Issuu

Swansea Applied Linguistics Journal Issue 4, Summer 2021

Welcome! You may have noticed that things are looking a little different around here. After three years with the Swansea Linguistics Journal’s original design, we decided that it was high time for an update to bring the journal itself in line with the modern look already employed on our Twitter account (@SwanseaApplied) as well as on our recently redone website, courtesy of resident computer whizz Richard Reed (check it out at https://swansealinguisticsjournal.wordpress.com). We’ve also added the word Applied to our name, since we are after all the student journal of Swansea University’s Applied Linguistics Department, and the articles we publish generally focus on the applied side of language science. We hope you like the new look! One thing that hasn’t changed however is the fantastic work of students in our department. This year we have two articles on the topic of second language teaching: Becca Geddes takes a look at fostering fluency in speaking activities, whilst Lukáš Kliment focuses on the receptive skills of reading and listening. We’ve also got plenty of sociolinguistics in this issue, including Charles Gardiner’s essay on the relationship between technological advances and studying dialect, our own Daniel Strogen’s investigation of the use of muggy in the TV series Love Island, and my case study of language planning for Sámi languages in Sweden and Finland. In between we have an analysis and commentary on an Old English text as well as a look at the lexical differences between metal and pop music. I hope you enjoy this year’s Swansea Applied Linguistics Journal! Milo

Meet the team… Editor: Milo Coffey I’m Milo, a third-year English Language student here at Swansea University. I’m interested in pretty much all areas of linguistics and applied linguistics, but I’ve particularly enjoyed the modules I’ve done on discourse analysis and media language, language policy and planning, and second language acquisition. After graduating this year, I plan to put my CELTA to use and teach English as a foreign language abroad. I hope you enjoy this year’s issue!

Marketing and Media: Daniel Strogen My name is Daniel, and I am coming to the end of my second year at Swansea University. This is the second edition of the journal in which I have been involved, and helping to bring both editions to publication has been a very valuable experience for me. It has given me opportunities to learn, develop useful skills, and connect with interesting people. The Swansea Applied Linguistics Journal allows the passion, integrity, and hard work of the department’s students to shine. Last year’s edition was the longest and most-read so far, and I sincerely hope the exciting work produced by students this year will be similarly enjoyed. Diolch yn fawr.

Website editor: Richard Reed My name is Richard. I am from the south of England and three years ago joined the Applied Linguistics Department to study English Language. I chose this because, unlike the other courses, English Language encapsulates all different walks of life and even dips its toe into the field of science. I would say that my passion lies within child language, digital discourse analysis and psycholinguistics. Recently I have completed my dissertation which used the field psycholinguistics in its assessment into the relationship of memory and aptitude. When I graduate I want to go into publishing and advertising.

Contents A CASE STUDY OF LANGUAGE PLANNING FOR SÁMI LANGUAGES IN SWEDEN AND FINLAND

THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN TECHNOLOGICAL ADVANCE AND THE STUDY OF DIALECT

FOSTERING FLUENCY IN A SPEAKING ACTIVITY

PLANNING A SKILLS LESSON

TEXT ANALYSIS AND COMMENTARY ON A PASSAGE FROM SAINT JOHN’S GOSPEL

“IS IT MUGGY OR IS IT JUST ME?”: AN INVESTIGATION OF THE USE OF MUGGY IN ITV’S LOVE ISLAND 50 POP AND METAL MUSIC: A COMPARATIVE INVESTIGATION OF LEXICAL RICHNESS AS A DIFFERENTIATOR OF GENRE

A Case Study of Language Planning for Sámi Languages in Sweden and Finland Milo Coffey Introduction The Sámi (also written Saami) languages are a group of Uralic languages spoken by the indigenous Sámi people in Norway, Sweden, Finland and Russia (Svonni et al., 2020). Although sharing a number of features with Fennic languages such as Finnish, the Sámi languages are nonetheless distinct in terms of both phonology and morphosyntax (Sammallahti, 1998). Since the 19 century, and to a certain extent before that, the expansion and nation-building th

processes of the Nordic states and Russia have had a profound effect on the Sámi languages and their speakers (Bull, 2002). Today, all of the Sámi languages are categorised as endangered, but efforts are underway to aid revitalisation (Keskitalo et al., 2014). This case study aims to critically review and compare current efforts to maintain and revitalize the Sámi languages in Sweden and Finland through status, corpus and acquisition planning. After a brief overview of the history of the Sámi languages as well as their state today, the implementation of legal recognition and protection for the languages, the activities of Sámi language planners, current Sámi teaching practices and attitudes towards the Sámi languages are discussed and evaluated with reference to recent studies on Sámi language policy and planning. Analysis reveals that while a great deal of progress has been made in maintaining and revitalizing the Sámi languages in the last thirty years, the successes of revitalization efforts have been limited by underfunding and lack of understanding on the part of the Swedish and

Finnish governments. This has particularly affected education, which the literature suggests should be a key focus for future language planning for Sámi. Context The decline of the Sámi languages has its roots in the emergence of the modern nation-state in northern Europe in the 19 century. As the Nordic states and Russia undertook territorial th

expansion, historic Sámi land was divided up along national borders, and at the same time efforts began to suppress the Sámi languages and integrate their speakers into the culture and mores of the majority (Bull, 2002). Sarivaara and Keskitalo (2016) argue that the Sámi were in effect colonised by neighbouring states, and this process played out across both practical and cultural-psychological domains, with the simultaneous settling of Sámi lands and the breaking up of traditional social structures and practices. Language falls under the latter category – in Sweden, speaking Sámi in school was forbidden, and many Sámi began to believe that it would be better for their children to learn the majority language instead (Jonsson & Rosenfors, 2017). It wasn’t until the late 20 century that the Sámi people and their languages began to th

get legal recognition and protection from the states in which they lived, and from then onwards revitalization programmes have been underway to attempt to halt and ultimately reverse the process of language shift which threatens the Sámi languages (Keskitalo et al., 2014). Estimates for the number of Sámi speakers today vary since only Finland keeps official records of Sámi citizens (Svonni et al., 2020). As Svonni et al. (2020, p. 5) report, some estimates put the Sámi population across Norway, Sweden, Finland and Russia at around 100,000, but not all of these people necessarily speak their ancestral languages. North Sámi is known to have the largest number of speakers, with around 20,000 - 25,000 users mainly in

Norway, whereas the smallest varieties, Ter and Akkala, are only spoken by around ten people in Finland and Russia (Svonni et al., 2020, p. 7). The number of speakers of the smaller Sámi languages is shown in figure 1. Figure 1 Number of speakers of Sámi languages, adapted from Svonni et al. (2020, p. 7).

Note. North Sámi, which has 20,000 – 25,000 speakers, is excluded from this chart.

In terms of domains of use, Duray (2014) found in her study of Sámi in Finland that the language is mostly used to talk to close family members. For more formal situations, it is common to switch to Finnish, though attending Sámi cultural events is an exception to this (Duray, 2014). Media is consumed in both Finnish and Sámi, but in writing, Finnish dominates

(Duray, 2014). As for Sweden, a recent case study by Jonsson and Rosenfors (2017) found that the Sámi adolescent they studied used her ancestral language for reading and writing of a personal nature, but it is unclear how generalisable this finding is. Discussion As stated above, it was not until after the Second World War when the Sámi people and their languages began to obtain legal recognition from Finland and Sweden (Keskitalo et al., 2014). Bull (2002, p. 32) writes that in books, education and the national image of the states, the Sámi were “more or less invisible”, and when they did appear, they were presented with a certain colonial exoticism. Furthermore, Sámi people faced discrimination in everyday life and were seen by many as inferior, something which continues to a lesser extent to this day (Svonni et al., 2020). Progress was made with the establishment of the Sàmi Delegation (Sámi Parlamenta) in Finland in 1973, which worked to represent the Sámi people and raise awareness of cultural issues, especially those relating to language (Sámediggi, n.d.). This was replaced with the 21member, government-funded Sámi Parliament (Sámediggi) in 1995, whose responsibilities include planning for the Sámi languages in education and public services (Ministry of Justice, 2003a, pp. 1-3). Sweden also has a Sámi Parliament, established in 1993 to carry out similar duties (Ministry of Culture, 1992). These organisations have recently collaborated with their Norwegian equivalent in a €3m project aiming to secure the permanent operation of the Sámi Giellagáldu, a resource centre and administrative body for Sámi languages which advises the Nordic governments on language planning for Sámi and also undertakes corpus planning activities such as standardisation and terminological elaboration (Sámediggi, n.d.). However, as of 2018, such

funding had not yet been secured, thereby placing a limit on the extent of the Giellagáldu’s revitalization activities (Marjomaa, 2018). Legislation for the protection of Sámi also began to emerge around the turn of the 21

century. The 1995 Finnish constitution gives the right to the Sámi to use their language for official purposes under Section 17 (Ministry of Justice, 2018, p. 4). Furthermore, the 2003 Sámi Language Act grants the Sámi the rights to use their language before authorities, in representative bodies and the courts, and states that all official communications and laws must be translated into Sámi (Ministry of Justice, 2003b, pp. 1-8). However, as Keskitalo et al. (2012) report, the effectiveness of these legal measures has been limited due to the lack of knowledge among officials and state bodies about the Sámi language and multiculturalism in general. Sweden passed its own Language Act in 2009, recognising Sámi as one of the country’s minority languages (Ministry of Culture, 2009, p. 2). This, combined with the 2008 Discrimination Act and the 2010 Act on National Minorities and Minority Languages, has led to Sámi language provisions being made for domains such as courts, public services and healthcare (Svonni et al., 2020, pp. 8-9). Despite this though, Svonni et al. (2020) also notes that there has thus far been a lack of commitment to providing educational services in Sámi in Sweden. This is problematic because, as Ferguson (2006, p. 33) notes, education is a “crucial” aspect of language planning – schools provide an opportunity to influence the linguistic abilities and attitudes of future generations, and also receive the benefits of government funding, unlike other bodies that advocate for language revitalization (such as the Sámi Giellagáldu, discussed above). In Sweden, the Sámi language has been taught as a subject in schools since the 1950s, but the amount of Sámi that is used as the language of instruction varies (Svonni et al., 2020).

