Fadi Belouni. Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

aUSP

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U R BA N I S M A N D ST R AT E G I C P L A N N I N G

MASTER OF

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No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photo-copying, recording or b any information storage retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher or specific copyright owners. Work and publication made during the course of a personal advanced-master dissertation. ©2017 by Arch. Fadi Belouni

This research that deals with the city of Mostar in Bosnia and Herzegovina was developed for the thesis of the Advanced Master of Human Settlement at KU Leuven.

MASTER OF HUMAN SETTLEMENTS MASTER OF URBANISM AND STRATEGIC PLANNING

KU Leuven, Department of Architecture Faculty of Engineering Science, Leuven.

2016-2017 www.arch.kuleuven.com http://www.mahsmausp.be/ Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

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Table of Contents Preface and Acknowledgments ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 9 Transctiption of Bosnian words ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 12 List of Symbols and Abbreviation ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 13

Chapter 1 “Introduction” ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 15 1.1. Keywords ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 16 1.2. Research Rationale �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 16 1.3. The State of the Art ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 17 1.4. Research Question(s), Aim and Objectives �������������������������������������������������������������������� 17 1.5. Methodology ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 18

Chapter 2 “Weaving The Theoritical Framework” ��������������������������������������� 25 2.1. Space As a Stage ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 26 2.2. The Space of Idiorrhythmy ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 30 2.3. Modern-Diatopic and Traditional-Diachronic ���������������������������������������������������������������� 38 2.4. The Production of Memory ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 43 2.5. Anger and Transition-Space ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 46

Chapter 3 “Rethinking Living-Together" ������������������������������������������������������� 53 3.1. Intro ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 54 3.2. The Ottoman Period (1468-1878) ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 55 3.3. Austro-Hungarian Period (1878 -1918) ���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 81 3.4. The Kingdom of Yugoslavia Period (1918-1945) ������������������������������������������������������������� 94 3.5. SFR Yugoslavia Period (1945-1992) ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 96 3.6. Post-War Period (1995-2017) �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 107 3.6. Conclusions ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 128

Chapter 4 “Space, Needs and Desires” ��������������������������������������������������������� 133 4.1. Intro ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 134 4.2. The Production of Memory ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 136 4.2.1. Memory Produced Through Artifacts ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������136

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4.2.2. Memory Produced Through Events ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������145

4.3. Reciprocity and Dependency ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 158 4.3.1. The Spaces of Commerce ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������158 4.3.2. The Spaces of Health and Education �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������172 4.3.3. The Spaces of Marginality ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������179 4.3.4. The Spaces of Burial ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������187

4.4. Conclusions ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 194

Chapter 5 “The Spaces of Idiorrhythmy” ����������������������������������������������������� 197 5.1. Intro ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 198 5.2. Spatial and Trajectories Analysis ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 200 5.2.1. Mepas Shopping Center: �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������200 5.2.2. The Spanish Square ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������212

5.3. Rhythm analysis ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 224 5.3.1. Mepas Shopping Center: �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������224 5.3.2. The Spanish Square ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������235

5.4. Conclusions ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 247

Conclusions �������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 251 References ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 256 Appendix ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 259 1. Interviews ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������259 2. Population Counts �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������287

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Croatia

Serbia Sarajevo

Mostar

Montenegro

FIGURE 1. The city of Mostar in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Source: By the author.

Preface and Acknowledgments Since the day I left my home country Syria where the breakdown of Living-Together brought catastrophic consequences, I constantly asked myself: How can we Live-Together? how urbanism influences the relation between the different components of the mosaic societies? how the built environment can be shaped to enhance Living-Together? And finally, how as an architect can I make difference?

These questions directed my career and guided me to do this research about Mostar that represented a symbol for multicultural co-existence for over four-hundred years. After the disintegration of the SFR of Yugoslavia in the late 20th century, the whole country plunged into nationalistic-ethnic conflict and the city of Mostar was divided along the Boulevard between Muslim Bosnianks on the east side and Catholic Croatians on the west side. After the cessation of hostilities and signing Dayton peace agreement in 1995, the city attracted enormous international efforts to reconstruct the city and resolve the ethnic division, nevertheless, the city is still ethnically divided.In the last 25 years, many studies investigated this division and the underlying reasons without paying much attention to the fact of Living-Together. As such, this research critically rethinks the division of Mostar and investigates the agency of space in influencing the relation between the two communities through establishing an interdisciplinary theoretical framework and conducting two fieldworks in February and April 2017.

The take of Roland Barthes on Idiorrhythmy Living-Together represents the main component of the theoretical framework, however, when the original work focuses on small group, this research compliments the work of Barthes, adopts the highlighted socio-spatial aspects, and reflects them on the scale of the city. The term Space of Idiorrhythmy is coined to refer to the space where people from the two communities co-exist at the same time to fulfill their basic needs and desire. As such, after examining the typo-morphological transformation of the city in the different phases of development, the management of memory and tension, and the spatial organization of the the spaces of exchange, two spaces of idiorrhythmy were identified and the socio-spatial qualities of these spaces were investigated to stand at the similarities and divergent to provide deeper understanding regarding the agency of space in Living-Together, its role in bringing ethnically divided communities together, and to draw lessons that can contribute to the efforts that aim to promote Living-Together and enhance peace in mosaic societies.

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In fact, the last few words of this preface are the core motivation for this research in general and for the researcher in specific. However, embarking on such an endeavor and the pursue for deeper understanding of the physical reality of the built environment was not possible without the infinite support by teachers, friends, and family members who made this journey possible and enriching personally and professionally.

First of all, I would like to thank my promoter Prof. Bruno De Meulder for his ongoing support, patience, and wise guidance. His insights, rich experience, and dedication opened my eyes to many neglected aspects and concepts, encouraged me to try different paths, and assisted me to find my way through this research.

From the department of architecture, also I would like to thank my teachers Prof.

Hilde Heynen, Prof. Pieter Van den Broeck, Dr. Bieke Cattoor, and Koen De Wandeler for their constructive comments and criticism that helped me to elaborate my research and to make it more concrete.

Furthermore, I would like to express my gratitude to Mr. Hubert Fattal who gave me the opportunity to join this program and assisted me without hesitation since the moment I came to Belgium. This journey that I have been going through would not have been possible without you. Thank you.

Also, I am sincerely grateful for Koning Boudewijnstichting for supporting me during the last three years and partially financing this research. Your help and support encouraged me to move forward and gave me the opportunity to invest precious time in developing this thesis.

Moreover, I would to thank all my Friends for their constant encouragement and the joyful moments that we had throughout this year. Timur, Gregory, Roman, Khaled, Joy, Swagata, Tjasha, Carine, Christine, Manal and Grace. I am sincerely grateful.

In addition to that, I would like to thank the generous people of Mostar who shared their stories, entrusted me with their dreams, and made me feel home in the city of poets and writers. I am especially thankful for my host Mirza Bojcic, Dr. Senada Demirovic, Selma Kapetanovic, Selma Kasum, Kristina Coric, Fra. Iko Skoko, Fra. Stanko Ćosić, Vesna Falak, Una Kreso, and Sergej Kreso.

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Finally, I would like to thank my family members all around the world, especially my lovely mother in Syria who always supported me, encouraged me to chase my goals no matter how reckless they are , and to dream big. Without your generosity and caring through the whole of my life and despite all the distances, I would not be able to carry on with this endeavor. Truth to be said, the ocean of words is helpless when it comes to express my gratitude to you.

Once again, I would like to dedicate my second thesis at KU Leuven to the future generations, especially, the children of Syria, to whom I feel committed as an architect to further perfect my craft; architecture, and to acquire knowledge beyond our limits that can help one day in establishing much better, safer, and peaceful world.

Arch. Fadi Belouni Leuven, 2017.

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Transctiption of Bosnian words A large number of Bosnian words appear in this thesis They are written in the Latin alphabet of the Bosnian language .The sound values of the letters correspond roughly to those of other European Languages .

Explaining below :

Bosnian alphabet C Č or Ć Dž or dj J Lj Nj Š Ž

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English sound

bold-faced letters in English

/ts/ /tʃ/ /dʒ/ /j/ /ʎ/ /ɲ/ /ʃ/ /ʒ/

Pronounced approximately as the c as in cats č as in chalk dž as in gin j as in year Lj as in million nj as in onion š as in shut ž as in pleasure

List of Symbols and Abbreviation SFRY: The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia WWI: World War One WWII: World War Two EUAM: European Union Adminstration of Mostar AU: Austro-Hungarian UWC: United World Colleges UNPROFOR: United Nations Protection Force

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FIGURE 1. Ottoman Mostar in 1903 from the foothill of mount Hum. Source: By the author, UNESCO street billboard in Mostar 2017.

Chapter 1 “Introduction”

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1.1. Keywords Living-Together, Divided-Societies, Urbanism, Space of Idiorrhythmy, Mostar.

(1) Gaffikin, F. and Morrissey, M. (2011). Planning in divided cities. Chichester, West Sussex, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, pp.10-20.

(2) Calame, J. and Charlesworth, E. (2012). Divided cities. Philadelphia, Pa.: University of Pennsylvania Press, pp.104-107.

1.2. Research Rationale It goes without saying that peace and prosperity are tightly linked, meanwhile, tension and mistrust between the variegated components of the social mosaic may induce conflicts that bring barbaric destruction and absolute misery. The civil wars throughout the history, from the Roman time to the recent conflicts in the Middle East, stand as examples for the failure of Living-Together and its catastrophic consequences. As such, examining how the built environment can support and enhance Living-Together between different groups and communities that co-exist within the fabric of the city would not be irrelevant. In fact, it is urgent and necessary to be looked upon, especially in our time with the crisis at the family level on the one hand that represents the basic building block of any community, and globalization on the other one that has turned the world into a small village, consequently, bringing people from different cultures and backgrounds (rhythms) into each other within the physical reality of the built environment and their ability to live peacefully together has become increasingly a matter of great concern (1).

Mostar is a city in Bosnia and Herzegovina that is located to the west on a major transportation route. Consequently, Mostar became a center for commerce and administration in the region and represented for over four centuries a symbol for multicultural coexistence between the different ethnic groups. However, After the disintegration of the SFR of Yugoslavia in the late 20th century, the whole country plunged into nationalistic-ethnic conflict and the city of Mostar became a battle ground between the nationalistic belligerents. As a result, the built environment suffered barbaric destruction, meanwhile, the ethnic cleansing and expulsion that accompanied these atrocities reconfigured the demography of Mostar completely, shattering it in half along the confrontation line; the Boulevard, with Bosniaks on the east side and Croatians to the west (2).

After the cessation of hostilities and signing Dayton peace agreement in 1995, the city attracted enormous international attention and efforts that aimed to reconstruct the

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(3) A. Bollens, S. (2012).

City and soul in divided societies. 1st ed. London: Taylor & Francis Routledge, pp.96-107.

(4) DailySabah. (2017).

Ethnic tensions escalate in Bosnia's ‘most divided' city. [online] Available at: https://www.dailysabah. com/balkans/2016/04/02/ ethnic-tensions-escalate-in-bosnias-most-divided-city [Accessed 19 Feb. 2017].

(5) Calame, J. and Charlesworth, E. (2012). Divided cities. Philadelphia, Pa.: University of Pennsylvania Press.

(6) Coward, M. (2009).

Urbicide: the politics of urban destruction. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge.

(7) A. Bollens, S. (2012).

City and soul in divided societies. 1st ed. London: Taylor & Francis Routledge.

(8) Narang Suri, S. (2013).

Two cities with no soul: Planning for division and reunification in post-war Mostar. In: 48th ISOCARP Congress 2012.

(9) Mackic, A. (2016).

Mortal cities and Forgotten Monuments. 1st ed. Zurich: Park Books.

physical environment, enhance the economy, and to restore the peaceful relation between the divided communities; Christian Croats and Muslim Bosniaks, nevertheless, the public services on both sides of Mostar were duplicated, construction of religious institution escalated, the Neutral Zone along the Boulevard that was envisioned as a common ground that would unify the city was altered of its purpose and abandoned in the end (3), and now, after more than twenty years of the theoretical unification of Mostar, it is still ethnically divided, meanwhile, mistrust and tension between Bosniaks and Croatians are constantly experienced (4).

1.3. The State of the Art The socio-spatial division of Mostar has been examined by many scholars from different disciplines; Calame and Charlesworth highlighted the historical roots of division and examined the emergence of the fault-line during the conflicts (5), Coward highlighted the political aspects that are embedded in the deliberate destruction of the built environment and its symbols of plurality (6), Bollens (7) and Narang Suri (8) shed light on role of the planning polices before and after the municipal unification of Mostar in 2005 in accentuating the division of the city through the duplication of public facilities on both sides of Mostar and the fragmented post-conflict strategies, and most recently, Mackic examined the emotional impact of the war on the inhabitants in Mostar and proposes a new design language to rebuild inclusive and collective identity (9). However, no attention whatsoever was paid to the fact of Living-Together and to the influence that the built environment has in organizing the relation between the ethnically divided communities vis-à-vis and to its role in maintaining a state of balance and stability. In fact, there could be a tension, but there is no explosion!

1.4. Research Question(s), Aim and Objectives By considering the current situation in Mostar and the state of the art, this research raises the following questions: • How the socio-spatial processes of the different phases of development in Mostar have influenced Living-Together between the different communities?

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• How the urban morphology and the spatial organization influence the relation between the different ethnic groups in today Mostar vis-à-vis?

(10) Warren, CAB., Karner, TX. (2005). Discovering qualitative methods: Field research, interviews and analysis. Los Angeles, CA, Roxbury Publishing Company.

The Aim of this research is to develop better understanding of the agency of space in living-together to draw lessons that can contribute to the efforts that promote stability and peace in mosaic (multi-cultural) societies.

The Objectives of the research are: • Examine the influence of the socio-spatial processes of the different phases of development on Living-Together in Mostar • Identify on a macro scale the spatial organization of the common spaces where exchanges between Bosniaks and Coratians can take place and their relevance to the specificity of the territory.

• Investigate on a micro scale the relation between the spatial qualities of these spaces and the social practices associated with it.

1.5. Methodology To meet the objectives of this research, a deductive multi-disciplinary approach that combines qualitative and quantitative methods of data collection in the field of urbanism and social science was adopted. The combination of these methods helped, on one hand, to address the mutual relation between the spatial configuration and social processes , and on the other one, to achieve method triangulation. Triangulation is a very powerful tool that facilitate the validation of data through cross verification from two or more sources (10). Furthermore, the research relied on primary sources of data collection; Interviews, records, observations, population counting, maps, photographs and sketches, and secondary sources; books, journals, magazines, newspapers and internet websites.

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(11) Petruccioli, A. and Sarro, A. (2009). Beyond the wall. 1st ed. Bari: Unione tipografica editrice, pp.1012.

(12) Heynen, H. (2013).

Space as Receptor, Instrument or Stage: Notes on the Interaction Between Spatial and Social Constellations.

International Planning Studies, 18(3-4), pp.342-357.

(13) Barthes, R. (2013).

How to Live Together: Novelistic Simulations of Some Everyday Spaces. 1st ed. Columbia University Press.

(14) Nussbaum, M. (2016).

Anger and forgiveness. 1st ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

(15) Boyer, M. (2012).

Collective Memory Under Siege: The Case of 'Heritage Terrorism'. In: C. Crysler, S. Cairns and H. Heynen, ed., The SAGE Handbook of Architectural Theory, 1st ed. SAGE Publications Ltd, pp.325-339.

(16) Petruccioli, A. (2007).

After amnesia. 1st ed. Bari, Italy: ICAR.

The city of Mostar is the primary case study in this research in which the influence of the socio-spatial processes of the different periods of development were examined and how the spatial quality of the common spaces, its relevance to the territory, and its influence on the two communities in today Mostar were identified and investigated to develop better understanding about the agency of space in Living-Together.

This research will proceed through three phases that complement each other and reflect a shift in scale from general to specific e.g. from city scale to the group of buildings and elements that define the space.

The first phase can be divided into two parts. In the first part, a thorough literature review was conducted, on one hand, to establish a preliminary background regarding the context of the research and its development, to draw the state of the art, and to better understand the imposed challenges, and on the other one, to articulate a theoretical framework that can help to transform the colossal flow of information derived from the context into gentile streams that can be approached and critically examined. This review relied on books, journals, magazine, articles, and thesis.

In this framework, the theatrical metaphor of the space presented by Hilde Heynen was adopted (12). As such, the mutual relation between the spatial pattern and social processes is acknowledged. This conceptualization represents a common ground to establish an interdisciplinary theoretical framework that responds to the context and the purpose of the research. At the beginning, the theoretical framework based on the work of Roland Barthes and his takes on idiorrhtymic Living-Together; a positive form of relation in which one consider and respect the different rhythm of the others (13). However, In the following phases and as the research progressed, more pieces were incorporated. As such, in addition to the work of Barthes, the theoretical framework included Martha Nussbaum takes on anger and forgiveness and her concept of transitional-anger as a way to contain the destructiveness of anger (14), M. Christine Boyer takes on the collective memory and how the experience of the past is maintained through spatial artifacts and remembrance events (15), and Attilio Petruccioli takes on typological processes and the Diatopic and Diachronic variations that generate contrasted areas in the fabric of the city over time (16).

In the second part of the first phase, the historical development of Mostar and the typo-morphological processes will be examined through different periods. As such, a better understanding can be developed of how the socio-spatial aspects that characterLiving-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

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ized each of these periods and the shift from one paradigm to the other have influenced the relation between the different groups that Lived-Together in Mostar.

The periods that were examined are the Ottoman period between 1468-1878, the Austro-Hungarian period between 1878-1918, The Kingdom of Yugoslavia period between 1918-1945, the SFR Yugoslavia period between the end of WWII-1992, and finally the post-war period. In the last period, the emergence of the division and how the city developed differently on both sides was highlighted, furthermore, the relevance between the development of each side and the spatial qualities that characterize the territories of the respective groups were outlined.

The historical examination will rely on different accounts, especially on the work of two authors from Mostar who represent the two dominate groups to shed light on Living-Together from different Perspectives and how it was in the past. Moreover, data will also be acquired from secondary resources; historical maps, architectural drawings, and photos, and primary resources from the fieldwork in 2017; photographs, observations, and interviews with experts provided insight especially in the last two periods. Data analysis and interpretation will rely on the established theoretical framework, especially the work of Roland Barthes on idiorrhythmic Living-Together. Moreover, maps, architecture drawings, collage and sketches will be used, in addition to the text, to present the findings and to highlight the important aspects and concepts.

The second phase of the research is associated with the first fieldwork to Mostar in February 2017. Initially, the fieldwork aimed to cross-check the already gathered and analyzed data, to gain personal experience in relation to the context since the researcher is an outsider, and to identify on a macro scale the spatial organization of the common spaces where exchange between the two communities take place with respect the specificity of the Croatian and Bosniaks territories. However, during the fieldwork, more aspects came to the fore, such as how the memory of the past is sustained and perpetuated through artifacts and events, and how the tension between the different communities is contained and managed. These aspects were adopted in the research and analyzed with respect to the Coratian and Bosniak communities and the spatial configuration of their territories.

During the fieldwork, the data was collected through interviews, walking, casual encounters, mapping, photographs and sketches. Semi-structured and unstructured interviews were conducted, on the one hand, due to the sensitivity of the topic; post-con20

(17) Lederach, J. (1998).

Building peace: sustainable reconciliation in divided societies. 1st ed. U S Institute of Peace, pp.15-24.

(18) Bogdan, R. and Biklen, S. (2007). Qualitative research for education. 1st ed. Boston, Mass.: Pearson A & B. (19) Low, S. (2008). On the plaza. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press, pp.154-179.

flict context and ethnic division that is imbued with sadness, anger, and pain (17), and on the other one, to give the interviewees the possibility to express their thoughts and ideas in their own way, while at the same time, highlighting aspects that might not have been considered (18). The interviews covered professionals; Arch. Senada Demirovic; the senior advisor of planning department in Mostar, Prof. Dr. Amir Pašić; author and co-author for many books related to Mostar and its architectural history, and Kristina Coric; social activist and a member in OKC Abrašević for Culture and Art, and nonprofessionals; members from both Bosniak and Croatian communities in Mostar. The professionals provided sophisticate perspective on the city and how it works, meanwhile, the inhabitants provided more mundane, yet profound points of view regarding their daily practices, their relations with the others, and how they are perceived.

The interviews with the walking and the causal encounters with the local inhabitants helped, on one hand, in highlighting aspects that were not considered, such as the maintained memory of the past and the management of tension in Mostar, and on the other one, they made it possible to identify and map the common spaces between the two communities and contributed to the spatial analysis. In this regard, it is worth noting that the analysis also relied on photographs and sketches that documented the research, captured the socio-spatial quality of the space, and contributed through their contents to the existing data and its analysis. By the end of this phase, the socio-spatial division of Mostar was examined, critically reinterpreted, and two spaces of idiorrhythmy; where two communities come together to fulfill their basic needs and desires, were chosen for the analysis on the micro scale.

The third phase of the research complemented and cross-checked the previous one, focused on the spaces of idiorrhythmy, and aimed to identify the relation between the spatial qualities of these sites and the daily practices vis-à-vis. As such, another fieldwork was conducted to collect the necessary data for this analysis in April 2017. Afterward, the data was critically analyzed, the relation between the social practices and the spatial qualities was interpreted, and then these two sites were compared, on one hand, to stand at the similarities and differences, and on the other one, to identify their unique features that pull the two groups despite the ethnic division.

To examine the daily practices in these two sites, this research followed the work of Setha M.Low and her rhythm analysis for two plazas in San José, Costa Rica (19). As Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

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such, two types of data were collected and analyzed; population counts and movement maps with respect to gender, age group, composition “couples and families”, and type of activities by groups or individuals. The acquired quantitative data provides empirical evidence that supports and complements the qualitative data that is derived from the participatory observation. As such, the sum of the collected data and its analysis highlighted the main users that cross the territorial boundaries and helped to understand the relation between their activities (desire and needs) and the specificity of the site.

The data was collected during the participatory observations that were conducted during weekdays and weekends. Each day was divided into segments, while the sites were divided into sectors due to their scale. Thus, the collected data formed time-segments that do not overlap, but rather complement each other and respond to the carrying capacity of a single researcher. Furthermore, during the observation, notes were registered, photos were taken, and sketches were drawn to complement the population counts and movement maps.

Furthermore, to identify the spatial qualities of these sites, spatial and trajectory analysis were conducted. The typo-morphological analysis focused on these sites and their direct surrounding in terms of building typologies and the different spatial elements (street, side walk, fences etc.) that give definition and orientation to the space.

Meanwhile, the trajectory analysis focused on the main routes that connect these sites that are located within the Croatian territory with the Bosniak one. The collected data and the conducted analysis relied on maps, architectural drawings, schemes, sketches and photographs that helped to identify, on one hand, the spatial qualities of these space, and on the other one, the sequences of spaces and the shift in their socio-spatial quality as one move from one territory to the other.

In the end of this phase, the relation between the spatial qualities and the social practices of these sites were interpreted and compared to stand at their meeting and divergent points. As a result, the unique features of these sites came to the fore .Furthermore, such a comparison made it possible to highlight the agency of space in Living-Together, to articulate recommendation for urban design and intervention in mosaic society, and to draw lessons that can contribute to the efforts that promote peaceful Living-Together in multi-cultural cities.

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FIGURE 1. The Franciscan Monastery area in 1912 on the west side of Mostar.

Source: By the author, a painting in the café of the Franciscan church.

Chapter 2 “Weaving The Theoritical Framework”

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2.1. Space As a Stage

(1) Heynen, H. (2013).

Space as Receptor, Instrument or Stage: Notes on the Interaction Between Spatial and Social Constellations.

International Planning Studies, 18(3-4), pp.342-343.

Hilde Heynen points out in her article; Space as Receptor, Instrument or Stage: Notes on The Interaction Between Spatial and Social Constellations, that a shared scholarly paradigm with a widely conceived theoretical apparatus to understand the interaction between the spatial and the social constellations does not exist. For Heynen, this is resulted from the diversity of disciplines that addresses this issue from different perspectives, methodologies, and objectives. Such a situation requires an interdisciplinary approach that combines the methods and insights of these disciplines. Therefore, Heynen reviews literature from spatial and social disciplines that addresses this relation and points out to the similarities and differences by examining them through three models of thought that represent the existing attempt to understand the relation between spatial and social constellations (1).

The first model views space as a neutral receptor, meanwhile, the second views it as an instrument that can impose order and initiates social and cultural change, and finally, the last one envisions space a stage where the theatrical act is performed and yet influenced by the staging that make certain relationship possible or impossible (FIGURE 2).

FIGURE 2. Space as a stage on which the a social life played out and yet the staging makes certain relationships between the actors possible or impossible.

Source: By the author.

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2.1. Space As a Stage

The following will examine these models, the specificity of each one them, and highlights the relevance of the third model to the question of the research on one hand, and to the theoretical framework on the other one.

(2) Ibid, pp.344-346.

(3) Ibid.

(4) Ibid, pp.346-349.

Heynen refers to the fist model as; Space as receptor and indicates that this model considers space as a container for the social practices regardless of its features that may influence the social relation or the behavior of individuals and groups. The emphasis here is placed on the social and cultural forces e.g. social transformation, labor divisions, discrimination etc. that influence the space and mark it with traces that can recognized and detected. As such, the space represents a background that expresses social meaning and mechanism and is in constant change and transformation (2).

In this model, the relation between space the social processes is expressed through words such as; reflect, embody, express etc. “indicative words”. Moreover, space as receptor provides advanced ways and methods to read the space and to decode the social meanings that are inscribed into built environment. This model is mostly used by disciplines that are not involved in articulating the built environment, such as anthropology, ethnography and social geography. Nevertheless, this model can also be traced in the literature of architectural history and theory that adopted semiotic approach. The proponents of this approach view the built environment and its articulation as a text that embody symbols codes that can be deciphered through careful reading for the space (3).

The second model is space as an instrument. For Heynen, the analysis of Foucault for the panopticon that was designed by Jeremy Bentham represents one of the clearest example of how space can be used an instrument to exert social control and to drive social change. The prison took circular form in which the cells were positioned on the periphery, meanwhile, observation tower was placed in the center, allowing one guard to exert control over the inmates who had their windows open to both inner and outer side of the ring. As such, discipline is achieved through spatial configuration of the space itself. The proponents of this model use verbs such as structure, shape, organize, or even discipline, dominate and determine to explain the relation between the spatial configuration and the social influence. The focus here is on the ability of the space in exerting specific behavior on groups and individuals, consequently, causing unbalanced power relation between the dominant and disadvantaged groups (4).

Moreover, Heynen points out that Architect and planners are more inclined to the Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

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(5) Ibid.

(6) Ibid, pp.349-355.

(7) Ibid.

(8) Ibid.

concept of space as an instrument. For example, Modernist architects commonly believed that architecture could be used as a tool to change society. As such, the new collective housing project would obliterate the old and unfavorable habits, make workers more politically aware and engaged, meanwhile, it brings new way of living and lifestyle that liberates the people from the traditional social structure (5).

In the last Model, Heynen conceptualize space as stage that combines the last two models. Thus, the influence of the social and cultural forces on architecture are recognized, while at the same time, it considers the modifying and structural effects of architecture on the social processes. Heynen points out that the theatrical metaphor is not something new by referring to Paul Frank who indicated in 1914 that the building resembles a theater of human activity (6).

