Ship of the Dead: Insight into Anglo-Saxon Culture and Seafaring at Sutton Hoo

Noah Edwards

Introduction

In the east of England, on the River Deben, in the county of Suffolk, one of the United Kingdom’s most important archaeological sites was found in the year 1939. The name of the site is Sutton Hoo, which is derived from the Old English words sut and tun meaning “south farmstead or village” and the Old English word hoh which “describes a hill shaped like a heel spur” (Stanford University). Contained within the site were the remains of an Anglo-Saxon ship burial dating from the early AD 600s. There is no definite answer as to what important person was buried within the ship, only theories. Though little is known about the person entombed within, the artifacts that were left with them on their journey into the afterlife can help construct a better understanding of a time and place with few historical sources to help identify the deceased or understand their way of life.

The artifacts provide tremendous insight into the culture of the Anglo-Saxons of the seventh century. Much of what was discovered, while still supplying a greater understanding of the society as a whole, is the stuff of kings. Despite receiving less attention, the ship that was found can help to put into greater context other artifacts discovered within the site. As people have come to realize the importance of the ship, projects have been launched to build working models in an attempt to further understand Anglo-Saxon maritime transportation and how it may have linked them to the larger world.

Discovery and Excavation

The process of excavation that led to the discoveries of what lay under the mounds at Sutton Hoo began with the curiosity of a woman by the name of Edith Pretty. Travels earlier in her life had sparked an interest in archaeology and after the death of her husband, Pretty began to develop an interest in the mounds that were dispersed around the estate on which she lived at Sutton Hoo. In 1938, Pretty took it upon herself to contact the curator of the Ipswich Corporation Museum in order to seek out someone to conduct a professional excavation of the mounds. The person that was recommended was the archaeologist Basil Brown (Nelson 2019). Basil began the excavation with the help of Pretty’s gardener and gamekeeper. Basil’s initial excavation revealed the indent left by the long rotted away wood of the ship, attracting the attention of authorities and other academics; one of these academics,

FIGURE 1: Site map of mound 1 at Sutton Hoo (Phillips 1940a:197).

Charles W. Phillips, would take over the excavation (Donahue 2006). The excavation was completed by Phillips on 26 August 1939. This was only a few days before the United Kingdom entered into World War II. This event greatly interfered with the study of the artifacts found at Sutton Hoo. Martin Carver (2004:23-24) provides insight into this time with writing by Dr. Rupert L. S. BruceMitford stating, [The artifacts] had hardly arrived in the building before they had to be packed up again for evacuation. Only first-line conservation was possible. The Sutton Hoo treasure went into wartime storage in a disused arm of the London Underground Railway system, along with … other especially valuable treasures from the British Museum Dr. Bruce-Mitford worked at the British Museum but would be unable to examine the artifacts further until 1946, after a period in the army.

The Artifacts

The artifacts found within the ship burial cover a wide range of wellmade objects and offer important insight into the Anglo-Saxons and their society. The period in which the ship and its occupant were interred was a time of change among the Anglo-Saxons, as a new religion was starting to take hold within the area and among some of the upper levels of society. Evidence of this can be found within the burial. Other artifacts found in the burial reveal the wealth and power of the person who had been buried at Sutton Hoo, and AngloSaxon connections to the world at large.

Among the other artifacts within the grave, two spoons were found that help shed light on the time and the person who may have been buried in the ship. Charles W. Phillips (1940b:16) described their discovery saying,

a slight amorphous hummock showed by its purple stain that silver was present. Upon excavation this proved to have been a nest of nine shallow silver bowls placed upside down. Two long-handled silver spoons were placed with the bowls beneath them and the handles sticking out eastwards. … The two spoons were also in very fair condition. Upon further examination, the two spoons revealed a wealth of information. The spoons were “of Byzantine type” and had “inscriptions on them in niello reading +ΠAVΛΟC and +CAVΛOC respectively” (Phillips 1940a:166). The inscriptions on the spoons, done in niello with a black metal alloy inlayed in the engravings, are in Greek and when translated, read “SAULOS and PAULOS” (Kaske 1967:670). The SAULOS and PAULOS inscriptions link the spoons to Christianity through the Apostle Paul, who changed his name from Saul in the New Testament. Because of this link to Christianity, these spoons have been interpreted as having a ceremonial purpose as baptismal spoons. Historian Michael Wood states, “Baptismal spoons, of course are given at conversion and baptism … even though he converted back to paganism and was buried in a pagan graveyard …” (Donahue 2006). The idea of an important person among the Anglo-Saxons who had converted to Christianity but had still not let go of the last vestiges of paganism has led to some theories as to the identity of the person buried at Sutton Hoo. Though it is not known, and may never be known, who exactly was buried at Sutton Hoo, the most common theory is King Raedwald of East Anglia. Raedwald was known to have converted to Christianity in the AngloSaxon kingdom of Kent, but still allowed the worship of traditional Anglo-Saxon gods when he returned to his own kingdom (Augustyn et al. 2007).