For schools not designated as speciality Sámi schools, the language can be used for up to 50% of instruction in lower grades, but a switch to Swedish is required for higher grades (Svonni et al., 2020, p. 13). Sweden’s five Sámi schools follow their own curriculum, which aims to promote functional bilingualism in Swedish and Sámi, but as Belancic and Lindgren (2020) found, the Sámi part of the syllabus is lacking in many ways compared to the Swedish. For example, the Swedish language syllabus strikes more of a balance between oracy and literacy skills and covers a wider range of genres than the Sámi syllabus (Belancic & Lindgren, 2020). Since school has been found to be the primary source of exposure to the language for children in these schools (Belancic & Lindgren, 2020), this implies that learners might leave school without the skills necessary to use Sámi in day-to-day life, thereby undermining the goal of functional bilingualism. In Finland, Sámi children only receive Sámi language instruction in the Sámi Domicile Area – those who live beyond this area get just two hours of Sámi tuition per week (Keskitalo et al., 2014). As Keskitalo et al. (2012) point out, this time is insufficient to cover national curriculum requirements for language teaching, so unless more time is dedicated to Sámi learning, a familiar situation arises – students’ command of the language falls short of the government’s goal of bilingualism. Furthermore, unlike in Sweden, there is no separate curriculum for Sámi students (Keskitalo et al., 2014), though suggestions for the content of such a curriculum have been made. Keskitalo et al. (2012) argues that indigenous Sámi people should be involved at the stage of syllabus planning so that a Sámi curriculum that promotes Sámi cultural knowledge and local community values can be designed. Meanwhile, Keskitalo et al. (2014) examined the so-called “Language Immersion Tepee” programme (inspired by the language nests of New Zealand),

wherein factors including appreciation of the Sámi languages, social, cognitive and affective learning come together to promote holistic language acquisition. They suggest that this kind of learning promotes a strong and versatile language that provides a good foundation for greater self-determination among the Sámi (Keskitalo et al., 2014). Another possible avenue for acquisition planning for Sámi is through the use of digital technologies. Such technologies are advantageous in that they can provide inexpensive opportunities for exposure to and practice of minority languages (especially where intergenerational transmission is infeasible), and bring with them the benefits of multimedia learning (for example, the pairing of text with audio) (Eisenlohr, 2004). The DigiSami project attempts to employ these technologies to combat language shift for Sámi languages (Jokinen et al., 2017). One aspect of this project is the SamiTalk application, which can be run on robots to allow them to have a dialogue with learners on a wide variety of topics in North Sámi by using information from the internet (Jokinen et al., 2017). As Jokinen et al. (2017) report, early research into robot applications for language learning has found that they can promote language prestige and encourage revitalization from a bottom-up perspective by increasing minority language usage within families. This is encouraging, but it must be noted that this project is still at a very early stage of development and is unlikely to be enough by itself to help reverse the language shift for Sámi. However, as time goes on and digital technologies for language learning are refined, they may play a greater part in future revitalization efforts. Finally, any discussion of language revitalization should also account for language ideology. As Sallabank (2005) explains, negative attitudes towards minority languages can lead to loss of prestige and ultimately language shift, the very process that revitalization efforts aim

to halt and eventually reverse. Hence it follows that ideology can act as a ‘limiting factor’ for such efforts – if people do not view a language favourably, then there is only so much that language planning and policy can achieve. Despite this, relatively little can be found about attitudes towards the Sámi languages in the literature. One example is Jonsson and Rosenfors (2017), a qualitative case study of “Elle”, an 18-year-old Swedish heritage learner of Sámi. The study reveals some interesting insights on the process of learning Sámi in education, and also the attitudes of young people towards the language. Elle remarks that she doesn’t remember having had the opportunity to learn Sámi as a mother tongue in school, which contravenes the Swedish Language Act, thereby hinting at its effectiveness (Jonsson & Rosenfors, 2017). Furthermore, though Elle is eager to practice her Sámi with other speakers, she has found that many Swedish-Sámi bilinguals are reluctant to use the latter in conversation (Jonsson & Rosenfors, 2017). In terms of domains of use, Elle reports using Sámi when reading magazines, writing personal notes and when talking with one particular friend (Jonsson & Rosenfors, 2017). Importantly, Elle feels the language is a key part of her identity and would like to speak it with her children in the future, but is also fearful that if she were to move southwards, this might become difficult (Jonsson & Rosenfors, 2017). Duray (2014) used a questionnaire to gauge attitudes towards Sámi languages in Finland. She found that 60-70% of respondents reported valuing the learning of Sámi and the majority believed that maintaining the language is feasible (Duray, 2014). Furthermore, respondents were generally positive about bilingualism in Finland and felt that the Sámi languages were beautiful and worth preserving (Duray, 2014). These attitudes held across all age groups, genders and occupations.

Based on these two studies alone, it seems that attitudes towards the Sámi languages in Finland are on the whole more positive than in Sweden, where attitudes appear to be more mixed, but with so little evidence no valid conclusions of this nature can be drawn. It is evident that more studies in this area are needed, but for now, language planners should at least take heart in the fact that a desire to maintain and use Sámi does exist in both countries, which might be built upon by future projects. Conclusion It is clear that, in the last thirty years, a great deal of progress has been made in gaining recognition and protection for Sámi languages in Sweden and Finland. In both states, the languages and their speakers are represented by official bodies, the Sámi Parliaments, who have undertaken projects to promote the acquisition and maintenance of indigenous languages. However, the successes of these efforts have been hampered by insufficient support and funding from the central governments. In Finland, the Sámi languages are recognised in the constitution, and provision for language rights has been made in statute law. Sweden does not provide constitutional protection, but similar to Finland has used acts of parliament to bestow language rights. Again though, the actualisation of these rights is lacking in both locations, mainly due to poor knowledge amongst officials. The area most in need of improvement is education. Swedish Sámi children benefit from a special curriculum but studies have shown that Sámi language teaching is not equal to Swedish language teaching in a number of ways. Meanwhile, Finnish schools all follow a single national curriculum, which has been shown to be inadequate for Sámi learners. Since education is such a

vital domain for promoting the maintenance and revitalization of minority languages, both countries clearly need to make improvements here. Finally, in terms of language ideology, the little research that has thus far been done reveals mixed attitudes towards the Sámi languages. It is evident that there is a desire to maintain and use Sámi in certain sections of the Swedish and Finnish population, but more research is needed to investigate this further, focussing on communities across the Sámi sprachbund. New technologies may also contribute to raising the prestige and providing more opportunities for practice. One important limitation of the current study is the fact that both official policy documents as well as a number of studies looking at language policy and planning for the Sámi languages are not always available in translation from the original Swedish, Finnish or indeed Sámi. Hence the sources considered here are limited, and future case studies would benefit from working with speakers of Sámi not only to expand the scope of the research but also to gain the advantages of an emic perspective on the subject.

References Belancic, K., & Lindgren, E. (2020, 2020/05/27). Discourses of functional bilingualism in the Sami curriculum in Sweden. International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, 23(5), 601-616. https://doi.org/10.1080/13670050.2017.1396283 Bull, T. (2002, 2002/03/01). The Sámi Language(s), Maintenance and Intellectualisation. Current Issues in Language Planning, 3(1), 28-39. https://doi.org/10.1080/14664200208668035 Duray, Z. (2014). On a longitudinal study of Finnish-Sami language change in Northern Sami speech communities in Finland (2002–2012). Studies in European Language Diversity 34. Dangers and Developments: On Language Diversity in a Changing World(34), 57-72. http://real.mtak.hu/106614/1/duray%20zsuzsa.pdf Eisenlohr, P. (2004). Language Revitalization and New Technologies: Cultures of Electronic Mediation and the Refiguring of Communities. Annual Review of Anthropology, 33(1), 21-45. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev.anthro.33.070203.143900 Ferguson, G. (2006). Language Planning and Education. Edinburgh University Press. http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/swansea-ebooks/detail.action?docID=1961874 Jokinen, K., Hiovain, K., Laxström, N., Rauhala, I., & Wilcock, G. (2017). DigiSami and digital natives: Interaction technology for the North Sami language. In Dialogues with Social Robots (pp. 3-19). Springer. http://www.ling.helsinki.fi/users/gwilcock/Pubs/2016/IWSDS-2016-DigiSami.pdf Jonsson, C., & Rosenfors, M. (2017, 01 Nov. 2017). “I have struggled really hard to learn Sami”: Claiming and regaining a minority language. International Journal of the Sociology of Language, 2017(248), 49-71. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1515/ijsl-2017-0030 Keskitalo, P., Määttä, K., & Uusiautti, S. (2012). Sámi education in Finland. Early Child Development and Care, 182(3-4), 329-343. https://doi.org/10.1080/03004430.2011.646723 Keskitalo, P., Määttä, K., & Uusiautti, S. (2014). “Language Immersion Tepee” as a Facilitator of Sámi Language Learning. Journal of Language, Identity & Education, 13(1), 70-79. https://doi.org/10.1080/15348458.2014.864215

Marjomaa, M. (2018). Sámi Giellagáldu's operations will continue in a reduced form until the end of 2018. Sámi Giellagáldu. http://www.giella.org/articles/ZJqjYgEDssQ6aAKEM8SaY Ministry of Culture, Sweden. (1992). Sami Parliament Act (1992:1433). https://www.sametinget.se/9865 Ministry of Culture, Sweden. (2009). Language Act (2009:600). https://www.eui.eu/Projects/InternationalArtHeritageLaw/Documents/NationalLegislati on/Sweden/languageact.pdf Ministry of Justice, Finland. (2003a). Act on the Sámi Parliament (974/1995; amendments up to 1026/2003 included). https://www.finlex.fi/fi/laki/kaannokset/1995/en19950974.pdf Ministry of Justice, Finland. (2003b). Sámi Language Act (1086/2003). https://www.finlex.fi/en/laki/kaannokset/2003/en20031086.pdf Ministry of Justice, Finland. (2018). The Constitution of Finland (817/2018). https://www.finlex.fi/en/laki/kaannokset/1999/en19990731.pdf Sallabank, J. (2005). Prestige from the bottom up: A review of language planning in Guernsey. Current Issues in Language Planning, 6(1), 44-63. Sámediggi. (n.d.). The Sámi Parliament – The representative self-government body of the Sámi. Sámediggi. Retrieved 18/12/2020 from https://www.samediggi.fi/task/?lang=en Sammallahti, P. (1998). Saamic. In D. Abondolo (Ed.), The Uralic languages (pp. 43-96). Routledge. Sarivaara, E., & Keskitalo, P. (2016). Mediating Structures in Sámi Language Revitalisation. Social Inclusion, 4(1). https://doi.org/http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v4i1.359 Svonni, M., Hettema, L. J., & Outakosk, H. (2020). The Sámi language in education in Sweden (2 ed.). Mercator European Research Centre on Multilingualism and Language Learning. https://www.mercator-research.eu/fileadmin/mercator/documents/regional_dossiers/s ami_in_sweden_2nd_ed.pdf

The Relationship Between Technological Advance and the Study of Dialect Charles Gardiner The relationship between the study of dialect and technological advancement could be said to be wholly intertwined. Whether technological advancement be thought of as material or conceptual, there are consistent and observable impacts that it has upon the study of dialect. These impacts can take the more material form of newly emergent technological means to transmit data, to record or gather data, or to process data. Or, they can take a more conceptual form, instead indirectly improving the way in which data is gathered and processed. Lastly, these innovations may provide instead inspiration to study dialect, rather than provide the tools to do so. The relationship between technological advance and the study of dialect can only be traced as far back as the latter before it enters the realm of speculation. However, there may be said to be technological developments that precede the academic study of dialect which nonetheless have a direct impact upon it. The development of the printing press may be said to be the foremost of these pre-dialectology innovations. Developed by Johannes Gutenberg in the 1440s, the printing press caused the eponymous printing revolution, which revolutionised the processes of text production (Penhallurick, 2018, p. 62). The importance of this historical development cannot be understated. Without its development, it may be said that there would not have been a surge in mass communication, literacy, and the general dissemination of information, insofar as text production would have been limited to the previous rates achieved by manual scribal work.

