DESCRIBING ZANDE CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS

APPENDIX I

A List of Terms Employed in describing Zande Customs and Beliefs

IN myuseof anthropological termsIam mainly concerned with following Zande thought. Ihaveclassed under asingle heading what Azandecallbyasingleword,and I havedistinguished between typesof behaviour that they consider different. Iam not anxious todefine witchcraft, oracles, and magic as ideal types of thought, but desire to describe what Azande understand by mangu, soroka, and ngua. Iam therefore not greatly concerned with the question whether oracles should beclassedas magic; nor whether the belief that children are unlucky who cut their upper teeth before their lower teeth isaform ofwitchcraft; nor yet whether taboo is negative magic. My aim has been tomakea number of English words stand for Zande notions and tousethe same term only and always when the same notion is being discussed. For example, the Zande does not speak oforacles ortaboosas ngua, and therefore Ido not call them 'magic'. Ido not here raisethe question whether Azande are aware of a classification ofallformsof behaviour denoted by the same term or whether the unity is merely our abstraction.

In thefirst column are the Zande words that stand for certain notions. In the second column are the English words that Iuse wheneverIspeakofthese notions. The meaning ofthe termsis developed inthetext, and the object of giving formal and condensed definitions isto facilitate reading, since description ofsome notions and actions must precede description of others. Ido not want to quarrel about words, and if anyone caresto designate these notions and actions by terms other than thoseI have usedI should raiseno objection.

Mangu

( I) WI'i"CHCRAFT-SUBSTANCE: a material substance inthebodiesofcertain persons. It isdiscovered by autopsy inthe dead and is supposed tobe diagnosed by oracles intheliving. (2) WITCHCRAFT: a supposed psychic emanation from witchcraft-substance which is believed to cause injury to health and property. (3) WITCHCRAFT-PHLEGM: among witch-doctors mangu occasionally referstoa supposed substance in their bodieswhichtheysayispro-

Boro (ira) mangu

Ngua

Sima

Borongua(ira ngua)

'cbegbere (gbigbita) ngua, kitikitingua

Wenengua

duced by medicines. In their opinion it isentirely different to the witchcraft-substance mentioned above. They are able to expectorate phlegm which they claim tobe derived from this substance. WITCH: a person whose body contains, oris declared by oracles or diviners to contain, witchcraftsubstance and whois supposed to practise witchcraft. (I) MAGIC: a technique that is supposed to achieve its purpose bytheuseof medicines. The operationofthese medicinesisa magic riteand isusually accompanied byaspell. (a) MEDICINES: any object in which mystical power issupposed to reside and which isusedin magic rites. They are usually of vegetable nature. (3) LEECHCRAFT: the treatment of pathological conditions, whether by empirical or'by magical means, through physic or surgery. Physic is treatment by administration of drugs (empirical)or medicines (magical). Surgery is manual treatment. Normally leechcraft is simple magic, but the term isgiven separately because itisa special department of magic and because itleaves open the question whether treatment contains an empirical element.

(4) CLOSED ASSOCIATIONS: the Azande have a number of associations forthe practise ofcommunal magic rites. Their ritual is restricted to members. In this book onlythe Mani association is described. SPELL: an address accompanying rites and forming an integral part of them. When the address is made to medicines I callitaspell. When itis made to oracles Icall it an oracular address.

An address to the ghostsortothe Supreme

Being Icalla prayer. ( I) MAGICIAN: any person who possesses medicines and uses them in magic rites. (2) LEECH: a person who practises leechcraft. (I) SORCERY (BADMAGIC): magic that is illicit oris considered immoral. (2) BAD MEDICINES: medicines that are usedinsorcery. (I) GOOD MAGIC: magic that is socially approved.

Unless it is stated tothe contrary, all references to magic refer to good magic.

Ira gbegbere (kitikiti) ngua Gira

Soroka

Pa (pa atoro)

Abinza ( Aoule)

Mhisimo

Atoro

Mhori

(2) GOOD MEDICINES: medicines that areusedin goodmagic. SORCERER: anyone whopossessesbad medicines and uses them inritesof sorcery. TABOO: the refraining fromsome action on account ofa mystical belief that its performance will causean undesired event or interfere witha desired event. ORACLES: techniques which are supposed to reveal what cannot be discovered at all,or cannot be discovered for certain, by experiment and logical inferences therefrom. The principal Zande oracles are: (a) benge, poison oracle, which operates through the administration of strychnine tofowls, and formerly to human beings also. (h) iwa, rubbing-board oracle, which operates bymeansofa wooden instrument. (c) dakpa, termites oracle, which operates by the insertion of branches oftwotrees into runsof certain speciesofterrnites. (d) mapingo, three sticks oracle, which operates by means ofapileof three smallsticks. DIVINATION: a method of discovering what isunknown, and often cannot be known, by experiment and logic. The instrument is here a human being whois inspired by medicines (ngua), orbyghosts iatoro), orby both. WITCH-DOCTORS: a corporation of diviners whoare believed to diagnose and combat witchcraft in virtue of medicines whichthey have eaten, by certain dances, and by leechcraft. SOUL: a supposed psychic property inpersons and things that attimesis separated from them. GHOSTS: soulsofpersons when finally separated from their bodiesat death. -, SUPREME BEING: a ghostly beingtowhomthecreationoftheworldis attributed.

In addition toterms directly derived from Zande notions, and pur.. porting to translate them, I have founditnecessarytousea number of further categoriestoclassify both "the notions themselves and the behaviour associated with them. Inowlistthese additional terms, together withthe meanings I attach to them. It should be noted that thisispurelyan adhoc classificationfor descriptive purposes. Ifanyone

should object totheseterms,orwishto attach different meanings to them ortoclassthefacts under different headings heisat liberty to doso. Terms are only labelswhich help us to sort out factsofthe same kindfromfacts which are different, or are insomerespectsdifferent. If thelabelsdo not prove helpful wecan discard them. The factswillbethe same without their labels.

MYSTICAL NOTIONS. These are patterns of thought that attribute to phenomena supra-sensible qualities which, or part of which, are not derived from observation or cannot be logically inferredofrom it, and which they donot possess. COMMON-SENSE NOTIONS. Theseare patterns of thought that attribute to phenomena only what men observe in them or what can logically be inferred from observation. So long asa notion does not assert something which has not been observed, it is not classedas mystical even though itis mistaken on account of incomplete observation. It stilldiffersfrom mystical notions in which supra-sensible forces are always posited. SCIENTIFIC NOTIONS. Science has developed out of common sense but isfar more methodical and has better techniquesof observation and reasoning.

Common senseuses experience and rulesof thumb. Science uses experiment and rulesofLogic. Common sense observes only some links ina chain of causation. Science observesall,or many more of: the links. In this placewe need notdefinescientific notions more clearly because Azande have none, orveryfew, according to where we draw the line between common sense and science. The term is introduced ·because we need a judge to whom we can appeal fora decision when the question arises whether a notionshall beclassedas mystical or commonsense. Our body ofscientific knowledge and Logic are the sole arbiters of what are mystical,'commonsense, and scientific notions. Their judgements are never absolute. RITUAL BEHAVIOUR. Any behaviour that is accounted fQ.t..,Q,y_I!1Y.lllcal notions.

There isno between the behaviour and'the-event "It'.ls'lii: tended to cause.Buchbehaviour is ·usuallY..intelligible to .when-we associated with it. EMPIRICAL BEHAVIOUR. Any behaviour thatisaccounted for by common-sense notions. Such behaviour is usually intelligible tous Without explanation if-weseethe whole ofit and itseffects.

APPENDIX II

Witchcraft and Dreams

AZANDE distinguish between witchcraft-dreams and oracular dreams; usually, a bad dream, i.e.a nightmare, isa witchcraft-dream and a pleasant one an oracular dream. Nevertheless, all dreams are inasense oracular: a bad dream isregarded as both an actual experience ofwitchcraft and a prognostication of misfortune, for if a man is being bewitched itisobviously likely that some misfortune willfollow.Also, Azande associate witchcraft withan oracular dream that foretellsa misfortune, the dream and the misfortune being linked products of witchcraft. The dream isa shadow castby witchcraft before the event itis about to produce-in asensehas already produced, though at the time the dreamer does not know what itis.

Here Igiveonly dreamsofthe kind that are regarded by Azande as experiences of witchcraft. I did not finditeasyto record Zande dreams, and itwasyet more difficult to obtain the context in which theywere experienced. Part ofthe information contained inthis Appendix was obtained by consulting many Azande on different occasions about the sort ofdreams people dream and their meanings. More intimate informants gaveme detailed accounts of actual dreams, but itwasveryseldom that Iwas able to obtain an account at the time of the experience. Mostofthe dreams weretoldmealong time after they were dreamt. Owing to their dramatic character and their relation toevents ofimportance tothe dreamer they had been remembered. They thus represent highly selected samples; but their interest is not thereby diminished asthey clearly show what Azande regard as typical dreams and the interpretations, both general and particular, offeredby their culture. For itwillbe perceived that dreams have accepted interpretations, but that, here aselsewhere, a man selectsfromstock interpretations what suitshis individual circumstances and twists accepted interpretations tomeetspecialrequirements.

It must be remembered that a bad dream is not a symbol of witchcraft but an actual experience ofit. In waking lifea man knows that hehas been bewitched only by experiencing a subsequent misfortune orby oracular revelation, butin dreams he actually seeswitches and mayevenconverse with them. We maysay that Azande see witchcraft ina dream rather than that they dream of witchcraft. Therefore a man who dreams that heis being chased bya human-headed beast,

for example, doesnot think that hehasbeen attacked bywitches during the night: heis quite certain ofthe matter. He has experienced it, and the only question that troubles him iswhohas bewitched him.

In factit would be more in accordance with Zande thought tosay that itisthesoulof the sleeper which hasthese experiences. Azande, while perceiving that the sensations ofdream-happenings are not like thoseof daily life, are certain that insleepthesoulis released from the body and can roam about atwill and meet other spirits and have adventures. Likewisetheybelieve that a witch whois sleeping can sendthesoulofhis witchcraft to eat thesoulof the fleshofhis victim. The hours ofsleep are hence an appropriate setting forthe psychical battle that witchcraft means toa Zande, a struggle between hissoul and thesoul ofwitchcraft when both are freeto roam about atwill whilehe and the witch are asleep.

A witch may attack a person in any form,theform being infact of little importance, sinceall bad dreams are alike attacks by witchcraft. The commonest bad dreams are dreams of being chased by lions, leopards or elephants, being attacked bymenwith animals' heads, beingseizedbyenemies and being unable tocallfor assistance, and falling froma great height without ever reaching the ground. One man toldme that hefellfromahightreeto"the ground, where hesawa homestead occupied by strange men with white faceslike Europeans. He knewitwasanevil dream but could notsay what misfortune it presaged. Sometimes a man is attacked bysnakes."He runs away fromonetofind another in front of him, and they twist themselves around his arms andlegs. In dreams men alsosee strange beastssuchas wangu, the rainbow-snake, and moma ime, the waterleopard. From allsuch dreams men generally awake in sudden terror.