FIGURE 2: Two Byzantine silver baptismal spoons inscribed with SAULOS and PAULOS (Image copyright: Trustees of the British Museum).

Other artifacts display the tremendous wealth and power of the person that was buried. The most famous of these artifacts is the helmet found within the burial. When it was discovered, the helmet was in very poor condition from hundreds of years of corrosion and the collapse of the ship’s roof. Charles W. Phillips’s (1940a:167) states, “The helmet appears to have been completely smashed when the roof fell and it is impossible to give any reliable idea of its appearance, but certain remarkable facts show that, when reconstructed, it will be one of the finest in the ancient Teutonic world.” The helmet has undergone two reconstructions since the end of World War II when the artifacts were finally able to be studied at the British Museum. These

reconstructions have indeed proved Phillips’s prediction, that the helmet would be quite remarkable, to be right. When it was placed in the grave in the early AD 600s, it would have been covered in bronze decorations displaying scenes including people dancing and fighting. The helmet is also covered in depictions of different animals. A description of the helmet upon its reconstruction states, The helmet was made of sheet-iron and consisted of a cap to which were attached, hanging below the level of the cap, a neck guard, two cheek guards, and a face mask. The iron of all these elements had been originally covered almost completely externally by sheets of bronze, parts of which had survived in very fragmentary form. These bronze sheets had carried decorative and symbolic subjects stamped into them by dies (BruceMitford 1972:121).

FIGURE 3: The second reconstruction of the Sutton Hoo helmet (Image copyright: Trustees of the British Museum). Such a richly decorated helmet was likely the property of a person that had large amounts of both wealth and power. Historian Michael Wood says that, at the time, crowns had not yet become the symbols of kings, but rather “it was the sword and the helmet which defined the monarchy” (Donahue 2006). Artifacts within the burial not only provide displays of the person’s status and beliefs within Anglo-Saxon society but also intimate details of how this person lived. No artifact displays this better than the sword found within the burial chamber. The sword, like the helmet, is intricately and richly decorated and was a symbol of wealth and power in the Anglo-Saxon world. Besides being a symbol of possible kingship, wear patterns on the sword and where it was positioned within the burial suggests that the person may have been left-handed. The pommels of Anglo-Saxon swords often had one side that was decorative and would face out from the body while the other less decorated side of the pommel would face in towards the body and receive most of the wear and tear from rubbing against clothing (The British Museum 2019). The sword at Sutton Hoo is no different. Phillips (1940a) very briefly describes the pommel saying, “… the pommel cap is encrusted with garnets and enriched with gold wire.” Since gold is a soft metal, wear patterns can be used to deduce what hand the person may have used to fight. By resting their hand on the pommel of the sword as it hung at their side, over time the person would have flattened the decorative goldwork, creating the aforementioned wear patterns. These revealed that unlike most people, who would have the sword on their left

side, the Sutton Hoo sword was likely positioned on the person’s right side. Sue Brunning (The British Museum 2019), curator of the European early medieval collections at the British Museum, explains that this theory is corroborated by the burial plan at Sutton Hoo saying, famously, no human remains were found in the Sutton Hoo ship burial, but what we do have is a sort of humansized void or gap inside the burial chamber with the grave goods laid out around it, and the Sutton Hoo sword is laid out in the position that we might expect to find a human body. If we imagine a human being back into that gap that I mentioned, then the sword is actually found on the right-hand side, the side of wearing if the person was left-handed.

FIGURE 4: The pommel, hilt, and cross-guard of the Sutton Hoo sword (Image copyright: Trustees of the British Museum). Though this small detail may not convey anything about larger AngloSaxon society, it still allows a small and interesting glimpse into the life of a person who will likely never be identified, with only educated guesses and theories as to who they may have been.