However, more discreetly relevant to the study of dialect is the printing press’s role in the debate about standardisation. Due to the material mechanisms that metal moveable type rely upon, the printing press is limited by its material components. For pragmatic reasons, this innovation arguably demanded a standardised typeface or orthography (Penhallurick, 2010, p. 190). Furthermore, the emergence of a long-lasting debate about a standardised lexicon may be thought to have arisen with printed text, insofar as a ‘common tongue’ would be necessary for an emergent national audience (Penhallurick, 2010, p. 190). This debate about standardisation would persist throughout the centuries, forming part of the history of lexicography, before culminating in the establishment of dialectology as a distinct field of research. This can be said to be shown in the division between the Oxford English Dictionary and the English Dialect Dictionary, wherein the break between the two was centred on whether or not dialectal words ought to be included in a comprehensive national dictionary (Penhallurick, 2010, pp. 16-17). Thus, the printing press and its consequential standardisation of language form part of technological developments that shaped the pre-academic and subsequent study of dialect (Sasaki, 2017, p. 1041). The concept of a postal service as a means of information transportation has seen many forms over the course of history. With postal reforms that saw the development of pre-paid postage and with the creation of the Travelling Post Office, correspondence became more affordable and reliable than it had ever been prior (Johnson, 1985, p. 14). However, prior to these reforms, a postal service nonetheless existed, albeit of less breadth. Early lexicographical works, such as John Ray’s A Collection of English Words Not Generally Used (1674), demonstrate that

works which relied upon data collection through intermediaries could be produced through a rudimentary postal system (Penhallurick, 2018, p. 7). The 19th century saw a vast amount of developments, with many arising out of the industrial revolution. The development of railways as a means of mass transit is often held to be one of the foremost important developments within the period. Besides making easier the transportation of industrial resources, the railway can be said to have revolutionised travel and enlarged geographic mobility for many within its reach. Because of such, it serves as a key material innovation that impacted upon the study of dialect. Penhallurick (2018, p. 17) highlights, though, that the development of railways had a twofold effect, by providing both a tool and impetus to study dialect. The railway served as a tool by providing a service that made the work of dialectologists easier. Beyond just making travel easier, the railway service begat the establishment of the Travelling Post Office in the United Kingdom, as well as similar institutions elsewhere (Johnson, 1985, p. 14). Amongst other postal reforms, including pre-paid postage, it is clear how the speed and affordability by which correspondence could be dispatched was improved. Therefore, the process of gathering dialect data was made easier and the data itself became greater in amount. It may be said that a project as ambitious as the English Dialect Dictionary would not have been able to have been completed, if not for the vast amount of evidence slips it received through correspondence with some 600 voluntary helpers (Wright, 1898-1905, p. vii).

Beyond functioning as a tool, the railway system also provided an impetus to study dialect. This was largely due to fears that greater geographic and social mobility would weaken traditional dialects, thereby destroying data of potential philological worth (Penhallurick, 2018, p. 17). But regardless of whether or not the railway did or did not cause this, it can nonetheless be taken to be an example of how technological advance is inseparable from the study of dialect. Prior to the advent of railway or motorway transit, the logistics involved in travelling to a number of localities for information was largely insurmountable. But, with the growth of geographic mobility, so too did the ability to conduct mobile fieldwork grow. Without a reliable means of transportation found in rail travel, fieldwork of this nature would be largely impractical due to sheer distance. The Atlas Linguistique de la France (1902) exemplifies the use of these developments, with Edmond Edmont having performed the role of a mobile fieldworker to gather data for its creation (Penhallurick, 2018, p. 90). Similarly, the development of motorways as a form of thoroughfare was akin to the development of railway travel. Alongside the rise of car ownership throughout the 20th century, vehicular transportation provided even greater geographic and social mobility than the railways which preceded it. Fieldwork of this nature proved integral to the work of the Survey of English Dialects (Penhallurick, 2018, p. 90). Therefore, the development of fieldwork as a means of data collection is one that can be said to be dependent upon technological innovation. The questionnaire as a means of elicitation can be said to be a development dependent upon the technological conditions that preceded it. Arguably first used by Georg Wenker in his Sprachatlas des Deutschen Reichs (1889-1923), the use of a questionnaire for data acquisition became greater as the dialectological focus moved beyond just lexical items. But whilst

performed over distance by means of postal service, the use of questionnaires came to be used by fieldworkers also. Their use, known by the name of the Dieth-Orton Questionaire, may be said to have formed the foundation of elicitation in the Survey of English Dialects (Penhallurick, 2018, p. 32). Although not necessarily a technological innovation outright, the interdisciplinary development of linguistic cartography is nonetheless derived from the same technological advancements that gave way to modern cartography. Therefore, it can be said that works that make use of cartography including the Sprachatlas des Deutschen Reichs (1889-1923) and the Atlas Linguistique de la France (1902), would not exist if not for the technological advances that begat cartography. Audio recording devices provided another form of data collection for study of dialect. One of the earliest uses of audio recording devices in the study of dialect is that of a phonograph used by Joseph Wright (History of Science Museum, 2011). However, audio recording devices would not come to be widely used until the mid-20th century. The development of tape recorders allowed for their use in widespread surveys, with their use best exemplified by the Survey of English Dialects, where some remaining 287 tape recordings continue to exist in a digitised archive (Survey of English Dialects, n.d.). The use of tape recording like this provides direct access to primary source material otherwise inaccessible, and allows for it to be kept in perpetuity, well beyond the lifespan of an individual. Therefore, the development of audio recording devices revolutionised the study of dialect, insofar as data could not be held in stasis prior.

The use of the telephone as a tool with which to gather evidence demonstrates another way in which technological advance can greatly aid the study of dialect. Due to near instantaneous communication between two receivers, the need for direct interview or questionnaire disappears, and with it the logistics involved in doing so. Labov et al. (2006) state that The Atlas of North American English was conducted solely by means of telephone surveys, and thus demonstrates that it is fully possible to use telephones to conduct a nation-wide dialect survey. The advent of computing and the internet has had many consequences for the study of dialect. Akin to telephones, the internet provides a means for instantaneous communication, albeit largely through text. The digital archives of BBC Voice’s Accents & dialects demonstrate the link between audio recording and internet-based data hosting. By virtue of the digital revolution, it has been made possible to collect, store, and access primary evidence electronically, and from great distance. The storage and accessibility of the data highlight the importance of computing and the internet as a technological innovation, as prior to their development, data was often inaccessible to both researchers and the general public. The online publishing of atlases may demonstrate this issue of accessibility best, due to their inability to be accessed without otherwise commuting great distances to view them. Furthermore, the internet provides a means by which to directly gather data. As questionnaires were previously performed through postal methods, they can now be digitised and sent by e-mail or other electronic means. This provides a near instantaneous outreach to informants by researchers, and greatly widens the amount of respondents that one may analyse. Similarly to electronic communication, electronic tools have made easier the development of quantitative analysis in the study of dialect. By way of various electronic tools, quantitative analysis of various social groups has been made easier, with

Penhallurick (2018, p. 237) highlighting that the Atlas of North American English (Labov, et al., 2006) made use of such methods to analyse their data. One aspect of technological advance that is not necessarily easy to measure is that of its effect upon language change. As previously highlighted, it was held by some that the advent of railways and universal education would erode traditional dialects (Penhallurick, 2018, p. 17). However, it can be difficult to measure whether or not technological advances such as these do cause such erosion. Whether technology does or does not cause language change was hinted at in the discussion of the printing press, but not explicitly suggested. And even if technology does cause it, it can be difficult to ascertain how much exactly a specific technological innovation may change language. The English Dialects App, produced by Dr. Adrian Leeman, demonstrates both a digital tool for dialect study, and gives insight into how technology may give rise to a decline in dialectal lexical variation (Cambridge University, 2016). The data gathered by the app was held in comparison to figures produced from Harold Orton’s Survey of English Dialects, and demonstrated the extent to which dialectal variation had been levelled. Although it is difficult to ascribe this change to one or more specific causes, the development of radio, television, and general mass media within this period may be considered a likely culprit. If it is that these technological innovations caused general linguistic change, it may be said that technological advance directly creates the study of dialect. With all of these innovations and their consequences in consideration, there is an identifiable and inextricable connection between technological development and the study of dialect (Penhallurick, 2018, p. 297). Whilst it may be simple to merely state that nothing happens in isolation, it may instead be said that “technological advance has consistently facilitated the

progress of research on dialects” (Penhallurick, 2018, p. 17). Therefore, the relationship between technological advance and study of dialect is one which sees the study continuously evolving. Whether it be new means to study dialect, reasons to study dialect, or means to represent such study, technological advance is the consistent pressure that both enables and begets the study of dialect.

References BBC Voices. (n.d.). Retrieved May 3, 2020, from https://sounds.bl.uk/Accents-and-dialects/BBC-Voices Cambridge app maps decline in regional diversity of English dialects. (2016, May 26). Retrieved May 3, 2020 from https://www.cam.ac.uk/research/news/cambridge-appmaps-decline-in-regional-diversity-of-english-dialects Chambers, J., & Trudgill, P. (1998). Dialectology (Cambridge Textbooks in Linguistics). Cambridge University Press. Gilliéron, J., & Edmont, E. (1902). Atlas linguistique de la France. H. Champion. History of Science Museum (2011). A very special ordinary phonograph Retrieved May 3, 2020, from http://www.mhs.ox.ac.uk/a-very-special-ordinary-phonograph/ Johnson, P. (1985). The British Travelling Post Office. Ian Allan Ltd. Labov, W., Ash, S., & Boberg, C. (2006). The Atlas of North American English: Phonetics, phonology and sound change. Mouton de Gruyter. Penhallurick, R. (2010). Studying the English language. Palgrave Macmillan. Penhallurick, R. (2018). Studying dialect. Palgrave Macmillan. Petyt, K. (1980). The Study of Dialect: An introduction to dialectology. Westview Press. Sasaki, Y. (2017). Publishing nations: Technology acquisition and language standardization for European ethnic groups. The Journal of Economic History, 77(4), 1007-1047. doi:10.1017/S0022050717000821

'Southern' accents replacing dialects, language app finds. (2016, May 26). Retrieved May 3, 2020 from https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-cambridgeshire36388364 Survey of English Dialects. (n.d.). Retrieved May 3, 2020 from https://sounds.bl.uk/Accents-and-dialects/Survey-ofEnglish-dialects Wenker, G. (1889-1923). Sprachatlas des Deutschen Reichs. Hand-drafted onto printed base maps by Emil Maurmann, Georg Wenker and Ferdinand Wrede. Manuscript held in the archives of the Forschungszentrum Deutscher Sprachatlas, Marburg, and in the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin. Wright, J. (1898-1905). English dialect dictionary. London, UK: Oxford University Press.