Generallyin th'esedreams a man cannotseethefaceofhis assailant, and often there isno circumstantial evidence which enables him to establish beyond all doubt the responsibility ofany particular person. He mayfallsickon waking, but evenifhefeelswellitis advisable to consult the oracles to inquire into the meaning ofa dream so that what it portends may be known in advance and warded offingood time. Azande donotalways,oreven usually, consult oracles about a bad dream. In mostcasesthey ponder awhileonits contents and then forgetall about itunless anything untoward happens, when it isimmediately linked withthe dream. More than onceI have heard a Zande explain in reference tosome misfortune, 'Ah! that is why .I dreamt a bad dream the other night. Truly dreams foretellthe future!'

Sometimes a dreamerofa bad dream goes next morning toa bloodbrotheror relativeorfriend and askshimto consult the rubbing-board oracle to determine whether witchcraft hasdone him any harm? and

who sent itto him at night. When hehas discovered the name ofthe witch heactsinthe usual way byfirst consulting the poison oracle for corroboration and then asking a chief's deputy to notify the witch of its findings. Men consult the oracles about dreams if they are repeated. Princes consult them if they are visited in dreams by their dead fathers and grandfathers.

Sometimes, however, a man actually recognizes thefaceofa witch inhis dream. Kisanga was attacked bytwo witches, Basingbatara and hisson, during sleep. They climbed on the roof ofhis hut and sat looking down upon him through aholein the roof ashelay upon the ground. There wasno hole in the real roof, only in the roof of the dream image. The two men had all the characters of dog-faced baboons except for their faces, which were human. Kisanga said that Basingbatara's appearance changed, now the head and belly being Basingbatara's head and belly, and now the head and belly of a baboon. After a while Basingbatara saidtohisson, 'You strike him,' and the youth struck him ontop of the head with his spear. Atthis point Kisanga awoke and saw them running down the roofofhis hut towards their home. Kisanga declared that he had been very illfor someweeks after this experience. He was, moreover, able to explain the motiveswhich ledtothe attack. He and Basingbatara were openly ongood terms, though they disliked one another. The young man who had struck Kisanga with his spear was engaged tohis daughter, but there wasnolovelost between the twofamilies, and afair time after he had experienced his dream Kisanga was prosecuting them inthe chief's court because the young man's brother had made advances tohiswife. This was more than adultery, since the woman counted ashis mother-in-law,

Sometimes a man who has not seen the faceofa witch during a dream surmises that itwasa certain man from previous events. Kamanga toldmeofa dream he had dreamta long time agoin which, while hewas lying onhis bed, a creature approached whowas human from shoulders tofeet butwith an elephant's head and tusks and trunk in the place of human head and face. Kamanga was very frightened .and pretended tobe asleep while squinting through his eyelashes to seewhat the creature was doing. The witch moved his elephant's head as though looking for him and then, after a while, went out of the hut. Kamanga immediately leapt fromhis bed and rushed wildly out ofthe hut, and, liftinghis arms likea bird, flew through the air towards a nearby tree, round which he curled hislegs and arms. The witch saw him fly past but was unable to locate his hiding-place. Kamanga toldme withouthesitationwho the witch was who had come to attack him. When Iasked him howhe knew the man he replied thathe recognized him byhis body and that this man, who was surely a witch,

was vowingvengeance on him because ofa marriage dispute in which Kamanga had acted against his interests. When Kamanga wasaboy his mother had died leaving hissistera Iittlechildwho could walk but whostill needed the breast. His father's sister wanted to take the child and giveitmilk.Asshewas going home with the child shemet this man who had attacked Kamanga inthe dream. He had been foralongtimedesirousof marrying her and tookthis opportunity topresshissuit. On being refusedheseizedthe baby and ran away with her tohis homestead. Atthetime Kamanga was serving asa page at the court of Prince Ngere and complained tohim about this man's conduct. Ngere told Kamanga that his elder brothers wereto recover the child. Four ofthem went together and, meeting with the man and histwosonsonthe road, his brothers gavehima hiding while Kamanga seized the baby and ran away with her. Becausehe had informed the prince ofthe affair the man bore a grudge against him and attacked him when hewasasleep. Kamanga added that the man waswell known inthe neighbourhood asa witch because the gardens ofhis neighbours did not prosper. Kamanga was uncertain what exactly would have happened had the elephant-man caught him, but hewassure that he would have been very ill.

It is interesting to compare Kamanga's account ofhis dream with asecond account hegavemesome months afterwards and which I took down inhisown words:

I slept soundly and dreams came tome and I dreamt a dream. A man cameintheguiseofan elephant and began to attack me. This elephant stood outside my hut and put its trunk through the sideofthe roof and hauled me outside. .

The bottom part ofits body waslikea man, and its head wasthe head ofan elephant. It had hair likegrassonits head, so that its head resembled the head ofan aged Dian.I sprang in haste before itfrom where it threw me and began to run and rUD. It pursued me and I climbed a tree. It continued to pursue me and rubbed its head up against the tree and Iwas perched just above its back. It walked about looking forme and threw its trunk this way and that, and Iwasonthetree. It searched after mein vain and it moved away fromthistree and went and stood someway behind it and gazed round after me.I remained there fora long time where Iwas and then jumped down fromthetree.Asitwas looking round itsawme and charged furiously atmetotryonce again tokillme. It had onlyjust started on its path when I awoke fromthe dream.

Another dream bythe same youth further illustrates howevents preceding, or subsequent to,a dream are related toits images, and alsothe manner in which dreams are interpreted by selection of happenings and persons by the affective biasofa dreamer. On the afternoon preceding the dream I had suggested to members of my

household that they might lenda hand in building Kamanga's hut. This suggestion did not meet with their approval, forI afterwards learnt that they had abused him inthe kitchen-hut and, so Kamanga said, would have delighted in striking him. On the following morning Kamanga toldme that hewasin pain down hisleftside. He said that in the middle ofthe night thesoulsofhis companions had attacked him and beaten hisleftside with their fists,thus doing what they had feared todointhe daytime. When I questioned him further hesaid that hedid not see their faces but that heknewit must be his fellow-servants. He added that though a man's body might be asleephissoulwas awake.

Itisdifficult toknow whether itisthesoulofa witch who bewitches a man at nightor whether thissoulisdifferentfromasoulofwitchcraft which doesthedeed independently. 1 think Azande have no clear beliefsonthis point.

It is not uncommon to dream of composite animals (kodikodi anya) like the human body surmounted with an elephant's head seenby Kamanga and the man with a dog-faced baboon's head seenby Kisanga. 1wastold that the following creatures are seenin dreams: a creature with the faceofa man, the head, beak, and bodyofa bird, and the taiiofa snake; a creature with the faceofa man, thetusks and earsofan elephant, the body ofadog, and the legsof an old man; and a creature with thefaceofa man, the body ofa swallow, and the wingsofa bat. Kisanga's wifewas attacked bya man called Bali I withahumanface and a leopard's body. This man had madeadvances to her which she had rebuffed. Later she had a deep-seated abscess inthe place where the leopard-man had clawed her in her dream.

It is very common fora witch to assume someofthe attributes of an elephant or buffalo or water-buck, and a man whohas absorbed ' body-medicines against witchcraft may oftenseea witch in human guise before he changes into an animal shape. Iwastold that itis not only witches who appear in dreams in animal shapes, but that a man may seea friend thus transformed and will later sayto him: 'I sawyouina dream last night and you had a buffalo's head. Some witch must have presented youtomeinthis way,' to which his friend replies, 'Is that so?Alas,itisa bad affair ifitwasa witch.' Inthis case the notion ofwitchcraft is excluded byfeelings offriendship, for ifthe man with a buffalo's head had not been a friend the dreamer would undoubtedly "have dubbed him a witch.

The dreams 1 have recounted showusfroma different angle how the notion of witchcraft isa function of misfortunes and of enmities. When a misfortune occurs that can be related toa previous dream both are alike evidences ofwitchcraft. The dream isan actual experience of witchcraft asis demonstrated bythe misfortune that follows

it.A witchcraft-dream is therefore known to presage disaster. The man is already bewitched, already doomed tosome misadventure. A bad dream islikean unpropitious declaration ofan oracle. In both casesthe man isatthetimewell and happy, but hehasa premonition of disaster. Indeed, the dream and the oracular indication are more than harbingers of misfortune, forthey are asign that the misfortune has already taken place, asitwere,inthe future. It isnecessary there... · foreto proceed as though the misadventure had an inevitable future occurrence and toliftthe doom fromoverthe head ofthe victim by approaching its author inthe manner already described.

We have alsoseenhowa Zande seeksto interpret dream-experiencesinthe same manner ashe interprets other misfortune by attributing them to machinations ofhisenemies. He may actually perceive theseenemiesin dreams; .or hemayknow that personswho have appeared inthemmustbehis detractors, although hehas not recognized theirfaces, because previous eventssoclearly indicate these persons;orhe may bein doubt about their identity and place thenames ofenemiesbeforetheoraclestodiscover among them whoisthe guilty party.

APPENDIX III

Other Evil Agents associated with Witchcraft

WITCHCRAFT issometimesfoundindogs and isassociated with various other animals and birds. The doghasa malicious wayof looking at people and isso greedy that it resembles human beings, and on account ofthese and other deficiencies Azande think that dogs are often witches. Their opinion issaidto have been sustained byafew casesin which dogs have been proved guilty of witchcraft by judgements ofthepoison oracle. Azande toldme that sometimes relatives ofa dead man have in vain consulted the oracle about their neighbours and have at lastaskedit whether adogwas responsible forhis death and have received an affirmative answer. No actual case 'ofthis happening was recorded.

It is difficult tosayto what extent Azande take seriously the tradition that other animals are witches. In ordinary situations of daily lifeI have generallyfound thatAzande treat the subject with humour, though I have seen them express alarm at the appearance orcryof an animal associated with witchcraft. This is especially sowithnocturnal birds and animals which are very definitely associated with witchcraft and are even thought tobethe servants of witches. Bats are universally disliked, and owls are considered very unlucky ifthey hoot around a homestead during the night. There isanowl called, gbulcu that cries he he he he at night, and when a man hears itscry heknows that a witch is abroad and blowshis magic whistle and seats himself bythe medicines that growin the centre ofhis homestead. Ajackal howlingnear a homesteadisconsidered a harbinger of death.

But Azande alsospeak jokingly of animals aswitches when nothing more is meant than that they are clever and possesspowers which appear strange to man. Thus theysayofa domesticated cock which crowsto welcome the dawn before men can see the firstsignsofits approach: 'It seesthe daylight within itself,itisa witch.' Azande were not surprised tofind witchcraft-substance in my goat and recalled that it had tried to butt people during its lifetime and was a grumpy, ill-natured creature.