FIGURE 5: The Sutton Hoo sword (Image copyright: Trustees of the British Museum).

The Ship

The largest artifact within the burial mound at Sutton Hoo was the ship itself. After being underground for hundreds of years, none of the ship’s original wood survived because of acidic soil. The careful excavation of the site, conducted in 1939 by Basil Brown, was able to preserve the indent left by the ship in the soil, allowing it to still be studied in the present day. Recent attempts to understand the ship and how it functioned in the Anglo-Saxon period have leaned heavily on experimental archaeology. These experiments have relied on building down-scaled models to be tested in real life maritime scenarios, computer models to better understand the ship’s construction and properties such as flotation and stability, and recently there have been forays into making a full-sized model. Phillips (1940a:177) provides a description of the ship from the excavation stating, “The Sutton Hoo ship is a great open rowing-boat some 80 ft. long as traced in the ground. Its greatest beam is 14 ft. and its depth 5 ft., its prow rising to a height of at least

12 ½ ft. above the level of the keelplank amidships and it drew 2 ft. of water when light.” Upon initial excavation, the ship was believed to have been from the Viking Age. Further examination showed that the ship had fewer strakes, planks that run from the bow to the stern of the ship, than Viking ships and there was an absence of sailing tackle which is usually found within Viking ship burials (Phillips 1940a:178). It was found to be similar to ships made before the Viking Age, like the Nydam ship (Phillips 1940a:178). The ships had similar dimensions, shared relatively equal numbers of strakes and were both clinker-built, with their hull planks overlapping. Early descriptions and interpretations of the ship, though still detailed, were only provisional and were stated to be so by Phillips. The portion of the excavation concerning the ship was done by Lieutenant Commander J. K. D. Hutchison who resumed service in the Royal Navy at the start of World War II, impeding his ability to fully examine and describe the ship prior to publication (Phillips 1940b:21). While some of these early interpretations and descriptions would later be corrected or expanded upon, Phillips, having worked at the site, had more intimate knowledge of the excavation than later scholars working on understanding the ship, lending great importance to his work.

The Sutton Hoo ship was found with “no mast or other equipment for sailing” (Phillips 1940a:177). As stated, Phillips (1940a:177) believed the ship to be a “great open rowingboat.” Later work with the ship showed that even though no mast or other sailing equipment was found, the ship was likely built for both sailing and rowing. Some of the characteristics hinting towards it also being a sailing vessel include: the shape of the midship section, which would lend itself to speed when sailing and is not commonly associated with boats meant exclusively for rowing; a waterline shape that is good for generating resistance to leeway; a plan form with a shape more akin to a leaf rather than the nearly parallel sides that would be found on a rowing ship; the position of oar holes at the fore and aft of the ship, but none in the midship area; additional frames at the stern to deal with “the heavy rudder loads of sailing,” while a rowing ship would only need “a light steering oar and no special provisions”; large stem and sternposts that would help in resisting leeway; and “closely spaced gunwale-to-gunwale frames providing adequate strength to resist sailing forces” (Gifford and Gifford 1995:121). These ideas of the Sutton Hoo as a sailing ship were important in the construction of a half-scale working model of the ship. The construction of the downscaled model of the Sutton Hoo ship, named Sæ Wylfing, required

FIGURE 6: An image of the 1939 excavation of the Sutton Hoo ship burial taken by Barbara Wagstaff (Image copyright: Trustees of the British Museum).