Fostering Fluency in a Speaking Activity Becca Geddes Introduction Any speaking activity desires to help students produce language, though often while learning, students collect “up-in-the-head knowledge” and become passive (Scrivener, 2011, p. 213). This brings challenges but can be avoided with the frameworks that are broad speaking skills, specific purpose skills and knowledge all of which help identify the requirements (Boggs, 2021). Considering their importance, these frameworks intrinsically link to key considerations for a further analysis. Beyond explicit learning, it is necessary to question whether this activity would make a student feel valued in the English language global community. This notion is captured in Global Englishes that promotes inclusion (Galloway, 2013). Overall, these features will be tackled successively to help students adopt them in future situations when most applicable. Skills and Knowledge Basing the activity on fluency as a broad speaking skill means speaking is less concerned with precision (Newton & Nation, 2009). Though, there are some criteria for this to occur. Firstly, Newton and Nation (2009) suggest meaning is the aim for fluency. Moreover, students need encouragement to use language more quickly, with fewer hesitations and larger speech segments (Newton & Nation, 2009). Learners should have acquired the TL before completing the activity (Newton & Nation, 2009). Though these criteria are required, a drawback is that students have cognitive limitations, and the activity may be overtaxing. Plenty of practice with the TL before the activity could solve this hurdle.

A lack of subject knowledge is detrimental to speaking skills (Leong & Ahmadi, 2017). Therefore, the activity necessitates a collection of words and phrases related to directions (left). Transition words help make each sentence sequential (first). Also, auxiliaries are necessary to add function (should). This is “declarative knowledge” responsible for knowledge about things (Schmidt, 1992, p. 358). However, knowledge should transform into skills from knowing to doing (Boggs, 2021). Skills and knowledge must be performed together for language to occur. In terms of specific purpose skills, the genre is important as it answers why and where the speaking is occurring, and who is involved (Scrivener, 2011). The genre is most likely two strangers in public: One giving directions and the other receiving them. The genre is transactional because the exchanges are finite and the interlocutor acting upon the directions is expected. However, the interlocutor may ask for repetitions or ramble spontaneously making it partially interactional. Coping with unpredictability is expected of the speaker (Scrivener, 2011). Therefore, a well-run activity should provide responses to overcome this. Considering the conversation’s nature, the register is semi-formal so the appropriate responses should be planned accordingly. Learners’ expressing themselves appropriately to the context is needed to communicate (Goh, 2017; Scrivener, 2011). Therefore, teaching polite but direct responses facilitate a learner’s communication according to the genre. Communication is the objective and conveniently, Scrivener (2011) mentions that providing instructions exemplifies this. Thus, knowledge is an important framework to inform students of the appropriate responses.

Key Considerations For fluency development, the challenge of producing speech is eased by planning what needs to be practised (Wang, 2014). For the pre-activities, knowledge of the TL could be elicited, and students could create colourful mind maps in groups. For the post-activity, both Wang (2014) and Scrivener (2011) emphasise the importance of giving feedback, though Scrivener (2011) argues post-activities do not receive enough attention. Therefore, post-activities require consideration. Rather than gathering feedback directly, students could work collaboratively to solve the common mistakes (Scrivener, 2011). The main activity should allow time to accommodate their level, however, it should still provide pressure which is a criterion. The 4-32 technique increases the pressure gradually by decreasing the time of speaking and thus allows learners to challenge themselves (Newton & Nation, 2009). Considering they are L2 learners, the instructions need to be adjusted. This is grading the language to make the speech intelligible (Boggs, 2021). Some suggestions proposed by Scrivener (2011) is to utilise concise sentences, make demonstrations when feasible and check understanding. With elicitation, checking understanding could be done by having a learner explain what is required (Scrivener, 2011). This is vital as they will not gain anything without understanding. Lucas et al. (2008) echo these suggestions by Scrivener but specifically proclaim the instructions tie to scaffolding because the modifications support students to approach tasks. Essentially, instructions and scaffolding coincide if the instructions are given properly. A discreet monitoring role may be beneficial by striking a balance between being present and not intruding (Scrivener, 2011). When assistance is needed, it may be for major problems such as students struggling to produce sentences. In this case, the teacher should

remind them how to use the TL. If the activity still poses difficulties, scaffolding may provide a solution. Scrivener (2011) says this could be implemented by pairing someone with weaker skills with a more proficient speaker. Scaffolding is helpful because it is less intrusive and provides useful responses (Scrivener, 2011). Nevertheless, independence should be fostered for fluency. For Global Englishes ideals, the aim is to represent “national varieties of English and English as a lingua franca (ELF)” (Galloway, 2013, p. 787). Consequently, the activity seems to reflect Global Englishes ideals by featuring Paris where English is not the official language. Nevertheless, Paris is an extremely popular city thus it may have a bias. This can be deduced by inspecting Galloway’s (2013) chart representing students’ preference of English teachers based on 16 countries. France sits halfway with a preference of 60% for French English teachers. Therefore, the alignment of Global Englishes is only partial. Ideally, the activity should bring awareness that in real-life conversations, they will encounter not only NESs but also NNESs speakers where they will use English as a Lingua Franca (Galloway, 2013). Although there will be NESs interlocutors, conversations will be held more often between speakers not considered native (Scrivener, 2011). The outnumbering of supposed native to non-natives hints at the need for an attitudinal reform regarding English language identity. Conclusion Altogether, communication is emphasised above all else. Through elicitation and scaffolding both of which Scrivener (2011) promotes, learners’ fluency will be enhanced. The frameworks of skills and knowledge equip learners with the information to succeed. The knowledge and skills work in conjunction because, without

knowledge, learners' speech will be severely impacted as Leong and Ahmadi maintain (2017). Evidently, the skills demand knowledge and will increase the ability to apply the knowledge when needed. Also, Galloway (2013) and Scrivener (2011) draw attention to pressing matters regarding English language ownership. Ultimately, learning through the activity should not only develop fluency, but it should stress speaking is more than a one-way street with national varieties being an asset to the language.

References Boggs, J. (2021). Zoom lecture: Topic 3 Teaching speaking introduction & async core lecture. (Lecture cited due to COVID19 limitations) Galloway, N. (2013). Global Englishes and English language teaching (ELT) – Bridging the gap between theory and practice in a Japanese context. System, 41(3), 786-803. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.system.2013.07.019 Goh, C. C. M. (2017). Research into practice: Scaffolding learning processes to improve speaking performance. Language Teaching, 50(2), 247-260. doi:10.1017/S0261444816000483 Lucas, T., Villegas, A. M., & Freedson-Gonzalez, M. (2008). Linguistically responsive teacher education: Preparing classroom teachers to teach English language learners. Journal of Teacher Education, 59(4), 361-373. https://doi.org/10.1177/0022487108322110 Leong, L-M., & Ahmadi, S. M. (2017). An analysis of factors influencing learners’ English speaking skill. International Journal of Research in English Education, 2(1), 34-41. Newton, J. M., & Nation, I. S. P. (2009). Teaching ESL/EFL listening and speaking. Routledge. Schmidt, R. (1992). Psychological mechanisms underlying second language. Fluency. Studies in Second Language Acquisition, 14(4), 357-385.

Scrivener, J. (2011). Learning teaching: The essential guide to English language teaching. Macmillan Publishers Ltd. Wang, Z. (2014). Developing accuracy and fluency in spoken English of Chinese EFL learners. English language teaching, 7(2), 110-118.

Appendix Verbatim Instruction: Stages 2-5 -Teacher’s utterances in blue: Teacher -Student’s utterances in green: Student -Descriptions of actions (including gestures) are in parentheses.

STAGE 2: LEAD-IN (DEVELOPING FLUENCY) 1. Teacher: Hello students! Today we will talk about popular places in the city! (Place map on board. Elicit directions from students how to arrive to point B [Ice cream shop] from point A [a house]). Teacher: I am at my house. I want to go to the ice cream shop (point to the board to indicate the exact location of these points). 2. Teacher: How do I go to the ice cream shop from my house? 3. Teacher: Do I go left first? (Have a list of vocabulary for students to choose from on board, though not all choices will be correct). 4. Teacher: Adelina (a student), where do I go next? (allow enough time for student to answer – more than a few seconds). 5. Teacher: Yes, that is right! (continue until point B is reached). 6. Teacher: (or if incorrect answer) Almost, Adelina! Try a different way. 7. (If Adelina cannot think of a different route, ask a different student). Teacher: Ok. Good effort, Adelina. Could someone help Adelina? 8. Teacher: Ok, Zahra. Well done. 9. (In groups, students can now make a mind map of all the directions they think they will need to provide later). 10. (Put class into three groups) Teacher: You are group A. You are group B. You are group C (use hands to gesture as you designate the student to each group). 11. Teacher: Ok. Group A. Move to this table. Group B. Move to this table. Group C. Move to this table (use hands to locate the exact table for each group).

12. (Place new map with locations on board – point A and point B). Teacher: Ok students. 13. Teacher: Now I need to go to the cinema. I am at the beach (point to locations). 14. Teacher: Write directions together. Help me to go the cinema (point B). I am at the beach (point A). 15. Teacher: You have 6 minutes. 16. (Check understanding through elicitation). Teacher: Marco, do I need to go to the beach? Student: No. Teacher: Why? Student: Because you need to go to the cinema. Teacher: Good. Antonio, how many minutes do you have? Student: 6 minutes. Teacher: Good. Sara, do you need to write directions? Student: Yes. (If the answer is no, the teacher may ask another student to explain what they need to do or if this fails, the teacher will have to give a more explicit demonstration). 17. (Provide each group with A3 paper and extra utensils if needed) Teacher: Ok. You have 6 minutes. 18. Teacher: Ok students. 6 minutes is over (give a warning 1 or 2 minutes before closing this warm-up activity) 19. (Elicit answers from each group) Teacher: Group A. Tell me how to go to the beach. 20. 21. 22. 23.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

Teacher: Ok good. Group B, do you have a different way? Ok, good idea. Teacher: Group C. What way did you find? Teacher: Ok, everyone. Do you agree with each group? Teacher: Ok. Why/why not? Ok. Good answer.

STAGE 3: SET-UP Teacher: Ok students. (Pick student to be a prop for demonstration) (Show the students the map of Paris). Teacher: Where do you want to go, Rohan? (point to the map of places) Student: Arc de Triomphe. Teacher: Ok. You want to go to Arc de Triomphe. Teacher: Where are you now? (point to the two choices – Louvre Museum or the Orsay Museum). Student: Louvre Museum. Teacher: Ok. Now you are at Louvre Museum. (Emphasise ‘NOW’). (Reiterate point A and point B) Teacher: Ok. Rohan, you are at the Louvre Museum. You want to go to Arc De Triomphe. Correct? Student: Yes. I want to go there. Teacher: Ok. (Give example directions). Teacher: Ok, Rohan. You should go straight. Then turn left to Quai des Tuileries. And… (Ask other students for help- scratch head to indicate help is needed). Teacher: Where should Rohan go next? (show the map to the class). Teacher: Yes, great. Good job. (After demonstration, give instructions). Teacher: Ok. (Assign pairs). Rohan and Antonio, you are together. Sara and Hugo, you are together (indicate the pairs with hand gestures).

. 11. 12.

13. 14.