Oneneverknowswhat animals inthebush have witchcraft, especiallythe cunning ones which appear toknow everything the hunter isdoing. Azande'willsay of an animal that eludes their nets pits,

'It isa witch.' Though I believe that this expression ought generally tobe rather translated 'As clever asa witch,' itsuggests an association betweengreatintelligenceorskilland thepossessionofwitchcraftsuch aswefind clearly enunciated by several peoples inthe Congo who, likethe Azande, regard witchcraft as an organic substance.

The most feared ofalltheseevil creatures that are classed.by analogy with witchcraft isaspeciesofwild cat called adandara. They live inthebush and are saidto have bright bodies and gleaming eyes and to utter shrill criesinthe night. Azande oftensayofthesecats, 'It is witchcraft, they are the same as.witchcraft., The male cats have sexualrelationswith women whogive birth to kittens and suckle them like human infants. Everyone agrees that thesecatsexist and that it is fatal tosee them. It is unlucky even to hear their cries.I heard a cat cryone night and shortly afterwards oneof my servants came tomy hut to borrow a magic whistle which I had bought and which was made especially for warding off the influence ofthesecats. He uttered aspell and blewonthe whistle and went back tohis hut seeminglysatisfied that he had warded offdanger from our home.

Atext about thecats runs thus:

A woman whobearscats"hassexualcongresswithamalecat and then with aman.Shebecomes gravid withchild and withcats.Sheis pregnant withchild and withcats. When she approaches thetimeof labour shegoes toa woman whomakesa practice of delivering cats and saysto her that sheisin pangs of childbirth and that shewishes her to act asmidwife.She rises and theygo together) and having arrived ata termite mound which shehas sighted theyseatthemselvesbesideit.Shegives birth tocats and the midwifeplaces them onthe ground and washes them. They hide them in the termite mound and return home. The midwifesaystothe woman who borethecats that sheisgoingto grind kurukpu and sesameto anoint thecats withit. The woman who bore thecatsassents.She grinds kurukpu and takes oil and brings itwith her and anoints thecatswith kurukpu and oil. The midwife returns home.

The following day shebearsa child and nooneknows that shehas borne cats. The catsgrowbig and taketo eating fowls.Inhis homestead the owner cries out on account ofhisfowls and says 'Who has brought catstoeatmy fowls',forhedoesnotknow that hiswifehasgiven birth tothecats.

Theseanimals are terrible, andifa man sees them heisnotlikelyto recover but willdie. There are not many women whogive birth tocats,onlyafew. An ordinary woman cannot bear cats but onlya woman whose mother has borne catscan bear them after the manner ofher mother.

My personal"contacts included only twocasesofpersonswho had actuallyseen adandara; butthereare a number ofcasesin Zande tradition. It issaidofsome great kingsofthe past that they died from sight ofthesecats, and I think that thisisa tribute to their royal positionsinceittook more than ordinary witchcraft, such asis responsible

forthe death oftheir subjects, tokill such famous people. It istocelebrated casesofthiskind that Azande appeal ifyou question the authenticity of their cats.Allbelievefirmlyin their existence, and many carry magic whistlesasa protection against them.

AzandeoftenrefertoLesbian practices betweenwomen as adandara. They say, 'It isthesameas cats.' This comparison isbased upon the like inauspiciousness of both.phenomena and onthefact that both are female actions which may causethe death of any man whowitnessesthem. Inthis place onlyafewwordsneedtobe written about Lesbianism and certain kindred" practices considered unlucky by Azande. Zande women, especially inthe homesteads of princes, indulge in homosexual relations' by means ofa phallus fashioned from roots. It issaid that inthe past a prince did not hesitate to execute a·wifewhose homosexual activities were discovered, and eventoday I have known a prince toexpelwivesfromhis household forthesame reason .. Among lesserfolk,ifa man discovers that hiswifehas Lesbian relations with other women heflogs her and there isa scandal. The husband's anger isduetohisfearofthe unlucky consequences that may ensuefromsuch practices. Azande therefore speakof them as evilinthesamewayas they speak of witchcraft and catsasevil, and they say, moreover, that homosexual women are thesortwho may wellgive birth tocats and bewitchesalso. In giving birth to cats and in Lesbianism theevilis associated with thesexual functions of women, and itis tobe noted that any unusual action ofthefemale genitalia is considered unlucky. It is injurious toa man ifa woman provokingly exposes her vagina tohim, and itisyet more seriousif sheexposes her anusinthe.presence ofmen.A woman will sometimes endafamily argument by exposing a part of her body inthisway toher, husband's eyes. These customsare mentioned herein order that the reader may appreciate that witchcraft isnotthesole agent of misfortune, but that there are a number of other agencies which are thought to have an inauspicious influence over human beings, and they are also mentioned because, when Azande talk about them, they compare their inauspiciousness to that ofwitchcraft which isthe prototype'ofallevil. Other unlucky agencies,suchas menstruating women,could be enumerated also, but have no particular association with witchcraft.

There isone unlucky agent, however, whobearssoclosearesemblance towitches that he must be described here. Thisisthe person whocutshis upper teeth first. Such a man iscalled an irakorinde; ira, possessorof, ko (a contraction ofkere), bad, and rinde, teeth. He isconsidered unlucky but not aserious menace, likewitches,sincehe never killspeople. Ihavenotseena person whowas known tobeapossessor of bad teeth; but then, as Azande ask,how can youknow whether

Appendix 239 a man isoneor not? Nevertheless, people say that itis sometimes known ifa baby hasshown upper teeth beforelowerones, and Iwas told that suchachild would be considered a danger tothe crops of neighbours, and that if itsevil influence were not counteracted by magic itwould run arisk offalling a victim to protective medicines. They sayof such a child:

Oh, what a child to have his teeth appearingabove. It isa witch. Oh protect my first-fruits lest that possessorofevil teeth goestoeat them.

For atsowingtimemen protect their crops against witchcraft and possessorsof bad teeth. There are probably special medicines which injure possessorsof bad teeth ifthey partake' of thefirst-fruitsofa foodcrop,foritis the eating offirst-fruits that does the greatest harm. A man digsupsomeofhis.ground-nuts, leaving the main crop ungarnered. With thesehiswifemakesa pasty flavouring to accompany porridge and heinvitesa few neighbours to partake ofthemeal. Should apossessorof bad teeth partake ofitthewhole ground-nut cropinthe gardens may be ruined. Since there isno means ofknowing whoarepossessorsof bad teeth people trust in protection of magic, fromfearofwhich possessorsof bad teeth will abstain from partaking ofthe first-fruits of their neighbours' crops. These medicines .areconsidered atthesametimeto have a productive action, causing groundnuts,eleusine, and maize togive forth abundantly,

Azande say also that apossessorof bad teeth may injure anything newbesidesfirst-fruits. If a man makesafinenewstool or bowlor pot and oneofthese people comes and admires it and fingersit,it willcrack.I gathered that apossessorof bad teeth injures people's possessions without malice and perhaps also without intent, though Zande opinion was not very decided onthis point. Nevertheless, he is responsible, sinceheknowsofhisevil influence and should avoid eating first-fruits and handling newutensils. Moreover, his father should have used magic to have rendered himinnocuous assoonas he discovered the abnormality. Hehas thereforeonly himselfto blame if hesuffers injury from protective magic.I have never heard that people consult oraclestofind out which possessorof bad teeth has injured their possessions, and consequently they are not identified. When a Zande has suffered an injury heasks about witchcraft, not about bad teeth. Moreover, except for making protective magic against possessorsof bad teeth, there isno special social behaviour associated with them. Azande donot treat them veryseriously, and it isvery seldom that one hears them mentioned.

APPENDIX IV

Some Reminiscences and Reflections on Fieldwork

I HAVE oftenbeen'askedhowonegoes about fieldwork, and how wefaredin what mustseemto them those distant days. It had not occurred tomeas clearly asit should have done that the information we gathered and published might sometimeor other be scrutinized and evaluated tosome extent bythe circumstances ofonekindor another in which we conducted our research. SoI havejotted down thesenotesasa fragment of anthropological history.'

That charming and intelligent Austrian-American anthropologist Paul Radin hassaid that noone quite knowshowonegoes about fieldwork. Perhaps we should leave the question with that sortof answer:But when Iwasaserious young student in London I thought I would trytogetafewtipsfrom experienced fieldworkers before settingoutfor CentralAfrica.Ifirst sought advice from Westermarck. AllIgotfromhim was 'don't converse with an informantfor more than twenty minutes because ifyou aren't bored by that timehe will be'. Verygood advice, evenifsomewhat inadequate. I sought instructionfrom Haddon, a man foremost in field-research. He toldme that itwas really all quite simple; one should always behave asa gentle-. man. Alsoverygood advice. My teacher, Seligman, toldmetotake ten grains ofquinine every night and tokeepoff women. The famous Egyptologist, Sir Flinders Petrie, just toldmenotto bother about drinkingdirtywaterasonesoon becameimmune toit. Finally, Iasked Malinowski and wastoldnottobea bloody fool.So there isno clear answer, much will depend onthe man, onthesocietyheisto study, and the conditions in which heisto make it.

Sometimes people say that anybody can make observations arid write a book about a primitive people. Perhaps anybody can, but it may not bea contribution to anthropology. In science,asinlife,one findsonly what oneseeks. One cannot have theanswers without knowing what the questions are. Consequently thefirst imperative isa rigorous training in general theory before attempting field-researchsothat onemayknowhow and what toobserve, what issignifi-

1. This paper isbasedontalksgiveninthe Universities of Cambridge andCardiff.

cant inthe light of theory. It isessentialto realize that facts are in themselves meaningless. Tobe meaningful theymusthavea degree of generality. It isuselessgoing into thefield blind. One mustknow precisely what one wants toknow and that canonlybe acquired by a systematic training in academic social anthropology.

For instance, Iamsure that Icouldnot have written mybookon Zande witchcraft inthewayIdidoreven made the observations on whichit is based had Inot read thebooks written by that noble man Levy-Bruhl, and I doubt whether Icouldever have convinced myself that Iwas not deluding myselfinmy description and interpretation ofthe lineage systemofthe Nuer had Inot, almost suddenly, realized that Robertson Smith had presented, in almost thesamewordsas Iwastouse,a similar system among the Ancient Arabians. Idonot think Icould have made a contribution toan understanding ofthe political structure ofthe Shilluk and Anuak if I had not beendeep in mediaeval studies. And Icould not have written asIdid about the Sanusi had Inot had inmy mind themodelofthe history ofother religious movements. These last examples illustrate a further point. Strictly speaking, mediaeval Europe and religious movements might beheldtolie outside social anthropological studies, but onreflection it might be accepted that thisis not really so, that all knowledge is relevant to our researches and may, though not taught as anthropology, influence the direction of our interests and through them out observationsand the mannerin which wefinally present them. Moreovervone maysay that since what we study are human beingsthe studyinvolvesthewhole personality, heart aswellas mind; and therefore what has shaped that personality, and not just academic background: sex,age,class, nationality, family and home, school.church, companions--one could enumerate any number ofsuchinfluences. AllI want to emphasize is that what onebrings out ofa field-study largely depends on what onebringstoit. That has certainly been my experience, both inmyownresearches and in what I have concluded fromthoseofmycolleagues."