This conception can be found in social science; in sociobiology, cultural ethnography, and political science as indicated by Heynen. Although it is not mentioned explicitly, it recognizes the role of the spatial constellation in conditioning and frame the social interactions. However, deeper and more detailed analysis for the influence of the spatial pattern on social and cultural processes and the mechanisms responsibly for such effects is done much more by scholars involved in architectural history or theory. In this regard, Heynen refers to the analysis of Loeckx (1988) for the development and the construction of roads in Algeria in 1980s that shows how this type of spaces stimulated new types of behavior and how these spatial elements became a stage for the demonstrations against the regime (7).

Moreover, Heynen reflects on Yeneva (2010) who adopts relational approach that conceptualize the building as a mediator which resembles the theatrical metaphor, nevertheless, Yeneva fell short in considering the material reality by focusing on the discourse.

For Heynen, such analysis necessitates analytical drawings, plans, diagrams and maps, since materiality cannot be limited to discourse “text instead of graphics”, and the conditioning effect of building on users requires methods of investigation that characterizes disciplines such as architecture and urban design (8).

Finally, Hilde Heynen indicates that the conception of space as stage represents the recent interdisciplinary efforts to understand the relation between the spatial and social constellations and allows further collaboration and rapprochement between spatial disciplines and social sciences. For her, such an interdisciplinary approach is highly need-

28

2.1. Space As a Stage

(9) Ibid.

ed, because the sustainable development of the built environment should benefit from technological advancement of the spatial disciplines, while at the same time, considers the various ways in which the inhabitants deal with the conditioning effect that the built environment has on their behavior (9).

The conception of space as stage introduced by Heynen represents a meeting point between spatial and social disciplines, where their methods and approaches can work together to address the mutual relation between the built environment and social processes, and where deeper understanding of the world and how it works can be gained.

Thus, this theatrical metaphor does not only responds to the combination of urbanism and social science adopted in this research and the consequent blend of their methods of data collection and analysis, but also represents a common ground where the examined accounts (anger and transition-space, Idiorrhythmic constellation and space of Idiorhythmy, modern-diatopic and traditional synchronic, and the production of memory) that deal with various aspects that are related in one way or another to socio-spatial processes, can converge and weave together a theoretical framework, or in better words, a theoretical aqueduct that will help to transform the colossal flow of information derived from the physical reality into streams that flow gently and smoothly. As such, a closer and deeper analysis can be achieved to develop better understanding of how the built-environment influences the relation between the different communities (vis-à-vis) and organizes the interplay between separation and connection in such a way that it would maintain or disturb the balance and stability in a mosaic society.

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2.2. The Space of Idiorrhythmy

(10) Barthes, R., Briggs, K. and Coste, C. (2014). How to live together. New York: Columbia University Press, pp.171.

(11) Ibid, pp.171.

(12) Ibid, pp.30-32.

(13) Rhuthmos (Greek): rhythm, measured motion.

Ibid, pp.202.

(14) Idios (Greek): characteristic, particular, one’s own, pertaining to oneself.

Ibid, pp.202.

(15) Ibid, pp.35.

(16) Ibid, pp.84.

Roland Barthes explores in his lectures at Collège de France the idiorrythmic living-together; a productive form of relationship between group members in which the individuals live-together with a certain proximity to one another, while at the same time, respecting and considering the different rhuthmos of each one. By examining religious models of oriental monachism, especially Athonite, and number of literary works, Barthes investigates this phenomena through number of traits that are pertained to the modes, customs, values and themes of living-together and highlights the ways of balancing the relation between the community and individuals (10). Moreover, the examined literary works reveal a link between the subjects’ daily life and archetypal spaces; the solitary room, the hideout, the desert, the grand hotel and the bourgeois apartment building (11).

By referring to mount Athos, Barthes makes a link between the shift from a more to a less strict regime; the fall of Thessaloniki and the Turkish rule in the 15th century, and the spread of Idiorrhythmic organization that was adopted by all monasteries by the 17th century monasteries on the expanse of coenobitic. Furthermore, Barthes points out that idiorhythmic organization can range in scale from a Kelliotes; a home with a chapel where few monks with an elder live together and most of the time subsist by tilling the fields, to a monastic village that consists of a contiguity of idiorrhythmy, or in better words, an idiorhythmic constellation (12).

The main characteristic of Idiorrhythmic living-together and its different forms is their negative relation to power as indicated by Barthes. It is a general fluctuation that operates outside of a superior control, a form of relation that does not impose certain rhythm and pace on the others. Meanwhile, power and rhythm are inseparable. In fact, the first thing the power do is imposing rhythm on life, time, thoughts etc. which is different from rhuthmos (13), a mobile, and a fleeting form that allows approximation, imperfections, and supplement; an idios (14) that does not fit the structure, or what have made of it (15).

By referring to Robinson Crusoe novel Barthes points out that Living-Together, especially, idiorhythmic Living-Together necessitates incorporating the value of Living-Alone; its typical opposite (16). The charm of the novel steams from the absence of the events that prevents any action or suspense, meanwhile, the events are the enemy of Living-Together as indicated by Barthes, because they introduce new things into the

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2.2. The Space of Idiorrhythmy

(17) Ibid, pp.84-85.

(18) Ibid, pp.85-86.

(19) Ibid, pp.88.

(20) Ibid, pp.89.

(21) Ibid, pp.81.

(22) Ibid, pp.81-84.

affective network that can generate repercussion e.g. innovative members in a society (17).

Thus, what is needed is durable-interminable systems with no initiatives. In this regard, Barthes explains that the suspension of events “initiatives” is apt to the principle of Taoism; Wou-wei “non-action” in which the Tao-subject uses his mind as a mirror to reflect the events without responding or anticipating them e.g. act without acting, do neither good, nor bad things (18).

Furthermore, Barthes uses the term idyllic to refer to the space of human relations that is defined by the absence of conflicts and indicates that this space is not literally a utopia. In Fourier utopia, conflicts are acknowledged and staged, and thus neutralized (19), meanwhile, idyllic Living-Together makes use of symbiotic relationship whereby there is no conflict in the first place e.g. in the novel; Mysterious Island, the five colonists that reflect social division of managers, proletarian, and sub-proletarian, act and behave with respect to their rank and role without any conflictual relationships; attachment within the same class, devotion between different classes with no friction or animosity, meanwhile, the intellectual assigned no tasks (20).

In addition to that, the fantasy of Living-Together for a possible subject incorporates not only inclusion, but also exclusion. Barthes emphasizes on the latter since the imperatives of affect does not necessary overlap with the criteria for exclusion that most often remain subtle (21). As such, an individual(s) is not necessarily excluded in a society for an obvious reason. The object of this figure represents a paradox in every community as stated by Barthes since the excluded is included, nonetheless, remains its status as excluded.

Moreover, this object is unlike the pariah which is integrated as not-integrated, here the object is integrated reject. In fact, every community focuses on someone or something as the root for all its illness and grievances, thus the integrated reject works as a sponge that absorbs these ills, and only then it is possible to get rid of it. Such an anomic “sponge” is integrated after being codded as an anomic and allowed back in such a way that it presents no threats, and strictly speaking, this is how authorities deal with the marginalities, explains Barthes (22).

Idiorrhythmy, especially in the occident is an experience of marginality as indicated

by Barthes, however it is secondary one since coenobitism represents the first marginality. The latter is separated from the world because the monks are exceptional individuals, even when they stay in a community. First, in spiritual sense; they reflect a dense conLiving-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

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(23) Otium (Greek): pleasure, not working. Ibid, pp.191.

(24) Ibid, pp.90-91.

(25) Ibid, pp.91-92.

(26) Ibid.

(27) Ibid, pp.92-93.

(28) Ibid, pp.46.

(29) Telos (Greek): aim, goal. Ibid, pp.203.

(30) Ibid, pp.46-47.

(31) Homeostasis: Barthes combines Homoios (Greek); the same, and stasis (Greek); condition or position. Ibid, pp.202.

(32) Ibid, pp.48-49.

centration of the sacred, and second, in worldly sense; like the aristocratic conception of otium (23), the monastic life is not productive economically, but rather spiritually and intellectually. In this regard, Barthes refers to the symbolic system of a society and states that for a society to meet its symbolic needs, a small portion of its members will be marginalized (24).

In this marginality, Idiorrhythmy is contained as a second one to prevent the psychic risks of depression, egocentric, and lack of strength to face the world, and the risk of not following the social integration that may impact the society, on one hand, by being unable to support the beliefs, and on the other one, through the emergence of subversive individuals for the social norms (25). As such, a tension is generated, and the society condemns the madman of the second marginality who is abnormal and devoid from all power, meanwhile, his neutral, yet excessive position; neither against nor with the power, is untenable. Therefore, the madman “the marginality” is a source for intense anxiety in any society (26). However, this marginality is tolerated to serve as a focal point for all the dangers that are perceived by the society, and only if it is codded e.g. hermitages in proximity of monasteries, but separated. In other words, society keeps an eye on the marginal through proximity, dependency, and the exerted control through the imposed values on the monks; obedience and stability , the two fundamental components of integration (27).

Furthermore, Barthes refers to Wilfred Ruprecht Bion analysis of small groups (28) and examines the telos (29) of group’s formation; why people join-together, and points out that groups are formed to obtain a security from a leader who provides them with material or spiritual nourishment, for pairing; the figure of marriage and the anticipation of an event, and to fight or flight a common threat e.g. to face the threat of the darkness and the sadness of the night together. The leader here is the person who provides them with this opportunity (30). However, for Barthes, the fantasy of idiorhythmic group adopts the idea of homeostasis (31) whereby the pure pleasure of sociability represents its everlasting telos. As such, in a philosophical manner, it drops its worldliness that leads to a competition for a position and involves the paradox of the impossible establishing a group whose telos is not to destroy itself, or in other words, to enable the group to leap beyond resentment as indicated by Nietzschean (32).

Moreover, Barthes indicates that idiorrhythmy is a form of desire that could be blended with the satisfaction of needs when it is minimized to the same thing. In the case

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2.2. The Space of Idiorrhythmy

(33) Ibid, pp.75-78.

(34) Kellion (Greek): storeroom, cellar. Ibid, pp.202.

(35) Ibid, pp.49.

(36) Autarkeia (Greek): self-sufficiency. Ibid, pp.201.

(37) Ibid, pp.49-50 (38) Skene (Greek): cabin, tent, and by extension, the meal eaten inside a tent.

Ibid, pp.202.

(39) Ibid, pp.51.

(40) Ibid.

(41) Ibid, pp.52.

of the contemplative life, the subject is responsible for meeting his own needs. Nevertheless, an exchange can take place between the subjects e.g. mats and baskets for bread and services for experience as in the case of the elder and the young disciples. However, when needs and desires are not accounted for the same thing and the subjects chose to be fully occupied by their desires, a relation between the subjects within the same group, or between different groups start to emerge to satisfy their basic needs, or in better words, specialization and social division are structured, between active and idle members, between labor and privileged group, or between groups from different specialization to fulfill their desires and the requirements of survival (33).

In addition to that, Barthes highlights very important spatial aspects that are needed for group to function. These aspects are related to the concepts of the room; the foundation of idiorrhythmy, and territory that is associated with the enclosure on one hand, and rules on the other one.

Barthes indicates that Cella, kellion (34); the enclosed personal space, represents the foundation of idiorrhythmy, however, understanding the room requires examining the larger scale that is the house “hut” which would not be possible without examining the scriptures that reveal three models. Each one represents expanded variation of the hut of Adam and its totality as a reflection of the first total-space; Eden (35).

The first model is the Ark of Noah; a total autarky (36), encyclopedia for all species that ensures reproductivity and represents a model for all rural domains (37). Meanwhile, the second model is the Tabernacle where the ark of the covenant was placed and at the same time resembling a skene (38); a tent for shade, shelter, and a place for a shared meal among friends. The Tabernacle and the twelve tribes around it represent a productive configuration where different groups are gathered around an uninhabited center. For Barthes, such a configuration is the very principle of idiorrhythmic constellations e.g.

Athos, Nitria, Port-Royal etc. the church; the empty center, the skene (39). The final model is the Temple of Jerusalem that reflects the fantasy of the total building. A place where the priest lives and the palace of Jerusalem. This building represents the early model for a monastic structure; exclusive, total, and multifunctional space (40).

Out of the house, the room is a detached to represent a symbolic space for autonomy, protection and a treasure where valuable things are kept (41) e.g. the conjugal bedroom.

As the room losses its association with the couple, it turns into a cella; a single room and Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

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(42) Ibid, pp.52-53.

(43) Ibid, pp.53-54.

(44) Ibid, pp.57.

(45) Ibid, pp.58-59.

(46) Ibid, pp.116.

symbolic space that represents interiority as in the case of the hermit’s hut, or quant-à-soi “reserve and distant attitude” as in the secular version of the room. Moreover, the room represents a space for fantasy protected from surveillance and a space of a will to power in which it reflects anti-gregarious element, thus, distance itself from transparency which is an instrument of power (42).

Moreover, Barthes points out that from a social stand point, the problem of the room is the total autonomy of its structure from the tangent structures. For Barthes, the room’s structure is not fixed, but rather a loose constellation of functional spaces e.g. desk, cabinet, shelf, bed etc. Moreover, it can be transported and reproduced irrespective of the objects themselves because structure is a set of relations. Finally, Barthes explains that the luxury of the room is derived from its freedom; a structure protected from all norms, all powers (43).

Another spatial aspect Barthes highlight is the notion of territory that provides, among other things, protection and definition. Thus, territory and enclosure are interconnected because the latter ensures these two functions (44). First, by physically completely closing off the space e.g. the wall around the monastery that separates it from the world outside and the believers from the non-believers, and second, by defining the space and marking out the territory, its borders and the frontiers by extending the identity of the occupants e.g. the Buddhist monasteries and the bourgeois apartment building. In the Buddhist monasteries, the buildings are scattered around a courtyard-garden, loosely defining the space, meanwhile, the bourgeois apartment building provides protection and rich mechanism of delimitation by both the elements of the facades; walls, windows, doors, closed etc. that announce the retreat indoor, and symbolism; gold, ornaments, velvet curtain etc. Moreover, the bourgeois building represents a shared territory, a mode of being for the community “respectability”, and a sign-system by allowing certain people in and out, thus, enclosure is a sign-system that announces who is getting in and out. In addition to that, Barthes indicates that the labyrinth represents an extreme form of enclosure, because it is not enclosed by walls, but rather through its structure (45).

Moreover, territory has a close relation to enclosure and even a closer one to the rules (46). Territory is where individuals rule over their own domain and it is usually associated with certain habits “functions” e.g. breeding, mating, reproduction, seeking food etc. Furthermore, the territory links between these domains that can overlap or can be

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2.2. The Space of Idiorrhythmy

(47) Ibid, pp.117.

(48) Ibid.

(49) Ibid.

(50) Ibid, pp.131.

(51) Pathos (Greek): affect.

Ibid, pp.202.

(52) Ibid, pp.131.

divided horizontally or vertically. In the bourgeois apartment building, the domains of masters and servants overlap in the courtyard and inner kitchen courtyard, meanwhile, they are divided vertically; master on the lower levels, meanwhile, the less respectable lives on the higher levels, while at the same time, each one of them has its own specific life-rules (47).

Moreover, territory is not only about protection and security, but it is also about the constrains that regulate the distance, on one hand, between one territory and the other, and on the other one, between the subjects within the same territory. Under threat, the distance between the subjects decrease, but when the threat fades away, the subjects reestablish their distances (48). In this regard, Barthes indicates that the notion of critical distances governs the relations between the subjects and one purpose of the rule that is originated in custom is to stage, to restate, this critical distance (49) e.g. In a monastic system, the rules of distance between bodies were enacted to suspend desires and to prevent falling into its exhausting strategies. For Barthes, defining and regulating the critical distance on either side where a crisis could occur, represent the biggest challenge facing living-together (50).

In the end, Barthes emphasizes on the distance as a value, a precious one, a chasm between one man and another, between different classes, the will to be oneself and to distinguish the other. It is the pathos (51) of distance that inhabits idiorhythmic fantasy.

It is the distance that won’t destroy the affect, a distance that allow something of Eros and Sophia. By doing so, the value is rediscovered and redefined under the name of tact which means distance and respect. It is a relation that is not oppressive but at the same time where there is warmth and feelings. Its main principle is not to direct the other, not to manipulate them, and to actively renounce images that might affect the imaginary of the relation (52).

This thorough examination of idiorhythmic Living-Together presented by Roland Barthes highlights, explicitly and implicitly, the influence of the social processes, the spatial configuration, and its qualities on the relation between individuals and groups, while at the same, provides clues of the interplay between the spatial and the social processes to organize this productive form of relationship with focus on small group.

Therefore, this research considers the aspects highlighted by Barthes and complement his work by reflecting these aspects on the scale of the city to focus on how the indicated Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

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aspects influence the relation between the divided ethnic groups.

Barthes sheds light on the important role of needs and desires and the consequent exchange and symbiotic relationships between different social divisions and specialization to fulfill them. As such, examining the needs of the communities and the notion of specialization of certain community and its relevance to the urban space, can help to reveal the way in which each community rely on each other and the way that space is contributing to this specificity on one hand, and the consequent relationship on the other.

In addition to that, the examination of the marginalities that are excluded included, either as a sponge for the social ills or to fulfill specific needs, provides an insight into the way that the society is relying on them on one hand, and exerts control through dependency, obedience, and spatial proximity on the other one. As such, examining the marginalities and their spaces is important not only to understand how certain community rely and exert specific control though the spatial configuration, but also to identify the profile of the marginalized members who are attracted to these spaces and their relevance to the respected communities e.g. a space for marginalities that absorbs members from different communities, and thus benefits all.

Furthermore, the concept of the room provided by Barthes invites to ponder, especially when it is reflected on an urban scale. As such, an urban room can be understood as a space for secrecy and intimacy that defy surveillance and social control that gives group and individuals certain autonomy, while being at the same time, part of the structure of the city. In other words, these spaces represent a specialized setting that can play important role in fulfilling certain needs and desires, and thus pulling individuals and groups from different communities within the city.

For Barthes, events are the enemy of the Idiorrhythmic Living-Together because it produces repercussions that can distort the affective network. Therefore, examining these events is important not only to reveal how their consequences are neutralized, but also how the spatial configuration contribute to suspend and minimize the impact of such events that can impact the relation between the communities.

Moreover, the examination of Barthes for the territory and its relevance to enclosure and rule, draws the attention to the way in which territories are defined, their relevance to the different communities, their identities, and not to mention their crucial role 36

2.2. The Space of Idiorrhythmy

in influencing the relation between individuals within the respective communities and between the different communities through organizing the distances. In this regard, the critical distance and tact; distance and respect, reflect a spatial concept and a dynamic process that is subject to time; shrinks during crisis, and reestablished when the dangers fade away to maintain balance and stability between individuals and communities. As such, examining the tact that is maintained between communities so to say, in the past and now, and its spatial qualities can help to understand its role in maintaining and enhancing idiorrhythmic Living-Together.

Finally, from Barthes explanation of idiorrhtymic Living-Together which is a productive form of relationship in which one respect and consider the different rhuthmos of the other, a definition for the space of idiorrhythmy can be interpreted as the space where different individuals, or groups, come together without compromising their own pace and rhythms to fulfill their desires and needs without manipulation or exerting control by one side on the other. Identifying such spaces and highlighting their socio-spatial qualities is of great importance in this research, because such spaces allow different kind of unforced spontaneous encounters, meeting, and relations between different communities without being polluted by power or any of its form. Consequently, contribute to build trust and renouncing the images that affect the relation between individuals and groups in mosaic socities.

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2.3. Modern-Diatopic and Traditional-Diachronic

(53) Petruccioli, A. (2007).

After amnesia. 1st ed. Bari, Italy: ICAR, pp.9-19.

Attilio Petruccioli indicates in his book; After Amnesia, that the conditions associated with industrial revolution and the following modern movement that adopted the rational thinking have caused urban raptures and building typologies that lost its association with history, culture and the spontaneous consciousness (FIGURE 3). For Petruccioli, the Enlightenment that produced the technological society did not have any root in the Islamic cities of the Mediterranean and the relation between building, culture and history was never interrupted. In other words, the cultural koine that lasted for centuries along the shores of the Mediterranean was disrupted in the west, meanwhile, the Islamic cities absorbed that koine and elaborated it into new synthesis. Thus, it is necessary to examine the Islamic city and its mutation to understand the western cities, to repair the rapture in the urban fabric, and to restore the continuity of the historical processes (53).

FIGURE 3. Graphical representation of the typological process of residential buildings at three scales; building type, building tissue, and urban fabric. Diachronic process is the mutation of the leading type.

The vertical cut represents the crisis between 1348 (Black Death in Europe) and the 19th century.

Source: Petruccioli, A. (2007). After Amnesia.

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(54) Ibid, pp.28-33.

To examine the built environment in the Islamic cities of the Mediterranean and to recover the grammars embedded within, Petruccioli adopts a method that is based on the concept of type to analysis the built environment with respect to the typological processes. As such, the built reality will be divided into readable parts based on scale “building, urban fabric, settlement, and territory”, then the ascending process of scalar structure go through successive passages of structural complication “elements, structure of elements, system of structures, organism”. The nodal moment of the synchronic reading is the shift from individual organism to a type “building type, typical fabric, typical settlement, and territorial type” (FIGURE 4). As such, the change of type throughout the history can be reconstructed (54).

FIGURE 4. The arrow represents the leap from urban individual to the type (into building type, typical fabric, typical settlement, and territorial type) .

Source: Petruccioli, A. (2007). After Amnesia.

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The focus in the following will be on the concept of type presented by Petruccioli and the typological processes that influence the evolution of type in the context of spontaneous consciousness.

(55) Ibid, pp.20-27.

(56) Ibid, pp.26.

(57) Ibid, pp.38-39.

(58) Diachronic (Greek): dia=through, kronos=time.

Ibid, pp.40.

(59) Syntopic (Greek): Syn=together, topos=place.

Ibid.

(60) Diatopic (Greek): dia=through, topos=place, pp. 42.

To articulate a dynamic definition of type, Petruccioli refers to Piaget’s definition of structure and indicates that both type and structure are similar in terms of totality, transformation "subject to constant change", and self-regulation in which Petruccioli explanes that changes cannot go beyond internal laws (boundaries) to maintain the structure, otherwise it would mutate into something else. This mutation of a type necessitates that all the component of Vitruvian triad of utilitas (layout), firmitas (technology), and venustas (form) are affected. Furthermore, Petruccioli idnciates that F.De Saussure distinction between Langue and Parole is very relevant to the type. Langue refers to the whole of rules codified by the users of a language over time, meanwhile, Parole refers to the personal usage of the langue. In the same token, type refers to the sum of a society’s way of building, and parole refers to a specific expression of a single building in certain time and location.

The usage of these rules by individuals expand them over time, and consequently change the type. This definition of type separates it from the modern definition of standards that refers to precise codes, resembles an abstract language with indices and formulas, and not to mention its indifference to the place that facilitates its exportation, unlike the type that is embedded in time and space (55).

For Petruccioli, type cannot be separated from history, or in other words, type is history and essential component of space since it absorbs human traits and is tied up to the psychological climate through its repeated alteration and responds to the needs of a society (56). Thus, the idea of type cannot by separated from the idea of process that is necessary to grasp the internal mechanisms that are related to the context and animates the type. As such, typological processes do not address dates, but rather the urban fabric, the sequence of building, and the phases that allow the distinction in the built object (57).

The progression of phases generates a diachronic (58) typological process that has rhythms that are influenced by scale; territorial scale slow process, meanwhile building scale is quicker, and location; periphery or central location. Typological process might be syntopic (59) if it took place in culturally isolated area from external influences or diatopics (60) that involves variation between areas.

Typological process is very complex, nevertheless, Petruccioli attempts to explain it

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through different phases of growth, stagnation and regression as follows:

(61) Ibid, pp.40-42.

(62) Ibid.

The basic typological process starts with the ideal house that evolves from elementary matrix to complex derivations. Type is recognized by all inhabitants and can adopt slight changes within its limits and boundaries. Here, it can be called a leading type due to this recognition as an optimal condition. Synchronic variations of the type develop as a response for topographical challenges, location within the block, or even in optimal conditions e.g. rotation or alteration in plot etc.

The synchronic variation produces parallel process that can mature and influence the leading type as new experience is gained. In the second phase, and by assuming the city continues to grow, the next leading type emerges by exceeding the limits of the existing one. The new type fits with the new expansion that was planned for it, meanwhile, it would face challenges in the old city, because its layout is maintained by the resistance of the fabric that overlaps with the real estate. As a result, people generates synchronic variants either by renovating and modifying elements, or by demolition and reconstruction. In both situation, the adaptation of the new type will not reach optimal condition (61).

When phases of growth are interrupted by phases of stagnation or even regression that causes abandonment and vacancies, the residential tissues shrink and produces only synchronic variations. In a growth phase that follows period of stagnation, the leading type is relatively weakened in the spontaneous consciousness. Consequently, diatopic variation thrive in the weak parts of the city and a new leading type is imported from a remote but culturally dominant region. The new leading type is resulted from the imported type and local processes and will be used in the further expansions (62).

The conception of Type presented by Petruccioli and the extensive analysis of the typological processes through different scalar structure provide an insight into the mechanism that animates type, and consequently transforms and changes the built environment. Furthermore, his examination for the diachronic, synchronic, and diatopic typological processes reveals how certain types evolve and mutate from one to the other, consequently, producing fabric that reflects the continuity of time through the features that are derived from the previous type. Moreover, the relation between the new leading type, the existing fabric, and the new designed areas is quite important. First, it explains the resistance of the existence fabric for an optimal adaptation to the leading type, unlike the new designed area that facilitates the adoption of the new leading type that generates Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

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an urban tissue that is slight different from the existing one as in the case of the diachronic typological processes. However, in case of the diatopic processes, the difference can vary and may leads to two distinct areas, each with specific character, especially in the case of the modern development when the imported type is based on abstract conception, unlike the historical core where type is produced over the course of history and embedded in the geographical and cultural specificity. In other words, the distinction is established through the physical reality and confirmed through the accumulation of time itself. The term modern-diatopic will be used to refer to the areas that adopts modern planning and its principles, and thus represent discontinuity with the historical and cultural processes, meanwhile the term traditional-diachronic will be used to refer to the areas of historical and cultural continuity that are characterized by diachronic and synchronic variations.

Examining the location of these areas in the overall fabric of the city and their relations with each other, helps to highlight the role that the built environment can play in omitting or exposing the ethnic division through the typo-morphological processes and the accumulation of time.

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2.4. The Production of Memory

(63) Boyer, M. (2012).

Collective Memory Under Siege: The Case of 'Heritage Terrorism'. In: C. Crysler, S. Cairns and H. Heynen, ed., The SAGE Handbook of Architectural Theory, 1st ed. SAGE Publications Ltd, pp.325-339.

(64) Ibid, pp.326.

(65) Ibid.

(66) Ibid, pp.327.

In her article; Collective Memory Under Siege: The Case of Heritage Terrorism”, M. Christine Boyer indicates that the architecture is called the archetypal collective memory, because it is erected and carved out of the physical world. It is tangible, recognizable, and perpetual. Thus, Boyer examines the notion of the collective memory, the role of architecture in the process of memorization and staging theatrical performance of material, and how heritage terrorism, selected amnesia, urbicide and wars on memory influence groups and individuals (63). The following will shade light on the conception of the collective memory, examines its relevance to architecture and the built environment, the impact that urbicide has on the collective memory and its relevance to context of the research; Mostar, and finally highlight the concept of negative heritage.