15. 16. 17.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

(After assigning pairs, give each student a role by placing a piece of paper with their role stated, for example: Sara is the direction giver and Hugo is a stranger asking for directions. Give a student a letter for each role to distinguish them. Teacher: The direction giver is A. The stranger asking for directions is B. Teacher: Ok. Ask your partner where they want to go. Teacher: Good. Now ask where they are NOW (Emphasise now to distinguish between where they want to go and their current location). Teacher: Speak for 4 minutes with B. After 4 minutes, change partners and speak for 3 minutes with a different B. After 3 minutes, change again and speak for 2 minutes with another B (point to the 4/3/2 written on the board and make clear that all A’s should speak with B’s. Also use fingers to convey the number: 4 fingers for 4 minutes, etc). Teacher: You have 10 minutes. (Check understanding with the class) Teacher: Ok, Rohan. What role are you? Student: A. Direction giver. Teacher: How long do you speak for the FIRST time? Student: 4 minutes. Teacher: Ok. Good. Antonio, after 4 minutes, how long do you speak for? Student: 3 minutes. Teacher: Yes. Good. Teacher: Ok, everyone. Stand up. (Use hands lowering to higher position to show a gesture for standing). Teacher: We should move the tables and chairs. Can someone help me? Teacher: Ok, find your partner. You have 10 minutes. STAGE 4: RUNNING THE ACTIVITY (Monitor discreetly -Take a discreet role here by not intruding but actively listening in to see if the activity is flowing well and to identify the kind of language taking place) (The teacher should make notes of common mistakes which will be for the subsequent activity) (If a student is facing difficulties in producing language, come to help the student swiftly but without spending excessive amounts of time) Student: Teacher. This activity is difficult. I cannot speak. Teacher: Ok. Show me your mind map. Ok, good. (show student the map of Paris). Teacher: Rohan is here, correct? (point to the location on map) Student: Yes. Teacher: But Rohan wants to go the Arc de Triomphe? Student: Yes. Teacher: Ok. With your finger, show me where to go first (for example: go left at Pont de la Concorde). Ok good. Now, look at the mindmap/notes. Can you see words to say this? Student: Go left? Teacher: Correct. Go left where? Student: Go left at...Teacher: Yes, very good. Now where do you go? (If this elicitation does not work very well, some extra help from another student could act as a scaffolding technique. If her partner who has role B is slightly more proficient, asking the partner for ideas would be useful). Teacher: What do you think, Rohan? Could you give Sara some ideas?

8. 9.

1. 2.

(While Rohan helps his partner Sara, walk around the classroom to see how everyone is getting on. At the end of the class, the teacher could ask Sara how she managed with Rohan’s help) (This same activity can run again for 10 minutes with all the students swapping roles i.e.: The students who were previously A are now B). STAGE 5: CLOSING THE ACTIVITY (Once the activity has been running for around 7 to 8 minutes, look around to gather how far the students are- if they seem busy, give them a time warning). Teacher: Ok, students. Three more minutes! After 3 minutes, take a chair and sit down. (If some students have already completed, rather than asking everyone to stop abruptly, ask the quicker students to swap roles with their partner and speak for two minutes with the new role) Teacher: Ok. Rohan, you are now role A. Sara, you are now role B. Speak for two minutes. (Alternatively, if they seem bored of the activity as it has been running for almost 20 minutes, ask them to write down some directions to one location from another. Teacher: Ok. Sit down now. Write directions together from Orsay Museum (point to location) to Arc de Triomphe (point to location). Tell the class your directions after the activity. (Another alternative is if this pair struggled with the activity, find out what their problems were) Teacher: How was the activity? Student: Difficult. Teacher: Ok. No problem, Sara. Tell me how to go to Arc de Triomphe from here. (Point on map. Listen to how the student gives directions to spot what the fundamental errors are). The teacher should take mental note of these errors along with the errors of other students because they guide the direction of the post-activity.

Planning a Skills Lesson Lukáš Kliment Introduction This essay is divided into two parts. The first part focuses on receptive skill difficulties. There is an assigned text which is examined firstly for reading difficulties and secondly for listening difficulties. Those difficulties will be analysed separately. The second part of this essay is devoted to the design of a receptive skills lesson. The most important stages of this lesson will be examined in this part. The lesson focuses mainly on listening, and the outline of the lesson can be found in the appendix. Receptive Skill Difficulties When addressing receptive skills, we usually refer to reading and listening. Even though it might seem that the two language skills are different, they both refer to the same approach. It is claimed by some experts that “beyond the point of word recognition, listening and reading require essentially the same processes” (Gough et al., 1996, p. 2). Thus, listening and reading are considered to be related to each other. However, learners may encounter comprehension difficulties when reading or listening to a text. What might be the reason that learners are not fully able to understand these texts? Reading Difficulties There may be several issues with the assigned text analysed here which could result in problems for learners while reading the text. The first issue associated with difficulty seems to be vocabulary (Boggs, 2020). Learners might not be familiar with all the words in the text and that might be one of the main reasons they do not grasp the meaning of the text. For example,

there may be words which they have not encountered before and that might lead them to use other sources such as dictionaries to help them understand. For example, words such as vaccines refer to a specific field of subject and that might be the reason why learners do not know this word. Another difficulty for learners with the text might be a problem with grammatical structures (Boggs, 2020). The grammar as well as vocabulary might cause problems in understanding the text. Green states: “(…) problems in accessing the vocabulary or grammar (…) could be the source of difficulty in comprehension” (2014, p. 110). When learners are trying to approach this text, they might miss, for example, a function of a word in a grammatical structure and in that way misunderstand the meaning of that structure. An example could be richer than the previous number one. Missing the role of than can lead to misinterpretation of the sentence. A third issue with this text may be spelling (Boggs, 2020). The learners might struggle with spelling of some words from the text. While reading the text, it is significant that learners can identify particular words according to their spelling and the way they are spoken (Nation, 2008). When learners cannot associate the way the words are written with the way they are spoken, a problem may occur. An example could be the word public. They could have heard the word before and thus know its sound. But they perhaps would not have seen the word in its written form and therefore it would appear to them an unknown word.

Listening Difficulties The listening task which is assigned for the learners might cause several difficulties. The first problem which they might encounter might be “discriminating between similar sounds” (Lynch and Mendelsohn, 2002, p. 207). They might hear for instance a word which sounds almost identical to another word and in that sense they might not be able to recognise the right meaning of the phrase or the sentence. In the provided listening learners might be for example confused by the word than. When the speaker of the text pronounces the word, it might sound to the learners the same as the word then. Those words vary by only a letter and thus the sounds can seem to be the same. What might also appear to be an issue is “coping with and processing fast speech” (Lynch and Mendelsohn, 2002, p. 207). The learners might struggle to catch all the words or pick up individual ones from the listening as a result of the speed of the recording. This listening is meant to be played in a medium speed file which could seem to help the learners to access the information better. Nonetheless, the learners may still struggle to understand the speech and the speed might still seem to be challenging for them. The third issue with the listening might be “processing stress and intonation differences” as Lynch and Mendelsohn believe (2002, p. 207). Richards also observes that “English … is a stress-timed language”(1983, p. 225) which can make it difficult for learners to recognise where the speaker of the listening task places stress on words and syllables. They may have trouble distinguishing stress between individual words and thus do not recognise the spoken words. When the speaker says for example most people prefer bottled water…, learners might not be able to identify the stresses between the words. Moreover, the intonation of the

phrases and sentences can also be problematic for learners. They might not have a clear image of how the correct intonation should sound which could confuse them. Lesson Design This lesson is focused on the receptive skills activities which are designed according to Scrivener’s (2011) receptive task cycle. It is a listening lesson. The task the learners work with is the assigned listening text. The most important goal of the listening lesson, as Scrivener concerns, seems to be focusing on improving the skill itself. He further suggests that it does not really matter if the learner gets the answer correctly, which is important of course as well, but most importantly that the learner is concentrating on the process (Scrivener, 2011). The listening lesson meets Scrivener’s idea in the way of playing the recording as many times as learners need. The teacher gives chances to all students to get the information and let them be exposed to the listening. However, checking the correctness of the answers also has a role to play in this lesson. In this way, the teacher can make sure that the learners understand the text. Nation wrote, “How does today’s teaching make tomorrow’s text easier?” (2009, p. 26). This seems to be crucial for this listening lesson and for receptive skills lessons in general. Furthermore, Nation (2009) also recommends that learners should work with a task or an activity which contains those elements which can be useful and applied not only to the particular task or activity but also to any others. This lesson accomplishes this by giving the learners different tasks to help them to work on their skills and strategies. For instance, the second activity in which learners need to listen to the recording and then fill in the gaps is only a manual task but also a task that helps them to develop their “ability to process speech at

different rates” (Richards, 1983, p. 229). For this task learners need to be able to access the words quickly and complete them in the gaps. Lead-in The first stage of the listening lesson is a lead-in. The lead-in has an important role to play in the lesson because it is the way the teacher introduces the lesson. Lead-in should raise the interest of the learners. Harmer (2007) explains that the lead-in should be used as a tool for imagining what the learners will learn about in the lesson. He continues that using for instance visual examples such as images can help learners to think about the topic of that particular lesson and guess what they will learn (Harmer, 2007). This seems to be accomplished in this listening lesson. The teacher provides the learners with a picture which is linked to the listening activities. They can see a man holding money which relates to the topic of the text. The lead-in for this lesson can both catch the attention of the learners and make them wonder why they can see that man and to what extent it is relevant to the lesson. Designed Activities The first activity for this listening lesson is focused on understanding the text by answering two general questions. This meets Scrivener’s (2011) suggestions for the first task cycle activity. Scrivener notes: “Many teachers plan their sequence of tasks from ‘general overview tasks (…) towards much more detailed, tightly focused tasks (…)” (2011, p. 254). The first activity starts thus from the broader way when learners need to focus only on two questions which are not specifically targeted. This first activity can also help students with the listening difficulties they face when listening to the recording. This activity can help the learners for example to better

access rapid speech. While listening to the recording, they need to access the speech, get the meaning and then they can answer the questions. The second activity corresponds to the receptive task cycle in the same way as the first activity. It meets the Scrivener’s (2011) suggestions for the second task cycle activity when the learners should focus on the information more in depth. The aim of this activity is to complete the task with a stronger focus on the specific items. The learners need to listen to the recording more carefully and find the particular answers. To help learners with their listening difficulties, this activity provides them support to be able to “discriminate between similar sounds” (Lynch and Mendelsohn, 2002, p. 207). While finding the answers for the activity, they need to make a connection between the sounds they hear and words they write. They need to consider if the words fit into the context and thus that can help them to choose the right words. The last activity for the listening lesson is to help learners to divide individual words. They need to be able to find where the words start and end. This can help them with the difficulty of “processing stress and intonation differences” (Lynch and Mendelsohn, 2002, p. 207). They need to listen to the recording and by doing this activity they might be able to hear on which words stress is placed once they have found the word boundaries. However, this activity might not meet the third task cycle as Scrivener (2011) proposes. He notes that the last activity should finish the cycle with a linguistic exercise activity (Scrivener, 2011). Therefore, learners should concentrate more on identifying specific language items to meet Scrivener’s (2011) suggestions for the third cycle activity.