Itusedto besaid, and perhaps still is, that the anthropologist goes into thefieldwith preconceived ideas about the nature of primitive societies and that his observations are directed by theoretical bias, as though thiswereavice and nota virtue. Everybody goestoa primitive people with preconceived ideas but, as Malinowski usedto point out, whereas the layman's are uninformed, usually prejudiced, the anthropologist's are scientific, at any rate inthesense that they are basedonavery considerable body of accumulated and siftedknowledge. Ifhe didnotgowith preconceptions hewouldnotknow what and howtoobserve. And ofcoursethe anthropologist's observations are biasedbyhis theoretical dispositions, which merelymeans that he

is aware of various hypotheses derived from existing knowledge and deductions from it and, ifhisfield data permit, heteststhese hypotheses. How could itbe otherwise? One cannot study anything without a theory about its nature.

On the other hand, the anthropologist must follow what hefinds inthe society hehas selected for study: the social organization ofits people, their values and sentiments and so forth. I illustrate thisfact from what happened inmyowncase.I had no interest in witchcraft when I went to Zandeland, but the Azande had; soI had tolet myself by guided by them. I had no particular interest incows when I went to Nuerland, butthe Nuer had, so willy-nilly I had to become cattleminded too.

It will have been evident from what has already been said that it is desirable I that a student should make a study of more than one society, though thisis not always, forone reason or another, possible. If hemakes only asingle study itis inevitable that hewillviewits people's institutions in contrast tohisown and their ideas and values in contrast tothoseofhisown culture; and thisin spite ofthe corrective given byhis previous reading of anthropological literature. When hemakesa study ofa second alien societyhewill approach it and seeits people's culture in the light ofhis experience of the first-as it were through different lenses,in different perspectives-s-and this islikelyto make his study more objective, or at any rate give him fruitful linesof inquiry which might possibly not otherwise have occurred to him. For instance, Azande have kings and princes and afairly elaborate political organization and bureaucracy. When I went tolive among the Nuer after many months among the Azande, I found thatalthough they hadquitesubstantial political groupsthere appeared tobe no political authority of any significance; so naturally I asked myselfwhat gave asenseof unity within these tribal groups, and inthe course ofmy inquiries Iwasledto unravel their lineage system."Then, while the Azande were deeply concerned with witchcraft, the Nuer appeared tobe almost totally uninterested in the notion orin any similar notion, soIasked myself to what they attributed any misfortune or untoward event. This ledtoa study of their concept of kuioth, spirit, and eventually tomybookon their religion. .

The study ofasecondsocietyhasthe advantage also that .;>ne nas learnt by experience what mistakes to avoid and howfromthe start togo about making observations, howto make short-cuts in the investigation, and howtoexercise economy in what onefindsit relevant to relate, sinceoneseesthe fundamental problems more "quickly. It hasits disadvantage that the writing-up period is greatly extendedI have still published only a portion ofmy Zande notes taken down

Appendix 243 during a study begun in 1927! It istheBritish intense emphasis of field-research which certainly in part accounts forthedemiseofthe once much-extolled comparativemethod. Everyone issobusy writing uphisownfield-notes thatnoonehas much timeto read books written by others.

The importance ofa thorough grounding in general theory begins to reveal itself when the fieldworker returns hometo write abook about the people hehas studied. I have had much, too much, fieldexperience, and I have longago discovered that thedecisive battle is not fought inthefield but inthe study afterwards. Anyone who isnota complete-idiotcandofieldwork, and ifthepeopleheis working among have not been studied beforehe cannot help making anoriginal contribution to knowledge. Butwillitbeto theoretical, or just to factual, knowledge? Anyone can produce anew fact; the thing isto produce anewidea. It has been mywoeful experience that many a student comeshomefromthefieldto'writejust another book about just another people, hardly knowing what todowiththe grain he hasbeen atsuch painstogarner. Canitbetoooftensaid thatinscience empirical observation tobeof value mustbe guided and inspired by some general viewofthe nature ofthe phenomena being studied? The theoretical conclusionswill then befoundto be implicit inan exact and detailed description.

II

This bringsmeto what anthropologists sometimesspeakofas participant-observation. Bythisthey mean that insofarasitis both possible and convenient theylivethelifeofthe people among whom theyare doing their research. Thisisa somewhatcomplicated matter and I shallonly touch on the material side ofit.IfounditusefulifI wanted to understand how and whyAfricans are doing certain thingstodo them myself:I had a hut and byrelike theirs; I went hunting with them with spear and bow and arrow; I learnt tomake pots; Iconsultedoracles; andsoforth.But clearlyonehasto recognize that there isa certain pretence insuch attempts at participation, and people donotalways appreciate them. One enters into another culture and withdrawsfrom itatthesametime. One cannotreally becomea Zande ora Nuer ora Bedouin Arab, and thebest compliment onecanpay them isto remain apartfrom theminessentials. In any-caseonealways remains oneself: inwardly a member of one's ownsociety and a sojourner ina strange land. Perhaps itwouldbe better tosay that onelivesintwo different worldsof thought atthesametime,incategories and concepts and values which often cannot easilybereconciled. One becomes, at least temporarily, asortof double marginal man, alienated from both worlds.

The problem ismostobvious and acute whenoneis confronted with notions notfoundin our own present-day culture and therefore unfamiliar tous.SuchideasasGod and soul are familiar and"with some adjustment transference can readily be made, but what about beliefsin witchcraft, magic, and oracles?I have oftenbeenasked whether, whenIwas among the Azande, Igotto accept their ideas about witchcraft. Thisisadifficult question toanswer.Isupposeyou cansayI accepted them; I had nochoice. In myown culture, in the climate of thought Iwas born into and brought upin and have been conditioned by,I rejected, and reject, Zande notionsofwitchcraft. In their culture, inthesetofideasIthenlivedin,I accepted them; inakindofway -I believed them. Azande were talking about witchcraftdaily, both among themselves and to me; any communicationwaswell-nighimpossibleunlessonetook witchcraft for granted. You cannot havea remunerative, even intelligent, conversation with people about something theytakeas self-evident ifyougivethemthe impression that you regard their beliefasanillusionoradelusion. Mutual understanding, and withit sympathy, wouldsoonbe ended, ifit evergot started. Anyhow, I had toactas though I trusted the Zande oracles and therefore togiveassentto their dogma ofwitchcraft, whatever reservations I might have. IfI wanted togo hunting orona journey, for instance, noonewouldwillingly accompany me unlessIwasableto produce a verdict ofthepoison oracle that all wouldbewell, that witchcraft didnot threaten our project; and if onegoeson arranging one'saffairs, organizing one's lifein harmony withthelivesofone'shosts,whose companionship oneseeksand withoutwhichonewouldsinkinto disorientated craziness,onemusteventually giveway,or at any rate partially giveway. If onemustact as though onebelieved,oneendsinbelieving,or half-believing as, oneacts.

Here arisesa question with regard to which mycolleagues have notalwaysseeneyetoeyewithme. In writing about thebeliefsof primitive peoplesdoesit matter oneway or the other whether one accords them validity or regards them as fallacious? Take witchcraft again. Doesit make any difference whether onebelievesinitornot, orcanone just describe howa people whobelieveinit, think and act about it, and howthe belief affects relations between persons? I think it doesmakea difference, for if onedoes not think that the psychic assumptions onwhich witchcraft-beliefs are based are tenable, onehasto account for what is common-sense to others but is incomprehensibletooneself.One isina different position with regard to beliefinGod,or at any rate Iwas.Wedonot think that witchcraft exists, but we have been taught that Goddoes,sowedonothere feel that we have to account foranillusion.Wehaveonlyto describe

Appendix 245 howa people think of what we both regard asa reality and how in various ways the belief influences their lives. The atheist, however, isfaced with the same problem aswith witchcraft and feels the need to account for an illusionby various psychological or sociological hypotheses. I admit that thisisa verydifficult philosophical question, forit might reasonably beaskedwhy, other than.in faith, should one acceptGod and notwitchcraft,sinceit could be held, as many anthropologistsdo, that the evidence fortheoneisno greater than forthe other. The point is,I suppose, that in our culture (leaving out past history and modern scepticism) theonemakessense and the other not. Iraisethe questioneven ifI cannotgivea very satisfactory answer toit. After all,itdoes make a difference whether one thinks that a cowexistsoris an illusion!

Since this question ofentering into the thought ofanother people hasbeen raised, I might touch ona further implication. I wonder whetheranthropologistsalways realize thatinthecourse oftheir fieldwork they can be, and sometimes are, transformed bythe people they are making a study ina subtle kind ofway and possiblyunknown tothemselves they have what usedtobe called 'gone native'. Ifan anthropologist isasensitive person it could hardly be otherwise. This isa highly personal matter and Iwillonlysay that I learnt from African 'primitives' much more than they learnt fromme, much that Iwas never taught-atschool, something more ofcourage, endurance', patience, resignation, and forebearance that I had no great understandingofbefore. Just togiveone example: I would say that"! learnt more about the nature ofGodand·our human predicament fromthe Nuer than Iever learnt at home.

III

It is an academic issue ofsome .importance and one which isoften confused and sometimes leadsto rancour: what isthe difference between SOCiology and social anthropology? I have discussedthis question elsewhere and will not go into it again here, especially as itisonly peripheral tomytopic.ButI would liketo touch ona query put tomefromtimetotimebysociology students: why do anthropologistsin their fieldwork not employ some of the techniques usedby sociologists in theirs, suchas questionnaires, sampling, interviews, statistics and soforth. The answeris that, though I suppose the situationisnow somewhat different, inmy day theuse ofsuch techniques amongaprimitive people would not have beento any extent worthwhile,orevenpossible at all. The peoplesI worked among were totally illiterate, sothe distribution ofquestionnaires would have been awaste oftime. With a homogeneous rural or semi-nomadic people sampling, such as is required inasocially urban

community in our own country, isnotonly unnecessary but more orlessmeaningless, Set interviews inthe anthropologist's hut or tent, as distinct from informal conversations are generally impossible because nativeswould not co-operate; andinanycasethey are undesirable because they are held outside ofthe context ofa people's activities.I madeitarule never to take a notebook with mein public, not that people would have had any idea of what Iwas doing but because Ifelt that somehowa notebook came in between them and me and broke our contact, I memorized what Isaw and heard and wrote it down when Igotbacktothe privacy ofmy abode. Statistics have avery limited value even when the required numerical data can be obtained-had l' askedaNuer woman how many children .she had borne shesimplywouldnothavetoldme, and had Iasked a Nuer man how many cattle hepossessedhe would have,unlesshe knewmeverywell indeed, alltoolikely have withdrawn intoanunbroken taciturnity, or perhaps have been violent.