To define memory, Boyer refers to Piere Nora who indicates that the realm memory is unconscious organization of collective memory that reflects national, ethnic, or group commonalities. For him, memory is fascinating because there so little of it (64). Boyer explains that when there is a gap in time between the memory of an event, and the actual experience; as in the case of the wars and the oppression of totalitarian regimes through the 20th century, many attempts are made to write these moment down and to preserve all the little-known facts as much as possible, by means of erecting monuments and commemorative celebrations. This gap in time allows memory to act as a resistance for the acceleration of time, a tool in search for moral redemption for past grievances, or to provide a source of identity in an increasingly alienating and modernizing world (65).

For Boyer, collective memory has many problems. First, it has a reference to many things e.g. official commemorative events, collected individual recollections, features of shared identity. Second, collective memory can be found too many places e.g. myth, language, traditions, popular culture, the built environment etc. and most importantly, even the language in which the collective memory is discussed, treats it as a thing that can manipulated and controlled. This conception has led to the instrumental control over its content (66).

Moreover, remembrance events enacted in public space and traces of memory in museums and memorials induce individual memory. Although the actual event may have been long passed, these trances and ceremonial events keep the past alive and sig-

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(67) Ibid, pp.328.

(68) Ibid, pp.329.

(69) Ibid.

(70) Ibid.

nificant in the present day. Collective memory gives the possibility for continuous transformation, preservation and reinterpretation. Places of memory are linked to landscape, spatial artifacts, monuments, and museums, and they are also linked with the memory in its narrative form. In the time of war, the narration of groups with certain ethnic or national identity can play more important role because of its intangibility, thus more subject for manipulation by the elites who steers it to maintain political gain or position (67).

Another problem haunting the term collective memory is the issue of the national identity. Boyer refers to Ernest Renan who stated more than hundred years ago that the formation of the national identity requires a shared memory and a shared forgetting. It comes of no surprise that the rise of nation state is concomitant with highlighting certain memories while oppressing others, and not to mention the restricted access to all types of official documents and archive. In fact, no pristine memory is left for a nation, but rather selected memories and the amnesia that are controlled by those in power or who are seeking it. This trend gives rise to a counter-memory that resists the over generalization of the national identity and provides counter narrative. Nevertheless, it is not always liberating. When collective memory and the national passion come together, power-memory nexus is established and the tension and contestation become inevitable (68).

Moreover, Boyer indicates that the term urbicide was used by Bogdan Bogdanovic to express the violence against cities during the Balkans war in 1990. The urban fabric of cities such as Vukovar, Dubrovnik, the center of Sarajevo, and Mostar, were targeted because they embodied the multiplicity and the shared values between the various groups.

In fact, geographical and architectural landmarks (mnemonic devices) were completely eradicated and thus blowing away the memory of pluralism. These atrocities, were complimented by new maps that shows ethnic rearrangement in the coming future and books that are articulated to support the official narrative (69).

Prior to the disintegration of Yugoslavia, all national leaders used words that provoke the memory of historical animosities, oppression, or religious supremacy in the past. Serbs, Bosnians, Croatians and Albanians used memory as a tool of national passions, ethnic identity, and relentless oppression and suffering. The case of Yugoslavia and the way the memory was deployed, shows how the recovered memories can be deployed and turned into weapon, fear and then war (70).

Furthermore, Boyer refers to the term Heritage terrorism that was coined by Neal

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2.4. The Production of Memory

(71) Ibid, pp.330-331.

Ascherson to refer to destruction of the Buddha statue that dates to the second century AD by Mullah Mohammad Omar and his followers in Afghanistan. Ascherson indicates that Taliban’s vandalism is motivated by nationalist and religious ambitions that aims to destroy all traces of other religion to deliver a proof for the future generations that only Islam held sway over Afghanistan and nobody else. Lynn Meskell used the term “negative heritage” to refer to such sites that become conflictual locations and a storage for negative memory in the collective imaginary.

The examination of Boyer for the collective memory shows how the built environment and the collective memory are intertwined and connected in museums, monuments, landmarks, landscapes etc. Moreover, she highlights the relations between national ambition and collective memory, thus, with the built-environment. In extreme cases, this leads to destruction and reconstruction, eradication and preservation, and consequently, influences the perception of the past and generates anger and unpredictable reactions.

Therefore, it is important to examine how the memory of the past is maintained through the built environment in post-conflict context and its relevance to the daily practices of the inhabitants.

Furthermore, the work of Boyer dose not only draw the attention to the relation between the collective memory and the built environment, but also brings to the fore the relation between public space and remembrance events that ignites the memory of group and individuals. Thus, tracing these events and the associated places within the city invites not only to examine the relation between these events and the specificity of the sites, but also how these places and the associated events are influencing the relation between the divided communities positively or negatively.

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2.5. Anger and Transition-Space

(72) Nussbaum, M. (2016).

Anger and forgiveness. 1st ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

(73) Lederach, J. (1998).

Building peace: sustainable reconciliation in divided societies. 1st ed. U S Institute of Peace, pp.15-24.

(74) Nussbaum, M. (2016).

Anger and forgiveness. 1st ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp.14-15.

Based on the Greek drama of Aeschylus; The Oresteaand, and other philosophical traditions, Martha Nussbaum examines in her book: Anger and Forgiveness: Resentment, Generosity, Justice, the concept of anger, its causes, impact, usefulness, reactions, and the challenges it poses in both private and public realm. Furthermore, she tackles its counterpart; forgiveness. Nussbaum indicates that the common type of forgiveness; the transactional-forgiveness is as problematic as anger, because its procedural aspects are derived from the relation between mortals and God in Judeo-Christian traditions, incorporating list-keeping, confession, abasement, and indelible memory. These procedures contradict with the unconditional love praised in the same tradition, narcissistic and ego-centric, and are associated in one way or another with forms of payback e.g. in exchange for an apologize, which represents the core problem of anger. Moreover, Nussbaum points out that priority should be given to accountability to build public trust and to transcend beyond anger and forgiveness (72). However, when law and accountability are not guaranteed, will there be a resolution for anger? Or in better words, can anger be managed to protect the city from its scourge?

The extensive analysis conducted by Nussbaum highlights the different aspects of anger and provides better understanding of how anger influences individuals and groups. Consequently, examining her reflections would be very relevant to understand one of the reasons that mobilize individual and groups, especially in post-conflict context, where the atmosphere is imbued with the extreme aggression that is generated by the war and the subsequent destruction, high mortality, and the collapsed institutions e.g. juridical institution (73).

Anger has twofold reputation as pointed out by Nussbaum. Either praised as an important component of the moral life, influences our relationship with one another, and is inseparable ingredient of the idea of human freedom and responsibility, or condemned and treated as a threat to the progress of humanity and the decent interaction between groups and individuals in both western and eastern ancient philosophy (Buddhism and some branches of Hinduism). Nowadays, anger is viewed as a disease that requires therapeutic treatment, and forgiveness is introduced to mitigate angry attitudes (74).

Nussbaum explains that anger is one of the major emotions, it has cognitive inten-

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2.5. Anger and Transition-Space

(75) Ibid, pp.16-17.

(76) Ibid, pp.17-20.

(77) Ibid.

(78) Ibid, pp.21-34.

tional content, and involves value appraisal and beliefs that are called “Eudaimonistic”; they are subjective, registering one’s views of what matters and important in life. Anger involves principles, justice, or even global concerns, because of the Eudaimonistic character that allows individual(s) to incorporate these concerns into the personal conception of what matters and crucial, consequently, expanding the landscape of the causes dramatically. In other words, a person can get angry if the wrongful act is inflected against oneself, one’s close circle, local, or global context and caused damaged to what is regarded as critical and valuable by this person (75).

By reflecting upon Aristotle’s definition of anger and its elements, Nussbaum points out that anger is a complex emotion that combines both pain and pleasure. Pain is produced by an injury and pleasure is gained by retribution that responds to that injury. In addition to that, pain is associated with double references; to a person or group of people and to an act. In other words, the typical target of anger is a person or group, meanwhile, the focus of anger is the act that caused damage and pain intentionally and illegitimately, and is ascribed to the wrongdoer(s) (76).

The difference between anger and other reactive attitudes and feeling such as grief and contempt is the target of anger which is the wrongdoer, the desire for retribution, and most importantly, is that anger is well-grounded, or in better words, is based on true facts e.g. wronged person, wrongdoing, pain and damage, and wrongdoer. Nevertheless, this does not deny the fact that people may get angry sometimes at inanimate objects and they react as if these objects are bad people, because they did not do our job and caused some damage, and most of the time, we realize that this does not make sense states Nussbaum (77).

Furthermore, Nussbaum argues that anger includes conceptually not only the idea of wrongdoing done to someone, but also incorporates the idea that it would be good if the wrongdoer suffered some consequences (78). Or in other words, the idea of payback and retribution is a conceptual part, however subtle, of anger. Thus, anger is normatively problematic in two possible ways: First, the angry person focuses on the injury, goes down the road of payback, and mistakenly thinks that inflicting pain on the wrongdoer will mitigate the harm and restore the important thing that was damaged. Here anger does not make sense, because the angry person is engaged in “magical thinking” and is normatively problematic; killLiving-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

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ing the killer will not bring back the victim to life. Nussbaum indicates that the idea of payback is deeply rooted and is culturally reinforced. It is probably derived from the cosmic balance and metaphysical ideas, or it is part of our evolution (79).

(79) Ibid.

(80) Ibid.

(81) Ibid, pp.36-37.

(82) Ibid.

(83) Ibid, pp. 37-40.

Second, the angry person focuses on the status and goes down the road of status. In this case, the beliefs involved in anger makes a lot of sense, because the wronged person conceives the damage as a down-ranking and seeks to lower the status of the wrongdoer through pain or humiliation, thus, putting the wronged person up and bringing the wrongdoer down. However, the down-ranking payback is normatively problematic because of the tendency to see everything about one’s self and one’s own rank in a very narcissistic way (80).

However, in some cases the wronged person gets angry first, thinks of ways of payback, but then at a cooler moment, a third road emerges and according to Nussbaum this is the best of all. Here, the wronged person focuses on doing whatever make sense, helps to move forward, and increase either social or personal welfare, including punishment for the offender, but in an ameliorative and deterrent manner rather than retaliatory.

This shift from anger to forward-looking welfare, and thus, from anger to compassionate hope, is called the Transition; a path that can be followed by individual or as an evolutionary path for a society (81).

Nussbaum use the term transitional-anger to refer to the emotions experienced by the wronged person already heading to the third road. The whole content of one’s emotion is expressed as: “How outrageous! Something must be done about this”. Moreover, transitional-anger lacks the wish for ill that characterize the typical anger “garden-variety anger”, however, it is less common in its pure form and is usually infected by the desire to payback in most real-life cases (82).

Moreover, anger (garden-variety anger) has important and useful instrumental roles that are derived from its evolutionary purpose as a mechanism for “flight-or-fight” as indicated by Nussbaum. The usefulness of anger is as a signal, a motivation, and a deter. Anger can serve as a signal to oneself or to the world. Thus, draws the attention to a wrongdoing that has taken place and make unaware person or group aware of the values and the wrongful act that has violated them. In other words, anger can be noble essential to awaken the people to the injustice and the oppression exerted on them in a corrupt society (83).

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(84) Ibid.

(85) Ibid.

Closely related to this concept is the idea of anger as a motivation to address the wrongdoing. The payback idea that characterizes anger and the associated fantasy of retribution is part of what motivates people and keep them going. Anger can be useful motivation for people in case it was steered toward welfare and future good where leaders can play crucial role in that regard e.g. Martin Luther King Jr who encouraged his audience to move from anger to the Transition, nevertheless, this is not the case most of the time as indicated by Nussbaum (84).

Finally, anger can be a deterrent to discourage the recurrence of wrongful act. The way anger deters does not necessarily leads to a good future, stability or peace, most probably, it would lead to a more divisive and aggressive situation. Nussbaum points out that despite the usefulness of anger, the wish to payback associated with it is quite misleading and the emotions are most likely to lead us to go astray (85).

After examining Nussbaum extensive analysis for anger, a legitimate question would be: how anger, and developing better understanding of this emotion, is related to this research, the city, and its physical form? In fact, this question can be answered as simple as the city is where the social drama takes place. However, more elaborated answer requires a blend between post-conflict condition and a sensitive interoperation for Nussbaum analysis of anger and its relevance to the city as in the following.

The situation during a war is characterized by massive physical destruction, high mortality generated by the atrocities of the conflicts, and the fragile and unstable institutions on every different level; including juridical institutions, thus anger and the associated wish for payback and retribution in the conflict aftermath would not be unusual. The Eudiamonistic character of anger makes it possible for individuals and groups, even at vast distances, to have anger emotions as a response to a wrongful act that caused injury, and consequently, wanting the wrongdoer to suffer.

The payback and the wish for retribution that represent a conceptual part of anger necessitates an involvement, sometimes subtle, with the wrongdoer(s) and thus with the others. In other words, the payback can range from wishing unhappy life for the perpetrator, inflicting damage through the instruments of law, to seeking a physical contact and inflecting injuries as in the case of violent clashes between opposed demonstrations or revolutionary justice. Accordingly, this engagement with wrongdoer, the others, requires a place; in the imagination of the wronged person, in the courts and other legal Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

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institutions, or in the public space; in the streets and in the squares.

The focus here will be placed on the latter where the relation between the different groups that are infected by anger is exposed and visible. Garden-variety anger, status-focused anger, and injury-focused anger, is the most dominate type as indicated by Nussbaum. This anger is explosive and destructive, brings misery and wreak havoc upon the city and its inhabitants. The term Transition is used by Nussbaum to refer to the shift from anger to a compassionate hope, from focus on injury and wish for ill, to focus on doing what is necessary to improve the situation and to increase the welfare, including punishment for the wrongdoer. In other words, Transition refers to managing anger and to get rid of its destructive consequences without compromising its instrumental values; signal, motivate, and deter e.g. punishment, that still can be felt and witnessed. Therefore, Transition-Space will be used in this research to refer to the spaces where anger that manifests itself through clashes and confrontation between opposed groups is contained and managed “domesticized” and where its traces are still to be found. Such a space(s) prevents the juggernaut of anger and thus, protect the city and its inhabitants from the vindictive retribution, and thus, contributing to peaceful Living-Together.

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FIGURE 1. Stari Most (The Old Bridge) that connectes the east and the west sides of Mostar.

Source: By the author, photograph for Stari Most in Bosnia and Herzigovina Museum.

Chapter 3 “Rethinking Living-Together"

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3.1. Intro

(1) Senada Demirovic: The Senior advisor of urban planning in Mostar.

(2) Iko Skoko: Franciscan monk, priest, author and professor.

(3) Amir Pašić: Architect, planner, author, member of Aga Khan Foundation, and professor at different universities.

Different groups Lived-Together in Mostar for over four centuries. From the Ottoman time, through the Austro-Hungarian Empire, until the disintegration of SFR Yugoslavia and the Bosnian war between 1992-1995. In this chapter, the historical development of Mostar and the typo-morphological processes will be examined through different periods. As such, a better understanding can be developed of how the socio-spatial aspects that characterized each of these periods and the shift from one paradigm to the other have influenced the relation between the different groups that Lived-Together in Mostar and later in the late 20th century, clashed with each other and ethnically divided the city between Muslim Bosniaks to the east of the Boulevard, and Christian Croatian to the west.

The periods that will be examined are the Ottoman period between 1468-1878, the Austro-Hungarian period between 1878-1918, The Kingdom of Yugoslavia period between 1918-1945, the SFR Yugoslavia period between the end of WWII-1992, and finally the post-war period. In the last period, the emergence of the division and how the city developed differently on both sides despite the enormous international efforts will be highlighted, furthermore, the relevance between the development of each side and the spatial qualities that characterize the territories of the respective groups will be outlined to provide an entry for the next chapter.

The historical examination will rely on different accounts, especially on the work of two authors from Mostar who represent the two dominate groups to shed light on Living-Together from different Perspectives and how it was in the past. Moreover, data will also be acquired from secondary resources; historical maps, architectural drawings, and photos, and primary resources from the fieldwork in 2017; photographs, observations, and interviews with Mrs. Senada Demirovic (1), Fra Iko Skoko (2), that provided insight especially in the last two periods. Data analysis and interpretation will rely on the established theoretical framework, especially the work of Roland Barthes on idiorrhythmic Living-Together. Moreover, maps, architecture drawings, collage and sketches will be used in addition to the text to present the findings in this chapter and to highlight the important aspects and concepts.

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3.2. The Ottoman Period (1468-1878)

(4) Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar. Mostar: Gračanica: Grin, pp.5-6.

(5) Ibid, pp.17.

(6) Ibid.

(7) Ibid, pp.18-19.

(8) Barthes, R. (2013). How to Live Together: Novelistic Simulations of Some Everyday Spaces. 1st ed.

Columbia University Press, pp.57-59.

Archeological findings in different localities reveals that the valley of Mostar was inhabited since the prehistoric era and the Roman time. However, the first reference to the locality of Mostar can be found in a written document that dates to 1440 in which a fortress next to a bridge on the river of Neretva was mentioned (4). In 1468, the Ottoman conquered the region and took the fortress that protected the strategic crossing over the river (5). The name of the small settlement that evolved later around the bridge reflects its purpose since Mostar means (bridge keeper). This name was first mentioned in 1474 and the settlement was described as the ottoman police superintendent (6). The insecure suspended bridge was replaced by timbered one before 1481. However, to withstand the intense military and commercial traffic, the most important landmark in the city of Mostar was built; Stari Most (The Old Bridge) within a period of two years and completed in 1566 (7) (FIGURE 2-3). The resulted complex structure of Bridge, gates and defensive towers represents an apparatus that does not only connect both banks of the river, but also controls the flow and announces who is coming and who is leaving from one side to the other, or in better words, from one territory to the other (8) (FIGURE 4).

FIGURE 2. A painting by Amir Pašić for Mostar in 1566.

Source: Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar.

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15th Century

th th th 16 Century 17thMostar Century Century and military 19th Century FIGURE 3. The city of in 1566; The18commercial facilites located20 on Century

both sides, connected by the Old Bridge Complex, and surrounded by city walls. The first mahalas expanded to the north of the city walls on the eastern side.

Source: By the author. Based on Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar.

Sarajevo

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3.2. The Ottoman Period (1468-1878)

21st Century

(9) Ibid, pp.18-19.

(10) Ibid, pp.6.

(11) Džaja, Srećko (1992).

Katoličanstvo u Bosni i Hercegovini od Kulina bana do austro-ugarske okupacije. Croatica Christiana Periodica (in Serbo-Croatian), pp. 167–168.

(12) elikonja, Mitija (2003).

Religious Separation and Political Intolerance in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Texas A&M University Press, pp. 79.

FIGURE 4. The Old Bridge Complex represents an apparatus that connects, organizes the flow, and announces who is coming and who is leaving.

Source: By the author. Based on Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar.

The strategic importance of Mostar and its location on the main road that connects Bosnia to the Adriatic coast caused rapid expansion of the city and stimulated the development of craftmanship and trade. Moreover, the city became the center of culture and art in this part of the Ottoman empire, the seat of the muftija (supreme religious leader of the area), and reached its peak in the late 17th century with a population of 10,000 inhabitants. Since then, Mostar did not change significantly until 1878 (FIGURE 5) and the shift to the Austro-Hungarian administration (9).

The religious tolerance during the Ottoman period relied on two decrees that were issued right after the Ottoman occupation for Bosnia (FIGURE 6). The first one was issued by the Sultan Mehmed II to the Franciscans (Ahdname of Milodraž) in 1463 (10) to avoid the negative consequences of the Catholics exodus on craftsmanship, mining, and trade (11). Thus, by recognizing the sultan as their sovereign, the Bosnian priests received freedom, protection, and the right to return to their settlement and monasteries (12). In

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15th Century

16th Century

17th Century

18th Century

19th Century

Sarajevo

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20th Century

FIGURE 5. Mostar reached its peak in the late 17 century and did not change significantly until 1878 and the shift to the Austro-Hungarian administration.

Source: By the author. Based on Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar. th

3.2. The Ottoman Period (1468-1878)

21st Century

(13) Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar. Mostar: Gračanica: Grin, pp.5-6.

(14) Skoko, I. (2014). The Franciscan monastery in Mostar. 1st ed. Mostar: Franjevački, pp.18-21

FIGURE 6. Two decrees issued by Sultan Mehmed II to ensure religious freedom, because of the important role of Christians in craftsmanship, mining, and trade.

The decree to the left issued in 1463, the one to the right in 1478.

Source: Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar.

April 1478, another decree was issued by the same sultan to the Bosnian priests to further reflect the tolerance toward the various Christian dominations (13). However, another account by the Franciscan church refers to a tension in 1563 between the order and the local authority in Mostar who destroyed the Franciscan monastery and expelled the friars, because they were accused of sheltering a Venetian spy. Catholics stayed in Mostar, however, the Franciscan never returned till the first half of 19th century (14). Thus, a condition of latent conflict may have existed in Mostar, however, reciprocity and dependency that are based on trade and specialization helped to leap beyond the resentment that may arouse between the different ethnic groups from one time to another.

Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

59

(15) Pašić, A. (1994). Islamic architecture in Bosnia and Hercegovina. Istanbul: IRCICA, p.47.

(16) Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar. Mostar: Gračanica: Grin, pp.29.

Muslims dominated the population and had most of the trades and crafts in their hands, especially in the 16th and 17th century. In 1630, there were only 10 Christians, however, their numbers started to increase from the beginning of the 18th century (15). Christians Orthodox concentrated on the eastern side of Mostar (FIGURE 7-8), meanwhile, Christians Catholics concentrated on the western side (FIGURE 9). Moreover, it is worth noting that most of the trade belonged to merchants of the Orthodox faith starting from the mid-19th who worked in the bazaar and shared almost identical lifestyle with that of the Muslims (16).

FIGURE 7. Christians Orthodox in a procession in the main road of Mostar in the late 19th century; a manifestation for tolerance and respect by the majority Muslims toward the others and their symbols.

Source: http://www.cidom.org (Documentation and Information Center Mostar) 60

3.2. The Ottoman Period (1468-1878)

FIGURE 8. Orthodox Women in the bazaar. Late 19th century.

Source: http://www.cidom.org

FIGURE 9. Franciscan monk on the Old Bridge. Late 19th century.

Source: http://www.cidom.org

Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

61

(17) Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar. Mostar: Gračanica: Grin, pp.22.

(18) Mahala: A Residential Micro Region. Ibid, pp.30.

(19) Ibid.

(20) Barthes, R. (2013).

How to Live Together: Novelistic Simulations of Some Everyday Spaces. 1st ed. Columbia University Press, pp.62-63.

Furthermore, the Ottoman spatial patterns and aesthetic principles shaped the landscape of Mostar (17). The bazaar that represents the heart of every Islamic town, located on both sides of the Old Bridge complex along the main roads, composed of specialized parts based on craftsmanship and products, and protected by city walls. The main bastion of these walls situated on the east bank with the commander residence nearby, meanwhile, the Janissary barrack represented the main component of the fortification on the west bank. The mahalas (18) that are formed of aggregated courtyard houses, surrounded the bazaar, provided housing for those who are working in it, and contribute to the defense of the city through their external walls.

In fact, Ottoman Mostar resembled a complex sign-system that is composed of three layers of fortification. The exterior walls of the mahals represent the outer layer that announces who is entering the city. The walls of the city and its fortification on both sides represent the second layer that announces who is entering the bazaar, meanwhile, the third layer reveals who is crossing the bridge from one side to the other. In other words, the ports of these layers and the network of main roads “public space” that connect them represent an apparatus that organizes the follow and give orientation, while at the same time, ensures social control and surveillance that increase as one gets closer to the center and the Old Bridge Complex coming from the outside (FIGURE 10).

Moreover, the darb that branches out of the main road penetrates the fabric of the mahala and ramify into blind alleys to provide access to the deep tissue; the religious complex and the courtyard houses (19). As such, the streets network resembles a water aqueduct in which the progressive transition into the mahala is associated with gradual reduction in section and a shift in privacy; from the public main road, to the darb and alleys that are shared between the inhabitants of the mahala, and then to the private courtyard house (FIGURE 11). In addition to that, the darb and its ramification; the blind alleys, represent a multi-layered communal sign-system for the territory of the group that contributes to its enclosure and spatial autonomy; narrow, windy, and with no clear end; a labyrinth like; open and yet closed (20).

62

3.2. The Ottoman Period (1468-1878)

1.

2.

1.

2.

3.

4.

City Walls The Exterior Walls of The Mahalas Old Bridge Complex Main Roads

3.

1. The main road approaching the part of the bazaar out of the city walls 2. The gate of the city walls to enter the center 3. The part of the bazaar before reaching the old bridge 4.The bridge to cross to the west side "note the tower on the other side!"

4.

FIGURE 10. The fortification of Mostar consists of a complex sign-system of three layers. The port of these layers and the main roads between them work as an apparatus that exert social control and surveillance on the users of the city that increase as one gets closer the Old Bridge Complex.

Source: By the author.

Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

63

1.

1.

2.

2.

1. The darb branches out of the main road and provides access to the houses and the religious complex within the mahala that are shared between the same group.

2. The blind alleys provide access to the houses deep within the fabric of the mahala "note its spatial structure; windy, narrow, and with no clear end"

FIGURE 11. The streets network resemble water aqueduct with gradual reduction in section and a shift in privacy. Following the main road, the darb and the blind alleys represent a communal sigh-system shared between the inhabitants, meanwhile, its spatial structure contributes to the enclosure of the mahalas and thus, the autonomy of the group.

Source: By the author.

64

3.2. The Ottoman Period (1468-1878)

(21) Suhodlina: A natural dry channel, very often transfrom during the winter into a river. Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar.

Mostar: Gračanica: Grin, pp.24.

(22) Mala Tepa (Bosnian & Turkish): Mala=small, Tepa=a hill. Ibid.

(23) Velika Tepa (Bosnian & Turkish): Velika=big.

Ibid.

(24) Kazazi (Bosnian): Silk Manufacturers. Ibid.

(25) Priječka Čarsija: A bazaar from the other side.

Ibid, pp.25.

(26) Ibid, pp.24-26.

(27) Han: large inn where travelers can stay overnight, its outside appearance is no different from that of the ordinary house.

Ibid, pp.28.

(28) Ibid.

The bazaar of Mostar situated in the center of the city, next to the Old Bridge Complex on both sides, and within the city walls. On the east bank, the bazaar stretched from the bridge to the north to Sinan Paša Mosque and the clock tower to the east. The part between Tara tower and Suhodolina (21) called Kujundžiluk and consisted of goldsmith shops, its continuation is called Mala Tepa (22). Parallel with these two is the upper bazaar on the main road (FIGURE 12) which is called Velika Tepa (23) and above it, around the clock tower a part of the bazaar is called Kazai (24). The part of the bazaar on the west bank called Priječka Čarsija (25) and extended between Halebija tower, Janissary Barrack, and the Kriva Cuprija Bridge (FIGURE 13). This part of the bazaar had crucial watermills (FIGURE 14) on the river of Radobolja that ramified through the bazaar. This river and its canals provided water, on one hand, to the inhabitants and the many garden on the west bank, and on the other one, to craftsmen, tanners, and blanket producers. In fact, Mostar had 30 guilds, 11 existed in 1762, and in 1875, they comprised 122 shops. The tanners’ guild was the most developed and had its shops to the north within the city walls (26).

