along 7th Avenue.” Arizona State Univers. Accessed April 3, 2018. https://www.asu.edu/planning/stripscape.html.

Petrucci, Darren. “Stripscape: Pedestrian Amenities along 7th Avenue.” Places 17, no. 2 (2005): 42-44.

Sommer, Richard, Michael Piper, Ultan Byrne, Roberto Damiani, and Mauricio Quiros. “After Empirical Urbanism Symposium.” Cargo Collective. University of Toronto. February 27, 2015. http://cargocollective.com/afterempiricalurbanism/Description.

DUCK & COVER CityLab. “Roger Sherman Bio.” CityLab, UCLA. Accessed April 3, 2018. https://citylab.ucla.edu/roger-sherman/.

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Roger Sherman Architecture + Urban Design. “Thinking out of the Big Box: Duck and Cover.” Digital Image. Roger Sherman Architecture + Urban Design. Accessed April 3, 2018. http://www.rsaud.com/html/projects.htm.

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POST INDUSTRIAL URBANISM EMSCHER PARK Alberth, Patricia. “Zollverein Industrial Coal Complex.” Digital Image. UNESCO. Accessed April 15, 2018. https://whc.unesco.org/en/ documents/113899.

Emschergenosschaft. “Sewer Construction.” Digital Image. Accessed April 15, 2018. http://www.eglv.de/en/emschergenossenschaft/ emscher-conversion/emscher/.

Jones, Adrian, and Chris Matthews. “The Jam Factory.” Digital Image. World Build 365 Product Directory. November 24, 2015. https:// www.worldbuild365.com/news/1uspoedvl/building-architecture/creative-industrial-refurbishments.

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Morrison, Hunter. “Lessons Learned from a Shrinking City: Youngstown 2010 and Beyond.” Formerly Urban: Projecting Rust Belt Futures. New City Books. Edited by Julia Czerniak. New York: Princeton Architectural Press, 2013.

Potrc, Marjetica. “Between the Waters: Emscher Community Garden”. Digital Image. Accessed April 15, 2018. https://www.potrc.org/ project2.htm.

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30TH STREET STATION Amtrak, Brandywine Realty Trust, Drexel University, Pennsylvania Department of Transportation, and Southeastern Pennsylvania Transportation Authority. “30th Street Station: Growing Philly’s Future.” 30th Street Station District Plan. June 16, 2016. https:// www.youtube.com/watch?v=vSGVk0WDXS8&feature=youtu.be.

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LANDSCAPE + ECOLOGICAL URBANISM FRESHKILLS PARK Freshkills Park. The Freshkills Park Alliance. Accessed April 14, 2018. https://www.freshkillspark.org/.

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KLYDE WARREN PARK American Society of Landscape Architects. “Klyde Warren Park - Bridging the Gap in Downtown Dallas.” American Society of Landscape Architects. Accessed April 12, 2018. https://www.asla.org/2017awards/327692.html.

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Perez, Christine. “How Klyde Warren Park Has Changed Dallas Real Estate.” D CEO, September 2015. https://www.dmagazine.com/ publications/d-ceo/2015/september/how-klyde-warren-park-has-changed-downtown-uptown-dallas-real-estate/.

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INFRASTRUCTURE + NETWORK URBANISM THE PLASTIC SEA Burtynsky, Edward. “The Greenhouses of Almeria.” Digital Image. Amusing Planet. Accessed April 14, 2018. http://www.amusingplanet. com/2013/08/the-greenhouses-of-almeria.html.

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A PLAN FOR TOKYO ArchEyes. “A Plan for Tokyo 1960 / Kenzo Tange.” ArchEyes. January 26, 2016. http://archeyes.com/plan-tokyo-1960-kenzo-tange/.

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SMART CITY URBANISM MASDAR CITY Datta, Ayona, and Abdul Shaban, ed. Mega-Urbanization in the Global South: Fast Cities and New Urban Utopias of the Postcolonial State. New York: Routledge, 2017.

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KASHIWA-NO-HA Akiyama, Hiroyasu. “Kashiwa-no-ha Smart City: A New Vision for the Cities of Tomorrow.” FutureCity. Government of Japan. February 9, 2015. PDF. http://doc.future-city.jp/pdf/forum/2016_portland/doc_1330-1345_Mr_Hiroyasu_Akiyama_en.pdf.

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SOCIAL URBANISM SUPERKILEN Akšamija, Azra. “2016 On Site Review Report: Superkilen.” Archnet. Accessed March 7, 2018. PDF. https://archnet.org/system/ publications/contents/10687/original/DTP103072.pdf ?1475511766.

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