When I'say that in my time set interviews were out of the question, private conversations with afew individuals, those whom anthropologistscall informants (.anunfortunatewor-d) mustbe excluded. There are certain matters which cannot bediscussedin public; there are explanations which cannot be' askedforonthespot .(as for instance duringafuneral orareligious ceremony) without intruding and.causing embarrassment; and there are textstobe taken down, which can only be done-inseclusion. It isne-cessary, therefore, tohaveconfidential informants whoare prepared to attendregular sessions,maybe daily; and itis evident that they mustbe men of integrity, truthful, intelligent, knowledgeable, and genuinely interested in your endeavours to understand thewayoflifeof their people. They will become yourfriends. Among the Azande I relied mostlyonmytwo personal servants and ontwo paid informants,·butasusualinAfrica, there werealways people connected with them 'comingin and out ofmyhome. The one young man whomIcameacrosswho was capableofwriting Zande was f-or atimemyclerk, having beensacked fromthe Missionfor having married a divorced woman. Among theNuer and Anuak and Bedouin I never found anyone who could, or would, become an informant inthesenseI have set forth above, andsoI had todothebestIcould, gatheringinformation fromall and sundry. One hastobevery careful in one's selection of informants, ifone-has the opportunity tobeselective,forit may be found that itis only a particular sortof pe-rson whois prepared to act inthis capacity, possiblyapersonwhoisready toserveaEuropean asthebestwayof escaping fromfamily and other socialobligations, Such a man may.givea slant to one's wayoflookingatthings, a perspective one might not getfrom others.

Sometimes itissaid that the anthropologist is often hoodwinked and liedto. Not if heisagood anthropologist and agood judge of character. Whyshouldanyonelietoyou ifthere is trust between you? And ifthere is not, you might aswellgo home. Ifyou are in the hands ofan' interpreter itis true that it can bea hazard, but if you speak thenative languageyou can check and re-check. It would be improbableinthese circumstances, unless everybody is telling the same story, fora man to get away with an untruth. There may be, and very often is, a difference, sometimes a considerable difference of opinion betweenone informantand anotherabout afact,orits interpretation, but thisdoesnot mean that eitheris telling alie. Natives are not allof the same opinion any more thanwe are and some are betterinformed than others. 'There may, ofcourse,be secret matters about which 'an informant does not wish"to speak and he' may-then prevaricate and putyou offfrom pursuing a-lineof inquiry forone reason or another. Tilltowards the end ofmystay among the.Azande my inquiries, even among thoseIknew and trusted most, about their secret societies met with lackof response. Informants, who were members'ofthese societies, pretended to know nothing about them. As they were sworn to secrecy they could scarcely have done otherwise. However, to an observant anthr-opologist alie may be more revealing than a truth, for ifhe suspects,orknows, that heis not being toldthe truth heasks himselfwhat isthe motive ofconcealment and this may lead him into hidden depths.

Perhaps here is the place todiscuss another question which hasfrequently been put tome.Doesonegetthe native view aboutlife (and aboutwomen) frommenonly-orcanonegetto know thewomenaswell and see things from their viewpoint? Much depends on the people one is-studying and thestatusofwomenamong them. Duringan abortive (war broke out) field-study in an Upper Egyptian (Quft) village I never spoketoa woman or even had more than a flitting sightof one at night. Bedouin women in Cyrenaica did not veil and could be conversed with if not with intimacy, at least without embarrassment. The Zande women were almost an inferior castle, and unlesselderly matrons,shy and tongue-tied. In Nuerland, where women have high status and assert their independence, they would come and talktome whenever they chose, often at timesmost inconvenierit to me. It seemed tobe an endless flirtation. Certainly itwas they and not I,who made the going. On the whole I wouldsay that the male" anthropologist, not fitting into native categories of male and female and not therefore being likelyto behave asa male in certain circumstances mightbeexpected to behave, does notcomewithin their range ofsuspicions,judgements and codes. In-a senseheis,sincehelies outside their sociallife, however much he may try to himself

with it,sexless. For example, nobody in Zandeland objected tomy chattingto their womenfolk, but had an unrelated Zande done so there would have been serious trouble; in pre-European daysindemnity would have been demanded or emasculation would have ensued.

Itisaskinga ratherdifferent question, whether a woman anthropologist can obtain more, orbetter,. information about women's habits and ideas than a man can. Here again much depends on the kind of'society. Obviously in an urban Moslem society, where women are secluded in hareems only a woman hasaccessto them. But I would say that elsewhere I have seen little evidence that female anthropologists have done more research into woman's position in society and in general their way oflife than have male anthropologists. I.would add that I doubt whetheritiseven an advantage for an anthropologist tobe accompanied byhiswifein the field. They then forma little closed community oftheir own, making it difficult for both to learn the native language quickly and correctly and to make the required transference which only the feeling of need for'close company and friendship can forcea man to make. However, I would imagine that the man with awifein the fieldgets at least better fedtbut since I was not married when I did my research this hardly comes within my reminiscences. But I cannot resist the observation that, asIsee it, what eventually ruined our relations with the peoples ofthe Southern Sudan were motor-cars and British wives.

Another matter which hassome bearing onthe subject of informantsisthe anthropologist'srelations with other Europeans in the areas in which heis working. In the Southern Sudan inmy day this presented no great problem. There were only a handful ofadministrative officials,afew missionaries and an occasional doctor. With oneor two exceptions, I found them kindly, hospitable, and willing tobe helpful. Sometimes they were able togiveme information which, though itwas .not always accurate orfrom an anthropological point of view adequate, savedmetime and enabled me at least to make a start. This was particularly the case with the American Presbyterian .missionaries in Nuerland, with Mr. Elliot Smith among the Anuak, and Archdeacon Owen among the Luo ofKenya. In this matter the anthropologist hastobewise. After allheis,soto speak, an intruder into their territory, a territory about which they have often and for a long time been considered, and considered themselves tobe, the main or even sole authority. There isno need or purpose inhis being condescending, and ifhehas got the sense not tobe, they will not inmy experience hold back a willing hand. Let him therefore always remember that, at any rate at the beginning of his research, though he may know more general anthropology than they, they possibly

Appendix 249 know more about thelocal ethnographical facts than he.Alsolet him remind himself that ifhe cannot getonwithhisown people he is unlikely togetonwith anyone. And, furthermore, they are part of what heis supposed tobe studying.

But I must caution students not to accept, above allin religious matters, what 'they may findinmission literature. The missionary generally only knowsa language outside ofthe context of native life and therefore may wellmissthefull meaning ofwords which only that context cangive him. The fact that hehas been among a people foralongtimeproves nothing: what counts isthe manner and mode ofhis residence among them and whether Godhasgiven him, among other blessings, the giftof intelligence. I have advised caution above allin religious matters. It is,or should be, obvious that sincethe natives do not understand English the missionary inhis propaganda hasno option but tolookinthe native languageforwords which might serveforsuch concepts as 'God', 'soul', 'sin' and so forth. He is not translating native words into hisown tongue but trying to translate European words, which hepossiblydoes not understand, into words ina native tongue, which he may understand evenless. The result of thisexercise can beconfusing,even chaotic. I have published a note onthe near idiocy of English hymns translated into Zande. Missionaries, for instance, have usedthe word mboriin Zande for 'God', without any clear understanding of what theword means tothe Azande themselves. Evenworse things have happened inthe Nilotic languages, orsomeof them. I am not going to pursue this matter further now beyond saying that intheend·we are involved in total entanglement, for having chosenina native language a word to stand for 'God' in their own,themissionaries endow the native word with thesense and qualities the word 'God' hasfor them. I suppose they could hardly have done otherwise. I have not in the past made this criticism of missionaries because I did not wishtogiveoffence and because I thought any intelligent person could make itfor himself:

Heremightbea suitableplacetodiscussa related topic. How much help can the anthropologist getfrom technical experts who have worked inhis area of research-agronomists, hydrologists, botanists, doctors, vets and others? The answer is that he can gain information he cannot himselfobtain and that someofit may be relevant tohis own problems and lines ofinquiry. Only he canjudge what hasrelevance and what hasnot. Succinctly stated, a physical factbecomes asocialone whenitbecomes importantfora communityand therefore forthe studentofit. That the Azande are unable, whether they would wishtoor not, tokeep domesticatedanimals, other than dog andfowl, on account of tsetse morsitans is obviously afact important toknow,

but knowledge of the pathology of the trypanasomes is not going to shed much light onthesocialeffectsof what theydo.Butone must bewareofacceptingwhatanyone tellsyou about native life, whatever his special qualifications may be.An awful example wouldbede Schlippe's bookon Zande agriculture, for what hedescribesinit are less Zande modes of cultivation than those imposed ontheAzande_ bythe Government ofthe Anglo-Egyptian Sudan. Had de Schlippe beenable tospeak and understand the Zande language he might have realized this.Also beware ofajoint team of.research, It can only lead towasteoftime and irritation. Meyer Fortes toldme that when he wasinsucha team in Ghana he spent much·ofhis time and energy in trying to explain to other members of the team the significance of their observations, and when I became a member ofa team for study in Kenya Iwasthe only member ofit who.turned up and did anything". When Ididmy research inthe Sudan there wereno agronomists, entomologists, and soon,soI had todothebestI could tobemyown expert. Perhaps itwas just aswell.

All thatwas required in one's dealings with Europeans ina country ruled bythe British were tact and humility. Things have changed. In thefirst place, ithas becomeincreasinglydifficult,often impossible, to conduct anthropological research in many parts ofthe world. Clearly, at present, one would be unlikely tobe encouraged todo soinSovietRussia, and at any rate someofitssatellites,orin China. In"present circumstances I would not, though Ispeak Arabic, care to try to·do research inmost of the Arab lands. Even wereIgiven permission todoso, there would be constant supervision and, interference. In such countries the anthropologist is regarded asaspy,his knowledge likelytobeusedin certain circumstances. bythe Intelligence ofhis country; and heisalso resented asa busybody. prying into other people's affairs.

Even when thisis not thecase and inco.untries where no acute political issues are involved, there maybe, and I think generally is, ahostile attitude to anthropologicalinquiries. Thereisthefeeling that theysuggest that the people ofthe country where they are made are uncivilized, savages. Anthropology smells to; them as cultural colonialism, anarrogantassertionofEuropeansuperiority-the white man studyingtheinferiorblackman; and they have somejustification for their suspicions and resentment, for anthropologists have inthe pastonlytoo readily lent and soldthemselvesin the serviceofcolonial interests. The late Dr. Nkrumah once complained tome that anthropologists tried to make the African lookas primitive as possible: photographing people in the nude- and writing _about witchcraft and fetishes and other superstitions and ignoring roads, harbours, schools, factories,etc. Indeed, anthropology has,I think rather unfairly, and

without its intentions and achievements being really understood, become a bad word for the peoples of new and independent states, perhaps especiallyin Africa. SoI havefor manyyearsadvised students about to embark on fieldwork to claim that they are historians or linguists, subjects which noone can take offence at; or they can talk vaguely about sociology.