The business activities in the bazaar were carried out in shops and storehouses. The shops aggregated along the roads and were either with, or without storage room in back (FIGURE 15). Meanwhile, the storehouses consisted usually of two floors; a shop at the ground level and a storage in the basement or on the first floor (FIGURE 16). In addition to that, all other public facilities that are related to the daily needs of the users of the bazaar were constructed within the city walls; Mosques for prayers, Hans (27) for travelers, and Hammams for the people to bath, relax, and discuss affairs and businesses (28).

In fact, the specialized parts of the bazaar that complement each other are influenced by the spatial qualities of each side. These parts and the various public facilities provided spaces for mutual reciprocity and exchange between craftsmen, traders, travelers, and inhabitants, and thus, direct and indirect dependency that is based on needs and desires between the different groups that are organizing these businesses and are involved in them (FIGURE 17), meanwhile, the Old Bridge Complex organized the flow and ensured access to these different parts, while at the same time, playing active role in surveillance activities along with the military facilities and city walls on both sides. In other words, the spaces of exchange and reciprocity on both sides do not only complement each other, but they are also safe and secure "controlled"; legitimate causes for the presence of power.

Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

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FIGURE 12. Velika Tepa; a part of the bazaar on the eastern side behind the Old Bridge Complex; a space for exchange and dependency on the main road. Late 19th century.

Source: http://www.cidom.org

66

3.2. The Ottoman Period (1468-1878)

FIGURE 13. Priječka Čarsija, the bazaar from the other side; a space for exchange and dependency on the main road to the Old Bridge Complex. Late 19th century. "Note the bridge's tower at the end of the road" Source: http://www.cidom.org

Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

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FIGURE 14. Watermills on the western side supported craftsmen, tanners, and blanket producers.

Source: Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar.

FIGURE 15. Aggregated shops for business and exchange along the main road on the western side. Late 19th century.

Source: http://www.cidom.org 68

FIGURE 16. Storehouse (Magaza) with basement and attic on the main road on the eastern side.

Source: Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar.

3.2. The Ottoman Period (1468-1878)

Kazazi; Silk Manufacturers Mala Tepa

The Bazaar Han Hamam Watermill Mosques The Bridge’s Towers

Tanneries' Shops

Velika Tepa; Upper Bazaar

5.Goldsmiths' Shops 6.The New Tannery

7.Priječka Čarsija The Old Tannery

FIGURE 17. The bazaar is composed of several specialized parts that complement each other The Bazaar and are relevant to the spatial qualities that characterize each side, meanwhile the Old Bridge Complex connects these parts,Han organizes the flow, and contributes to control and security.

Hamam

Source: By the author. Based on Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar.

Watermill Mosques The Bridge’s Towers

Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

69

(29) Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar. Mostar: Gračanica: Grin, pp.31-32.

(30) Ibid.

The mahalas in Mostar provided housing for the people working in the city. They were constructed rather freely out of the city walls, more ordered and compact close to the bazaar, and contributed to the defense of the city through their external walls. Both rich and poor resided in the mahala that had its own communal spirit and aid system which contributed to its identity and resulted in high degree of social cohesion. Furthermore, the commander, all administrative structures, and some wealthy residents resided in the mahals on the east bank which considered healthier (29), and even though most of them had adequate conditions, those on the slopes of Stolac Hill on the eastern side had difficulties with running water, meanwhile, the group of mahalas at the foot of the mountain Hum (FIGURE 18) did not have adequate sunshine (30).

Stolac Mahalas without optimal conditions

Hum

15th Century

16th Century

17th Century

18th Century

19th Century

20th Century

FIGURE 18. Mahalas on the slopes of Stolac Hill on the eastern side and those at the foot of mount Hum did not have optimal conditios in comparison with the other.

Source: By the author. Based on Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar.

Sarajevo

70

3.2. The Ottoman Period (1468-1878) 6.

21st Century

(31) Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar. Mostar: Gračanica: Grin, pp.35.

(32) Barthes, R., Briggs, K. and Coste, C. (2014). How to live together. New York: Columbia University Press, pp.30-33.

(33) Ibid, pp.51-78.

(34) Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar. Mostar: Gračanica: Grin, pp.40.

(35) Barthes, R., Briggs, K. and Coste, C. (2014). How to live together. New York: Columbia University Press, pp.92-93.

(36) Ibid.

(37) Ibid, pp.35.

Moreover, each mahala grew around a nucleus (religious complex) that is composed of mosque, shops, cemetery, and other facilities that are related to the cultural, social and juridical needs of the inhabitants (31). Thus, the nucleus provided its inhabitants with certain degree of autonomy and independency; the crucial components of idiorrhythmic Living-Together (32). In fact, the spatial organization of Mostar during the Ottoman time represents an idiorrhythmic constellation in which different groups, each with certain autonomy, gathered around the vital center; the bazaar and the other public facilities whereby they meet and exchange to fulfill their needs and desires in the same way as when the twelve tribes of Israel gathered around the Ark of the Covenant (33).

Orthodox and Catholics religious complexes were not built in the center of the mahalas, but rather on the periphery of the city within close distance from their respective population (FIGURE 19). Orthodox who concentrated on the eastern side had their church in the 18th century which was replaced by another one built in 1833 (FIGURE 20) and then bigger one was built next to it between 1863 and 1873 (FIGURE 21). Meanwhile, Christians Catholics who concentrated on the western side built their first church in 1847 at the suburban area of Vukodol and then in 1866 they built the church of St. Peter and Paul (FIGURE 22) at Podhum (34).

Two spatial aspects come to the fore while examining the Orthodox and Catholic complexes. First, they both were built outside of the city and yet, tied through proximity to their groups (35), the needs of their members, and their specific rhythm, without being influenced by the different rhythm of the others. Second, they both had distinguishable style and were visible in the skyline of the city, especially the new Orthodox church (Figure) that was built with Byzantine style and some Islamic elements, meanwhile, the Catholic church used Neo-classical style. As such, both churches marked recognizable ethnically exclusive domain. In other words, their unique design announce the type of activities associated with the space, thus, they build trust and reduce the anxiety that the majority could have regarding the spaces of the minorities who are different (36) and not to mention that they show the tolerance and respect of the dominant Muslims population toward the Christians population. Furthermore, by combining these spatial aspects with the the dates of the construction, it seems that these churches are tightly linked to the break down of the Ottoman empire, since idiorrhythmic Living-Together and the power of the state are inversly propotional (37), thus, as the state loses its grip, idiorrhythmy flourish and manifest itself in the physical fabric of the city Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

71

A.

1.The New Church (1873) A.

The Old Church (1833) School

B. Russian Consulate

Religious

B.

Religious

A. The Orthodox Church Complex B. The Catholic Church

St. Peter and Paul Church (1866)

FIGURE 19. Both Catholic and Orthodox relgious complexes located at the periphery of the city within close distance from their respective population.

Source: By the author. Based on Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar.

72

3.2. The Ottoman Period (1468-1878)

FIGURE 20. The old Orthodox Church (1833). "Note the cemetery behind the church" Source: http://www.cidom.org

FIGURE 21. The new Orthodox church (1873). "Not the religious symbols on the top of the church" Source: http://www.cidom.org

Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

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FIGURE 22. A draft for the reconstruction of the Catholic Church in the late 19th century.

Source: Skoko, I. (2014). The Franciscan monastery in Mostar.

74

3.2. The Ottoman Period (1468-1878)

FIGURE 23. The new Orthodox church dominated the town view. Late 19th century.

Source: http://www.cidom.org

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75

(38) Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar. Mostar: Gračanica: Grin, pp.30-44.

(39) Hayat: A spatial entity expands over two floors that are connected by staircase. Ibid, 45.

(40) Selamluk: Male area.

Petruccioli, A. (2007). After amnesia. 1st ed. Bari, Italy: ICAR, pp.94.

Both Christians and Muslims resided into mahals that are composed of thirty to fifty aggregated courtyard houses (38). The courtyard house of Mostar represents a hybrid between the pre-existing type and the ottoman courtyard with hayat (39). This type of housing is composed of a house per se, a courtyard with other facilities that are related to the daily needs, and vegetables and fruits garden (FIGURE 24). In big complexes where multiple courtyards exist (FIGURE 25), one can be economic directed to deal with the outside world (Selamluk (40)), and the other is intimate family courtyard (Haremluk (40)) (42).

During the expansion of the city, the same spatial system and diachronic and synchronic variations of this type were used, consequently, the urban fabric grew and expanded smoothly and harmoniously without any abruption or discontinuity (43).

(41) Haremluk: Female area. Ibid.

(42) Ibid, pp.91-95.

(43) Ibid, pp.40-42.

1st Floor

Hayat Garden

Courtyard

Ground Floor

FIGURE 24. The Courtyard house of Mostar with hayat and a garden for fruits and vegetables.

Source: Petruccioli, A. (2007). After Amnesia.

76

3.2. The Ottoman Period (1468-1878)

1.2

1.3

2.2

2.3

3.2

4.2

House Per Se Facilities: kitchen, toilet, stable etc.

Garden Family Courtyard Economic Courtyard Economic Building

1.

1.1

1.2

1.3

2.

2.1

2.2

2.3

3.

3.1

4.

4.1

House Per Se Facilities: kitchen, toilet, stable etc.

Garden Family Courtyard Economic Courtyard Economic Building

3.2

4.3

4.2

4.3

River

5.2

5.3 River

5.

5.1

5.2

5.3

FIGURE 25. The evolution of building type as indicated by Amir Pašić through examining different localities in Mostar. "Note the economic building and courtyard as part of the housing complex" Source: By the author. Based on Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar.

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77

(44) Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar. Mostar: Gračanica: Grin, pp.30-34.

(45) Ibid, pp.29.

(46) Barthes, R., Briggs, K. and Coste, C. (2014). How to live together. New York: Columbia University Press, pp.91-94.

However, on micro scale, Muslim houses were isolated from the streets, meanwhile, Christian houses used the same design elements, their inner configuration were somewhat similar, but they were more open to the public life (FIGURE 26). This aspect distinguished the Christian parts of the mahala from that of the Muslims. Thus, even though the mahalas in Mostar did not base on ethnic or religious division (44), the spatial quality marked the territory of the group and its identity within the mahala, either when groups of different ethnicity and economic classes (rich and poor) resided in the same mahala, or of the same economic class as in the case of Bjelušine (FIGURE 27) in which Orthodox and Muslims merchants Lived-Together (45).

Thus, a domesticized idiorrhythmic Living-Together was generated between Muslims and Christians (46). First, through giving Christians within the mahala certain spatial autonomy; the territory is marked by the openness of their houses and some of their needs can be fulfilled directly from the garden of the house, the economic courtyard, the shops of the mahala, or even the religious complex nearby, while at the same time, being tied to the other groups by the mutual reciprocity and dependency that the relations in the bazaar impose. Second, through proximity; keeping close eyes on each other, and not to mention the mutual reliance and collaboration that the aggregated structure of houses within the mahala imposes on its inhabitants from similar or different ethnic groups e.g.

Muslim family builds house next to Christian family vis-à-vis.

In fact, this domesticized idiorrhythmic Living-Together is socially constructed, since the different groups are provided certain autonomy "separated" and yet simultaneously being connected through relations that are not established or imposed by power, but rather through needs and desires that are managed and organized by the spatial configuration of the city (FIGURE 28).

78

3.2. The Ottoman Period (1468-1878)

House Per Se Courtyard Garden Religious Commercial

House Per Se Courtyard Garden Religious Commercial FIGURE 26. The openness to the public marked the houses of the Christians and thus, their territory within the mahala.

Source: By the author.

FIGURE 27. Orthodox merchants and Muslims of the same economic class resided in Bjelušine . "Note the aggregative structure of the mahala and the consequent proximity that can bring high variety of social relation and interaction between the different inhabitants of the mahala. In other words, living in separated parts and yet connected by the spatial structure of the mahala.

Source: By the author. Based on Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar.

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79

15th Century

16th Century

17th Century

18th Century

19th Century

20th Century

21st Century

Sarajevo

6.

4.

1.

5.

3.

1.

7.

2.

Stolac & Dubrovnik

Livno

“To Adriatic Coast”

1. Bazaar 2. Watermills 3. Old bridge fortress 4. Konak (Ottoman military head quarter) 5. Janissary barrack > Tannery mid 17 century 6. Orthodox Church 7. Catholic Church

City Walls The Exterior Walls of The Mahalas Mahalas’ Boundary Main Roads Darbs and Blind Alleys Mahalas’ Center

FIGURE 28. Graphical representation for the typo-morphology of Mostar during the Ottoman period.

Source: By the author.

80

3.2. The Ottoman Period (1468-1878)

3.3. Austro-Hungarian Period (1878 -1918)

(47) Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar. Mostar: Gračanica: Grin, pp.53-58.

The treaty of Berlin in 1878 yielded Bosnia and Herzegovina under the Austro-Hungarian administration that lasted till the end of WW I. In this period, the city of Mostar expanded westward following Austro-Hungarian standards, industrial production was initiated to the north-west and connected with a railway, various bridges were constructed to connect the west bank of Neretva to the east bank (FIGURE 29), meanwhile, military airport to the south and various military camps and posts proliferated all around the city (FIGURE 30). Furthermore, the extensive urban development and the economic growth brought by the new administration was associated with rapid change in the population.

In 1885, Mostar had 12,665 inhabitants. By 1895, the population reached 17,010 of which 50% Muslims, 25% Orthodox, 24% Catholics, and 1% Jews (47).

FIGURE 29. In the AU Period, the city expanded westward following European planning principles, new bridges were constructed to connect both sides, and new building typologies were imported.

Source: http://www.cidom.org Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

81

Military

15th Century

16th Century

17th Century

18th Century

19th Century

FIGURE 30. The expansion of Mostar westward during the AU administration. "Note the bridges and the military camps all around the city" Source: By the author. Based on Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar.

Sarajevo

82

20th Century

Sarajevo 3.3. Austro-Hungarian Period (1878 -1918)

21st Century

(48) Ibid.

(49) Petruccioli, A. (2007).

After amnesia. 1st ed. Bari, Italy: ICAR, pp.40-42.

(50) Ibid.

Since the shift to the Austro-Hungarian administration, the new city council adopted a new vision for Mostar and aimed to establish a modern infrastructure on the western side to support the new economy. As such, an urban grid of wide avenues was constructed, new administrative center was built, and new methods for communication and transportation were introduced, meanwhile, the new land regulation and the real estate speculation chained the sprawling traditional building type, imported new typologies, and gave rise to a new social class; the real estate developers who resided with the Austro-Hungarian bureaucracy in aristocratic neighborhoods on the west bank between Rondo and the new center (48).

Therefore, the consequent contrast in the urban fabric and social relations between east and west was inevitable. On the one hand, because the western side of the city is specialized in space; the area is not built and with relatively smooth topography, thus, the new planning principles, the concomitant diatopic typologies e.g. villas (FIGURE 31) and European apartment blocks (FIGURE 32), and the consequent lifestyle that differ from that of the old town will find fertile land in the new expansion (49). On the other hand, because on the eastern side where the Ottoman city exists, the lack of space because of the topography and the resistance of the existing urban fabric that overlaps with ownership will favor injections instead of any dramatic change (50) (FIGURE 33-34).

FIGURE 31. Villa at Rondo with wide tree-lined streets.

Source: http://www.cidom.org Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

83

FIGURE 32. European apartment building with commercial ground floor and flats on the upper floors injected in the existing fabric.

Source: http://www.cidom.org 84

3.3. Austro-Hungarian Period (1878 -1918)

FIGURE 34. Girls' high school injected in the existing fabric behind the Old Bridge Complex on the eastern side.

Source: http://www.cidom.org

FIGURE 33. Military headquarter injected in the existing fabric along the main road.

Source: http://www.cidom.org Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

85

(51) Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar. Mostar: Gračanica: Grin, pp.66.

(52) Ibid, pp.55.

Furthermore, the railway and the Boulevard that marked the border between the Ottoman Mostar and the new expansion to the west, became the hub for the construction of a new center (FIGURE 35) that included in addition to the railway facilities, various public building, hotels, schools, and luxury houses (51). Furthermore, three new bridges connected the west of the city with the east; Luka bridge to the south, meanwhile, Carina and Czar Franz Jozeph bridges connected the new center with the east of the city (FIGURE 36).

As such, the reciprocity and dependency that concentrated in the bazaar during the Ottoman time would shift and change, because the new public facilities and the modern infrastructure that are needed to support the new economy did not find their way to the old town. In fact, the new center and the newly constructed bridges ensured certain autonomy to the western side and gave the possibility to bypass the traditional center of the city, meanwhile, the military camps along the main roads represented the new sign-system that ensured protection for these new routes and managed the flow in and out of the city. In other words, a whole new spatial system was established to minimize the role and importance of the traditional center and to shift the dependency to the new one on the western side and its administration that provided job for more than 10% of the population; locals and those who came from abroad to profit out of it (52).

FIGURE 35. The new center on the western bank. " Note the railway going northsouth and marking the border between the old to the east and the new to the west" Source: http://www.cidom.org 86

3.3. Austro-Hungarian Period (1878 -1918)

Hand Work School Hospital Carina Bridge

AU Pubilc Buildings AU Houses Religious Ottoman Fabric Railway

Prison Court Train Station Hotel Wregg Railway Company

AU Pubilc Buildings AU Houses Religious Ottoman Fabric Railway

Czar Franz Joseph Bridge Finance Police Gymnasium

Primary School

FIGURE 36. The new center on the western side provided modern infrastructure to support the economy and various public facilities to further shift the importance from the old center to the new one, meanwhile, the new bridges provided the needed routes to facilitate this new role on the western side.

Source: By the author. Based on Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar.

Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

87

(53) Heynen, H. (2013).

Space as Receptor, Instrument or Stage: Notes on the Interaction Between Spatial and Social Constellations.

International Planning Studies, 18(3-4), pp.346-349 (54) Petruccioli, A. (2007).

After amnesia. 1st ed. Bari, Italy: ICAR, pp.162.

(55) Waqf Palace: An institution to manage the charity of the Muslims.

Elasrag, H. (n.d.). The Role of the WAQF Institution in Achieving Economic Security (Arabic). SSRN Electronic Journal, pp.3-5.

(56) Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar. Mostar: Gračanica: Grin, pp.78.

(57) Barthes, R., Briggs, K. and Coste, C. (2014). How to live together. New York: Columbia University Press, pp.92-93.

(58) Ibid, pp.84-85.

In addition to that, this spatial system that was established on the west bank was complemented by injections in the existing fabric of Mostar in different localities. These injections can be divided into three parts; houses, ethnically exclusive facilities, and military and public facilities (FIGURE 37). Both the new construction and injections in the existing fabric followed high variety of styles that ranged from European styles to Orientalist that are foreigner to Mostar and its Ottoman architecture (FIGURE 38).

The housing injections consisted mostly of a rental European apartment block with commercial ground floor and flats on the upper floors (FIGURE 39). As such, the introduced new way of living associated with this new type (53) distorted the existing relations in the old town that are based on the group's autonomy, spatially marked territory, and the simultaneous connection that the aggregated structure of the courtyard houses within the mahala produces (54). In other words, such an injections caused fragmentation for the groups and distorted their spatial and social definition, and thus their autonomy.

The ethnically oriented facilities provided the different groups with places to manage and fulfill their specific needs and practices e.g. synagogue (FIGURE 40), Serbs school, Catholic school, Waqf Palace (55) etc. Thus, contributing to the reorganization policy of the new administration that aimed to cut the connection between the different ethnic groups and their centers, especially Muslims with Istanbul and Orthodox Serbs with Belgrade (56).

Meanwhile, the military and public facilities contributed to the law and order by keeping close eyes on the inhabitants of the old town through proximity (57) that is imposed by the power and its agencies e.g. public or military building of different floors that overlooks the neighboring mahala and its darbs and alleys, new land regulation and building permits, administrative employment etc.

In short, the Austro-Hungarian period introduced many variants and a new spatial concept to organize Living-Together that differed dramatically from that of the previous period e.g. shifting the center to the western side, creating new transportation network that bypass the historical center and reduce its important, imposing proximity through the various injections, distorting the traditional way in which groups got organized and recognized through the new imported housing typologies, empower the religious institutions etc. As such, these "events" that were forced into existing network between the different groups generated repercussions (58) and distorted the traditional idiorrhythmic Living-Together that Mostar had during the Ottoman period (FIGURE 41).

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AU Public Buildings AU Houses Ethnic Facilities Military And Police Ottoman Fabric

Police Headquarter Serbs' Primary School

Waqf Palace Mekteb (Relgious School) Synagogue Military Headquarter

AU Public Buildings AU Houses Ethnic Facilities Military And Police Ottoman Fabric

Officers' Building

FIGURE 37. AU injections in the old town along the main roads. These injection ranged from houses to ethnic, public, and military facilities, consequently, a domesticized idiorrhythmic Living-Together is generated that is not socially constructed, but rather imposed by power and its agencies.

Source: By the author. Based on Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar.

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FIGURE 38. Orientalist interventions at Musala Square on the eastern side after Czar Franz Joseph bridge. To the left Hotel Neretva and to the right the Public Bath.

Source: http://www.cidom.org 90

3.3. Austro-Hungarian Period (1878 -1918)

FIGURE 39. AU apartment block on the eastern side with commercial ground floor and rental aflats above. A spatial form for grouping and organzing the inhabitants that differs dramatically from that of the mahala and the aggregated courtyard houses and the consquent relationships between the different groups.

Source: Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar.

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FIGURE 40. The Synagogue was constructed on the eastern side during the AU administration reflects the policy that aimed to reorganize the groups through providing them with places to fulfill their specific needs.

Source: http://www.cidom.org 92

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Railroad Train Station

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Metković

FIGURE 41. Graphical representation for the typo-morphology of Mostar during the Ottoman period.

"Note the railway separating Ottoman Mostar from the new expansion and the new spatial system that made it possible to bypass the historical core, and thus, minimizes its importance and shift the dependency to the western side and its new center.

Source: By the author.

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3.4. The Kingdom of Yugoslavia Period (1918-1945)

(59) Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar. Mostar: Gračanica: Grin, pp.83-85.

(60) Serbianna.com. (2017).

Sarajevo, 1941: The German Invasion and Occupation | Serbianna Analysis. [online] Available at: http:// serbianna.com/analysis/ archives/2816 [Accessed 15 Aug. 2017].

(61) BALKAN, D. (2017).

Partisans’ Necropolis in Bosnia’s Mostar Left to Rot. [online] DWP-BALKAN. ORG. Available at: http:// www.dwp-balkan.org/ en/news.php?cat_id=4&text_id=337 [Accessed 24 Feb. 2017].

In this period, the urban development in Mostar went through a period of stagnation and the city did not expand beyond the borders that were defined during the Austro-Hungarian administration, meanwhile, its agricultural structure remained the same.

Furthermore, the functionalist architecture was introduced during this period and a new diatopic type was imported to Mostar. Several buildings for administrative and residential purposes where constructed in several localities on both sides of the city (Figure), meanwhile, a new reinforced concrete bridge was constructed to replace the old one that connects the new center on the western side with Musala Square where the park was reconstructed and a new Waqf building with orientalist style was added to the mosaic of the square (59). During WWII, the country was invaded by Nazi forces and a division between the different components of the Yugoslav army (Catholic Croats, Orthodox Serbs, and Muslim Bosnians) started to occur under the influence of the new forces (60). In 1945, the Partisan forces succeeded in pushing the Nazi forces out of Mostar after a series of operations and entered the city on the 14th of February 1945 (Figure) and set the foundation for the new regime in the following period (61).

FIGURE 42. The Workers' Insureance County Office that was built on the western side in 1931 reflects the functionalist archtiecture that was introduced during this period.

Source: Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar.

94

FIGURE 43. The Partisan forces on the bridge that connects the center on the western side with Musala Square after pushing the Nazi forces out of the city. "Note the new Waqf building in the back that was added to Musala Square in 1937 to further enhance its orientalist character" Source: http://www.cidom.org Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

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3.5. SFR Yugoslavia Period (1945-1992)

(62) Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar. Mostar: Gračanica: Grin, pp.83-104.

(63) UNESCO Nomination Dossier “The Old City of Mostar”. (2005). The State of Bosnia and Herzegovina, pp.104-107.

(64) A. Bollens, S. (2012).

City and soul in divided societies. 1st ed. London: Taylor & Francis Routledge, pp.97-98.

After WWII, Bosnia and Herzegovina became part of SFR Yugoslavia until the disintegration of this communist regime and the Bosnian war between 1992-1995. During this period, the city continued to expand predominantly westward by following modern planning and architecture (FIGURE 44), the industrial base developed exponentially, especially in the south of Mostar, transportation network expanded, and new train station was built on the eastern bank instead of the old one to the west (62). Furthermore, the rapid development and the industrial advancement that characterized this period encouraged people to immigrate to Mostar. Consequently, the population of the city increased from 18,000 after WWII, to more than 100,000 by 1980 (63). Prior to the war, Mostar had more than 128,000 inhabitants of which Muslim population represented the majority in the old town and the central district along the Boulevard, meanwhile, Catholic Croats represented the majority in the western expansion (64) (FIGURE 45).

FIGURE 44. Avenija in 1965. This high highway between Rondo and the west military camp became the hub for the construction of modern neighborhoods for the working class and other modern facilities.

Source: http://www.cidom.org 96

3.4. SFR Yugoslavia Period (1945-1991)

Military

Muslim Bosniaks Catholic Croatians Orthodox Serbs

FIGURE 45. The expansion of Mostar during the SFR Yugoslavia. Modern neighborhoods for working class were

th th th th 15th Century 17th space Century Century and illegal 20housing Century constructed on16theCentury western side where is abundant.18OnCentury the eastern side,19individual con-

struction where used to provide housing for the increased population. "Note the demographic distribution. Catholic Croatians dominated the western side, meanwhile, Muslim Bosniaks the eastern side" Source: By the author. Based on Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar.

21st Century

Sarajevo

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97 Sarajevo

(65) Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar. Mostar: Gračanica: Grin, pp.83-100.

The planning authority and the state driven development of this period expanded on the Austro-Hungarian grid of the western side where space is abundant, unlike the eastern side. Thus, the Boulevard was extended to the south to the industrial area and streets network expanded to the west, new residential neighborhoods of modern blocks for the working class were constructed (FIGURE 46), meanwhile, various public facilities were added to the existing ones and built mostly on the western side e.g. Džemal Bjedić University settled in the western military camp in 1977, medical centers, regional hospital, sport facilities (FIGURE 47), and shopping centers that reflected the new trade organization of the city. Two of these shopping centers located along the highways in the western side (FIGURE 48), meanwhile, the third one was injected in the existing fabric of the eastern side next to Musala Square (FIGURE 49) along with other public buildings that were injected along the main roads of the old town (65) (FIGURE 50).

FIGURE 46. High-rise and low-rise modern blocks for the working class that filled the gardens of the previous period and continued to expand westward to form whole neighbrohoods with distinct typology and the consquent lifestyle.

Source: http://www.cidom.org 98

3.4. SFR Yugoslavia Period (1945-1991)

FIGURE 47. Velež stadium on the western side of the city behind Džemal Bjedić University "The previous Military Camp". Different facilities were introduced in this period to bring change to the society through the process of modernization.

Source: http://www.cidom.org Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

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FIGURE 48. HIT shopping mall next to the Gymnasium in the center of the western side. Such facilities represent the new trading organization that replaced the traditional ones and the relations associated with it.

Source: http://www.cidom.org 100

3.4. SFR Yugoslavia Period (1945-1991)

FIGURE 50. The National Theater injected in the old town along the main road.