considerable planning to make sure it would function in proportional ways to the original ship. One of the first things to consider was the size of the model. It needed to be big enough to carry an adequate crew, to reproduce construction details that were going to be studied and tested, and to “correspond with the normally occurring sea state of the test area,” but also small enough to have a low building cost and be convenient to store and transport (Gifford and Gifford 1995:123). In the case of Sæ Wylfing, half-scale was determined to be the best option because it remained within those specifications and simplified much of the mathematics that would need to be used to both construct the ship and use its data to predict the functionality of the original ship. Construction of the model at half-scale resulted in a weight of 1.6 metric tons including the hull and gear, as well as ballast and crew (Gifford and Gifford 1995:125). The approximate weight of the full-scale ship can be determined using the displacement ratio of the ship to the model. According to Gifford and Gifford (1995:124), displacement of a ship is a function of length × beam × draft. Because of this, the displacement of the model is: ½ × ½ × ½ = 1/8 that of the original ship (Gifford and Gifford 1995:124). The displacement ratio of the ship to the model is eight to one. Eight multiplied by the 1.6metric ton weight of the model suggests an approximate weight of 12.8 metric tons for the original ship. The sea trials undergone by Sæ Wylfing also allow for other predictions about the original ship such as its speed. In trials, the model reached, “speeds of 7 knots in 16/18 knot winds with full sail 23m2” (Gifford and Gifford 1995:126). The sail of the original ship can again be approximated using the displacement ratio of the ship to the model and the model’s sail area, providing an approximate sail area of 184m2. Froude’s Law must also be applied to approximate the speed of the original ship based on the speed of the model. Froude’s Law states, “At high speeds, … when two vessels of different sizes but of the same shape are propelled by forces in the ratio of their displacements, their speeds will be approximately in the ratio of the square root of their waterline lengths” (Gifford and Gifford 1995:124). Based on this law, the speed ratio is the square root of the length of the ship divided by the square root of the length of the model. This ultimately equals the square root of two or 1.4. Gifford and Gifford (1995:124) state, “if the ship is propelled by a force eight times that required to give the model a certain speed, then the speed of the ship will be about 1.4 times that model speed.” Using this principle and a sail size of approximately 184m2, the ship would travel at around 10 knots if in the same conditions as the model (Gifford and Gifford 1995:126). Gifford and Gifford (1995:126-127) predicted that on the original ship, the sails would have been slightly smaller at around 138m2 for convenience, meaning to reach the same 10-knot speed, the wind would have to have a speed of 19 knots. From the trials, Gifford and Gifford (1995:126) conveyed that Sæ Wylfing “gave the crew confidence in her seaworthiness” and “At no time has there been likelihood of a capsize.” The tests with the model allowed Gifford and Gifford

(1995:131) to conclude that “the Sutton Hoo ship was a first-class sailing vessel, fast and seaworthy, highly developed for voyaging from shallow rivers and creeks over sandbars and along coasts where emergency beach landing would be practical when caught in a storm on a lee shore.”

FIGURE 7: Image of Sæ Wylfing sailing on the River Deben (Gifford and Gifford 1995:127).

Recently, further attempts to understand the Sutton Hoo ship have been undertaken through computer modeling and the beginning of construction on a full-scale model of the ship. The undertaking of this computer modeling and the initial steps towards ship construction started in 2016, with the establishment of the Sutton Hoo Ship’s Company. They began by developing computer models of the ship based on the archaeological record. The models were based on the location of iron rivets found during the original excavation of the site because they are the only remains of the ship besides its impression in the ground. The positions and orientations of every rivet were plotted in an established computer program used for digital ship reconstruction called Rhino 3D, giving a general idea of the original plank runs and hull form of the ship and allowing for the placement of temporary strakes (Tanner et al. 2020:10). Temporary strakes allowed for further refinement of the positioning and orientation of the rivets. After this further level of refinement, the temporary strake was replaced with a revised provisional digital strake. This was lofted through the rivet positions following a smooth curve that aimed to pass through as many rivet locations as possible. The runs of the provisional strakes agreed with the majority of the rivet locations, although a number of anomalies and discrepancies in rivet locations were identified and corrected (Tanner et al. 2020:10). The anomalies and discrepancies mentioned were possibly the result of many factors including the excavation in 1939 and subsequent excavations, as well as natural site formation processes that the burial mound had been subjected to over hundreds of years.

FIGURE 8: Plotted rivets from the Sutton Hoo ship in Rhino 3D (Tanner et al. 2020:11).

Beyond just learning about the construction of the Sutton Hoo ship, computer modeling can be used to understand different properties of its

functionality and to help guide expectations of what the ship will be able to do once completed. The hydrostatic analysis conducted on the computer model of the ship aimed to observe its flotation, capacity, stability, and speed potential. Tanner et al. (2020:17) used the Rhino 3D plugin, Orca 3D, a naval design software that has been used in the digital reconstruction of other archaeologically significant vessels, to test with their model and to measure these characteristics of the ship. The tests on flotation, stability, and capacity revealed that the ship was capable of carrying large amounts of cargo. In fact, the addition of large amounts of cargo further stabilized the ship which had a high center of gravity and was predicted to be somewhat unstable when only minimally loaded (Tanner et al. 2020:20). Given its use in the burial of a clearly important person within Anglo-Saxon society, the Sutton Hoo ship has long been theorized as a means of transporting high-status people, but this discovery could be useful in researching further uses the ship may have had, such as trade.