On the question ofthe"length offieldwork, I would-say that afirst study ofa people takes, ifit istobe thorough, uptotwo years. (My stay among the Azande was twenty months.) Ido not think it can be muchless(in spiteoftheAmerican way ofdoing research). Ideally, the programme would be something likea year inthefield and then a break ofsome months to chew the cud on what one has gathered, discussingwithfriends problems thathavearisen in the course ofone's work, and sorting out what has been omitted and overlooked during it. Then back to the fieldfor another year. This has not always, or even often, proved tobepossible. Furthermore, a student must, if anything isto become ofhis research, have at least another year for writing-up. This, again, is not always, or.even often, possible, and the fieldworker may be compelled to accept a post in which heis plunged into teaching, and the results of his research become stale. How often hasthis not happened?

IV

Obviously themost essentialofall things theanthropologist must have in the conduct ofhis inquiriesisa thorough knowledgeofthe language of-the people about whom heis going totellus.Byno other path ..can their thought (which is'what I have myselfchiefly been interested in and why I have spent a lifetime in anthropology) be understood and presented. Soin theresearches I havemade, other than the ethnographical surveys (through the medium of Arabic) to oblige Prof. Seligman, I have struggled with and mastered the native language-sZande, Nuer, Anuak, Bedouin, Ara-bic, and even Luo and Galla to some extent. All English anthropologists today, unlike their predecessors, Rivers,.Haddon, Seligman and others, would pay at any rate lip-service to'this requirementand would claim that they have spoken 'native tongue well. They may have done so, but they seldom display evidence of their ability. Even when I have little doubt that they understood languages, a critic may, andprobablywill, at some time inthe future ask what their credentials are. In the past these could be presented in the form oftexts (with translations), but today this cannot be accepted as certain evidence, forasmost 'primitive' societies become literate itispossiblefor the anthropologist, asitwas s.eldom, often never, possible inmy day, tofindpeople"to write his textsfor him and to translate them. I met only oneZande who could

writeatall coherently, while among the Nuer, Anuak, Bedouin Arabs and otherpeoples there wasno one; soI had totake down texts myself: and inthe hard way, there being at that timeno tape-recorders, an instrumentnotalways an advantage. Being brought uponGreek and Latin, textswereformeanecessary accomplishment and mypassion for them was inflamed by Malinowski whoinhis turn had beeninspired inthis matter bythe Egyptologist Sir Alan Gardiner. The trouble, however, istoget vernacular texts published-who canor wantsto read them? I have done mybestfor Zande. It hascostme much time and money; and I have givenupallhopeof publishing others in that language orin other languages.

One ofthethingsI have oftenbeenasked ishowdoes an anthropologistmakeevena start inhis study ofa primitive society. I. must answer the question inthe light ofmyown experience, which may notbe quite thesameasthatofothersworkingin different conditions.! It helped ofcourse that mostofmy research was carried out ina country, the Sudan, at that time ruled bytheBritish and with a government and itsofficers friendly disposedto anthropological research. Whathelpedalso,I think, and even more, was that theBritish werefew and far between, that in other wordsonecouldbeliked ordisliked, accepted or rejected, asa person and notasa member ofaclassofpersons(whichwasveryunlike Kenya, where itwas hard to decide whowerethemore unpleasant, theofficialsorthe'settlers, both ofwhomwereso loathed bytheAfricans that itwasdifficult fora whiteanthropologist to gain their confidence). Butgiven favourableconditions, suchasgenerallyobtainedinthe Sudan, ithasalways seemedtometobe perfectly simpletowalkintoaso-called primitive society and sojourn there. Why should anybody object sinceonedoes no harm and isaguest? Would notIfeelthesameifoneof them came tolive near me?Idid not expect,assome American anthropologists appear to,tobeloved.I wanted togive and not tobegiven to; but Iwasalways received with a kindly welcome-except among the Nuer, but theywere bitterly hostiletothe Government atthe time.Isuppose that ifoneknowsoneisgoingtobeso received one just turns up and hopestogettoknow people, and inmy experience they are happyto beknown. It may happen that an anthropologist who -has encountered difficulties among one people might not have doneso ainong another. To this extent itcouldbesaid that there isan element of chance..

There are really no directions that canbe imparted about howone

2 Notesand Queries was certainly oflittlehelptome.I carried mybooksinmy head, but forthe record Iwill say this:beforeI went to Nuerland I talked overwithMax Gluckman the problem ofbooks and we decided that ifIcouldtakeonlyonetoguide meit should beLowie's Primitive Society. Itwasaverygoodchoice.

getstoknow people. Somehow or another onefindsa couple ofservants,or more likelytheyfindyou, and oneortwo'menwho are prepared fora reward to teach youthe language; and these people tend to identify themselves with youso that nothing youpossessis 'yours' any more, itis 'ours'. Then they getsomekudosfor having-I was goingtosay owning-their white man, and are happy to introduce him to their families and friends, and soitgoeson. There is an initial periodofbewilderment, one can evensay ofdespair, but if oneperseveres one eventually breaks through. I have always found that the bestway, largelyunintentionalonmy part, ofovercoming myshyness and sometimes myhosts' suspicion has been through the children, whodo not have thesame reserve towards a stranger, nor ifit comes to that, did Ionmyside towards them. SoI started among the Azande by getting theboysto teach me games and among theNuerbygoing fishingevery moming withtheboys.I found that when their children accepted me their elders accepted metoo. Another tipI venture to giveisnot tostart tryingto makeinquiriesintosocial matters-family, kin, chieftainship, religion or whatever itmaybebeforethe language hastosome extent been mastered and personal relationships have been established, otherwise misunderstandings and confusions may result which it may be difficult to overcome. Anyhow ifyoudo what I did,refuse, or are unable, to make useofan interpreter you cannot inthe early stagesof research inquire into such matters. The way to begin istowork steadily fortwelve hours a day at learning the language, makinguseofeverybodyyou meetforthe purpose. That means that you are their pupil, an infant tobe taught and guided. Also people easily understand that you want tospeak their language, and inmy experience in your initial gropings theyare sympathetic and tryto help you. The strictest teachers werethe Nuer, who would correct me, politely but firmly, ifI pronounced a word wrongly orwas mistaken inits meaning. They were quite proud of their pupil when he began totalk more orlessintelligibly. Then, being mute to begin with,one learns each day through theeyeaswellasbythe ear. Here again itseemsto people both innocent and reasonable, if sometimes a bit amusing, that you should, sinceyouhave sprung upfrom nowhere, to join them, take an interest in what isgoingon around you and learn todo what they do: cultivating, pot-making, herding, saddling camels, dancing, or whatever itmaybe.

Iwillonly add tothese random remarks that I have always advised students going into thefieldto begin by learning afewnewwords eachday, and by noting material things. Every socialprocess,every relationship, every idea hasits representation inwords and objects, andifone canmasterwords and things, nothingcan eventually escape one.Afinal hint: get away from servants and regular informantsfrom

time totime, and meet people whodo not know you; then youwill know how badly you are speaking their tongue!

v It maywell beasked, and it sooner or later hastobe, what should one record about a people onemakesa study of and how much of the record should one publish. I have always held, and still hold, that one should record in one's notebooks as much aspossible, everything oneobserves.Iknow that thisis an impossible task, but long after, maybe many years after onehasleft the field and one's memory has faded, onewillbe glad that onehas recorded the most familiar and everyday things-what, how, and when people cook,for example. I have nowlivedto regret that I did not alw-ays doso. And how much that goes into the notebooks should go into print?-Ideally, I suppose, everything, because what is not published may be, and generally is, forever lost-the picture ofa people's wayoflife at a point oftime goes down into the dark unfathomed caves. And .one cannot know how valuable what may appear to'one at the time tobeatrifle may betoa student inthe future who may be asking questions which one did not askoneself.I feel it therefore tobea duty to publish allone knows, though thisisa burden hard tobe borne-and publishers think sotoo. One is burdened for the restof one's life with what onehas recorded, imprisoned inthe prison onehas built foroneself, but one owesa debt to posterity. "Itmay be here that I'should make a protest about anthropologists' books about peoples. A certain degree of abstraction isof course required, otherwise we would get nowhere, but isit really necessary to just make abook out of human beings?-Ifindthe usual account offield-researchso boringas often tobe unreadable-kinship systems, political systems, ritual systems,everysortofsystem, structure and function, .but little flesh and blood. One.seldom getsthe impression that the anthropologist felt at one with the people about whom he writes. Ifthisis romanticism and sentimentality I accept those terms.

E.E. Evans-Pritchard

Suggestions for Further Reading

THE first and most obvious advice tothe student whose appetite has been.whetted bythis abridgementistogoon-and read thefull, original versionofE. E.Evans-Pritchard's Witchcraft, Oracles, andMagic among theAzande. An abridgement, necessarily, leaves out a great deal; in 'this instance I have had, very regretfully, to exclude a vast number ofcase-historiesand examples, which are notonly interesting and delightful in themselves but made upm·uch of the value and rich intrinsiccharacteroftheoriginal book.So the first suggestion for further reading must be: . EVANS-PRITCHARD E. E.: Witchcraft, Oracles, and Magic among the

Azande. Oxford, The. Clarendon Press, 1937.

Other suggestions may be grouped under the following headings: (A) Further material about theAzande Ev ANS- PRITCHARD E. E.: TheAzande:Historyand Political Institutions. Oxford, The Clarendon Press, 1971.

Contains the author's earlier writings on aspects ofZande history, culture.and political institutions, preceded byanew Preface and followedbyagood Bibliography ofthe early travellers and explorers whovisitedthe area. SINGER A. and STREE·T B. V. (eds.): Zande Themes. Oxford: Basil

Blackwell, 1972.

Essays presented to Evans-Pritchard bya number ofhis pupils, dealing with different aspects of Zande society. REI NIN G C. C.: The Zande Scheme. Evanston, Illinois: Northwestern University Press, 1966.