Source: http://www.cidom.org

FIGURE 49. Shopping mall and tower block injected into the existing fabric close to Musala Square.

Source: http://www.cidom.org Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

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(66) Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar. Mostar: Gračanica: Grin, pp.104105.

Moreover, it is worth noting that the urban policy in this period protected the old town, however, individual and illegal housing constructions that responded to the increased population and the requirement of the modern life, were built on both sides and suffered from the lack of planning (66). Thus, the contrast in the urban fabric and lifestyle between the east and west was accentuated during this period, especially with the introduction of the modern blocks (diatopic type) that brought new way of living, filled the gardens of the Austro-Hungarian period, and formed new neighborhoods in the westward expansions, meanwhile, the individual housing construction that represents a hybrid type derived from the modern flat, spread basically on the periphery of the city in urban and suburban areas, nevertheless, the expansion areas of this type on the eastern side resembled the spatial pattern of the old town, because of its irregularity and the influence of the topography, thus, enhanced the contrast of the fabric between the east and the west (FIGURE 51).

FIGURE 51. Modern block and individual houses on the eastern side of Mostar.

"Note the influence of the topography on the distribution of the houses that produce organic pattern similar to that of the old town.

Source: http://www.cidom.org 102

3.4. SFR Yugoslavia Period (1945-1991)

(67) Ibid, pp.90-92.

(68) Ibid.

Furthermore, on the eastern side of Mostar, a new train station was built between 1967-1977 at the northern part of the old town (FIGURE 52), meanwhile, the new railroad Sarajevo-Ploče and the regional highway contoured the proliferated industrial facilities to the south and ensured access to them. Metal factory, Textile industry, aluminum plant, warehouses and other industrial facilities were constructed to the south (FIGURE 53) and provided enormous job opportunities for the people of Mostar (67). In addition to that, the military airport that is located 5km to the south of Mostar was reconstructed in 1964 for both civilian and military use, meanwhile, Hasan Brkić Bridge was built to the south of Luka Bridge in 1978 to connect the Boulevard on the western side with the regional highway to the east (68). Consequently, giving the possibilities for automobiles to circulate around the old city and to access both the industrial facilities and the modern western side and its amenities. As a result, the isolation of the historical center was accentuated in this period and its socio-economic role was further minimized in the city and thus, its role in organizing the relation between the different ethnic groups.

FIGURE 52. The construction of the railway on the eastern side to provide an entrance to the city at one point. The railway and the regional highway contoured the industrial zone and support its different facilities.

Source: http://www.cidom.org Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

103

(69) Barthes, R., Briggs, K. and Coste, C. (2014). How to live together. New York: Columbia University Press, pp.30-35.

Industrial Facilities Regional Highway Main Artery Railway

Industrial Facilities Regional Highway Main Artery Railway

FIGURE 53. Most industrial facilities located to the south of Mostar. "Note how the main roads circulate around the old town to further accentuate its isolation and minimize its role" Source: By the author. Based on Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar.

Furthermore, the advancement of the industrial base and the urban development during this period in Mostar did not lead only to economic prosperity and the increase of population, but it also introduced a new type of reliance and dependency. In other words, in this period, the state provided people with all types of public services, housing to live, and factories to work in. Thus, the traditional reciprocity and dependency that tied the various ethnic groups were shifted to the state that took control of the different aspect of life, which in return, influenced the way in which they relate to each other and thus, their relationship (69).

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(70) Skoko, I. (2014). The Franciscan monastery in Mostar. 1st ed. Mostar: Franjevački, pp.61-75.

All this would not have been done without oppressing the traditional religious institutions and their different facilities that were used to organize the groups for centuries and co-produced their own unique idiorrhythmy. An account by the Franciscan indicates that their monastery in Mostar functioned under difficult circumstances during the Yugoslavian period. In the years following WWII, monks barely gained permissions for renovation and construction of halls, meanwhile, the communist regime banned the operation of the Franciscan school of theology, the printing office, all schools, kindergartens, and orphanages that were established and managed by the nuns, and all school association of Croatian Catholic young school of both males and females (70).

Fra Iko Skok explains in an interview in February 2017 how the regime structured the behavior of the people and artificially changed their identity by telling a story of a Yugoslavian official of the Muslim faith as in the following: “An old Muslim man, who was very high in the communist Yugoslavia, mentioned that we were communist during the day, but in the evening, we were not.

Muslims go together, Croatians go together, and Serbs go together. Next day morning, we are all communist, only for work, but in the heart, we were not “ This paradigm reflects the Utopian vision of the communist regime in which all the differences are obliterated and the various ethnic groups would be unified, not by the traditional reciprocity and dependency as it was in the past, but rather through work and companionship that would tie them together and liberate them. In other words, the communist regime imposed certain pace and rhythm instead of idiorrhythmy, thus, the collision between the new forces and the traditional forces that organized the different groups for centuries and co-produced their rhuthmos was inevitable. Meanwhile, the city and its simplistic spatial configuration; the functional zones, stands as a physical manifestation for this ideology and its idealistic vision of space and society (FIGURE 54).

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Railroad Train Station

FIGURE 54. Graphical representation for the typo-morphology of Mostar during the SFR Yugoslavia. "Note the modern expansion to the west and the accentuated contrast between the two sides, the spread of industry to the south, and the new constructed bridges and highways that made it possible for automobiles to circulate the old town and thus, further minimize its role in the life of the city. In fact, this illustration reflects the rational thinking that reduced the city into functional zones and people into machines (without idiorrhythmy) that can be tuned and managed by the power and its instruments.

Source: By the author.

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3.6. Post-War Period (1995-2017)

(71) A.Bollens, S. (2012).

City and soul in divided societies. 1st ed. London: Taylor & Francis Routledge, pp. 97-97.

During the Bosnian war between 1992-1995, Mostar was ravaged by two wars that caused barbaric destruction for the physical and the social fabric (FIGURE 55). Consequently, enormous historic and cultural buildings were destroyed, the industrial capacity was obliterated, and the demography of the city was reconfigured with ethnic cleansing, expulsion, and replacement. Thus, after the first war, Orthodox Serbs left Mostar since the city was attacked by the Serbs military under the aegis of the Yugoslavian National Army, meanwhile, in the second war, the city split in half along the Boulevard; the confrontation line, between Muslim Bosniaks to the east and Catholic Croats to the west (71) (FIGURE 56).

FIGURE 55. A destroyed building in 1994 along the Boulevard; the confrontation line.

Source: http://www.cidom.org Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

107

Military Confrontation Line

Muslim Bosniaks Catholic Croatians

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FIGURE 56. The hostilities of the war and the associated ethnic cleansing and expulsion split the city in half along the Boulevard between Muslim Bosniaks to the east and Catholic Croatians to the west. "Note the confrontation line overlapped with the border between the Ottoman Mostar the westward expansions in the latter periods" Source: By the author.

Sarajevo

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21st Century

(72) A.Bollens, S. (2012).

City and soul in divided societies. 1st ed. London: Taylor & Francis Routledge, pp.103-105.

(73) Ibid.

By the end of the war, the city of the crossing over Neretva had lost all its bridges, the east of Mostar had between 60-75 % of its building destroyed or severely damaged, meanwhile the western side had almost 20% of its building damaged mostly concentrated along the Boulevard (FIGURE 57). After signing Dayton peace agreement, the city attracted enormous international efforts that aimed to unify the city, however, the political instability and the municipal division lead to separated planning strategies and duplication of public facilities on the both sides of Mostar (72), thus, accentuating the division of Mostar. Meanwhile, the Neutral Zone, District today, (FIGURE 58-59) along the Boulevard that was envisioned by EUAM as a common ground to unify the city was altered of its purpose and neglected in the end (73).

FIGURE 57. Most of the destruction in Mostar concentrated on the eastern side, meanwhile, the destruction on the eastern side was limited to the area between the Boulevard and Neretva.

Source: Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar.

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FIGURE 58. The Neutral Zone envisioned by EUAM as a common ground to unify the city through ethnically-mixed development, however, only few public buildings were constructed and ethnically exclusive facilities found a way to get into this area and left incomplete to leave behind vast fenced areas.

Source: By the author. Based on Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar.

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FIGURE 59. The Neutral Zone, view from the North in 1997. Its sitution did not change much since then.

Source: http://www.cidom.org Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

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(74) Narang Suri, S. (2013).

Two cities with no soul: Planning for division and reunification in post-war Mostar. In: 48th ISOCARP Congress 2012, pp.8-10.

(75) Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar. Mostar: Gračanica: Grin, pp.121122.

(76) A.Bollens, S. (2012).

City and soul in divided societies. 1st ed. London: Taylor & Francis Routledge, pp. 106.

(77) Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar. Mostar: Gračanica: Grin, pp.129140.

(78) Hoffman, L. M. (2003).

The marketing of diversity in the inner city: Tourism and regulation in Harlem.

International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 2 7 (13), pp. 286-299.

After Washington agreement in 1994, the EUAM was established to restore security, reconstruct the city, and unify its inhabitants. After signing Dayton peace agreement in 1995, this administration proposed dividing the city municipality into six municipalities; three with majority Croatians and three majority Bosniaks, and the establishment of central zone with neutral city administration (74). These two nationalistic ethnic groups of municipalities focused on reconstructing cultural and religious buildings, creating separated domains through the duplication of all public facilities, while at the same time, adopting two different paths for addressing the urban development in the conflict aftermath (75), thus, turning Mostar into two cities living side by side (76).

The Bosniak municipalities focused on the restoration and reconstruction, especially the historical core which attracted enormous international interest e.g. Aga Khan, UNESCO, World Bank etc. The strict reconstruction guidelines of the historical core ensured the preservation of its Ottoman identity (77), thus, reproducing the traditional diachronic types. Consequently, the reconstructed old town was directed toward tourism industry since its historic fabric does not only embody historical and cultural value, but also economic (FIGURE 60), especially in the era of neoliberal political economy that encourages cultural consumption and tourism (78). The Old Bridge Complex "Stari Most" that was reconstructed by June 2004 represents the main tourist destination in Mostar. Amir Pašić indicates in an interview that the old bridge is “a live show” that attracts visitors from all around the world and it needs the support of all these toursitic facilities that dominates the old town. Beyond the historical core, the north military camp was turned into Džemal Bjedić University, since the previous complex was taken by HVO during the conflicts and turned into the University of Mostar, meanwhile, the south military camp was used for residential purposes and to build a new hospital.

On the other side, Croatian municipalities focused on new construction since most of the important public facilities were built on the western side and the housing base did not suffer much damage. As such, modern commercial and administrative buildings that represent synchronic variations of the existing modern types were either built within the city (FIGURE 62), or on new sites, especially to the north in Rudnik and to the south in the industrial zone on the west bank e.g. Cars exhibitions, accessories stores, hardware stores etc (FIGURE 63). Furthermore, it is worth noting that illegal small shops, especially along the main roads (FIGURE 64), floors addition, and individual housing construction emerged to address the post-war conditions on both sides of the city (79).

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FIGURE 60. Existing hotels in the old town next to the Old Bridge Complex on the eastern side and a new massive five stars hotel under-construction to provide accommodation for the increased tourists visiting the city, especially after the reconstruction of Stari Most in 2004.

Source: By the author-February 2017.

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FIGURE 61. The Old Bridge represents the main tourist attraction in Mostar and around it, all the facilities are oriented toward tourism industry.

Source: By the author-April 2017.

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FIGURE 62. New administrative building on the western side within the Croatian territory.

Source: By the author-February 2017.

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FIGURE 63. Car exhibition to the south of Mostar within the industrial zone on the western side. Such an modern business reflects the tendency to diversify the economy, especially within the Croatian territory that does not have much historcial buidlings and tourist attractions.

Source: https://plus.google.com 116

3.5. Post-War Period (1995-2017)

FIGURE 64. Small commercial expansions along the main road on the western side.

Source: By the author-February 2017.

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(79) Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar. Mostar: Gračanica: Grin, pp.122125.

(80) A.Bollens, S. (2012).

City and soul in divided societies. 1st ed. London: Taylor & Francis Routledge, pp. 106.

(81) A.Bollens, S. (2012).

City and soul in divided societies. 1st ed. London: Taylor & Francis Routledge, pp. 103-105.

In March 2004, municipal unification was imposed by the lead international representative for Bosnia in hope to address the fragmentation of the city, however, the unified municipality failed to elect a mayor since 2009, meanwhile, the duplicative and exclusive attributes continued to be same (80). Furthermore, the relation between the spatial quality of the different territories, the municipal budget for development, and the level of income was outlined by Senada Demirovic in an interview in February 2017 as in the following: “once the city got unified, the budget stayed within the municipalities. So, it is not one budget, but rather distributed between the six…. The one to the west is the biggest “territorially” with the biggest investors and potentials, thus, once the budged is filled, it receives the most, that is why it is easy to pave the streets and to build new buildings. while, the municipalities are very small on the eastern side, because of the topography, members are very poor, cannot pay the rents tax and thus, not enough money for any investment…. In fact, the people there refer to the old town as (Palestine) because it is a wound for Islamic society, deprived, and left alone by everybody” Furthermore, only few public buildings were constructed in the Neutral Zone (District) that was envisioned by the international community as a common ground to unify Mostar through longterm ethnically-mixed development, meanwhile, ethnically exclusive institutions e.g. Catholic Cathedral and Croatian National Theater, were erected and left incomplete with fences all around (81) (FIGURE 65-66-67). In this regard, Senada Demirovic refers to the Neutral Zone as a landfill and describes the situation as in the following: “Now in Mostar, it is not even a political issue, the area is used as landfill.

Whenever there is an investment, complication emerges. The whole idea is covered with ownership issue, if this the issue, why it is not solved after more than 20 years? …. politicians are talking about the need of infrastructure to increase traffic in the middle of the urban areas to send a message… If I talked to de-facto Mayor, since we failed to elect new one, what will be the reaction? Nothing, it is a big shame!”

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Fences Parking Lots Incomplete Projects Destroyed Buildings

Sport Hall Catholic Cathedral

Croatian National Theater

Fences Parking Lots Incomplete Projects Destroyed Buildings FIGURE 65. The Neutral Zone today is full of fences, parking lots, destroyed buildings, and incomplete projects.

Source: By the author.

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FIGURE 66. The Croatian National Theater in the Neutral Zone left incomplete and surrounded by fences , especially along the Boulevard.

Source: By the author.

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3.5. Post-War Period (1995-2017)

(82) Barthes, R., Briggs, K. and Coste, C. (2014). How to live together. New York: Columbia University Press, pp.58-59.

FIGURE 67. Destroyed buildings and fences areas along the Boulevard.

Source: By the author-February 2017.

In today Mostar, the division of the city is not just statistical or conceptual based on maps and spatial patterns, but it is also visible for the naked eye (FIGURE 68-69). The Bosniaks territory with its organic structure, narrow streets, and traditional buildings to the east of the Boulevard, and the Croatians territory to west with its ordered layout and modern buildings, Austro-Hungarian villas, and the suburbs of the 21st century expansion. The contrast between these two territories marks their borders and their inhabitants’ mode of being (82). One the eastern side, the windy narrow streets and the dense structure of courtyard houses and low-rise buildings that embody the traditional lifestyle, impose slow mobility, encourage walkability, and bolster the relation between the inhabitants (FIGURE 70). Meanwhile, on the western side, the wide streets and the modern buildings (FIGURE 71), reflect advancement, facilitate fast mobility, and encourage modern lifestyle, openness, and independency in flats and villas (FIGURE 72-73).

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FIGURE 68. The spatial pattern and building typologies of the Ottoman Mostar overlap with the Muslim Bosniak population to the east of the Boulevard and mark their territory that is specialized by history; the accumulation of time, space, and human activities.

Source: By the author.

122

3.5. Post-War Period (1995-2017)

FIGURE 69. To the west of the Boulevard where space is fluid and abundant, the modern planning and architecture mark the territory of the Christian Croats and confrim the ethnic division by the form of the city.

Source: By the author.

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FIGURE 70. Friendly narrow streets, close distances between the neighbors, and low-rise building mixed with traditional courtyard houses define the mode of being for the inhabitants of the eastern side.

Source: By the author.

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3.5. Post-War Period (1995-2017)

FIGURE 71. Wide streets, openness, modern building and facilities dictate the lifestyle of the inhabitants on the western side and shape their mode of being that differs dramatically from that of the old town.

Source: By the author.

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Muslim Bosniaks Catholic Croatians

15th Century

FIGURE 72. In the post-warthperiod, Bosniaks continued to dominate the east of the Boulevard, th 16th Century 17 Century 18th Century 19th Century 20westCentury meanwhile, Croats dominated the other side. Moreover, the city expanded predominantly ward in the form of single-family houses suburbs. Meanwhile, modern facilities continued to be injected in the vacant lots that the modern planning produced on the western side.

Source: By the author.

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rs ive

Un

A. Historical Center B. New Center

Railroad Train Station

FIGURE 73. Graphical representation for the typo-morphology of Mostar in the post-war period.

"Note the expansion westward with single-family houses and the injections of modern facilities on the western side that is specialized by "Space".

Source: By the author.

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3.6. Conclusions By examining the historical development of Mostar and the typo-morphological processes, it seems that Living-Together went through stages and dramatically influenced by the evolution of the city and the shift from one period to the other, especially when the administration of each one had adopted different spatial configuration and planning principles over the course of time in response to the challenges imposed by the context e.g. topography, built and unbuilt areas etc. and the emergence of new technologies and ideologies. Consequently, bringing new ways of living, different model of dependency, and distinct spatial concepts to organize Living-Together between the various components of the social mosaic.

In the Ottoman time, the city represented idiorrhythmic constellation that is composed of specialized parts. The old bridge complex in center connected both sides and organized the flow, the bazaar and the other public facilities grew around the old bridge complex within the city walls and provided spaces for exchange and dependency between the different groups, and the mahalas spread around city walls and provided houses for the different groups. Each mahala grew around a religious complex that provided the inhabitants with the different needs that are related to their daily life, and thus, contributing to the autonomy of the group which was enhanced by spatial quality of the darb and the ramified blind alleys.

Christians had their religious complex close to their respective groups, visible, and distinguishable, thus, they build trust by announcing the identity of the users and the type of activity associated with the space, while at the same time, reflect the tolerance of the Muslim majority Muslims toward the Christian minorities. Moreover, even though diachronic and synchronic variation of the Mostarian courtyard house were used during the expansion of the city which resulted in harmonic fabric, on a micro scale, the houses of Christians and Muslims who lived in the same mahala differed by their degree of openness to the public which marked their part of the mahala. Consquently, defining the territory of the group within the mahala and its identity. As such, a domesticized idiorrhythmic Living-Together that is socially constructed was generated through giving each group specific spatial autonomy within the mahala, while at the same time, being tied to other groups through the relation in the bazaar and the proximity in the mahala that its aggregative structure imposes on the different inhabitants.

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3.6. Conclusions

In the Austro-Hungarian period, the need for new economic model that is based on modern infrastructure, industrial production, and real estate development favored the western side of Mostar that is specialized in space and smooth topography. As a result, the city expanded westward following European planning principles of organized gird with wide avenues and new imported building types such as the European apartment blocks and villas that provided housing for the Austro-Hungarian bureaucracy and the real estate developers that resided on the western side. Consequently, a division in the urban fabric and the social classes emerged between the Ottoman Mostar and the new expansion to west, meanwhile, the new center that was constructed along the border between them took the role of the historic center by providing new public services and modern infrastructure for the new economy, meanwhile, the new bridges that were built to connect both western and eastern banks and the military camps around the city ensured certain autonomy for the western side and gave the possibility to safely bypass the traditional center, thus, a whole new system was established to minimize the role of the old center and to shift the importance to the new center and its administrative.

Furthermore, this new system on the west side was complemented by injection in the existing fabric of Mostar. These injections were either ethnically oriented to reorganize the different groups and to cut their connection with their centers, or militarily and publicly oriented that contribute to law and order and kept close eyes on the inhabitants of the traditional urban fabric through proximity. In other words, a whole new spatial concept that differs from that of the past was introduced in this period to organize the relations between the different ethnic groups.

In the Yugoslavian period, the communist administration adopted the urban grid on the west bank and continued to expand westward by establishing new residential neighborhoods of modern blocks for the working class and other modern public facilities that aimed to shape the new society e.g. shopping centers, cinemas, cultural centers etc.

Consequently, the contrast in the urban fabric and life style between the east and west of the Boulevard increased dramatically in this period. Moreover, the new railway and regional highway on the eastern side of Mostar contoured the industrial development that expanded exponentially to the south of the city and provided enormous job opportunities for the inhabitant, meanwhile, the newly constructed bridge to the south connected the Boulevard with the regional highway which allowed automobiles to circulate around the old town and access the industrial facilities and the western expansion. Thus, accentuate Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

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the isolation of the historical center and its role in the social and economic life of the city.

Furthermore, the state driven development in this period replaced the traditional reciprocity and dependency between the different ethnic groups through detecting their rhythm and managing the different aspects of life, from education, to work and housing.

As a result, the traditional religious institutions (forces) that co-produced and the idiorrhythmy of each group for centuries collided with the communist regime. Therefore, the paradigm in this period reflects the adopted Utopian vision in which all the differences are obliterated, meanwhile, the city reflected this idealistic vision through its spatial structure and configuration that are based on simplistic functional zones.

After the war in Mostar, the city split in half along the Boulevard with majority Muslim Bosniaks to the east and Catholic Croats to the west. Meanwhile, the political instability after the war and the separated post-conflict reconstruction strategies further accentuated social and spatial division in Mostar. As a result, the ethnic division of the city overlapped with the contrast in the urban fabric that marked the territory of each group and the inhabitants’ mode of being; traditional to the east and modern to the west, and all with its own public facilities. However, each of these sides represent a territory that is specialized in the accumulation of time and space, thus, the specific features and characteristics would privilege one side on the other, which in return, will pave the way for mutual reciprocity and dependency. In the next chapter, the common spaces where exchanges between the different ethnic groups can take place will be identified and examined, and at the same, the relation between these spaces, the daily practices of the inhabitants, and the spatial quality of the territory will be outlined and highlighted.

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FIGURE 1. A graffiti commemorates the war on the western side within the Bosniak territory.

Source: By the author-February 2017.

Chapter 4 “Space, Needs and Desires”

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4.1. Intro After examining the historical development of Mostar and the socio-spatial aspects that influenced Living-Together in each period of the history of the city, this chapter will shed light on today Mostar and how the spatial qualities influence the way in which the two communities Live-Together and organize their needs and desire. Both Croatian and Bosniak territories represent a specialized place that has its own unique qualities. As such, the presumption made by different scholars that the duplication of public facilities that took place in the conflict aftermath would perpetuate the division of the city, eliminate any form of dependency, and eradicate the shared memory of the past that connect the two communities seems unrealistic.

Therefore, this chapter will address the production of memory that is related to the war period, the way it is perpetuated in the respective territories, and the management of the resulted anger and its destructive consequences that would benefit both. Moreover, the spatial arrangement of the common spaces where exchange between the two communities can take place to fulfill their various needs and desires will also be identified.

These spaces will be critically examined and then related to the spatial qualities that characterize each of the distinct territories; the Croatian territory that is specialized by the abundance of space and the modern facilities, and the Bosniak territory that is specialized by history and the accumulation of time and space.

The outcome of the first fieldwork in February 2017 that lasted for ten days in Mostar represents the main contribution for this chapter. During this period, data were collected from the available literature, news websites, maps, walking, casual encounters, photographs, sketches, and most importantly the gained lived experience from being hosted

by Bosniak family during the fieldwork and the interviews with professionals; Senada Demoirovic, Amir Pasic, and Kristina Coric, nonprofessionals; members from the local communities; Bosniaks and Croats, who provided mundane and yet profound insight regarding the relation between their daily practices, the spatial organization of the common spaces, and how the others are perceived. Some of the interviews were semi-structured, others were unstructured and casual due to the sensitivity of the topic and to give the interviewees the possibility to highlight aspects that have not been considered.

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4.1. Intro

Most of these interviews will be officially documented “questions and answer”, meanwhile, others will take the form of notes that were registered during the causal meeting. All of them will be attached to the annex of this research. Moreover, the collected data will be analyzed and interpreted in the light of the established inter-disciplinary theoretical framework and sometimes others depending on the examined subject, meanwhile, maps and collages, in addition to the text, represent the main mediums to present the outcome in this chapter.

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4.2. The Production of Memory

(1) Lederach, J. (1998).

Building peace: sustainable reconciliation in divided so¬cieties. 1st ed. U S Institute of Peace, pp.15-24.

(2) Boyer, M. (2012).

Collective Memory Under Siege: The Case of 'Heritage Terrorism'. In: C. Crysler, S. Cairns and H. Heynen, ed., The SAGE Handbook of Architectural Theory, 1st ed. SAGE Publications Ltd, pp.326.

(3) Nussbaum, M. (2016).

Anger and forgiveness. 1st ed. Oxford: Oxford Univer¬sity Press, pp.16-34.

(4) A.Bollens, S. (2012).

City and soul in divided societies. 1st ed. London: Taylor & Francis Routledge, pp. 97-98.

The intrastate conflict is characterized by massive physical destruction, high-mortality, distrust, fear, anger, and division along narrow ethnic identities (1). In the post-conflict period, the memory of such an experience is kept alive and perpetuated through the various artifacts and commemorative events that resist the trajectory of time and remind the conflicted groups of the wrongful acts and oppressions (2).

In this part, the artifacts and the commemorative events that are related to the war period in Mostar will be examined, because of their role in maintaining resentment and anger toward the others that can stimulate confrontation, raise the tension between the different ethnic groups, and threaten to relapse into conflicts (3) if not managed properly by both communities for the benefit of all. The artifacts and events that are highlighted in this part are derived from the daily encounters while walking in the city, the interviews, and the casual anecdotes by the locals. Therefore, this analysis does not cover everything, but rather it provides an insight into the situation of post-conflict Mostar and how the production of memory maintains a connection between the different communities with the respect to their territories.

4.2.1. Memory Produced Through Artifacts It has been more than twenty-five years since the end of the war in Mostar. However, the artifacts that maintain its memory are still to be found throughout the city on both sides. These artifacts mark the territories of the groups, defy the trajectory of time by keeping the memory of the past alive, and take different froms, ranging from destroyed buildings, especially in the old town and District “the Neutral Zone”, to the reconstructed buildings, monuments, flags, symbols, and graffiti (FIGURE 2-3-4).

In the old town, where most of the destruction took place during the conflict (4), artifacts that commemorate the conflict can be found all over the place. When Mirza B. was asked about a billboard that depict the destroyed Old Bridge (FIGURE 5) along the main road in the old down with the phrase “Never forget 1993”, he said: “...Nobody should forget what happened here, nobody, neither our children nor our grandchildren...it should never happen again”

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3.

1.

1. The flag of HVO (The Croatian Defence Council) between Croatian flags.

2.

2. The monument of the Christian victims of the war in front of The Croatian Lodge "Herceg Stjepan Kosaca".

3. A cross commemorates the Croatian victims in neighboring town.

FIGURE 2. Artifacts that maintain the memory of the war within the Croatian Territory.

Source: By the author-February, April 2017.

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3.

1. The Bosniak flag during the war painted on a wall.

1.

2.

2. A stone on the Old Bridge commemorates the date of the destruction.

3. Destroyed building in the old town, close to the Old Bridge.

FIGURE 3. Artifacts that maintain the memory of the war in old town "the Bosniaks territory".