For the analysis of speed potential, in contrast to the work of Gifford and Gifford (1995), the aim, in this case, was to focus on analyzing speed while rowing, rather than speed while sailing. The calculation of the speed potential of the ship involves finding the point at which the ship can no longer generate the power to overcome the wave resistance created by its bow and stern (Tanner et al. 2020:20). This can be calculated as “1.34 knots multiplied by the square root of the waterline length in feet” (Marchaj, 1964:297). This calculation of what is called the displacement trap provides the ship’s theoretical maximum hull speed. Using the Sutton Hoo ship’s waterline length when minimally loaded, Tanner et al. (2020:20-21) state, “From 1.34√LWL [the length of the waterline in feet], … the Sutton Hoo ship, therefore, has a theoretical max hull speed of 1.34 × √55.7 = 10 knots.” Because this is theoretical, it is likely that the speed of 10 knots would not be achieved while rowing. While loaded, Tanner et al. (2020:21) predicted the ship could be comfortably rowed at around 5.5 knots over long periods and up to 8 knots in short sprints, and while minimally loaded, the ship could comfortably be rowed at around 6 knots with short sprints reaching around 9 knots. It was concluded through these tests that the ship was highly adaptable and able to function well in varying situations, including personnel transport and cargo transport.

FIGURE 9: Completed computer models of the Sutton Hoo ship (Tanner et al. 2020:18)

With the computer modeling of the Sutton Hoo ship completed and published, construction on the ship

began in 2019. A lot has been learned about the ship through excavation, model construction, and computer modeling, with respect to the roles it may have served in the 7th century. Upon the completion of the full-scale replica of the ship and its sea trials, it is likely that even more will be discovered about its function. Even as more information is learned about the Sutton Hoo ship, it is important to remember that what has been constructed is a model based upon an archaeological record that can become distorted in many ways over time. As Tanner et al. (2020:23) stated, The nature of the data dictates that there is no single objective record, from which a single ‘true’ iteration of the early 7thcentury vessel can be reconstructed. There is instead a range of interpretations, varying in accordance with the perspective and personal experience of those involved; a statement that is itself perhaps true of any maritime archaeological reconstruction. Experimental archaeology, as with all archaeology, can be used to reconstruct the past to the best of its ability, but it can never fully replicate it.

Historical Importance

Not much is known about the Anglo-Saxons before the widespread adoption of Christianity in Britain. What is known of them is based on books like Bede’s The Ecclesiastical History of the English People, which was written around 100 years after the internment of the Sutton Hoo ship in its mound. Archaeology provides some of the best information available about Anglo-Saxon society during the time of paganism. Beyond just burial practices, the Sutton Hoo ship fits into the much larger narrative of trade in history. Based on finds within the burial, there is clear evidence of the Anglo-Saxons participating in trade with the wider world outside of the British Isles. Chemical analysis of bitumen samples found in the burial revealed they had isotopic signatures suggesting they were of Middle Eastern origin (Burger et al. 2016:15). Other important items providing evidence for trade include a Coptic bowl from North Africa, coins from across continental Europe, and the Byzantine baptismal spoons (Burger et al. 2016:14). Sonja Marzinik, a curator at the British Museum, also believes that the garnets used to decorate artifacts like the helmet “may have come from as far away as India or Sri Lanka” (Donahue 2006). The discovery, through computer modeling, of the ship’s ability to carry vast amounts of cargo lends itself to the belief that the ship may have been used for trade. Further testing of the finished replica ship will hopefully trade. Understanding the AngloSaxon’s place within the wider trade networks of early medieval Europe could be important to further understanding their culture pre-

Christianity assess the ship’s ability to have reached the European continent for .Christianity assess the ship’s ability to have reached the European continent for .