An informative bookon the later history of the Sudanese Azande. (B) Comparative material about neighbouring peoples

Only ODe other people'has been thoroughlystudied inthis area: the Nzakara ofthe Republique Centrafricaine, under their Bandiya royal··dynasty.Their French ethnographers regard them asa people quite distinct from theAzande, though with similar culture and institutions; Evans-Pritchard (1971, pp. 2-7-8) is less certain. In any case they exhibit interesting material for 'comparative studies, both.as regards resemblances and differences,

Index

Adandara, see under Cats Addressing medicines, 92-6, I 77-I3, 189, 191 oracles, 132, J35-8 Adiyambo, suffering froman ulcer, 141 Adultery, xii, xiii, 3, 3-9, 19,26, 29" 50,62, 122, [24, 125, 129,130, 139, 144, 152, 154,179, 185, IBg, 214, 232 Alenvo,a witch-doctor, 99-100 Ambomu people (Mbomu), ix,xv,15 Andegi oracle poison, 155-6 Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, see under Sudan Animals associated with witchcraft, 2368 Antidotes (ziga), see under Medicines Arabic culture and language, x-xi, 208, 216 . Aristocrats, see under Nobles Arts and crafts,viii medicines connected with, 179,186 Associations, see under Closedassociations Auro peoples, xv Autopsy, 2, 6, 15-17, 63 Avongara class (Vongara), ix,x,xi, xivxv,xix, xxii, 9-10, [5,67,115.See also under Kings, Nobles and

Princes ' Avure (attribute or activity of witchdoctors in their capacity as diviners), 66

Azande people (Zande) characteristics, xiv-xv homeland, vii-viii later history, xvi-xix means oflivelihood, viii political system, viii-xii and passim

Bad teeth, person with,' 238-9 Badobo, a witch-doctor, 69-70, 97-104J 110, 114 Bagbuduma (vengeance-magic), see under

Medicines Bagomoro stream, 80 Baka people, 69,194 Bambata sima (first oracular test),138 Bamina, problems about moving his homestead, 141-2 Bananas (Musa sapieniium, MUSil schweinfurthii, MUSil engete), vii,181, I8-t-, 199, 203 Banvuru, a local headman, Basa,a suspected sorcerer, 142-3 Basingbatara and hissonin Kisanga's dream, 232 Baso (spears), see under Spears Bats, associated with witchcraft, 234, 236 Beads, magical use of 209, 2I 2, 213, 214.Beer,17,20, 21-2, 110,179, 184, 186, 191-2, 193, 224Belgian Congo, vii,viii,13, 127,209,219. Seealso under Congo and Zaire Benge (poison usedin oracle consultations; oracle operated by means of this poison), definition: 228.See also 114,121, 134, I.H, 146-9, 150,153, 154, 17.2, and under Oracle poison and Poison oracle .

Bingbagrass Umperata cylindriea), loS, f3-t-, 14-5', 178, 190 Binza (the witch-doctorin his capacity as leech),66 Birds associated with witchcraft, 236 Blood-brotherhood, 16-7, 29, 167,185, 198,23 1 Blowing of water, 9, 42-4, 5g-60, 62-3, 64,80 Body-medicines (ngua kpoto) , see under Medicines Body-soul, 2-3 Bogwozu,a witch-doctor, 69-70,98, 101, 102-4, 110, 114Bongo people, 35-6, ·194 Bulbs (ranga) , magical use of, 1°4, 177, 179-80,207, 213

Cats,wild, associated with witchcraft, 92,. 237-8 Cattle, absence of. viii Causation, ideas ot: xx,19, 21-30, 229, and passim

Chancre, 194 Chickens, see under Fowls

Children, 2, 8, 10, 27, 29, 47,58, 70-1, 129,153, 164, 166,172, 187 Closed associations, 181,186, 2°5-20. See also under Secret Societies Cock, associated with witchcraft, 236 Collecting, viii medicines associated with, 179 Common-sense notions, definition: 229.

Seealso108, and passim Conception, beliefs about, 2 Congo, xviii,156,157, 209. Seealso under

Belgian Congo and Zaire Crafts, see under Arts and crafts Creepers (gire) , magical use of,' 97,121, 146-7,155-6, 180, 181,210,211-12

Dakpa oracle, see under Termites oracle Dakpa tree iBauhinia 110, 1656 Dancing for divinatory and magical purposes,70,71, 72-89, 90,96, I (0,[1I, 2°7

Death, xiii,5-7·, 13-15, 24, 25-30 , 3I, 37, 38,44,51,63-4,92-3,110,122,1246, 141-2, 144-5, 188,198,200--1, 202-3, 222-S Dependants, medicine to attract, see under Medicines Diseases,179, 19S-g, 203.Seealso under

Illness, Leeches and leechcraft, and

Sickness Divination (pangua, pa atoro) and diviners, definitions: 228.Seealso66, 75-89, 10S-6, J 12-14, and under Witchdoctors Dogs, associated with witchcraft, 236 Doleib palm iBorassus flahelliftr),73 Dreams, 61, 174-5, 230-5 Drumming and drums, 70, 73-6,78,81, 88,179 Dysentery, 201,209

Elephants, 24, 132, 169, 171-2,224,231, 232 , 233, 234 Eleusine (moTU; Eleusine CfJro.cana), viii, 22, 36, 79-80, 184,186, 199-200 Empirical behaviour, definition: 229. See also19S-6 knowledge of cause and effect, 21-30 Envy, a motive for witchcraft, 45-6, 48 Equatoria Projects Board, xvi Euphorbia candelabra, 18I

Europeans, vii,xv,go,56,67,70,78, 122, 152, 183,221,225,231

First oracular test,see under Bangbata sima Fishing, viii, 18,179,181,184 Fowls, viii, xii-xiii, 38,41,63,121, 1279,131, 134-6, 138-44, 1529, 163 French Equatorial Africa, vii,viii, xviii

Game, viii,18, 25, 30,36, 179,183.See also under Hunting _ Gangura, prince, 7

Garauia medicine, see under Medicines

Gbarauiasi medicine, see under Medicines

Gbaru, an informant, 15

Gbegbere ngua(bad magic), see under Sorcery

Gbudwe, king,xi,xii, xxiii, xxvi,4,15, 20,3S,40,134,191, 216

Ghosts, definition: 228. Seealso 3, 15, So1,99-100, 155,157, 182

Gifts and sorcery, 192

Gingo (second oracular test), 138-40, 154, 166

Gire,see under Creeper

Government, colonial, vii-viii, x-xi, xvixix,63,67, 183, 225 '

Granaries, 22-3, 24, 28

Greed, a motive for wtichcraft, 4S-6, 48

Groundnuts (Arachis hypogaea), viii,18, 19,7 1

Hatred, a motive for witchcraft, 4S-6, 48 Health, oracles consulted about, 141-4, 164, 168 orations concerning, 39-44 sorcery destroys, 187 witchcraft and, 37-44 Hemp (Cannahis spp.), 132, 133 Hoe culture, medicines connected with, 179, 185' Homeopathic element in magical medicine,177 Homosexual practices, see under Lesbianism Horns, animal, usedby witch-doctors,

72-3, 95, 106 Hunting, viii,19, 25-6, 30,45,54,84, 120. Seealso under Game medicines connected with, 179, 183-5, 194, 202, 20g

Illness, 195-9, and passim. Seealso under

Diseases, Leeches and leechcraft and

Sickness Ima abakumba (old man's anger), 49 Invisibility magic, see under Medicines Irakorinde (possessor of bad teeth), see under Bad teeth Iron-working, viii medicines connected with,179, 186 Islamic customs and beliefs, xi lwa (rubbing-board oracle), see under

Rubbing-board oracle

Jackal, harbinger ofdeath, 236 Jealousy, a motive for witchcraft, 45-0,

51- 2,55,80 between princes, 2 I i between witch-doctors, 68-70, 114

Kamanga, the author's personal servant, becomes a witch-doctor, 68-70, 97105,110 dreams of 232-4 Kings, frightened of sorcery, 191 nature of government by, viii-xi, 357 poison oracles of 26-7, 127,154,162, 2°3 war magic made by, 181. See also under Princes Kisanga, a wood-carver, 20-I consults the poison oracle, 142-4 dreams of, 232, 234sceptical account of witch-doctors by, 105-7 Kitilciti ngua (bad magic), see under Sorcery Kpira (creeper) medicine, see under

Medicines Kpoyo tree (GTewia mollis), 103,108,145, 165-0 Kuagbiuru, an informant, 9 Kuba (public oration), 39-40 Kura (magical whistles), see under

Whistles

Larken, Major P. M., District Commissioner, x-xi Law and the poison oracle, xii-xiv, 5-7, 120, 124-0, 130b 144-5, 154, 162 Leechcraft and leeches, definition: 227.

Seealso 1,66,72, 112,1IS, 185, 1959 Leprosy, 27-8, 196 Lesbianism, 238 Lophira alata,95 ngbimizatoa, a parasite on, 9S Luck, bad, 65 good (tandu), 187

Madi people, 194 Magadi, avenging the death of 141 Magic (ngua), definition: 227. Seealso 57,25, 28, 60b6S-6,88-g, 94, 96, 97, I 11-12, 113, 114-16, 117-18, 124, 176-220, 221-6, and under .Medicines, Productive magic, Protective magic, Punitive magic Magic, an association forthe practice of, 205-20

Magical bulbs (ranga), see under Bulbs Magical whistles (kura) , see under

Whistles Mamenzi, wife of Mekana, 142-3 Mangu (witchcraft), see under Witchcraft Mani, closed association, 205-20 Mapingo oracle, see under Three-sticks oracle Massage, 19"8 Mbira, a consulter of the poison oracle, , IS8 . Mbisimo (soul),see under Soul mbisimo mangu (soulof witchcraft), I CT12 mbisima ngua (soulofa medicine), 12,

191,200 mbisima pasio (souloftheflesh), I 1-12

Mbomu, see under Ambomu people Moon, see under Supreme Being M boyo vegetable (Hibiscus tsculmJus), 1323, 145 Medicines (nguo.), definition: p. 227-See also 118, 176-8

Antidotes (ziga), 101 (and footnote I), 178, I9CT-l, 195, 201, 225

Bagbuduma medicine, see under Vengeance-medicine

Bagu medicine, 100

Beliefin medicines, 199-204-

Bingiya medicine, 187

Body-medicines (ngua kpoto) , 180

Court ignorance of medicines, 182-3

Dependents, medicines to attract, "I837

Distinction between good and bad medicines, 187-9°. Seealso under

Sorcery Dream-medicines, 174-5, J79 Garawa medicine, J93 Gbarauiasi medicine, 192-3 Invisibility, medicines to confer,183 Kpira (creeper), medicines, I SI.See also under Creepers Kura (whistle) medicines, 18o.See also under Whistles Mbiro medicines, 104, lSI Mmzer« medicine, I 9C>-3 Moti medicine, 193 Objective efficacyof medicines, 181 Private ownership of medicines, 9I112,182, 184-6,213 Purchase ofmedicines, 94, 97-8, 1857, 207-8, 20g, 212-13, 214 Ranga (bulb)medicines,17g--80.See also under Bulbs SimpIe medicines known toall,184, r8S, 187 Situationsin which medicines are used, 178-9 Soulof medicines, see under Mbisimo ngua Theft-medicines, 200-1 Togoro ranga medicine, 104 Transmission of knowledge about medicines, 9c>-1, 97-101, 102-5, []8, 185-6 Types ofmedicines used by princesand commoners of high standing, J83, 186-7 Usedbyclosed associations, 217- 18 , 219 Usedby witch-doctors, 66, 71, 73, 79,86, 9<r-I07, 1I I, ' 113, ,I J7,

lSI

Used for sickness,

Used in preparing rubbing-board oracle, 169-70, I 72

Vengeance-medicine (bagbuduma) , 5-7, 1[2,[78,[79,181-2,183,185,186, [88-g, 200, 203, 222-5