Source: By the author-February 2017.

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4.2.1. Memory Produced Through Artifacts

FIGURE 4. Destroyed buildings along the Boulevard at the Spanish Square that bring back the memory of the war and its impact on the city.

Source: By the author-February 2017.

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FIGURE 5. A billboard in along the main road in the old town that remind the inhabitants with date in which the Old Bridge was destroyed and induce them to never forget.

Source: By the author-February 2017.

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4.2.1. Memory Produced Through Artifacts

Moreover, Selma K. is a bartender in her thirties who came to Mostar in 1992, after being expelled from the center of Bosnia with her family to witness the whole spectrum of the war. In her explanation for the situation during the war, Selma indicated that there is a park along the main road in the old town next to the National Theater that everybody should visit. Indeed, it was not just a park, but also a cemetery where people who could not go to the cemetery buried their victims in the dark night to avoid the snipers who overlooked the old town from mount Hum. Selma who came to visit the grave of her uncle in this park pointed with sadness to the large cross that was built on the top of the mountain (FIGURE 6) and said: “Most of everything else, we hate that cross, not because of what it represents, but because of its location. It is the same place where from the snipers were shooting at us and killing our beloved ones”

FIGURE 6. This park along the main road in the old town that was turned into a cemetery during the war.

"Note the cross on the top of mount Hum" Source: By the author-February 2017.

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(5) Boyer, M. (2012).

Collective Memory Under Siege: The Case of 'Heritage Terrorism'. In: C. Crysler, S. Cairns and H. Heynen, ed., The SAGE Handbook of Architectural Theory, 1st ed. SAGE Publications Ltd, pp.326.

This park represents a space that was reproduced under catastrophic circumstance to preserve the painful event alive in the collective memory (5). A space full symbols, of facts and marks, and most importantly very rich with time. In fact, in this cemetery time and place merged together and combined in perpetuity, to reproduce the feeling and emotions that occurred during the war to remined the inhabitants of the pain and sorrow caused by their neighbors. Furthermore, this cemetery is not on the periphery of the town, but rather along the main road where most of the administrative and commercial activities take place, and thus, it is inseparable part of their daily practices and personal experience as they come back and forth to the old town (FIGURE 7).

The main roads Park-Cemetery

FIGURE 7. The Park-Cemetery is located along the main road of the old town, thus, it is directly linked to the daily practices of the inhabitants on the eastern side and their lived experience.

Source: By the author.

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4.2.1. Memory Produced Through Artifacts

(6) Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar. Mostar: Gračanica: Grin, pp.121126.

Furthermore, in the post-conflict period, both communities focused on reconstructing their religious institutions that were destroyed during the war (6), however, none of the reconstructed buildings can be compared to the Franciscan church that represents the most striking example of all. This church was destroyed during the war and reconstructed in the conflict aftermath on much bigger scale, meanwhile, its bell tower reached 108m high to dominate the skyline of Mostar (FIGURE 8). At the entrance of the church, stands a big portrait for 67 Monks who died between 1942-1944 (FIGURE 9), when Fra Stanko was asked about this portrait, he pointed out that these Monks were executed by the Partisans during WWII who established the communist regime afterward and oppressed the church: “… Old communism cut the relation with the Vatican, and in 1942-1944 many monks were executed and some of them were tied and thrown from the bridge “Stari Most” to die in Neretva……Communist were against the leader role of the church, they wanted to destroy the ethnics! “ Therefore, the reconstructed church does not only reflect the desire to rebuild a religious building to meet the needs of the inhabitants, or to show respect for the others, but rather to announce the victory of the church on the oppressors; the communist and their successors; the Bosniaks. Meanwhile, the location of this landmark is quite significant, it stands at the Boulevard to mark the beginning of the Croatian territory on the western side of Mostar.

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FIGURE 8. The Franciscan church was reconstructed on much bigger scale in the post-conflict period, meanwhile, its bell tower dominated the skyline of Mostar with its 108 meters high. As such, it reflects the victory of the church on the oppressors and mark the beginning of the Croatian territory.

Source: By the author-February 2017.

FIGURE 9. The portrait of the monks that were executed by the Partisans during WWII stands at the entrance of the Franciscan church to remind the visitors of the oppressions that characterized the previous period.

Source: By the author-February 2017.

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4.2.1. Memory Produced Through Artifacts

4.2.2. Memory Produced Through Events

(7) Boyer, M. (2012).

Collective Memory Under Siege: The Case of 'Heritage Terrorism'. In: C. Crysler, S. Cairns and H. Heynen, ed., The SAGE Handbook of Architectural Theory, 1st ed. SAGE Publications Ltd, pp.328.

Another way in which the memory of the past is provoked and ignited into the individuals’ memory is the commemorative events enacted in public spaces (7). These events can be related to the ethnical and national struggle and celebrated within the group’s territory as in the case of the celebration of the 25th anniversary of the formation of HVO (8) in the west of Mostar on the 8th of April that coincided with the 2nd fieldwork to Mostar.

The commemorative event in this case took place on the western side of Mostar next to the monument of the Christian victims of the war in front of Herzeg Stjepan Kosaca at Rondo (FIGURE 10).

(8) HVO " Hrvatsko Vijeće Obrane" (Croatian): The Croatian Defence Council.

Inavuki, C. (2017). Croatian Defence Council HVO Celebrates 25th Anniversary by inavuki. [online] Pleternica. blogspot.be. Available at: http://pleternica.blogspot. be/2017/04/croatian-defence-council-hvo-celebrates.html [Accessed 8 Apr. 2017].

FIGURE 10. Croatian National Assembly celebrates the 25th anniversary of the formation of HVO “ Croatian Defense Council” the 2017 in front of The Croatian Lodge (Herzeg Stjepan Kosača). "Note the monument, the flags, the military uniform, the flowers, and most importantly, the media" Source: http://pleternica.blogspot.be Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

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(9) BALKAN, D. (2017).

Partisans’ Necropolis in Bosnia’s Mostar Left to Rot. [online] DWP-BALKAN. ORG. Available at: http:// www.dwp-balkan.org/ en/news.php?cat_id=4&text_id=337 [Accessed 24 Feb. 2017].

Such an event is not associated with clashes or confrontation between the different ethnic groups of Mostar. However, this is not always the case. Mirza B. indicated that in February 2017, a group of Croatian nationalist prevented the celebration of the Day of Liberation of Mostar (9) at the Partisans’ cemetery close to the university within the Croatian territory (Figures), meanwhile, police forces roamed the whole area to prevent the clashes between the different ethnic groups. In this day, communists commemorate the day when the Partisan forces entered the city and liberated Mostar from the fascist, explains Mirza B. who refers to the Bosniaks as the successor of the communism, meanwhile, the others; the Croatians, are the fascist; the Ustaše, who occupied and vandalized the memorial of the Partisan on the western side.

FIGURE 11. The entrance of the Partisans' Cemetery. "Note the fascist vandalization" Source: By the author-February 2017.

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4.2.2. Memory Produced Through Events

The University of Mostar

The Croatian Lodge Rondo

The Partisans' Cemetery

FIGURE 12. Partisans' Cemetery located deep within the Croatian territory. It was neglected, vandalized, and turned into a place for tension and confrontation in the post-war period between the Nationalist Croats and Communist Bosniaks!

Source: By the author.

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(10) FK Velež. (2017). Historija. [online] Available at: http://fkvelez.ba/historija/ [Accessed 30 Feb. 2017].

(11) These Football Times.

(2017). The intriguing history of former Bosnian behemoths Velez Mostar. [online] Available at: http://thesefootballtimes. co/2016/04/06/the-intriguing-history-of-former-bosnian-behemoths-velez-mostar/ [Accessed 30 Feb. 2017].

(12) Ibid.

(13) Hskzrinjski.info.

(2017). Zrinjski.info – Naslovnica. [online] Available at: http://www. hskzrinjski.info/ [Accessed 29 Feb. 2017].

(14) Ultras-Zrinjski Mostar.

(2017). Ultras-Zrinjski Mostar. [online] Available at: http://www.ultras-zrinjski.net/ [Accessed 30 Feb. 2017].

(15) Ibid.

Moreover, nothing brings back the memory of the war and reflects the contrasted ideologies adopted by the different ethnic groups more than the intensified derby between the two football teams of Mostar; Velež and Zrinjski, that raises the tension in the whole of the city.

FK Velež was founded in 1922, associated with the rise of the social movements, the logo of the team is a red star (10), the fan organization was founded in 1981, its name was Red Devils before the war and Red Army afterward (11) (FIGURE 13-14). The team used to play at Velež stadium at Bijeli Brijeg next to the university of Mostar, until the conflict of 1992 when the stadium was expropriated by the Croatian nationalist activists. The team reached its peak during former Yugoslavia, and collapsed with it. Today, the team is Mostly Bosniak, and plays at FK Vrapčići out of Mostar, and most recently the team was relegated from Premier League to the first (12).

On the other hand, HŠK Zrinjski was founded in 1905, Its was named after noble family Zrinski. The team was band after WWII, and revived in 1992 after the independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The logo of the team is a combination of the Croatian flag “monarchy” and Laurel wreath (13). the name of the fan organization; Ultras, associated with Ultras fan movement in Europe, and was officially founded in 1998 (14) (FIGURE 15-16). Moreover, the Velež stadium became the stadium of Zrinjski after the war. The team is composed of Bosnian Croats, and nowadays is leading the Primer League in the country (15).

For Asja, whenever there is a derby in Mostar, it is like the war time. Streets are empty, windows are tightly closed, and the sounds of police cars and ambulances can be heard throughout the whole city (FIGURE 17-18). Meanwhile, when Mirza B. was asked about the football teams in Mostar, he indicated that Velež, and its fan base are the successor of the communist movement. Also, he justifies his affiliation with the fan organization; Red Army, to confront Zrinjski and their fierce rival; Ultras, and what they represent: “Our team’s Logo is the Red Star, we are communist…. our fan club name is Red Army, from Yugoslavian army, and our logo is the face of an a native American, because we had the same destiny…. our land was taken and we were annihilated….

Zrinjski…. I watch all their matches, they are the best, I want them to loss…. Ultras are our enemy, I hate them, they are Ustaše; fascist,…. when there is a derby you will find army of police, we hate the police. They are brutal and they separate us!!”

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4.2.2. Memory Produced Through Events

The Fan Organization Logo

Velež Logo

The Supporters

FIGURE 13. The logos adopted by FK Velež reflect the communist period, meanwhile the Indian American of the fan organization stands as a reminder of the war period, its atrocities, and their expropriated rights.

Source: http://thesefootballtimes.co Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

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FIGURE 14. Velež graffiti on the western side marking the Bosniak territory.

Source: By the author-February 2017.

150

4.2.2. Memory Produced Through Events

The Fan Organization Logo

Zrinjski Logo

The Supporters

FIGURE 15. The name and logo adopted by Zrinjski reflect the Croatian mon-

archy of the past.

Source: http://www.ultras-zrinjski.net Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

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FIGURE 16. Graffiti

territory.

for Zrinjski and its fan organization on a school's wall in the Croatian

Source: By the author-February 2017.

152

4.2.2. Memory Produced Through Events

FIGURE 17. Clashes

Spanish Square.

between the hooligans in October 2016 at Zrinjevac Park, close to the

Source: http://hooliganstv.com Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

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FIGURE 18. Police

forces blocking the road between Musala Square and the Spanish Square in November 2013.

Source: http://hooliganstv.com 154

4.2.2. Memory Produced Through Events

Kristina Coric points out that whenever there is a tension between the hooligans, especially during a derby, both sides confront each other at the Spanish square; the former front line: (16) Barthes, R., Briggs, K. and Coste, C. (2014). How to live together. New York: Columbia University Press, pp.88-89.

(17) Nussbaum, M. (2016).

Anger and forgiveness. 1st ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp.36-40.

“when a tension is happening between the youth “hooligans” from both sides, mostly around football and the city derby, since we have two football clubs. As soon as they finish playing, they head to the Spanish Square “the Boulevard” where they recognize something as their front line...they will confront each other with radical insults, stones, graffiti etc. on one hand, because they lost, and on the other, because they are instructed, paid, instrumentalized by the right-wing politics !!!”

It seems that the derby between the two football teams of Mostar and the clashes between the hooligans represent an opportunity for encounter, payback, and a reminder that the confrontation of the past did not come to an end, but rather it manifests itself again and again to revive the memory of the conflict in the mind of the inhabitants.

However, the confrontations in today Mostar are different from that of the past, because they are not armed, but rather civilized ones; domesticized versions of the original! since these confrontations are contained and managed by the police forces that on one hand, separate the conflicted groups, and on the other one, reflect the power of the state and its ability to maintain peace and stability.

In other words, the confrontation between the hooligans allow them to take out the anger toward the others and to exchange it directly with them in variety of ways e.g. banners, insults, banners etc. without the risk of plunging into armed conflicts. Meanwhile, the Spanish Square that is located between the two major squares of the Bosniak and Croatian territories (FIGURE 19-20) represents a theater for conflicts to be staged on, and thus to be neutralized (16). As such, it works as a Transitional-Space that decompress the tension that is generated from the remnant of the past, or simply because of losing the football match, and consequently, protecting the city from the juggernaut of anger and its destructiveness (17).

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FIGURE 19. The

police forces at the Spanish Square in 2008 to impose law and order after the clashes between the hooligans.

Source: http://www.gettyimages.ca 156

4.2.2. Memory Produced Through Events

The Stadium Musala Square The Spanish Square Rondo

The Spanish Square is where the hooligans confront each other is located between the major two squares in Mostar; Musala Square and Ronodo. As such, it represents a theater for the staged conflict that decompress the tension in the city.

FIGURE 20.

Source: By the author.

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4.3. Reciprocity and Dependency

(18) Barthes, R., Briggs, K. and Coste, C. (2014). How to live together. New York: Columbia University Press, pp.75-78.

(19) Rhuthmos (Greek): rhythm, measured motion.

Ibid, pp.202.

(20) Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar. Mostar: Gračanica: Grin, pp.17-27.

(21) Ibid, pp.122-125.

Idiorrhythmy is a field of desire as indicated by Roland Barthes (18), or in other words, it is when an individual or group desires certain distance from the others because of the difference in culture, ideology, background, beliefs; the difference in rhuthmos (19). So, if this is the desire, what about the needs?

In this part, the common space where exchange between the different groups can take place will be identified and related to the spatial qualities that characterize the territory of each group. As such, a better understanding can be developed regarding the spatial configuration and qualities of these spaces and the way they encourage exchange and connection between the different ethnic groups within the city, and thus, stimulate reciprocity and dependency that is based on needs and desires, rather than the power and its agencies. Most of the spaces highlighted in this part are derived from the interviews and daily encounters. These spaces were mapped, analyzed and critically interpermeated on a macro scale, meanwhile, photographs aided this process and provided a source of data and analysis through their contents that captures the relation between the spatial qualities and the social practices associated with these spaces.

4.3.1. The Spaces of Commerce The city of Mostar represented a trading center in the region for centuries, because of its strategic location on the main road that connects Bosnia with the Adriatic coast and the crossing over Neretva (20).

On the eastern side, the commercial activities that concentrated in the bazaar within the city walls and then expanded to the north along the main roads until Musala Square.

After the Ottoman time, these spaces continued dealing with different businesses, meanwhile, the new trading organization e.g. stores and shopping centers, started to spread predominantly on the western sides, especially during the SFR Yugoslavia (21).

In the post-war period, the contrast between the spaces of commerce between the eastern and the western side did not change much. In the old town, these spaces took the form of small spaces that spread along the main roads (FIGURE 21) to provide the inhabitants with their daily needs and services for the tourists visiting the city, especially around the Old Bridge Complex (FIGURE 22-23).

158

The Main Roads Commercial Spaces

FIGURE 21. Commercial

spaces took the form of small shops that spread along the main roads in the old town following the historical pattern.

Source: By the author.

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1.

2.

3.

1. The entrance to the main road where commercial spaces start from the north, close to Musala Square.

2. souvenir shops next to the Old Bridge.

3. Small shops spread along the main road in the old town.

FIGURE 22. The

shops in the old town provide the inhabitants with their daily needs and variety of goods and services for the tourists visiting the old town.

Source: By the author-February 2017.

160

4.3.1. The Spaces of Commerce

FIGURE 23. Souvenir shops and cafes Source: By the author-February 2017.

in the bazaar on the western side.

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Meanwhile, most of the modern shopping centers were constructed on the western side. The only exception is Megastore that was built on the eastern side, to the north of the old town on the opposite side of Džemal Bijedić Univresity.

All the shopping centers in the city are located along the regional highway and the main artery which make it easy for automobiles to access these spaces (FIGURE 24-25).

The area between Mepas and Piramida on the western side is very rich with all types of commercial activates that range from small shops (FIGURE 26), to medium, and large stores, and not to mention the high variety of other activities and services e.g. banks, hotels, recreational facilities etc.

Vahida K. is a mother in her 30s, originally from the east of Mostar. Most recently, Vahida moved with her husband to a neighboring town, nevertheless, she comes to Mostar all the time to do shopping in Mepas on the western side of the city: “I always go to Mepas. It is a mall in the west of Mostar, it is the biggest mall in the region and the prices there are very good, as a European, you would go there and get everything you want for almost nothing” Moreover, Vesna who lives in the west of Mostar indicated that Mepas shopping center is one of her favorite destination in the city, because there is so many shops and restaurant inside, and not to mention that in that building the only Cinema in Mostar (FIGURE 27). Also, Mirza B. who did not hesitate to show his resentment toward the idea of going to the western side either walking, or by car, indicated that Mepas is his favorite place, because many famous brands opened there and they sell high-quality products.

Even Selma K. who used to work as a bartender in the old town, pointed out that she is going to work next month in Mepas in a fashion store, despite the pain that the others had caused for her and her family in the past and even though this mall is located in Croatian territory!

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Regional Highway Main Artery Shopping Center

Regional Highway Main Artery Shopping Center

FIGURE 24. All

the shopping centers are located along the highways and the main artery which make them easily accessible by the various froms of mobility, especially private cars.

Source: By the author.

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2.

1.

3.

1. Family Center Mostar next to the University of Mostar.

2. Piramida located to the west along the main artery.

3. The mall of Mepas, the largest in the region.

FIGURE 25. Some

of the shopping centers on the western side. The mall of Mepas is the largest and the most known shopping center in the region.

Source: By the author-February 2017.

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FIGURE 26. Small

shops were constructed between the regional highway and the building block on the western side close to Mepas.

Source: By the author-February 2017.

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FIGURE 27. Mepas

shopping center provide high-end products through the various flashy stores inside and house the only Cinema in Mostar.

Source: By the author-February 2017.

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Furthermore, Kristina Coric explained that this mall is attracting so many families eastern side even through it is located within Croatian territory (FIGURE 28) through its diverse program and high-end products, meanwhile, Coric remarks that a form of reconciliation started to emerge inside: “Mepas is a big multifaceted place where modern things are happenings ……… if there a little event that need to happen……they start it there… Instead of putting children play in theaters, they would invite all the children and parents to watch it at Mepas…. I do see inside a kind of reconciliation! Where things are kind of getting normal, it is normal for people to be there even if it is in a Croatian territory…. everybody would say it is not like something we do here, but there is where you are ready to accept thing …and sometimes vailed women can be found inside doing shopping or organizing meetings in Mepas! “ Furthermore, Senada Demirovic indicates that the inhabitants on the eastern side only go to the Croatian side to buy something at Mepas: “…. Of course, there’s large percentage of people, who never crossed, even if they crossed, it is because they want to go to Mepas mall, to buy something ... They are not familiar with some street names on the other side, they don’t care….”

Examining the spaces of Commerce in Mostar highlights the influence of the spatial quality that characterize each territory in favoring certain building typologies; small shops represent the dominant form in the old town where the existing fabric resist massive injections and transformation, meanwhile, on the western side where space is abundant and wide roads facilitate all forms of mobility, massive shopping centers and stores at different scales spread and proliferate. Furthermore, the high-end products that are provided by these modern centers, especially Mepas, and the protected space that they provide inside, turn them into specialized spaces that overcome the ethnic division and attract people from the eastern side to the western side, either to work, or to fulfill their needs and desire through the different forms of exchange and businesses inside, thus, produces dependency and reciprocity between the different groups.

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(22) Barthes, R., Briggs, K. and Coste, C. (2014). How to live together. New York: Columbia University Press, pp.52-53.

(23) Jacobs, J. (1963). The death and life of great American cities. New York: Vintage Books.

(24) Appleyard, D., Lynch, K. and R. Myer, J. (1965).

The View From the Road.

The MIT Press, pp.3-16.

(25) Gehl, J. and Koch, J. (2011). Life between buildings. Washington, DC: Island Press.

168

Furthermore, the spatial arrangement of these shopping centers brings to the fore the spatial quality of the wide avenues that connect them and ensure accessibility to such spaces. In fact, the openness of these linear spaces allow different forms of mobility to co-exist e.g. public transport, privates cars, pedestrians etc. and thus, give individuals the possibility to either encounter the others through the slow form of mobility and public transport, or to avoid them through the usage of the private car that represent a moveable room in a sense that it can be closed; with doors and windows, and it is protected from the outside (22).

Therefore, it works as a time-space capsule that makes it possible to shift from one territory to a destination in the other without being exposed or monitored, meanwhile, the wide section of the avenues (FIGURE 29) turns the eyes on the street useless (23), and the rapid form of mobility along them turn the focus of people on the front seat to the traffic instead of the surrounding where the others and their symbols may exist (24). Furthermore, It is worth noting that the avenues in Mostar provide spaces that are very well illuminated in the evening, meanwhile, the shopping centers along them never turn their lights off, therefore, this feature contributes to sense of safety and security (25) associated with these spaces in the late hours of the day (FIGURE 30).

4.3.1. The Spaces of Commerce

FIGURE 28. Various

social activities were organized in Mepas shopping center to celebrate its 5th anniversary. Consequently, a lot of families came to the mall to enjoy the events inside.

Source: By the author-April 2017.

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FIGURE 29. The

wide avenues on the western side make it possible for the different forms of mobility to co-exist. Thus, they give the inhabitants the possibility to whether encounter the others through using public transport or slow mobility, or to avoid them by using private cars. "Note the openness of the space and the distance between the flats, the sidewalk, and the traffic, that increases as the floors go higher which in return turn the eyes on the street useless".

Source: By the author.

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4.3.1. The Spaces of Commerce

FIGURE 30. The

lights of the avenues and the shopping centers in the evening increase the sense of security and safety along them in comparison with other parts of the city" Source: By the author-February 2017.

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4.3.2. The Spaces of Health and Education

(26) Pašić, A. (2005). Celebrating Mostar. Mostar: Gračanica: Grin, pp.121126.

(27) Unmo.ba. (2017).

UNMO.BA - University. [online] Available at: http:// www.unmo.ba/en/university.aspx [Accessed 27 Feb. 2017].

In the post-war period, the political instability and the ethnic division of the municipalities led to the duplication of all public facilities on both sides to establish independent domains (26). However, this process of imitation and replication did not produce the same qualities. When Mirza B. was asked of which hospital he would prefer to do his surgery, he pointed out that although there is a hospital on the eastern side (FIGURE 31-32-33), he prefers the hospital on the western side because it provides better services: “… we have our own hospital, of course we have!!! it is to the south, next to the cemetery. However, I prefer the hospital of the other side, because everything there is better, they receive a lot of money from Croatia, so services are better….”

Furthermore, the University of Džemal Bijedić that settled in the western military camp in 1977, was appropriated by the Croatian activists during the war in Mostar, adopted the Croatian language, and renamed Sveučilište u Mostaru (University of Mostar).

The professors who left the university on the western side reestablished the University of Džemal Bijedić in the north military camp on the eastern (27) .

Regarding the duplication of the universities in Mostar, Anel who studied art in the university on the eastern side, indicates that the faculty of art is closing in Džemal Bijedić University due to the lack of students and support, meanwhile, the Croatian school of art continues to attract artists as it is supported directly by the Croatian government: “The faculty of art is closing, there is no more students… meanwhile, the university of Mostar and its academy of art in Siroki to the west, teaches art and encourages artist. This school is supported directly by the Croatian government …”

Furthermore, Anel continues to explain that the universities are not the same, meanwhile, some disciplines can be only taught on the western side (FIGURE 34-35): “…. You got two universities, but they are not the same. Croatian sometimes better in things, and the other is better in something else, and not to mention that medical studies are only available on the western side “

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Mostar University Clinic Hospital Dr. Safet Mujić Hospital

FIGURE 31. The regional hospitals in Mostar are both located on the periphery, Mostar University Clinic Hospital Dr. Safet Mujić Hospital therefore, they are better accessed by cars. Moreover, the hospital on the western

side is older, bigger, and with better reputation.

Source: By the author.

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FIGURE 32. The

regional hospital on the western side provides comprehensive services for all the inhabitants in Mostar.

Source: By the author-February 2017.

FIGURE 33. Veiled woman leaving Source: By the author-February 2017.

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4.3.2. The Spaces of Health and Education

the hospital.

University of Mostar Džemal Bijedić University

the Medical Faculties

University of Mostar Džemal Bijedić University

FIGURE 34. Although

there are two universities, medical studies only available in the University of Mostar.

Source: By the author.

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FIGURE 35. The

medical faculties in the far west of Mostar where it is possible to study medicine and related studies, thus, they draw students from the eastern side to the west.

Source: By the author-February 2017.

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4.3.2. The Spaces of Health and Education

Selma Ka. Who is studying midwifery at the medical school in the University of Mostar, pointed out that she had to go to the western side because of the discipline that she had chosen. Moreover, she reflects on the way she accesses the school of medicine and the situation there as in the following: “…… The university is really far from my home.…I had to go there, because this is what I want…. I do not use the public transport, I always come with a friend who has a car…. At the university, we tell if students are Croatians or Bosniaks by their names…. There is not much students from the eastern side….one day, a professor said: Selma! We have Muslim student here, and then he started asking me many questions about religious… I find that very irritating …. “ Furthermore, Vesna indicates that some students from the western side study at the Džemal Bijedić, however in secrecy: “…Indeed, some of my friends are studying at Džemal Bijedić University, because their beloved ones are studying there, however, they do not tell anybody that they are studying there ….. it is very sensitive issue…. “ Moreover, despite the duplication of schools and universities, exceptions are yet to be found. Senada Demirovic explains that Gymnasium (FIGURE 36) is a special case in which two schools operate under one roof as in the following: “there is this parallel in Mostar; two universities. Schools are also divided, you have schools in Bosnian and Croatian language. Primary and secondary schools. Gymnasium is a very particular case. Two schools under one roof. Parallel system, but sharing the same building and sharing very limited subjects e.g. sport “ In this context, Selma Ka. Who studied at the Gymnasium explains that Bosniaks and Croatians students located on different floors and they did not share any classes or subjects, however, they all managed to meet in the toilets, not only to fulfill their needs, but most importantly to smoke cigarettes together! Thus, unified by their common desire, on in better words, a pure idiorrhythmy is manifested in this building! each group of students is following its own rhuthmos and pace without being disturbed by the others.

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It seems that although there is duplication of public facilities in Mostar, exceptions can still to be found e.g. Gymnasium, Pavarotti Music Centre etc. Moreover, the two universities of Mostar are not the same and the University of Mostar has the upper hand when it comes to the provided infrastructure, the level of education, and the provided disciplines that influence the preferences of the students and attract them from one side to the other, while at the same time, this difference in qualities creates a reliance that on the one hand, contributes to the level of education and provides specialized individual for the society as a whole, and for the groups in specific, while at the same, reduces the public expanses that the process of duplication may require to provide the necessary facilities for specific disciplines.