Conclusion The learners of this listening lesson could have experienced some difficulties while accessing the task. They could have faced some reading and listening problems. Therefore, this listening lesson was designed to help the learners with those difficulties. Three activities were planned to accomplish this. The activities followed the receptive task cycle and they mostly met Scrivener’s (2011) suggestions for such activities. References Banville, S. (2020). Water seller becomes China’s richest man. Breaking News English Lessons. Retrieved from: https://breakingnewsenglish.com/2009/200926-richest-man-0l.html Boggs, J. (2020). Receptive skills. Lecture slides. (instead of primary resources due to COVID19). Google. (n.d.). [A rich man]. Retrieved from: https://www.google.co.uk/search?q=a%20rich%20man&tbm=isch&hl=cs&tbs=rim g:Cd- A8eGQxud-YV6_11X0_1D_1oR&sa=X&ved=0CB4QuIIBahcKEwjQ0LSr_3sAhUAAAAAHQAAAAAQDw&biw=1583&bih=789#imgrc=Lgq_AKqo8BnKuM Gough, P. B., Hoover, W. A., Peterson, C. L., Cornoldi, C., & Oakhill, J. (1996). Some observations on a simple view of reading. Reading comprehension difficulties: Processes and intervention, 1-13. Harmer, J. (2007). The practice of English language teaching (4th ed.). Pearson Longman. Lynch, T. and Mendelsohn, D. (2002). Listening. In N. Schmitt (ed.), An introduction to applied linguistics. (pp. 193–210). Arnold. Nation, I. S. (2009). Teaching ESL/EFL reading and writing. Routledge. Richards, J. C. (1983). Listening comprehension: Approach, design, procedure. TESOL Quarterly, 17(2). pp. 219 – 240. Retrieved from: http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.464.5546&rep=rep1&ty pe=pdf #page=57 Scrivener, J. (2011) Learning Teaching: The essential guide to English language teaching (3rd ed.). Macmillan.

Appendix

Receptive skills lesson – listening lesson 1. Lead-in • •

•

The teacher starts the listening lesson with showing a picture to the learners -> introducing the topic of the assigned text The teacher provides the following picture (Google, n.d.):

the teacher holds the picture and asks students questions as following: ‘Who is the man in the picture? What is he holding? Why is he holding money? What could that mean?’ The learners guess what the meaning of the picture is and they answer the questions

1. Activity 1 1. Pre-task work • The teacher help learners to pre-teach some vocabulary before playing the listening task • The vocabulary the teacher will help learners with are the following: ‘company’ and ‘vaccine’ (e. it will help them to understand the text better, which meets Scrivener’s criteria in the way of) • He/she explains those words by describing them and to check learners’ understanding he/she will also show relevant pictures and ask learners if they understood what those words mean

b. Main task set up • the teacher sets up this first activity • he/she gives handouts with the activity to learners • the activity is: the teacher wants the learners to answer 2 general questions about the listening task and write them down on the paper

• •

the questions are: ‘Who is Mr Zhong?’ and ‘What does he do?’ (e. helping with fast speech) he/she asks them first which questions he/she wants them to answer by reading the questions from handout, he/she makes sure they understand what the questions are by asking them again

c. Listening • The teacher plays the listening task for the first time

d. Peer check • After first time playing of the listening learners discuss with their peers which answers they have got and find out what their peers heard

e. Feedback • The teacher asks the learners what they understood and what their answers are • The learners got right both questions, the teacher can move on the second activity

Activity 2 a. Pre-task work • The teacher gives students the second activity first and he/she gives them time to read the uncompleted transcript of the listening task which is designed into an activity

b. Main task set up • the second activity is the following one (Benville, 2020), [the task listed below] • the teacher gives this activity to learners • he/she explains them that they need to fill in the gaps in this activity whilst listening the activity • they will see the text of the recording but they still need to listen to carefully for more details

c. Listening • The teacher plays the recording for the second time

d. Feedback • the teacher asks students if they got all the answers, they might need to listen to the recording again to catch what they did not hear it • after second time playing at this activity, they might get all the answers • the teacher checks the answers and gives learners feedback on them • then he/she can start the third activity

Activity 3 a. b.

Pre-task work • The teacher gives the learners the activity first and give them time to have a look at the task Main task set up • the teacher explains to learners that they need to divide the words and they need to find the individual words after listening the text • the activity is the following one (Benville, 2020):

Listening • The teacher plays the recording for the second time

d. Feedback • • • •

the teacher asks students if they got all the answers, they might need to listen to the recording again to catch what they did not hear it after second time playing at this activity, they might get all the answers the teacher checks the answers and gives learners feedback on them then he/she can start the third activity

Activity 3 a. b.

c. Listening •

The teacher will play the listening for the third time

d. Feedback •

The teacher checks if everyone completed the task and if the learners were not struggling to do the task, if the learners do not have problems, the teacher can conclude the listening lesson

Close • The teacher concludes this listening lesson by recapping what they practised in this listening lesson

Text Analysis and Commentary on a Passage from Saint John’s Gospel Àngel Luis The passage that is going to be commented on is part of St John’s Gospel and it is written in Old English. The Old English period began in 449 AD when the Germanic invasions took place in Britain after the Romans had left the nation. These tribes were the Jutes, Saxons, Angles and Frisians. They came from Denmark and the Low Countries, occupying at first the south and east of the island. Due to these invasions, which are narrated in Bede’s famous work Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum (731), the language spoken on the island started to change, resulting in what is currently called Old English. This paper discusses some of the linguistic features of this period, using a passage taken from St John’s Gospel as a reference to explain them. Before getting into explaining the linguistic features of Old English, it is necessary to highlight the presence in this passage of three different letters that are no longer used in Modern English. These are the Latin digraph ash (æ), the rune thorn (þ) and the Irish Latin letter eth (ð). Over time, these three letters were replaced by a different graph: ash turned into a single a, as in was (wæs); whereas thorn and eth became the digraph th (eorðe – earth / þæt – that). Apart from these, two more letters in the Old English Alphabet do not appear in the passage: wynn (ƿ), which became w, and yogh (ȝ), which evolved into the digraph gh. The first important feature to comment on is that Old English was relatively a synthetic language: a language that “indicates the relation of words in a sentence largely by means of inflections” (Baugh & Cable, 2012: p. 52). These inflections are suffixes that show the grammatical case of a word; that is, who does what to whom, for instance. It is possible to

distinguish four different grammatical cases, depending on the function of a word within a sentence: nominative (subject), accusative (direct object), genitive (possession), and dative (indirect object). Likewise, these inflections also indicate the grammatical gender and number of a word; thus, the ending does not only depend on its function, but a word will also take a different suffix regarding its gender and number. Among the word classes that can be inflected are nouns, pronouns, adjectives and determiners. For example, the masculine word mann (man) appears in three different cases within the selected passage: mann (nominative singular: man, line 6), menn (nominative plural: men, line 7) and manna (genitive plural: of the men, line 4). Proper nouns and names also have to be inflected depending on their syntactic role. This is the case of the word God, which appears in two different cases: nominative (God – line 1) and dative (Gode – line 1). Therefore, one of the main features of Old English is its relatively flexible word order, because a person can deduct the meaning of a sentence just by looking at the different endings of the words in order to know which syntactic role they play. Another important characteristic is that adjectives and determiners must agree with the noun they modify in case, number and gender. For this, it is necessary to point out that there are three different grammatical genders in Old English: masculine, feminine and neuter; and three grammatical numbers: singular, plural and dual (the latter only for the 1st and 2nd person). However, the grammatical gender of a noun does not always correspond to its natural gender, as is the case of the word wīf (woman – neuter gender), for instance. Depending on whether the adjective that accompanies a noun is preceded by a determiner or not, there are two different declensions of the adjective: strong (a noun is only preceded by an adjective) and weak (the noun is preceded by both an adjective and a determiner). For example, in line 9, the

construction Soð leoht is formed by a noun (leoht – nominative singular neuter: light) and an adjective inflected by the strong declension in agreement with the noun (Soð – nominative singular neuter: true), since there is no determiner involved. Another clear example appears in the construction be þam leohte (line 8), where there is a preposition followed by the determiner þam in dative singular masculine, in agreement with the noun leohte. With regard to verbs, there are three moods (indicative, subjunctive and imperative), two numbers (singular and plural) and three persons (1st, 2nd and 3rd). Likewise, there is a distinction between weak and strong verbs. Weak verbs are so-called because they indicate a change of tense from present to past by adding a dental suffix (gelyfan – believe / gelyfdon – believed, line 7). On the other hand, strong verbs make this change of tense by a replacement of their root vowel (geniman – comprehend / genamon – comprehended, line 5). Finally, verbs also are inflected with a different ending in agreement with the subject, depending on its number. To conclude, it is possible to notice how the English language has changed from being a synthetic language to become an analytic language; that is, almost all the inflectional system has disappeared. The meaning of a sentence now depends on word order and the use of prepositions and auxiliary verbs to show the syntactic role of a word within a sentence. For example, the sentence “John saw Mary” would not be the same if it is changed to “Mary saw John”. However, there are still some remnants of the Old English declension in Modern English: the pronouns. Depending on how a pronoun is used, for instance, it takes a different form: I (subject), me (object), and mine (possession). Besides, the past tense in Modern English has its origin in both strong and weak Old English verbs, as it is the case of drive – drove (strong) and

walk – walked (weak). Thus, despite its evolution over time, it is possible to see how some Old English features contributed to and are still part of the linguistic system of Modern English. References Baugh, A., & Cable, T. (2012). A history of the English language (6th ed.). Routledge.

Appendix 1. On frymðe wæs Word, and þæt Word wæs mid Gode, and God wæs þæt Word. 2. þæt wæs on fruman mid Gode. 3. Ealle þing wæron geworhte ðurh hyne; and nan þing næs geworht butan him. 4. þæt wæs lif þe on him geworht wæs; and þæt lif wæs manna leoht. 5. And þæt leoht lyht on ðystrum; and þystro þæt ne genamon. 6. Mann wæs fram Gode asend, þæs nama wæs Iohannes. 7. Ðes com to gewitnesse, þæt he gewitnesse cyððe be ðam leohte, þæt ealle menn þurh hyne gelyfdon. 8. Næs he leoht, ac þæt he gewitnesse forð bære be þam leohte .9. Soð leoht wæs þæt onyht ælcne cumendne man on þisne middaneard.

Key: Verbs / Nouns / Adjectives / Names/Proper Nouns / Pronouns and Personal Pronouns Indefinite Articles (a/an) / Definite Articles (the/that/this) / Conjunctions / Adverbs Prepositions (under, from, over, at, to)

“Is it muggy or is it just me?”: An Investigation of the use of muggy in ITV’s Love Island Daniel Strogen Introduction Academic interest in reality television has gradually grown since 2000, however, there is seemingly little looking closely at its language (Lorenzo-Duz et al., 2013). In contrast, commentary on this topic has proliferated in non-academic writing, featuring in popular media and commodification. Such material includes online lay glossaries, magazine and newspaper articles, merchandise, fashion, and mainstream television items (see Figure 1, and a list of such material in the references). Recent examples of this include what is called “Love Island Lingo” (Wallis, 2020). Figure 1 Love Island themed merchandise.