Conclusion

Important work continues to be done to understand the Sutton Hoo ship and the artifacts found within the burial. While some critical work has been done, especially in recent years, to understand the functionality of the ship, comparatively, much more work has focused on the artifacts found in the burial than on the ship. There may be many causes for this, one of the largest being the fact that only an imprint in the soil and several rivets

FIGURE 10: A map showing the distribution of artifacts found at Sutton Hoo around continental Europe, the Middle East, and North Africa (Burger et al. 2016:3).East, and North Africa (Burger et al. 2016:3).

comprise the entirety of the remains of the ship. This lack of study poses some difficulties in focusing on Anglo-Saxon ships and how that relates to the wider world of early medieval Europe. While sparse, there are ongoing studies into the Sutton Hoo ship that are revealing important information using experimental archaeology. With the Sutton Hoo ship’s functionality starting to be uncovered and the continued study of the artifacts found within the burial, a new direction of study could include an examination of the cross-cultural implications of the Sutton Hoo burial. New discoveries lend themselves to further study of the Sutton Hoo ship as an adaptable vessel that may not only have transported people, but also have actively

participated in trade. This is important because trade allows for the dispersal of both goods and ideas. Ship burials are not uncommon throughout northern Europe, with some of the most famous being Viking burials that came nearly 200 years after the Sutton Hoo burial. With the growing understanding of Anglo-Saxon trade, gained from the research done on the burial, new questions can now be asked. How might the Sutton Hoo burial have influenced other cultures or have been influenced by other cultures? This could be an important consideration in future studies as Sutton Hoo reveals more and more about the culture of the Anglo-Saxons and their connection to the world around them. References

Augustyn, Adam, Patricia Bauer, Brian Duignan, Alison Eldridge, Erik Gregersen, Amy McKenna, Melissa Petruzzello, John P. Rafferty, Michael Ray, Kara Rogers, Amy Tikkanen, Jeff Wallenfeldt, Adam Zeidan, and Alicja Zelazko, 2017, Raewald. Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica, inc., July 3. https://www.britannica.com/biography/Raedwald Bruce-Mitford, Rupert, 1972, The Sutton Hoo Helmet: A New Reconstruction. The British Museum Quarterly 36(3/4):120–130 Burger, Pauline, Rebecca J. Stacey, Stephen A. Bowden, Marei Hacke, and John Parnell, 2016, Identification, Geochemical Characterisation and Significance of Bitumen among the Grave Goods of the 7th Century Mound 1 Ship-Burial at Sutton Hoo (Suffolk, UK). PLoS ONE 11(12). December 1:1–19 Carver, Martin, 2004, VOLUME 2 OF THE FIELD REPORTS FIELDWORK BEFORE 1983. University of York. https://archaeologydataservice.ac.uk/archives/view/suttonhoo_var_2004/p ublications.cfm?CFID=4a6a44cc-03be-48e0-a85c032f09801166&CFTOKEN=0 Gifford, Edwin, and Joyce Gifford, 1995, The Sailing Characteristics of Saxon Ships as Derived from Half-Scale Working Models with Special Reference to the Sutton Hoo Ship. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 24(2). May:121–131 Gifford, Edwin, and Joyce Gifford, 2019, Hands on with the Sutton Hoo Sword. YouTube. The British Museum, August 5. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nb9vTu73xmE

Kaske, Robert E, 1967, The Silver Spoons of Sutton Hoo. Speculum 42(4). October:670–672 Marchaj, Czesław A., 1964, Sailing Theory and Practice. London Nelson, Verity 2019 Edith Pretty. The British Museum. The British Museum, October 24. https://www.britishmuseum.org/about-us/british-museumstory/people-behind-collection/edith-pretty Phillips, Charles W., 1940, The Excavation of the Sutton Hoo Ship-Burial. The Antiquaries Journal 20(2). April:149–202 Phillips, Charles W., 1940, The Sutton Hoo Ship-Burial. I. The Excavation. Antiquity 14(53). March:6–27 Sutton Hoo., Lost in the Myths of Time. Stanford University. https://web.stanford.edu/group/texttechnologies/cgibin/stanfordnottingham/places/?suttonhoo Tanner, Pat, Julian Whitewright, and Joe Startin ,2020, The Digital Reconstruction of the Sutton Hoo Ship. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology 49(1). March 12:5–28 2006, The Sutton Hoo Helmet. BBC. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CZaK78BWeO0