FIGURE 36. Gymnasium

represents a special case in which two local schools; Bosniak and Croatian, and one international are located under one roof, however, the only place that they share is the toilet! A pure Idiorrhythmy!

Source: By the author-February 2017.

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4.3.2. The Spaces of Health and Education

4.3.3. The Spaces of Marginality

(28) Barthes, R., Briggs, K. and Coste, C. (2014). How to live together. New York: Columbia University Press, pp.92-93.

(29) Ibid.

The marginalized members who are excluded and yet included in every community, play important role through absorbing all the social ills that they are blamed for by the society, like a sponge, indicates Barthes (28). Therefore, the spaces of marginalities can be beneficial for both communities as they mark the individuals that did not follow the social norm, while at the same time, code them and allow them back in such a way that they do not pose threat to the society (29). By examining the spaces of marginalities in Mostar, two types can be identified. First, the inclusive spaces that attract marginalities from both communities; the night club Pink Panther and OKC Abrašević (Youth Center for Culture and Art). Second, exclusive spaces that are limited to the individuals of a specific community; Partisans’ cemetery and the ridges of Fortica (FIGURE 37).

The night club of The Pink Panther is situated on the western side, in the basement of a large complex of hotel, bar, and bus station (FIGURE 38-39). The Pink Panther represents the main destination for the night life in the city, especially in the winter when its competitor; Ali Baba, on the eastern side of Mostar closes off by the end of the tourist season.

This place was mentioned by all the interviewees and the encountered young people in the city. Very few praised this place, meanwhile, the majority did not hesitate to express their distaste to The Pink Panther, indicating that this place is for social deviation, alcoholism and psychedelic addicts. Mirza B who is not in favor of going to the Croatian territory indicated that he had been to Pink Panther couple of times with his friends, but not without an excuse; he was drank! Meanwhile, Selma K. pointed out that her brother always goes there, simply because this place provides the best night life in the city all year

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Regional Highway Main Artery Inclusive Spaces Exclusive Spaces

The Pink Panther Fortica Ridges

OKC Abrašević

Partisans' Cemetery

Regional Highway Main Artery Inclusive Spaces Exclusive Spaces

FIGURE 37. Each

community in Mostar has its inclusive and exclusive spaces for the marginalized population. "Note the proximity between these spaces and the main roads network" Source: By the author.

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4.3.3. The Spaces of Marginality

FIGURE 38. The

Pink Panther is located in a complex that includes various activities and services, such as hotel, bar, pharmacy, and the bus station of the western side.

Source: By the author-February 2017.

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FIGURE 39. The

Pink Panther attracts members from both communities who enjoy the nightlife and its attributes. "Note the costumes that imitate uniform of the army!"

Source: By the author-February 2017.

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4.3.3. The Spaces of Marginality

long.

(30) Omladinski Kulturni Centar Abrašević (2006). FINALISING THE RECONSTRUCTION OF PERFORMANCE HALL OF YOUTH CULTURAL CENTER ABRASEVIC IN MOSTAR. Mostar: OKC Abrašević, pp.1-12.

(31) Ibid.

(32) BALKAN, D. (2017).

Partisans’ Necropolis in Bosnia’s Mostar Left to Rot. [online] DWP-BALKAN. ORG. Available at: http:// www.dwp-balkan.org/ en/news.php?cat_id=4&text_id=337 [Accessed 24 Feb. 2017].

OKC Abrašević is the second inclusive space for marginalities that was identified during the fieldwork to Mostar in February 2017 (FIGURE 40). This center was founded by a coalition of youth organization and NGOs between 2003-2008 who successfully claimed the former OKC Abrašević in 2005 that was founded in 1920s in District area (30). the center was reconstructed to provide neutral spaces for young artists, activists, and NGOs, and aimed to encourage inter-cultural mentality and challenge the current political situation through promoting cultural, economic and social alternatives (31). Kristina Coric indicated that this center was attacked by the locals from both sides on every different level especially in the first few years: “So, at the beginning we faced a lot of negative reputation. First, we were called communist … and we kind of became the people who brings everything bad from the west. We were accused of bringing drugs, prostitution, homosexual…”

Moreover, Kristina pointed out that the center is attracting marginalized people from both sides, those who were rejected by everyone, the progressive artist, activist and disadvantaged people: “Our place, is more attractive to marginalized people, a moment ago there were two artists from the Croatian side sitting at the corner. Ordinary guy on the Croatian side, of 20 years old, do not want to do much effort, he would go to Pink Panther, to have fun, to karaoke party …. but as I mentioned, the marginalized will feel more accepted here … If you look around, you can see some disadvantaged people, which need more support than we can give them…. “ In contrast with The Pink Panther and OKC Abrašević that are characterized by their inclusiveness, the Partisans’ Cemetery on the western side and the ridges of Fortica on the eastern side provide exclusive spaces for the different inhabitants of the respective territories.

The Partisan Cemetery that was built in 1965 during the SFT Yugoslavia, became a subject for neglection, vandalism, and tension between the different groups in the postwar period (32). However, the despised place receives different attitude in the evening as it Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

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FIGURE 40. OKC Abrašević

provide spaces for the young artists, activists, and the disadvantaged people, thus, this center represents a specialized space that has its own unique features that attract individuals from both communities, especially with its intercultural atmosphere.

Source: By the author-February 2017.

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4.3.3. The Spaces of Marginality

becomes attractive place for youth, couples, or whoever seeks secrecy and privacy. Kristina Coric explains this paradoxical attitude as in the following: “… the irony of Partisans’ Cemetery; radical Croats, nationalist, hooligans.

As much as they hate it and vandalize it. they use this place more than anybody else, they go there every night, warm up drinks, go with their girlfriends, walk their dogs, and watch the sun set from the top” Meanwhile, the ridges of Fortica that are mostly accessible by cars, serves for the same reasons, however, for the inhabitants of the eastern side, especially in the evening.

Mirza B. who offered a ride to the mountain in the evening with his car, pointed at the many cars along the way and their blurred glass and said: “Look at the blurred glass, intimate relation taking place inside, this place is the best, I come here to spend some intimate moments and to smoke some weeds…”

From this examination, it seems that the marginalities in Mostar can take different forms, ranging from progressive activists and artists, to disadvantaged and addicts. The spaces of marginalities are blamed for all the social deviations in the city, thus, they benefit the different communities, especially the inclusive ones that attract members from both communities and therefore, benefit both.

Furthermore, these spaces provide specialized spaces in terms of their spatial qualities and the possibilities that they permit. OKC Abrašević provides spaces for training, artistic events, and other youth activities. The center is located within the Bosniak territory on the western side and can be easily accessed from the main artery, meanwhile, The Pink Panther provides attractive atmosphere for the inhabitants on both sides who enjoy the nightlife and its attributes. Although it is located deep into the Croatian territory, it is relatively close to the main artery and can be easily accessed by cars. Moreover, the exclusive spaces on both sides are located deep into the territories of the respective groups.

These spaces are specialized in privacy and secrecy. Thus, they represent urban rooms that are autonomous, isolated; the Partisans’ cemetery on a hill and the other on a mountain ridges, and protected from surveillance; dark spaces in the evening (FIGURE 41), consequently, they provide their visitors with the freedom that they are seeking without being disturbed by their group or the others.

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Partisan cemetery

Mepas

Fortica Ridges

FIGURE 41. The

exclusive spaces on Fortica ridges and Partisan cemetery represent urban rooms that provide privacy and secrecy for the individuals who do not want to be disturbed by neither their community, nor the others. "Note the darkness of these spaces that ensure protection from surveillance and mark the boundaries.

Furthermore, note how Mepas contradicts these spaces by illuminating and exposing its surrounding!!!"

Source: By the author-February 2017.

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4.3.3. The Spaces of Marginality

4.3.4. The Spaces of Burial

(33) Rugg, J. (2000). Defining the place of burial: What makes a cemetery a cemetery?. Mortality, 5(3), pp.260-271.

(34) Ibid.

(35) Ibid, pp.261.

Julie Rugg indicates that burial spaces have several types; cemeteries, churchyard, burial ground, mass graves, war cemeteries, and pantheons, and that they have several features in common, meanwhile, other features distinguish one from the other. For Rugg, the main feature that distinguishes burial ground from the cemetery, is that the burial ground is associated with the exclusionary practices of a specific group which lead them to have their own site for interment that expresses their identity (33). Therefore, the spaces of burial in Mostar will be regarded as burial grounds since each ethnic group in Mostar has its own burial space, meanwhile, the mass graves that emerged during the war will be regarded as war cemeteries, since the graves are associated with an expression of identity and individual markers (34).

During the first fieldwork, the spaces of burial that belonged to the different ethnic groups have been examined (FIGURE 42), since they enshrine the identity of deceased individuals, last for generations “permanent”, can be visited and provide context for grief, and it is possible to trace their chronological development (35). In other words, the marker of the grave gives indication if the site has been used recently, especially after the war, and thus, it gives indication if a certain group had visited the burial site that might be in the territory of the others and conducted its own funerary rituals.

In today Mostar, the burial grounds of the Croatian population “Catholics” are situated to the west, around the first catholic church and its proximity.

The Serbs “Orthodox” burial ground is located on the eastern side, where Orthodox population concentrated until the war, next to the Orthodox Church Complex. The graves of this site show that individuals were buried here since the late 19th century (FIGURE 43) and in the post-war period.

Meanwhile, for Muslims two types of burial grounds can be identified. The most recent one is not associated with any religious complex, occupy vast area, and is located to the south of the city, meanwhile, the other type is associated with religious complex of the mahalas. The graves of the burial ground of one of the mosques on the western side shows that deceased individuals had been buried on the western side within the Croatian territory in the post-war period, meanwhile, the flowers on these graves reveal that it was visited by friends or family members (FIGURE 44).

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Catholic Burial Ground Orthodox Burial Ground Muslim Burial Ground War Cemetery

Shared War Cemetery

Religious Complex Cemetery

Catholic Burial Ground Orthodox Burial Ground Muslim Burial Ground War Cemetery

FIGURE 42. Both

Catholic and Orthodox burial grounds remind fixed in place for centuries close to their respective groups. The shared war cemetery between Bosniaks and Croats stands as a reminder on the western side that the inhabitants were unified, despite their differences, when they faced common enemy. "Note the Muslim cemetery of the religious complex on the western side" Source: By the author.

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4.3.4. The Spaces of Burial

FIGURE 43. The

graves of the Orthdox burial ground stand a reminder of the past when the Muslims and Orthodox Lived-Together on the same side. "Note the date on the graves; late 19th century" Source: By the author-February 2017.

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FIGURE 44. Muslim

burial ground of a relgious complex on the far west, deep into the Croatian territory. "Note the dates of the graves; 2013-2015" Source: By the author-February 2017.

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4.3.4. The Spaces of Burial

Furthermore, two types of war cemeteries were identified in Mostar, the first type is exclusive, namely, for Muslims, located along the main roads in the old town, meanwhile, the other type is inclusive, shared between Muslim Bosniaks and Catholic Croats.

This cemetery is located within the Croatian territory, along the road that connects Rondo with the Boulevard (FIGURE 45).

By examining the spaces of burial in Mostar, it seems that these fixed spaces, are still mobilizing groups and individuals from one territory to the other, either to bury deceased individuals and to conduct the funerary rituals, or just for visiting and the remembrance of beloved ones, which maintain a reliance on the others that provide protection and ensure access through their territory to these sites. Furthermore, the shared cemetery on the western side, stands as a reminder that when the inhabitants of the city faced common danger, they were unified even in their burial sites that followed strict religious separation and practices for centuries. In this regard, it is worth noting that during the fieldwork in Mostar, the funeral notices of deceased individuals of the two communities were found hanged side by side in many localities which reflects the respect for the others and their loss, meanwhile, it shows that the fate for every human beings still a common ground that unify us all despite our differences (FIGURE 46).

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FIGURE 45. Shared

war cemetery between Bosniaks and Croats on the western side. This space provides a shared place for grief for both communities, and at the same time, reflects the respect for the victims and a reminder for the unity of the inhabitants in the face of a common enemy.

Source: By the author-February 2017.

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4.3.4. The Spaces of Burial

FIGURE 46. Funeral

notices for deceased members from both communities. It seems that no matter how different we are, our common fate as human still unifies us.

Source: By the author-February 2017.

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4.4. Conclusions

(36) Autarkesia (Greek): sefl-sufficiency. Barthes, R., Briggs, K. and Coste, C. (2014). How to live together. New York: Columbia University Press, pp.201.

(37) Rhuthmos (Greek): rhythm, measured motion.

Ibid, pp.202.

(38) Nussbaum, M. (2016).

Anger and forgiveness. 1st ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp.37-40.

The examination of the production of memory shows, on the one hand, how the memory of the past is maintained through artifacts and events, especially the derby between the two teams of Mostar, that produce anger and a desire for retribution, and on the other one, it also reveals how city manages the tension between the different groups and prevent the relapse in conflict once again. As such, the Spanish square that is located between the two major squares of the two territories; Musala Square on the eastern side, and Rondo on the western side, emerges as a theater where the conflict can be staged, and thus, neutralized. Consequently, the square works as a Transitional-Space that decompress the tension and protect the city from the anger and its destructiveness.

Meanwhile, the investigation of the common spaces where exchanges between the two communities can take place; the spaces of commerce, health and education, marginalities, and burial, highlights how the spatial qualities that characterize the territories of the respective groups e.g. abundance of space, topography, wide avenues, modern facilities, depth in history “old town, cemeteries, OKC Abrašević” etc. give specific possibilities and potentials which help in creating specialized spaces that influence the preferences of the individuals. As such, these spaces and their unique features draw members from one side to the other to meet their needs and desires and thus, produce reciprocity and dependency between the two communities that overcome the ethnic division of the city.

Therefore, the situation of Mostar cannot be simply explained as a pure division, black and white, a chasm between one community and the other, territories in a total autarky (36) that obliterates any need for the others, but rather it is a state of idiorrhythmic Living-Together, in which one community do not exert control on the other, but rather respected the difference in their rhuthmos (37) e.g. culture, habits, traditions, religion, practices etc. and live apart together, separated and yet connected through the specialized spaces of each territory. As such, the space of the Boulevard represents a tact; a distance and respect, that maintains feeling toward the others, and therefore, make it possible to manage the tension that the anger of the past may produce without compromising its instrumental role; a signal, a motivation, and a deter (38), that remind the two communities of the negative consequences that the breakdown of Living-Together may produce.

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4.4. Conclusions

Finally, of all the spaces that have been examined in this chapter, the mall of Mepas and the Spanish Square are the places that were mentioned by all the interviewees who referred to them as common spaces where the two communities co-exist. Therefore, these spaces will be identified as spaces of idiorrhythmy where members from the two communities come together to fulfill their needs and desires without exerting control or compromising their own pace and rhythm. In the last chapter, the socio-spatial qualities of these spaces will be examined and analyzed to stand at their unique features and to develop better understanding of how these spaces make it possible for the two communities to come-together.

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FIGURE 1. Lenjinova Promenade that connects the Spanish Square with Rondo.

Source: By the author-April 2017.

Chapter 5 “The Spaces of Idiorrhythmy”

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5.1. Intro

(1) Low, S. (2008). On the plaza. Austin, Texas: University of Texas Press, pp.154-179.

After examining how the memory of the past maintain a connection between the two communities and how the common spaces of exchange in the two territories pull members from one side to the other, two spaces of idiorrhythmy where the two communities come together to fulfill their needs and desire were highlight by all the interviewees which invite for further investigation. The first space of idiorrhythmy is Mepas shopping center that provide high-end products and variety of services and activities that attract individuals and families from both sides. The second space of idiorrhythmy is the Spanish Square where the hooligans come together, the tension get neutralized, and normality restored and unity artificially manifested through the Gymnasium where three separated schools co-exist under one roof.

In this chapter, the relation between the spatial qualities of these sites and the daily practices vis-à-vis was examined on one hand, to stand at the similarities and differences, and on the other one, to identify their unique features of these spaces that pull members from the two communities despite the ethnic division and the resentment of the past. The examination of these two spaces relied on the data that were collect during the second fieldwork in April 2017. Afterward, the collected data was critically analyzed and critically interpreted.

To examine the daily practices related to these two sites, this research followed the work of Setha M.Low and her rhythm analysis for two plazas in San José, Costa Rica (1). As such, two types of data were collected and analyzed; population counts and movement maps with respect to gender, age group, composition “couples and families”, and type of activities by groups or individuals, especially in the case of the Spanish Square. The acquired quantitative data provides empirical evidence that supports and complements the qualitative data that is derived from the participatory observation. Furthermore, this empirical data that was collected is organized and attached to the appendix of this research. the participatory observations were conducted during weekdays and weekends.

Each day was divided into segments, while the sites were divided into sectors due to their scale. Thus, the collected data formed time-segments that do not overlap, but rather complement each other and respond to the carrying capacity of a single researcher. Furthermore, during the observation, notes were registered, photos were taken, and sketches

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5.1. Intro

were drawn to complement the population counts and movement maps.

Furthermore, to identify the spatial qualities of these sites, typo-morphological and trajectory analysis were conducted. The typo-morphological analysis focused on these sites and their direct surrounding in terms of building typologies and the different spatial elements (street, side walk, fences etc.) that give definition and orientation to the space.

Meanwhile, the trajectory analysis focused on the main routes that connect these sites that are located within the Croatian territory with the Bosniak one. The collected data and the conducted analysis relied on maps, architectural drawings, schemes, sketches and photographs that helped to identify, on one hand, the spatial qualities of these space, and on the other one, the sequences of spaces and the shift in their socio-spatial quality as one move from one territory to the other.

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5.2. Spatial and Trajectories Analysis 5.2.1. Mepas Shopping Center: (2) Mepas-mall.com.

(2017). O centru | Mepas Mall – Mostar. [online] Available at: http://www. mepas-mall.com/hr/o-centru/ [Accessed 20 Apr. 2017].

Mepas is the largest and the most renowned shopping center in Herzegovina that was inaugurated on the 8th of April 2012, providing mixed program that combines fivestars hotel, flashy stores, restaurants, supermarket, cinema “the only one in Mostar”, space for entertainment “boulings, billiards, ping pong etc.” (2) (FIGURE 2). This shopping center is in the north-west area of the Neutral zone, within the Croatian territory (FIGURE 2) on the regional highway. Furthermore, Carina Bridge and the main arteries connect the regional highway with the eastern side and thus, providing access to Mepas at the entrance of the city on the eastern side (FIGURE 3). Furthermore, the examination of the public transport map of Mostar shows that the mall is poorly connected with the public transport, thus, it can be best accessed on foot or by private car (FIGURE 4).

FIGURE 2. Mepas shopping center provides a lot of activities and high-end products through the hosted flashy stores and famous brands.

Source: By the author-April 2017.

200

5.2.1 Mepas Shopping Center

FIGURE 3. Mepas hosts the only cinema in Mostar. "Note the Croatian flag" Source: By the author-April 2017.

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l Highway ery Zone hopping Center202

Regional Highway Main Artery Neutral Zone Mepas Shopping Center

FIGURE 4. The regional highway and the main arteries provide direct access to Mepas at the entrance of the city on the eastern side.

Source: By the author-April 2017.

5.2.1 Mepas Shopping Center

Musala

Neretva

Ero Hotel

Mepas

STARA BOLNICA

.

TR IS AG I M UT P RG

.T SP

FIGURE 5. Mepas shopping center is the least connected spot to public transport, thus, it is mostly accessed on foot or by cars.

Source: By the author.

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(3) A.Bollens, S. (2012).

City and soul in divided societies. 1st ed. London: Taylor & Francis Routledge, pp. 103-105.

Furthermore, Mepas is surrounded by a remarkable blend of neglected fenced spaces, modern touristic and financial facilities, and not to mention religious and residential buildings. The eastern side of the mall is defined by a fenced and abandoned sport hall.

The southern side is defined by the regional highway M6.1, Unicredit bank, and the fences of the Catholic cathedral that was built in the post-war period and left incomplete (3).

The western side is defined by three lanes street “Kneza Višeslava” and residential street block, and finally, its northern side is defined by a loading area for the mall and a catholic church (FIGURE 6-7).

FIGURE 6. Between Mepas and the Bosniak territory stand two projects, one of them is ethnically exclusive "the Catholic Cathedral", that were built in post-war period and left incomplete.

Source: By the author-April 2017.

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5.2.1 Mepas Shopping Center

Incomplete Projects Fences

Catholic Church Loading Area

Residential Block

Incomplete Sport Hall

Residential Street

Regeional Highway M6.1

Incomplete Catholic Cathedral Bank

FIGURE 7. The direct surrounding of Mepas shopping Center. "Note the fenced projects between the building and Bosniak territory to the east" Source: By the author.

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The design of Mepas is modern, generic, with glassy façades and clean surfaces that communicates a universal language and express advancement and progress, meanwhile, the closed envelop of the building provide protection for the different types of activities and services inside throughout the year. Moreover, the building has two entrances for cars that leads to the underground garage. One opens to the south, to the regional highway, thus, providing direct access to the cars coming from the eastern side, and the other entrance opens to the west, to Kneza Višeslava street to provide direct access from the western side to the basement of the building.

In addition to that, Mepas has one entrance for the hotel and basically three entrances for the mall, however, only two are active since one of them opens to the fenced sport hall”. The entrance of the hotel opens to the west and can be accessed directly with a car through a small street parallel to Kneza Višeslava street (FIGURE 8). Mepas largest entrance faces Unicredit bank and opens to the south to a small square that was generated by receding from the regional highway that shifts one lane to the side of the building to provide space for the taxis that service the people leaving and coming to Mepas (FIGURE 9), meanwhile, the smaller entrance opens to the west, directly to Kneza Višeslava street, and opposing the residential street block with relatively close distance. This proximity makes the entrance not only observed by the security agents and other technological devices, but also by the residents of the area, unlike the southern entrance that opens to a square, the wide regional highway and the bank (FIGURE 10).

The trajectory analysis of space between Mepas and Carina bridge that connects the western side with the eastern one reveals a distinct sequence of spaces that are defined from east to west as in the following; mixed-use residential buildings, then a Hotel and Intesa Sanpaolo Banka at the crossroads, to the fences of the abandoned construction sites between the Bosniak territory and Mepas, where the street gets wider, consequently, providing more openness. This sequence of spaces provides a transition first, in spatial character; from mixed use residential building, to hotel and administrative, and then the fenced area after crossing the street and Mepas afterward where the openness of the space increases as the building recedes from the street. Second, in the types of activities; from mixed-use residential area, to administrative and then the fences and bank opposite of Mepas, and finally, in social control; high after the bridge where residential building on both sides of the street and none-existed after the crossroads and the fenced sites (FIGURE 11).

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5.2.1 Mepas Shopping Center

FIGURE 8. The entrance of the hotel that opens to the west on the residential street.

Source: By the author-April 2017.

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FIGURE 9. The receded facade of Mepas to the south creates small square in front of the building that increases the openness of the space, meanwhile, the regional high shifts one lane to the side of Mepas to provide parking space for the taxi drivers who serve the people coming and leaving.

Source: By the author-April 2017.

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5.2.1 Mepas Shopping Center

Residential Block

Western Entrance

Underground Garage Entrance

Hotel Entrance

Southern Entrance

Underground Garage Entrance

FIGURE 10. The shopping center has two entrances for the garage and two for the pedestrianes. The entrances to the west open to the residential street within the Croatian territory where the space more socially observed and controlled.

Source: By the author.

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5.

$$ $$

MIX

4.

3.

MIX 2.

1.

To the eastern side

FIGURE 11. The transition from the Bosniak territory to Mepas along the main artery reveals a shift from more socially controlled and mixed residential area, to public services and the hotel, and then to the fenced area where social control non-existed and the space more open.

Source: By the author.

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5.2.1 Mepas Shopping Center

1. Mixed-Use Residential Area

2. Crossroad and Mixed-Residential

4. Fenced Area Before Mepas

3. The Bank and the Hotel

5. Mepas and McDonald Seats Outside

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5.2.2. The Spanish Square

(4) http://www.ekapija.com/website/en/ page/555223/King-JuanCarlos-opened-the-Spanish-Square-in-Mostar [Accessed 20 Apr. 2017].

The Spanish Square got its name in the 12 of October of 1995 as a memorial for the 21 Spanish troops of UNPROFOR who died during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Both the king of Spain Juan Carlos and the Mayor of Mostar Ljubo Bšlić unveiled a stone plinth that commemorates the Spanish armed forces and inaugurated the Spanish Square on the 29th of March 2012 (4) (FIGURE 12-13). The square is located at the Boulevard, the former confrontation line, between the most important squares in Mostar; Rondo in the Croatian territory, and Musala Square on eastern side. Lenjinova promenade connects the Spanish Square with Rondo, and provides access to Zrinjevac park; the only park in Mostar. Furthermore, Czar Franz Joseph Bridge and Mostarskog bataljona “Mostar battalion” connects the Spanish Square with the eastern side, meanwhile, the Boulevard ensures local and regional access to the square (FIGURE 14). In fact, the bus stop at the southern edge of the Spanish Square is the most connected spot by the public transport in the whole of the city (FIGURE 15).

FIGURE 12. The Spanish Soldiers Memorial in the Spanish Square" Note the flag of Spain that gives international depth to the square" Source: By the author-April 2017.

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5.2.2. The Spanish Square

FIGURE 13. The Spanish Square. "Note Gymnasium to the left directly linked to the square and the bus stop along the Boulevard" Source: By the author-April 2017.

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al Highway tery Zone va promenade anish Square

Regional Highway Main Artery Neutral Zone Lenjinova promenade The Spanish Square

Musala Square Zrinjevac park

Rondo

FIGURE 14. The Spanish Square is located at the Boulevard; a regional highway. Lenjinova promenade connects it directly to Rondo, meanwhile the bridge over Neretva and the main artery connects it to Musala Square.

Source: By the author.

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5.2.2. The Spanish Square

Musala

Neretva

The Spanish Square

Ero Hotel STARA BOLNICA

.

TR IS AG I M UT P RG

.T SP

FIGURE 15. The Spanish Square is the most connected place in the city to the public transport. In other words, if you want to disturb the city and the whole transportation network, this is the place to protest.

Source: By the author.

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(5) Herzegovina.travel.

(2017). [online] Available at: http://herzegovina.travel/ blog/listings/gymnasium-mostar/ [Accessed 25 Apr. 2017].

The Spanish Square is defined by a unique mixture of fences, destroyed and abandoned buildings, two schools with an international depth, and roads. The Boulevard and destroyed buildings defines the east side of the square. The north side is defined by public toilets, Kralja Zvonimira street, a large sidewalk, the fences that separates the Croatian National Theater from the area, and Staklena Banka. From the west, the square is defined by the International Primary School of Mostar and destroyed buildings, and finally, from the south is defined by the Gymnasium that dates to 1893, severely damaged during the war, and totally restored by 2009 (5) (FIGURE 16-17).

FIGURE 16. A view on the Spanish Square from the destroyed bank; Staklena Banka. "Note the fences to the left, and the destroyed buildings to the right and and next to the Gymnasium" Source: By the author-April 2017.

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5.2.2. The Spanish Square

Destroyed Buildings Fences

Croatian Cultural Center

Staklena Banka

Public Toilets The Spanish Square The Boulevard The International Primary School of Mostar Europe Union-Office Mostar

Gymnasium

Lenjinova promenade Zrinjevac park

Croatian Federation Building

FIGURE 17. The direct surrounding of the Spanish Square" Note the destroyed building all around, and most importantly, the international and political presence" Source: By the author.