This assignment focuses on the word ‘muggy’ which has acquired a new meaning (‘disrespectful’ or ‘disingenuous’) contrasting with the original meaning – “of weather... extremely humid” (Oxford English Dictionary, 2020). This new meaning is associated with the British reality dating television programme Love Island (Ratcliffe, 2017). Love Island is very popular, the final episode of its third series drawing an audience of almost 3 million (Jones, 2017), and is designed to appeal to a youth subculture associated with hyper-sex, hyperglamour and hyper-emotion (Andrews, 2010) as well as social media and micro-celebrity (Khamis, 2016). Love Island is edited also to highlight the class differences between the contestants and the audience (Porter & Standing, 2020) and to cast particular contestants in antagonistic roles, a point which saw much controversy with the suicide of one of its contestants, Mike Thalassitis, in 2019 (Rahman-Jones, 2019). Contestants are selected from across the UK and are of largely working-class backgrounds. Much of the slang used is regional dialect words. The word ‘muggy’ has proven to be no exception, featuring in much of this material. This material is evidence that this new meaning of ‘muggy’ is in the public consciousness, and there is an awareness that these regional slang words have been ‘regrouped’ as ‘Love Island Words’. The third series, airing in 2017, is often credited for underlining this new meaning of ‘muggy’. It was used by contestants and then fans on social media to such an extent that contestant Mike Thalassitis was controversially nicknamed ‘Muggy Mike’ (Barr, 2020). This assignment examines the usage of ‘muggy’ within three episodes of the third series. It will identify all instances of use and examine their interactional and discourse functions.

Data and Method For this assignment, the data collection method was limited to observation of media sources of ten episodes of the third series of Love Island. The third series of Love Island comprised fortythree episodes, covering fifty-two days of recorded footage, and for that reason, my observation was limited to only ten episodes. The observed episodes varied in length from 43 minutes to 69 minutes. The episodes selected for observation of instances of ‘muggy’ were Episode 12 (containing the first instance of usage), Episode 13 and Episode 14. The other episodes were observed to gain an understanding of the programme’s format and to collect information about the contestants. When contestants are introduced, they would state their name, age, hometown, and occupation. This proved useful. There are fifteen contestants, as shown in Table 1.

Table 1 Contestant information Amber

Female

North Wales

Dancer

Kem

Male

Essex

Hairstylist

Camilla

Female

Dumfries

Explosives Disposer

Chris

Male

Cheltenham

Model

Olivia

Female

London

Model

Marcel

Male

London

Music Producer

Montana

Female

Hertfordshire

Student

Sam

Male

Middlesbrough

Rigger

Mike

Male

North London

Athlete

Theo

Male

Bath

Athlete

Jonny

Male

Essex

Business Director

Dom

Male

Manchester

Careers Advisor

Chloe

Female

Essex

Executive Assistant

Jessica

Female

Devon

Model

Tyne-Lexy

Female

Birmingham

Student

It is difficult to construe the contestants’ socio-economic class due to the limitations of the descriptions of their occupations. However, this series parted with the tendency to cast working-class individuals. All contestants are of British nationality. The overwhelming majority are from towns in England, with only one participant from Dumfries, Scotland, and another from an unnamed location in North Wales (she had been living in London for some time before filming). All but one of the contestants are in their twenties, ranging from 20 to 28 years old. The participant not in his twenties is 31 years old. Seven of the contestants are female and eight are male. 53

Interestingly, six of the contestants are either from London or Essex (not including Amber, who had been living in London before filming). This proved notable due to the perceived status of “mugged off” as originating from the London/Essex area, which is explained in the discussion below. Throughout the observations, “mugged off” often occurred closely in the conversation with ‘muggy’. The similarity in meaning of the two words also implies that they are linked. It was for this reason that I also recorded the use of “mugged off”, tallying instances and transcribing them. Reyes (2005) suggests that context is important when analysing the interactional function of slang. Thus, when recording every instance of the use of ‘muggy’, they were transcribed alongside the relevant surrounding context. The relevant context was judged to be the speaker, the referent as well as some surrounding utterances. For context and understanding of broader concepts surrounding the series, I have also drawn from other media sources. Results On the surface, “muggy” is used as an adjective to mean ‘disrespectful’ or ‘disingenuous’. Every instance in which it was used was during or about an argument between contestants. During my observations, there was not one usage of the word ‘muggy’ in its original meaning. This exemplifies that the old meaning of the word was not in the speakers’ repertoires or had been overtaken by this new usage. Moreover, ‘muggy’ in its new meaning was used sixteen times across the three episodes.

However, “muggy” nor “mugged off” were not used at all in the episodes before Episode 12. Other slang phrases similar in function and meaning were used instead (noted were “snakey”, “pied off”). Figure 2 illustrates the number of instances of “muggy” and “mugged off” across the three observed episodes.

In Episode 12 and Episode 14 instances of “muggy” and “mugged off” have similar numbers of occurrences. This, coupled with the ‘closeness’ to each other in the utterances, suggests that there is a link between the two words in terms of function. However, there is a notable decrease in the use of “muggy” in Episode 14. This highlights the interactional and discourse function of the word, which will be discussed, as will the reason why the words were not used before Episode 12.

Concerning interactional function, four distinct functions for this new meaning have been identified. However, they all overlap slightly. These functions are discussed more closely in the discussion. They are: 1) adjective to describe an individual; 2) adjective to describe an action/situation; 3) exclamation; 4) face challenging address term. They are labelled respectively as Type 1, Type 2, Type 3 and Type 4. Figure 3 displays every instance of the four types.

Type 4 is in reference to the nickname “Muggy Mike”. In Episode 13 it stands in contrast to the other types in terms of the number of instances. This suggests that to the speakers “Muggy Mike” is quite different from the other functions of the word. However, with the other types, there is not such a strong difference in occurrence. This implies that different usages are not clearly defined.

Interestingly, usage of muggy was limited to only six contestants. These were; Kem, Chris, Mike, Theo, Jonny, Mike and Sam. Notably, they are all male. Does this have implications for the word in terms of links to perceptions of masculinity? Furthermore, three of them (Kem, Mike and Jonny) are from the London/Essex area. Kem happens to be a high user of the word. Does this suggest the word has links to Essex? Figure 4 below indicates the usage by individual across the three episodes.

Discussion and Conclusion The new usage of muggy has an additional meaning of disrespect related to the transitive verb “mugged off”. The new semantic meaning is distinct from the original one in several ways. It is distinct in its origin. According to the Oxford English Dictionary (2020), in its original sense muggy derived from the noun mug meaning “a mist, a fog” combined with the “-y suffix” denoting a sense of “having the qualities of”. This new usage, in contrast to the original, is not listed within the OED. However, it probably derives from mugged off which itself possibly derives from ‘mug’, a “stupid or incompetent person; a fool or simpleton; a gullible person, a dupe” (OED, 2020). This has been put forward here because of the close relationship in meaning – to “mug off” is to make someone look like a ‘mug’. One could therefore argue that muggy is an adjective form of mug off. From my observations, I have identified four functions for this new meaning. They are 1) adjective to describe an individual; 2) adjective to describe an action or situation; 3) exclamation; 4) address term intended as challenging to face. 1) As an adjective used to describe an individual as prone to disrespectful or disingenuous behaviour. This is a conversation over Mike’s possible coupling with Olivia, Chris’ current love interest. Chris has previously expressed dislike of Mike, but anger is repressed in this conversation.

Excerpt One

The referent of the adjective “muggy” is Mike. Interestingly, Chris’ stated hometown is Cheltenham. Seemingly this goes against the assumption that “muggy” is a regional dialect word of the London/Essex area. However, there are several arguments here. Firstly, the word “muggy” has already been ‘regrouped’ as a Love Island word, prior to this series. This can arguably be seen in the second series. In fact, a game was based around it, in which contestants threw mugs of ‘tea’ in the faces of contestants they considered muggy. One could argue that muggy therefore had already been regrouped into ‘Love Island Lingo’. Contestants in the 2017 series, consciously or unconsciously aware of this, used muggy to index membership with ‘Love Island’. It could also be argued that Chris is using the London/Essex derived “muggy” to accommodate his partner. This point is also supported by the fact that earlier on in the conversation Mike stated that he did not want to “mug myself off”. Chris is attempting to “reduce the dissimilarities” (Giles and Powesland, 1997) between them and convince Mike to not couple up with Olivia.

2) As an adjective used to describe an action or situation as (or characteristic of) disingenuous or disrespectful behaviour. After a heated argument between Mike and three women (Amber, Olivia and Chloe), Kem attempted to defend the women. Kem is speaking to the camera in a ‘confessional’ after the girls made amends with Mike. Amber is in a couple with Kem. Kem uses muggy here to refer to Amber’s actions. Excerpt Two

Kem is from Essex. He also uses “muggy” the most out of all the contestants. This suggests a link between “muggy” and Essex. However, it is notable that none of the contestants (including Kem) use “muggy” or “mugged off” until Mike enters the programme and uses “mugged off” first. It is possible that “mugged off” and therefore “muggy” index masculinity and localness. In her study looking at the use of local accent and dialect features in the performance of the Arctic Monkeys, Beal (2009) suggests that northern accents are associated with masculinity. For these contestants, this Essex, working-class slang is also associated with masculinity. Kem uses it not just to describe an action as disrespectful, but to highlight his masculinity and relation to working-class Essex (which in turn arguably indexes authenticity).

3) As an exclamation to indicate disapproval of disrespectful behaviour. Couple Amber and Kem are discussing Mike’s behaviour. Excerpt Three

In this instance, “muggy” stands alone as an exclamation, expressing Kem’s negative opinion of Mike. This is the only instance of “muggy” being used in such a manner. Again, Kem uses the word “muggy” when Mike is the subject of conversation. This again implies the previous point that Kem uses it to highlight his masculinity and working-class London/Essex links. There is a fifth interactional and discourse function to the new usage: 5) to index masculinity and affiliation towards Essex. 4) As an address term intended to challenge face. After Mike ‘coupled up’ with Olivia. Chris is speaking to all contestants. Excerpt Four

In this context, muggy is used as an address term intended to challenge Mike. Muggy is placed in front of “Mike” to create an alliteration as an insulting nickname. This nickname is referred to

many times thereafter during the series. Chris is the user. As stated for Excerpt One, Chris is from Cheltenham and is using muggy to align himself with ‘Love Island Lingo’ or to accommodate Mike. However, in this instance, Chris is mocking the word usage. This can be seen by the stress he puts on the word. Chris is possibly attempting to “diverge” (Giles & Powesland, 1997) from Mike in a way to portray Mike in a negative light. In conclusion, from my observations, I have identified five interactional and discourse functions of this new usage of muggy within Love Island. However, primarily these are all used as an adjective to describe an individual, action or situation as (or indicative of) ‘disrespectful’ or ‘disingenuous’ behaviour. In Love Island, muggy is also used to index masculinity, and an authenticity linked to an awareness of its origins as a regional working-class word from the London/Essex area. References Andrews, H. (2010). Contours of a nation being British in Mallorca. In J. Scott & T. Selwyn (Eds.), Thinking Through Tourism (pp. 27 – 51). Bloomsbury. Barr (2020). After the tragic death of Mike Thalassitis, there is no justification for Twitter users bringing back the cruel 'Muggy Mike' hashtag, Independent Online. https://www.independent.co.uk/life-style/love-island-muggy-mike-boateng-thalassitissocial-media-cyberbullying-trolling-mental-health-a9311971.html Beal, J. C. (2009). ‘You're Not from New York City, You're from Rotherham': Dialect and identity in British indie music. Journal of English Linguistics, 37 (3), 223 – 240. 10.1177/0075424209340014