Virility medicines, [83

Women's medicines, [84

Zande classificationsofmedicines, 17g--8I

ZigQ, see above under Antidotes Mekana, theauthor's cook, 142-4, 148 notions, 48, 50-5 Morombida vegetable (Corchorius olitorius,

C. tridens), 132 Motiwa (curse), 49 Mugadi, Zingbondo's father-in-law, 78 Mundu people,194 Murder and witchcraft, xiii, 5-7, 33, 634, 124-6, 221,223-5 Mystical notions, definition: 229. Seealso 21,25, 27, 107, 108, J 17-[8, 149-52, 158-63, Ig8-g, 201-4

Nawada oracle poison,155-6 Ngbanza creeper, 97 Ngere, prince, 233 Ngbimi (arboreal parasites), ISO ngbimizatoa,95 Ngua(magic; medicine), seeunder Magic and Medicines Nile-Congo watershed, vii No (to injure at a distance), 13,14,72, 75 Nobles,xv,9, 10,46,48,54,67,7r-2,8S6,88,115,191-2,2[5-16. See also under Avongara and Princes Nonga plant (Amomum korarima), 17

Objects ofwitchcraft, 14, 70, 75,95, 1026, 108, 1[6-17, 198 Omens, 236-9. Seealso under Dreams and Oracles Oraclepoison (benge), xiii, 120-1,125-38, 144-5, 151,152-4,

Seealso under Benge, Poisonoracle, andpoisons Oracles (soroka), definition: 228. Seealso xii-xiii, 6, 10, 12, 15, 26-7,' 34, 356, 37-g, 40-3, 47, -5 J, 52-3, 55,58, 65-6, 77, 109, 113-14, 121, 123-4, 126, T49, 151- 2, 176, 197,Jg8,200, 201-3, 222, 225,232,and under

Dreams, Omens, Poison oracle, rubbing-board oracle, Termites oracle and Three-sticks oracle Orations concerning witchcraft, 39-40 Owls servants ofwitches,236

Pa ngua (pa atoro) (divination), definition: 228.Seealso under Divination Patrilineal descent, 3-5 Patrilocal residence, viii

Pezunga (to judge equitably), 188,189 Poison oracle (benge), definition: 228.See also xii-xiii, 6, 9, 12,27,28, 35-9, 41, 43,46, 61,62, 64,85,109,113, 114, 121-63, J64, 197,202-3,223-5,232; and under Oracle poison and

Oracles Poisons, 146-,q, 151-2, 153, lSI. Seealso

Oracle poison Pot-making, viii, 2 I, 22,28,29 Princes,ix, xi-xii, xiv, xviii, xix, 6-7, 9, 10,18,30,34,41-2,45-6,64,67,712,80-1,85-6, 114-15,116, 123, 1246, 145,179,182,183,185,186-7, 191-2,202,215-17,218,225,232.

Seealso under Avongara, Kingsand

Nobles Productive magic, I 16, 199-200 Protective magic, 3, I 16,199-201 Punitive magic,53,199-201

Sleeping-sickness, viii, xvi Snake-bite, 33,196-7 Snakes, dreaming of,231 Social activities, medicines connected with, 179 Sorcery orbad magic (gbegere ngua, kitikiti ngua), definition: 227.Seealso10, 14,29,85, 122,142, 176,182, 18795,197,198,202,217-18 Soroka see under Oracles Soul (mhisimo) , definition: 228.Seealso 2-3, 1<r-12, 61,151,191, 200,231, 232 oftheflesh (mbisimo pasio), 11-12 of medicines (mbisimo ngua), 12,19I, 200 ofthepoison oracle, 12,ISI ofwitchcraft (mbisimo mangua) 10-12 Spears, 26 firstandsecond,in hunting, 25-6, 278 Rain, ritesto prevent, 178, 185,2°3 usedin payment, 98,100-1, 1°3-4, Rainbow-snake, 23 I 169,179,186 Ranga, see under Bulbs Spells (sima), see under Addressing mediRepublique Centrafricaine, vii.Seealso cinesand Sima _ under.French Equatorial Africa Spirit-soul, 2-3 prince, 30 vii,xvi,xviii,12Ritual behaviour, 229.See -", 13, 205-6, 219-20 . also:38, 67-8, 97;" I og- 10,176-8, Republic ofthe, vii, xix 181-2, 184,185,188,190,199,200, ,..Sueyo,a suspected sorcerer, .142-3 _ .20Z,-2.0..5s-2_l.Q:::.14, 222-5 ,..-._--.- --" Suicide and witchcraft, 24 Robinson, Prof. R.,I2I'·' - Sunset, ritesto delay, 178,185,203 Rubbing-board oracle (iwa), definition: Supernatural, concept of the, 30-1 228.Seealso: 39,4°,41,62, 112, 114, Supreme Being (Mbori), definition: 228. 121, 123,151 , 164,167-74,197,231- Seealso 29,51,62,99

2

Sanza (innuendo), 84-5 Scientific notions, definition: 229 Seances, oracular, 127-44 witch-doctors', 70-89,96, 116, 118,120 Second oracular test,see under Gingo Second spear, see under Umbaga . Secret societies,xiv,xviii, 220. Seealso under Closed associations Sickness, 13-14, 27-8, 29-30, 37-43, 49, 185,IgO,193, 195-9. Seealso under

Diseases,Illness and Leechcraft and leeches' Sima (ritual address, spellor prayer), definition: 227. See also under

Addressing medicines and oracles bambata sima (first oracular test),]38 Taboos (gira), definition: 228.Seealso 12g,131-3, 141, 155,156,165, 171-:2, I 73, 18I, 2 I I, 2 I 2, 223-5 Tandu (goodluck),see under Luck Teeth, bad, see under Bad Teeth Termites, viii,18,19, 23-4, 39,179,183, 185,203.Seealso under Termites oracle Termites oracle (dakpa), definition: 228.

Seealso 39, 43,151, 164-5 Terms employed, listof, 226-9 Theft-medicine, see under Medicines Therapeutics, examples of, 196--8 Three-sticks oracle (mapingo), definition: 228.Seealso151, 166-7 Time, Zande ideasof,16I -2 ' Togo (infused medicines), 181

'Togoro ranga medicine, see under Medicines Trypanosomiasis, viii Tsetse fly (Glossina spp.), viii

Ulcers, 194 Umbaga (second spear in hunting), 25-8 Unlawful Societies Ordinance, 19"19, 219

Vampirism, 1I Vengeance-magic, vengeance-medicine, see under Medicines Virility-magic, virility-medicine, see under Medicines Vongara, see under Avongara

War-magic, 181 Warfare, ix, xi

Medicines connected with,179 Water-leopard, 23 I Weakness and witchcraft, 52 Wene ngua (good magic), definition: 227.

Seealso under Magic Whistles (kura), magical use of: 7I, 93, 180,182,·185,186,207,21I, 212, 2 13,236, 237 Wildcats,see under Cats Witchcraft (mangu), definition: 226. See also passim, and under sub-headings accusations founded on personal enmities, 46 et seqq. , and animals, see under Animals' causesslow wasting disease, 13-14, IS4 in the causation of misfortune, IS-30 and children, 8,47 colonial government's attitudes to,63 detected byoracles, 34-6, 65andsee under Oracles by witch-doctors, 66, and see under Witchdoctors and dreams, see under Dreams hereditary nature of, 2-3, 61-2, 63 impersonal thinking about, 13 between kinsfolk, 9 and lesbianism, 238 and luck, 65· and morality, 48-55 and murder, see under Murder and oldpeople, 7-8 -phlegm, definition: 226-7. See' also

101, 113 and princes, 9-10 psychic action of, 10-14 soulof,see under Soul -substance, definition: 226. Seealso12,4, 7-8, 12,15- 17,61-2,83 ubiquity of, 18-19, 65 and passim vengeance for,see Vengeance-medicine under Medicines

Zande attitudes towards, 19-21; 34, 44-55, 58-g and passim

Zande representations of: 31-2 Witch-doctors (abinza,avule), definition: 228.Seealso under sub-headings, and under Alenvo, Badobo and Bogwozu both diviners and magicians, 66, III asa corporation, 66-7 "dance the questions", 75-6, 78-80, 81-2, 83, 87-9 divinations basedonlocal knowledge, 82-7 divine for princes, 80-1, 115 extract objectsof witchcraft by trickery,102-7,116 faithin, 107--9, 112-14, 120 initiation of Kamanga as, 68-70, 97-

10"1, 102-4, ofnovices as, 90--8, 101-2, 109-10, 117-18 know little more about witchcraft than laymen, 31 and medicines, 72-3, 90,91-6, 97, 989,99-101 nobles never become, 67, 71-2, 88 prestige of, II 1-12 professional robes o-f, 73 psychology of: I 16-I"S regarded as being themselves witches, 113 . remuneration of,74,79,94, 97-9, 1 t e, 118 rivalrybetween, 69-70, 98-g, I 14 scepticism about, 105-8, I 12-14 andseances, 70-89 seldomaccusenobles, 85-6 themselves believe in magic, 117-18 women rarely become, 72 Witches (ahoro mangu) , definition: 227.

Seealso passim, under sub-headings below, and under Witchcraft canseeone another atwork,113 exposed and thwarted by witchdoctors, 66, rr[ manner of dealing with them inevery-

day life,9 (andfootnote .I), 33-4, 3944, 58-61 may corrupt thepoison oracle, 156,159 men and women are equally, 2-3, 89 motivation of, 45-52 neverdirectly accused of murder under colonial rule, 63-4 noblesnever publicly accused ofbeing,

9-10,46 often unconscious of their witchcraft, 56-63 prestige of,54 sought in situations of incipient misfortune, 33-4 supposed activities of,13-15

51- 2 weak persons suspected of being, S3-4 VVornen,8-g,2g,47,49,S2, 62-3,72,74, 80-1,84, 130-1,144, 164, 167,1712, 184, 214-16 Wood-carving, viii, 20-1, 22, 29 Yanda, oracle ofthe Mani association, 208 Zaire, vii, xix.Seealso under Belgian

Congo and Congo Zande, see under Azande Zande Scheme, xvi-xix Ziga, see Antidotes, under Medicines Zingbondo, present ata witch-doctors' seance, 78