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(6) Ibid.

(7) uwcmostar.ba. (2017).

Living. [online] Available at: http://uwcmostar.ba/ living/ [Accessed 20 Apr. 2017].

(8) EducationUSA. (2017).

EducationUSA at American Corner Mostar. [online] Available at: https://educationusa.state.gov/centers/ educationusa-american-corner-mostar [Accessed 24 Apr. 2017].

The Gymnasium is one of the most important building from the Austro-Hungarian period. Originally served as a secondary school where Serbs, Croats, Bosniaks, and Jews studied together. After the war, the Croatian resumed class in one of the floor, meanwhile, Bosniaks returned to school in 2004 when the renovation started (6). Nowadays, the building gather under its roof three separated schools; Coratian, Bosnian, and UWC “United World College” (7), and not to mention the American Corner in the basement that provides books, access to the internet, and language courses and test (8), thus, it enhances the international depth and protection for the building and the area.

Lenjinova promenade connects the Spanish Square to Rondo (FIGURE 18) and provides access to the International Primary School of Mostar, the rear entrances of Gymnasium and the various sport facilities next to it, the Croatian administrative building, local and international buildings along the promenade, and most importantly, to Zrinjevac park, the only park in Mostar that provides plenty of playgrounds for kids (FIGURE 19). The park can be entered from the north, from the south from the promenade at the Croatian federation building, or directly from Rondo.The park prohibits- among other things- cycling and walking dogs (FIGURE 20). Consequently, Turing the space of the promenade and the Spanish Square into an ideal and safe place from cycling and walking dogs, in other words, the exclusion of the park turns the square and the promenade into a destination.

The trajectory analysis of space between The Spanish Square and the bridge to Musala Square over Neretva reveals a distinct sequence of spaces that are defined from east to west as in the following; Hotel, small shops, then mixed-use administrative building, followed by a mosque and governmental building at the crossroad, then mixed-use administrative building and destroyed buildings, and then the Boulevard that separates the Bosniak territory from that of the Croatian. This sequence of spaces provides a transition, first, in spatial character and symbolism; small shops and hotel, the mosque, administrative and destroyed building, and finally the openness of the Boulevard “neutral infrastructure”. Second, in types of activities; shops related to the daily needs, public services, restaurant and destroyed building, and then the space of mobility and transportation, and finally, in social control; high after the bridge with the high variety of shops at the ground level and none-existed at the Boulevard (FIGURE 21).

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5.2.2. The Spanish Square

FIGURE 18. Lenjinova promenade that connects the Spanish Square with Rondo is a car free space that provides access also to Zrinjevac park; the only park in Mostar.

Source: By the author-April 2017.

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FIGURE 19. Zrinjevac park is the only park in Mostar that provides a lot of facilities for the children, thus, its a unique and a specialized space in the city.

Source: By the author-April 2017.

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5.2.2. The Spanish Square

FIGURE 20. The park excludes so many activities, thus, the promenade and the Spanish Square become the space to include some of them, especially since they are the only car-free zone in the city.

Source: By the author-April 2017.

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5.

4.

MIX 3.

MIX

2.

1.

To Musala Square

FIGURE 21. The transition along the road that connects Musala Square with the Spanish Square reveals a shift from more socially controlled space with a lot of activities right after the bridge to neutral at the Boulevard and neutral-international depth at the square.

Source: By the author.

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5.2.2. The Spanish Square

1. Mixed-use and small shops

2.Crossroads, administrative building, and a mosque

4. Approaching the Boulevard; neutral mobility

3. Mixed-Use and destroyed buildings

5. The Spanish Square neutral-international

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5.3. Rhythm analysis 5.3.1. Mepas Shopping Center: The observation of Mepas shopping mall took place on a sunny Saturday on the 8th of April 2017 from 10:00 AM till 20:00 PM. The date of the observation coincided with the celebrations of the mall’s 5th anniversary (FIGURE 22). Thus, during that day, several extra activities were organized inside and outside Mepas e.g. free food, photos, dance, and drawings etc. especially in the morning and early afternoon. These activities a lot of people, especially families. Furthermore, area of the observation was divided into three sectors, each sector served for specific goals (FIGURE 23).

The observation in the first sector covered the direction of the traffic and its relevance to the cars entering the garage of Mepas from the southern side. In the second sector, the observations covered the southern entrance where people come from both eastern and western sides. Meanwhile, the observation in the third sector covered both entrances, the southern and the western entrances, and focused on the users’ preferences, namely, people coming from the Croatian territory who cross the street to the south-west corner and then chose to go to either to the southern entrance “where the people who comes from the eastern enter” or western entrance.

The day of the observation was divided into segments that were distributed between the three sectors. The observation of each sector covered two segments; one hour each, one in the morning and on the afternoon. The observation of the second sector covered two segments, two hours each one, and the last sector followed the same principles as the second sector.

It is worth noting that during the observation, the road that connects Musala with the Spanish square was closed due to infrastructure development, consequently forcing the public transport to cross the bridge at the eastern bus station and causing traffic jam at the intersection before Mepas. These challenges were overcome by focusing on the number of cars entering the garage and their origins “north-south-east”

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5.3.1. Mepas Shopping Center

FIGURE 22. The day of the observation coincided with the 5th anniversary of Mepas that drew a lot of families from the whole of the city.

Source: By the author-April 2017.

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Sector 3

Sector 1

Sector 2

FIGURE 23. The area of the observation was divided into three sectors, the first sectors covered the direction of the traffic and the cars entering the underground garage from the south, the second sector aimed to identify the main users of this space and their direction, meanwhile, the last sector aimed to examine the preferences of the users in relation to the two entrances of Mepas.

Source: By the author.

226

5.3.1. Mepas Shopping Center

The observations of the first sector reveal that most of the cars coming to Mepas used the underground garage. For sixty-three cars entering the garage, only six stopped

by Mepas to pick up or to drop off people. These cars ranged from flashy brand-new cars to outdated ones. The empirical data also shows that most of the cars that used the garage originated from the eastern direction, cars from the south second, and very few from the north (FIGURE 24). Finally, it is worth nothing that most of the flashy cars did not come from the east or the north direction, but rather from the southern direction.

The observation in the second sector covered the southern entrance that is located at the center of the southern façade, receded behind it, and opens on a small square in front of the building. Mc Donald and Mc Café are located next to the southern entrances, occupying the south-east corner, can be accessed directly from the square, and provide seats outside that can be used during sunny days (FIGURE 25). The small square in front of the building was used in the first period of the observation to organize small event in the celebration of the mall 5th anniversary. During the second period of the observation, the small square used seldom by few families, where kids played outside, nevertheless, in both periods, the square was mostly used for entering the mall, and very rarely for passing by (FIGURE 26).

The empirical data of the second observation shows that a lot of people came to Mepas from both the eastern and the western side. Families dominated the categories visiting the shopping center, meanwhile, the number of families coming from the eastern side was slightly higher (FIGURE 27). Moreover, the number of women overcome by far the number of men, especially who are coming from the western side, the number of women are more than double that of the men! Furthermore, the number of users during the two periods of observation differed according to age, gender, and composition. In the second period, the number of women and families coming from the eastern side almost split in half, meanwhile, only families coming from western side showed similar decrease in numbers. Finally, it is worth noting that during the time of the observations, more than fifteen veiled women came to Mepas from the eastern side (FIGURE 28).

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FIGURE 24. During the observation, flashy cars and outdated ones entered the garage of the building, meanwhile, most of the cars came to Mepas originated from the eastern side.

Source: By the author.

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5.3.1. Mepas Shopping Center

FIGURE 25. The seats of Mcdonald outside of Mpeas attract some people, especially when it is sunny.

Source: By the author-April 2017.

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FIGURE 26. The space in front of Mepas was mostly used for entering the building with very few activities outside especially in the second period of the observation.

Source: By the author-April 2017.

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5.3.1. Mepas Shopping Center

FIGURE 27. People came to Mepas from both the eastern and the western side, the families dominated the categories visiting the building, meanwhile, the families coming from the eastern side was slightly higher. Furthermore, the number of women was higher than that of the men and in general, the number visitors decreased after the sunset.

Source: By the author.

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FIGURE 28. During the observation more than fifteen women came to Mepas from the eastern side. "Note the Croatian flag behind the veiled woman" Source: By the author-April 2017.

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5.3.1. Mepas Shopping Center

The observation in the third sector focused on the two entrances of Mepas, the southern entrance that is located within a relatively neutral space, and the western entrance that is located deeper in the Croatian territory and opens opposite to residential street block. Thus, this observation aimed to examine how the two entrances that are located within two spaces that differ in their spatial quality and character influence the preferences of the users, namely, the Croatians who cross the streets to the south-west corner of Mepas and then choose either to go to the southern entrance, where the others enter the building and where space is neutral, or prefer to go to the western entrance where the others are not likely to be found and where the entrance is located within close proximity to Croatian residential street block.

The collected empirical data shows that the number of users who preferred to go to the southern entrance is higher than the number of users who preferred the western entrance (FIGURE 29). The numbers of males, families and couples are relatively higher, meanwhile, the number of women who preferred the southern entrance is almost triple.

Furthermore, It is worth noting that during the observation of the third sector, none of the women who came from the western side had a veil or anything a like, which reflects the ethnic sorting of the city. Moreover, three guys who wear religious symbols “crosses” stood outside, next to the western entrance for more than an hour before moving in.

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FIGURE 29. The number of people who entered the souther entrance where the others are most likely to be found was slightly higher, meanwhile, the number of women who preferred the souther entrance was almost triple.

Source: By the author.

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5.3.1. Mepas Shopping Center

5.3.2. The Spanish Square The observation of the Spanish Square took place on weekend and week day. The first observation took place on a sunny Sunday on the 9th of April 2017 from 10:00 AM till 21:00 PM. The second observation took place on a sunny Monday on the 10th of April 2017 from 10:00 AM till 21:00 PM. It is worth nothing that the observation during the weekend coincided with Palm Sunday, in which Christians celebrate while carrying an olive branch in their hands. During the observation, this custom helped to identify and recognize if whether the individuals with olive branches would prefer to enter the square and the promenade or not.

The observations and the population counts was conducted with respects to age, gender and composition “couples-families” (FIGURE 30). The Spanish square, the promenade and the park provide distinct spaces that are interconnected, thus, the observed area was divided into two sectors (FIGURE 31): Primary sector at the Spanish Square, where the observations focused on the notion of crossing the Boulevard that separates Croatian territory from that of the Bosniaks, and examine its relevance to the site and its features.

Secondary sector at Rondo, namely the area where the entrances to the park and the promenade are located. In this sector, the focus was on the preferences made by the users who chose if whether to enter the park directly, or to enter the promenade that leads to the Spanish Square.

The day of the observation was divided into segments, time-capsules, that were distributed between the two sectors. In the primary sector, the observation during the weekend covered two segments, two hours each, in the morning and in the evening, meanwhile, the observation covered four segments, two hours each, during the weekday when schools are opened and people return to work. The observation of the secondary sector complemented the primary one, covering two segments, two hours each one, on both weekend and weekday.

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The Spanish Square on Sunday 9th of April 2017.

Data Collected: Number of people crossing from the Boulevard to Lenjinova promenade and moving towards Zrinjevac park and Rondo with respect to their group age, sex, and purposes.

“S”

“D”

“B”

Time

Girls “14-18”

Boys “14-18”

Men “18-50”

Women “18-50”

Old Men “50-75”

Old Women “50-75”

Families

Couples “18-50”

Older Couples “50-75”

10:00-12:00

2

4

21“1:D, 1:B”

11 “1:B”

11 “1:B”

6

17 “1:S”

4

2

17:00-19:00

15 “2:S”

7 “3:S”

16“1:B,2:S”

12

7 “3:B,1:S”

6

14 “3:S”

2 “1:S”

1 “1:S”

Total

17

11

37

23

18

12

31

6

3

Females: 52, Males:66 , Families and Couples: 40

FIGURE 30. Example for the table of the population counts that was used during the observation in the Spanish Square.

Source: By the author.

236

5.3.2. The Spanish Square

Destroyed Buildings Fences

Primary Sector1

Secondary Sector

FIGURE 31. The area of the observation was divided into primary sector to examine how the features of the Spanish Square is related to the daily practices of the inhabitants with focus on the concept of crossing, meanwhile, the secondary sector examined the preferences of the users in relation to the direct entrance of the park and the entrance of the promenade.

Source: By the author.

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(9) uwcmostar.ba. (2017).

Living. [online] Available at: http://uwcmostar.ba/ living/ [Accessed 20 Apr. 2017].

The observation of the primary sector during the weekend shows that users from different genders, age groups, and composition cross the Boulevard to the Spanish Square.

However, the square is mostly used for passing by and rarely used for sitting or meeting, especially when it comes to families who walk through the square and enter Lenjinova promenade that leads to Rondo and Zrinjevac park (FIGURE 32). Limited number of the people crossed the Boulevard and walked in the direction of the Croatian National Theather and Staklena Banka, meanwhile, the bus stop drew very few people. Moreover, the empirical data shows that the numbers of males, females, families and couples are relatively close, however, the number of men is the highest, meanwhile, some of them came to the Spanish square with their bikes, taking the advantage of the car-free space in the square and the promenade and only one man came to the square with a dog.

During the weekday, the square continues to be used most of the time as a space for passing by, but with higher frequency (FIGURE 33). The bus stop drew much more people (FIGURE 34), especially women; few were veiled, and buses passed more often.

However, the biggest change in the square is caused by the student of the Gymnasium who dominate the space of the Spanish Square and its rhythm. Since the early morning, students started coming to Gymnasium across the boulevard, and from the direction of the Croatian National Theater (FIGURE 35). The direction of the students responds to the location of the UWC student houses that are in three locations within the city; Susac in the far west, Musala on the east bank of Neretva, and in Mejdan close to the old bridge (9).

Most of the students who came to school through the promenade “from the Croatia side” entered the school from its back doors, and very few of them walked by the walls of the school until they reach the main gates.

During the breaks, some of the students uses the benches in the square with some of the elderly who come to the square in the morning (FIGURE 36), and surprisingly, many of the students leave the Spanish Square during the break to the eastern side, walk in the direction of the Croatian National theater, or go through the promenade in the direction of Ronodo. In the afternoon, when the school finishes, it took only few minutes for the students to flee the square (FIGURE 37); the pace of leaving was insane; no meetings, no talks, and no encounters, only the noise of the traffic and the sounds of the wind re-

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FIGURE 32. During the weekend most of the families walked through the Square in the direction of the promenade and the park.

Source: By the author-April 2017.

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FIGURE 33. During the weekday, the square continued to be used predominantly for passing by, however with much higher frequency, especially in the direction the direction of the promenade.

Source: By the author.

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FIGURE 34. The bus stop did not attract much people during the weekend, however during the weekday, the frequency of buses dramatically increased and so the number of users.

Source: By the author-April 2017.

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FIGURE 35. The rhythm of the student coming and leaving the Gymnasium dominated the space of the square during the weekday. "Note the back entrance of the school that allows the students to enter from the promenade directly" Source: By the author.

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FIGURE 36. Students from the Gymnasium and elderly at the Spanish Square doing a medical training.

Source: By the author-April 2017.

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FIGURE 37. When the school finished, all students left in the direction of their respective territories (dormitories) and within just five minutes the whole area was empty Source: By the author-April 2017.

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mained!

The participant observation in the Secondary sector at Rondo during a weekend, shows that most females, males, couples and families prefer the entrance of Lenjinova promenade to the direct entrance of Zrinjevac park (FIGURE 38). The promenade, especially in the evening, provides better lighting with two rails of light posts, when compared to the single rail of light posts in the park that looks dramatically darker. For both entrances, the number of females is the highest, meanwhile the number of families entering Lenjinova promenade more than double of that entering the park. Cyclers and dog owners are forced to go to Lenjinova promenade that includes what is excluded in the park. It is also worth noting that the number of people walking dogs is higher than of that at the Spanish Square, this could due to religious constrains that forbid dog’s ownership for conservative Muslim families. Furthermore, the observation during the weekday, shows similar pattern with one exception. The number of families and couples entering Lenjinova promenade is less than half of that during the weekend.

Finally, it is important to mention that during the observation on the weekend, none of the people holding olive branches in their hand entered the park, or Lenjinova promenade in the two sectors of the observation. Furthermore, during the two days of observation at the Spanish Square, only one veiled woman was observed walking through the square and progressing to the promenade.

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FIGURE 38. Most of the user, especially women and families, preferred to enter the promenade where they would meet the others, meanwhile, cycles and dog owners, were forced to go into the promenade since the park prohibit such activities.

Source: By the author.

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5.4. Conclusions The examination for the spatial qualities and the relevant social practices of Mepas shopping center and the Spanish Square and its surrounding reveals number of similarities between these two sites that highlight different socio-spatial aspects.

Both spaces are centrally located with respect to the two communities which make them easily accessible by both without the going deep into the territory of the others. The Spanish Square is located at the border between the Bosniak and the Croatian territories, meanwhile, Mepas shopping center is slightly within the Croatian territory however, the area between the road that separate the two territories and maps is surrounded by fences and incomplete projects.

Furthermore, the main roads that connect these two spaces with the Bosnian territory are associated with transition in spatial character, type of activities, and social control; high at the bridges that connect the western bank with the eastern one, and almost non-exited close to the spaces of idiorrhythmy. For Mepas shopping center, the area between the road that separates both territories and Mpeas is totally fenced area. Therefore, it has no eyes, no people, no activities, and nobody to claim territory! Furthermore, the openness of the space increases at the shopping center that recedes from the street, meanwhile, the building facing its southern entrance is a bank, thus, the space is neutral. Meanwhile, for the Spanish Square the Boulevard represent a neutral infrastructure for all forms of mobility where the openness of the space increase dramatically, and then at the Spanish square, Gymnasium; the three separated schools, and the International School of Mostar enhance this neutrality.

Moreover, both Mepas and the Spanish Square, especially Zrinjevac park, give the possibility to avoid the others by providing access from different locations that can be closer to the territory of the respective groups. As such, the park can be accessed directly from Rondo; the main square in the Croatian territory, meanwhile, Lenjinova promenade provide closer entrance to the Bosniak territory. For Mepas, the southern entrance is the most favorable for the Bosniak population, because it is closer, unlike the western entrance that open directly to a residential street in the Croatian territory. Moreover, it is worth noting that Mepas give the possibility for people to access the building by private car that represents a time-space capsule and make it possible to shift from one territory

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to the other without being observed or monitored; right to the entrance of the mall or to the underground garage.

In addition to that, both spaces reflect the notion of specialization that make them desired destinations in the whole of the city and give the users many reasons to the cross the ethnic boundaries. Mepas shopping center provides high-end products, different activities, and host the only cinema in Mostar. Meanwhile, the Spanish Square and Lenjinova promenade provide car-free zone that attracts a lot of activities such as, walking, cycling, sitting, and moreover, Zrinjevac park is the only park in Mostar that provides a lot of facilities for the kids and their parents.

In the end, people from different age group, gender, and composition “families and couples”, are attracted to these spaces. For the Spanish Square and its surrounding attracted a lot families and females and the shopping center of Mepas did the same, however, the number of females and families was much higher. In general, this reflects the safety and security that are perceived in these spaces which might be partly resulted from the international presence at the Spanish Square and the protection that the building envelop of Mepas provides against the bad conditions outside e.g. harsh weather, noise, pollution etc. Furthermore, it is worth noting that Mepas attracted a lot of veiled women in comparison with the Spanish Square and its surrounding, while this could be related to difference in the desires and needs that are fulfilled in these two spaces, it also could be resulted from increased exposure that one would have in public spaces in comparison to the shopping center and closed spaces.

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The author in the middle with two youngsters from Mostar during the observation at the Spanish Square.

Conclusions

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The examination of the historical development of Mostar and the typo-morphological processes that characterized each period, reveal that the administration of each period has adopted different spatial concept to organize Living-Together between the different ethnic groups and consequently, influenced their relationships and the way they rely on each other.

In the Ottoman period, the adopted spatial system that shaped the landscape of Mostar based on a unifying core that included the bazaar and the different public facilities, and the separation and autonomy of the groups within the mahalas around it, meanwhile, the aggregative structure of their courtyard houses, the consequent proximity, and the established business relation within the bazaar tied the different ethnic groups and helped to manage the tensions between them. Furthermore, the constructed Catholic and Orthodox churches by the end of this period, while might reflects the respect of the majority Muslims toward the minorities, it also reveals the negative relation between idiorrhythmy and the power; whenever the power loses its grip, idiorrhythmy flourishes, and thus, the contrast between the different ethnic groups becomes more explicit.

In the Austro-Hungarian period, the need for new economic model favored the western side of the city that is characterized by its agricultural nature and the smooth topography. As such, an urban grid of wide avenues was constructed and a new center with modern infrastructure and new typologies was created on the western side, meanwhile, the newly constructed bridges made it possible to bypass the historical core and to decrease its importance, thus, shifting the dependency to the western center and the new administration that employed more than 10% of the population. Furthermore, the different injections in the historical core reveals the new spatial concept of organizing Living-Together that differs from that of the Ottoman. As such, the traditional religious institutions were empowered through the preservation and the construction of new facilities, meanwhile, the residential European flats distorted the unity and autonomy of the groups that were ensured by the mahala. Furthermore, the different public injections in the old town reflected the tendency to establish proximity to reinforce law and order, not only through the instrument of power e.g. regulations, employment etc., but also through the physical structure of the city.

After a period of stagnation in the interwar period and the shift to SFR Yugoslavia after WWII, the city continued to expand westward, meanwhile, the Utopian ideology of 252

the communist regime that aimed to obliterated differences between the different ethnic groups and replace it with a unity through work and companionship, shaped the spatial structure of the city. As such, the state driven development provided factories for the workers, new residential neighborhoods of modern tower block on the western side, and different public facilities that covered the different aspects of life; from education, to leisure and trade and dictated the pace and rhythm of the different ethnic groups. All this would not have been done without imposing constrains on the religious institutions and its facilities that organized their groups for centuries and co-produced their own unique rhuthmos. In fact, as stated by Barthes, whenever two different rhythms came together, a massive disturbance is caused. Thus, the collision was inevitable between the traditional forces and the communist regime, especially by the end of this period, when the state weakened and the ethnic-nationalistic rhetoric accentuated.

After the war in Mostar, the city split in half along the Boulevard between Muslim Bosniaks to the east and Catholic Croats to the west. This ethnic division overlapped with the contrast in the urban fabric between the historical city and the modern expansion that marked the territory of each group and the mode of being. In the ten years after the war, the ethnic division of the municipality and the desire to establish independent domain on each side led to the duplication of the public facilities, meanwhile, the Neutral Zone that was envisioned by the international community as a common ground where inter-ethnic development can unify the divided communities was altered of its purpose and left neglected in the end. Nevertheless, the territories of each group differed by the accumulation of time and space, thus, the distinct qualities and features would privilege one side on the other, which in return will pave the way for mutual reciprocity and dependency.

Consequently, the relation between the spatial qualities of the territories, their unique features, and their relevance to the needs and desires of the different communities was examined in today Mostar. The analyzed data in this regard revealed how the production of memory through artifacts and events in each territory maintain the painful memory of the past alive and sustain the desire for retribution from the others. As such, the tension between groups occur from one time to the other, especially following the derby between the two teams of Mostar that represent the two different communities.

As such, the Spanish Square emerged as a theater to stage the conflict and neutralized it, therefore, it represents as a Transitional-Space that decompresses the tension and protects the city from the destructiveness of anger and thus, benefits both communities and Living-Together: Idiorrhythmy and The Agency of Space

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sustain stability.

Moreover, the examination of the common spaces where exchange between the different communities can take place; the spaces of commerce, health and education, marginalities, and burial, reveals how the distinct spatial features of each territory e.g. wide avenues that accommodate different forms of mobility, historical depth and the incorporated extra value, modern facilities, topography etc. help in creating specialized spaces that draw members form one side to the other beyond the ethnic boundaries to fulfill their needs which might not be possible in their respective territory e.g. Space for marginality and nightlife, modern shopping centers and high-end products, studying specific discipline, visiting the cemetery that is fixed in time and space on the other side etc. Furthermore, the examination of these spaces highlights the role of mobility, namely, the private car that represents a time-space capsule, a moveable room that ensures protection and privacy and allows individuals to shift to their destination in the territory of the others without being exposed, meanwhile, the wide avenues and their rapid traffic facilitates this task and give individuals the opportunity to whether encounter the others or to avoid them by allowing the different forms of mobility to coexist.

As such, the situation in Mostar cannot be simply explained as a pure division or a chasm between one community and the other, but rather it is an idiorrhythmic Living-Together in which the two communities maintained a distance and separation from one another because of their differences, while at the same time, maintained a connection through the unique features of the spaces of idiorrhythmy that mobilize individuals to cross the ethnic boundaries to fulfill their needs and desires. Furthermore, the Boulevard and the neutral zone between the two communities reflect the notion of tact; a distance and respect, in which the feeling toward the others is maintained, manifested through anger and the consequent clashes, and thus make it possible to managed the tension without compromising its instrumental value that reminds the two communities of the negative consequences brought by the breakdown of Living-Together.

Furthermore, the examination of the socio-spatial qualities of two spaces of idiorrhythmy; Mepas shopping center and the Spanish Square and its surroundings, reveals several aspects that turn these spaces into destinations and encourage members from two communities to come-together despite the ethnic division. These aspects are related to their central location between the two territories and giving possibility for avoiding 254

the others through different entrances from different sides or providing garages for cars as in the case of Mepas. Another aspect is specialization through providing unique spatial qualities, goods, or services e.g. park, car-free zone, high-end products, cinema etc.

Furthermore, the transition to these spaces from the Bosniak territory is associated with increase in the openness of the space and a shift from more to less socially controlled area, and then neutral as in the case of Mepas “fenced areas” and neutral-international “Boulevard, international schools and agencies as in the case of the Spanish Square, and finally they both provide protection and security that are highlighted through the high number of women and families attending these spaces. These attributes could be resulted partly from the international presence, especially in the case of the Spanish Square, and the protection that the building envelop of Mepas shopping center provide against the bad conditions outside e.g. harsh weather, noise, pollution etc.

These unique features of the spaces of idiorrhythmy and their distinct spatial qualities invite to rethink the architectural and urban interventions in mosaic societies, in which such spaces can play important role in bringing the people from different background, ethnicity, or culture together on the basis of their needs and desires to places where they can meet and encounter each other naturally, to maintain a connectionand yet distance that prevents the feeling of being threatened, to build trust and to renounce the negative image of the others without being forced or mobilized by the power and its agencies that can bring great disturbance and negative consequence if the unique rhuthmos of the different communities and the spatial qualities that give them definition, influence their relation, and shape their mode of being were not considered.

Therefore, in addition to the aspect mention above, it is important to emphasize on the necessity to conduct a thorough examination for the different components of the mosaic societies, the way their relations with the other were organized, and how the space is accommodating and influencing such a relation with respect to their rhuthmos.

In the end, it is worth nothing that this work represents an attempt to add a piece to the work of Roland Barthes on idiorrhythmic Living-Together and to develop better understanding regarding the agency of the space in supporting and enhancing peace and stability in mosaic societies. Mostar represented the first examined case study, therefore, the outcome here represents the first step that invites to further examine other case stud to bolster the existing findings and to bring more aspects to the fore.

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