Giles, H., Powesland, P. (1997). Accommodation Theory. In N. Coupland N & A. Jaworski (Eds.), Sociolinguistics. Modern linguistics series. Palgrave. 10.1007/978-1-349-25582-5_19 Jones, P. (July 2017). ITV2 beats BBC1, BBC2 and Channel 4 as Love Island final is watched by almost 3 million, RadioTimes Online. https://www.radiotimes.com/news/tv/entertainment/2017-07-25/itv2-beats-bbc1bbc2-and-channel-4-as-love-island-final-is-watched-by-almost-3-million/ Khamis, S. (2016). Self-branding, ‘micro-celebrity’ and the rise of social media influencers. Celebrity Studies, Volume 8 (2) 191 – 208. DOI: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/19392397.2016.1218292?needAccess=t rue Kiesling (2004). Dude. American Speech: A Quarterly of Linguistic Usage, 79(3), 281 – 305. 10.1215/00031283-79-3-281 OED Online. (December 2020). “muggy, adj. 1”, OED Online. https://www.oed.com/view/Entry/123368 (accessed December 2, 2020). Porter, J. & Standing, K. (2020). Love Island and relationship education. Frontiers in Sociology, 4(1), 1 – 11. https://www.readcube.com/articles/10.3389/fsoc.2019.00079 Rahmna-Jones, I. (2019). Mike Thalassitis death: 'Love Island has got to open its eyes to this'. BBC News Online. https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/newsbeat-47603876 Ratcliffe, E. (2017). How many Brits understand Love Island Lingo?, YouGov. https://yougov.co.uk/topics/politics/articles-reports/2017/07/19/love-island-slang

Reyes, A. (2005). Appropriation of African American slang by Asian American Youth. Journal of Sociolinguistics, 9 (4), 509 – 532. 10.1111/j.1360-6441.2005.00304.x Wallis, T. (2020). Love Island lingo: your need-to-know guide to the Islander's fave phrases, Closer Online. https://closeronline.co.uk/entertainment/soaps/love-island-phrasesmeanings/ Other Online Media Closer. (n.d.). Love Island's Lucie and George think Molly-Mae is muggy | It Is What It Is or That's Muggy [Closer]. YouTube. Retrieved December 2, 2020, from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=180Q_1LfK74 Cosmopolitan UK. (n.d.). Caroline Flack teaches Grandmas Love Island lingo | It Is What It Is or That's Muggy [Cosmopolitan UK]. YouTube. Retrieved December 2, 2020 from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z3r9tnbK_iU Good Morning Britain. (n.d.) Piers Morgan’s Funniest Love Island 2019 Rants [Good Morning Britain]. YouTube. Retrieved December 2, 2020, from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iZx-UwWsg6o Saturday Night Live. (n.d.). Love Island – SNL [Saturday Night Live]. YouTube. Retrieved December 2, 2020, from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xj65JgmJBYc Primark. (2017). #Muggy T-shirt [Medium ie: Photograph, Digital image].

Pop and Metal Music: A Comparative Investigation of Lexical Richness as a Differentiator of Genre Alex Torry Introduction Music is a form of media abundant throughout the world, surrounding us in our everyday lives. Popular music is more available to us than ever before and can be found in places such as apps, YouTube, and Spotify (Summer, 2018). Not to mention in the movies, television, radio, and video games we regularly consume. Musical discourse has been described as a beneficial area of linguistic research - particularly for English - due to its adoption as a musical lingua franca and its “global character” within modern-day music (Aleshinskaya, 2013, p. 431). Despite being a suggested beneficial research area, an abundance of source material, and a growing interest in many fields, there is a lack of linguistic research focusing on song lyrics (Bértoli, 2018). To address this gap in the research, corpora of popular pop and metal song lyrics will be analysed to discern whether specific linguistic features can differentiate musical genres. The following research question has therefore been devised to answer this: 1. To what degree do the musical genres of pop and metal differ in terms of lexical richness across three dimensions? a) Lexical diversity (LDV) b) Lexical density (LD) c) Lexical sophistication (LS)

Literature Review As a genre, metal has been described as loud, containing “distorted guitars”, “aggressive drums” and “emotionally extreme” vocals (Wallach, Berger & Greene, 2011 p. 4). Pop music, however, has been defined as often using electronic instruments to create short, simple and easy to remember songs (Macmillan, n.d.). There are clearly sonic differences between these two genres, but the focus in this paper is the linguistic differences they present. Genre analysis methods have been inclined to examine various features, including lexis, to distinguish respective genres (Hyland, 2018). Therefore, a comparative exploration of two musical genres based on their lexis seems apt. Lexical richness is the chosen area of focus for this study and can be defined as the quality of the lexis present in a text (Malvern & Richards, 2012). Certain features of a text can be used to measure lexical richness, including the type-token ratio (LDV), the percentage of low-frequency words (LS), and the ratio of content to function words (LD) (Malvern & Richards, 2012). In a previous study, a pop music lyric corpus revealed an average type-token ratio (TTR) of 0.27 (Summer, 2018). Further studies have presented an average TTR of 0.29 per song (Murphey, 1992), indicating a potential tendency for pop music to display TTR scores in the high 0.20 region. Pop music has also been characterised as being lyrically repetitive and colloquial (Murphey, 1989) and displaying low LD scores (Werner, 2012). In a pop lyric corpus study containing 54,661 words, Ozturk (2017) found that by the K-2 word frequency, an average of 97.07% coverage was achieved within the song lyrics. After excluding the Off-list words within her corpus, it is revealed that words above K-2 frequency made up an average of only 1.67% of the total words (Ozturk, 2017), indicating a noticeably lower usage of low-frequency words in

her pop corpus. Similar studies have been conducted on metal music which have yielded different results. A previous analysis of metal subgenres found that the ‘heavier’ the music genre was, the higher the average TTR scores became (Kahraman, 2020). Kahraman (2020, p. 169) discovered that heavy metal presented average TTR scores of 0.54, with the highest average score being that of ‘death metal’ averaging a TTR score of 0.66. Further studies have yielded higher TTR scores, such as Taina’s (2014) study, which saw a metal corpus of 40,915 words produce a TTR of 12.73. Additionally, Kahraman’s (2020, p. 174) study of metal subgenres’ found that the percentage of words above the K-2 frequency in lyrics ranged between 7.19% for heavy metal and 20.46% for death metal. Berti (2020) further found that LD scores across metal subgenres ranged between 51.52% and 60.07%. In light of this information, it is hypothesised that the metal corpus will outperform the pop corpus across all dimensions of lexical richness. Methodology The current study partially adheres to the Multi-Dimensional (MD) approach developed by Biber (1988). This approach was chosen as the study conformed to six out of eight general characteristics present in the MD approach and was most applicable to a comparative study of different linguistic features spanning separate genres. These six characteristics are as follows:

Biber (1992, p.332) 1. The study is corpus based 2. The study is computer based and uses automated analysis of linguistic features 3. The research aim is the linguistic analysis of genres and texts opposed to ‘individual linguistic constructions’ 4. It is based on the assumption that different types of texts can be differentiated linguistically and functionally 5. It assumes multiple parameters of variation are active in any area of discourse 6. It is quantitative and measures the frequency of specific linguistic features. To compile this study's corpora, 13 pop songs and 13 metal songs (see Appendix) were selected from Apple iTunes pop and metal charts (as of April 8, 2021). The pop corpus had 4,419 total words, and the metal corpus contained 2,763 words for a collective token total of 7,182 words. The song selection adhered to specific criteria, including one song per artist, songs must be in English and no cover songs. These criteria were employed to ensure diverse lyrics and writing styles reflective of the genres as a whole and not particular artists, songs that were comparable within the same language, and the prevention of other genres’ lyrics being included in a corpus they do not belong in. Lyrics for the corpora were collected from AZlyrics.com and cleaned for analysis. Similarly to Ozturk (2017), colloquial spellings and unofficial contractions such as ‘cause, wit’ and gotta were corrected (because, with, and got to) so that they could be assigned to their correct frequency bands. The token counts, therefore, differed for LS and the remaining two dimensions and were analysed separately. Certain words were also corrected before tagging for

parts of speech if their written forms would cause confusion for class identification. For example, Words like ‘Cause were altered to ‘because’ to ensure they were tagged as a conjunction and not a content word-class - such as a noun or a verb - as this would cause incorrect LD scores. Non-words were such as ‘LaLaLa’ and ‘Woah’ were also omitted from the corpora. LS was measured using Lextutor to place words into frequency bands based on the BNC and COCA corpora (Cobb, N/A). These frequency bands are represented as K-1 for the first 1,000 most frequent words, and this format is followed up to K-25. Bands above K-2 were grouped and used as the measurement of LS as beyond K-2 has been considered to be where mid, and lower frequency words begin to occur (Nation, 2013). These frequency band counts were then recorded for each song in the two corpora individually. LDV was measured according to the TTR scores for each song. Lyrics were input into AntConc, and the number of types indicated was divided by the total number of tokens for each song. These TTR scores were then recorded individually for each song. LD was measured by each song’s ratio of content words to function words. To do this, song lyrics were individually tagged using TagAnt for their parts of speech. The tagged texts were then input into AntConc, where content words were searched for by their tags and counted for each song. These figures were then divided by their corresponding total token counts, and the results were recorded. Descriptive statistics were completed for the total token counts and all of the dimensions of lexical richness for both corpora. This provided detailed information for each of the investigated linguistic features. Following this, assumption checks were carried out for all dimensions of lexical richness to ascertain whether the use of parametric or non-parametric

tests was required for further analyses. Finally, a combination of Mann-Whitney U tests and Student’s t-tests were used to compare the pop and metal corpora results. Results

The descriptive statistics for total tokens per song (see Table 1) indicate the number of metal songs (n=13) and pop songs (n=13) contained in the two corpora. On average metal songs contained fewer total tokens (M=212.53, SD=73.93, Min=138, Max=393) than the pop songs (M=339.92, SD=96.80, Min=146, Max=506). Lexical Diversity

The descriptive statistics for the TTR of the metal and pop song corpora (see Table 2) shows that on average the metal songs produced a higher TTR score (M=0.40, SD=0.09, Min=0.27, Max=0.58) than those in the pop song corpus (M=0.29, SD=0.07, Min=0.19, Max=0.43).

The results of the Student’s t-test for the TTR scores (see Table 3) revealed that there was a statistically significant difference between the metal corpus (M=0.40, SD=0.09) and the pop corpus (M=0.29, SD=0.07), t(24)=3.325, p=0.003, d=1.304. the CI revealed that 95% of the time in the instance of a retest d would fall within a range of 0.441 and 2.145. Lexical Density

The descriptive statistics for the metal and pop corpora’s lexical densities (see Table 4) show that the metal corpus’ songs produced an average LD score of 49% (M=0.49, SD=0.06,

Min=0.37, Max=0.62). Comparatively the pop corpus’ songs produced a lower average LD score of 45% (M=0.45, SD=0.04, Min=0.39, Max=0.54).

The Student’s t-test for LD scores (see Table 5) showed that the differences between the metal corpus (M=0.49, SD=0.06) and the pop corpus (M=0.45, SD=0.04) were not statistically significant, t(24)=1.855, p=0.076, d=0.728. The CI showed that 95% of the time if retesting were to occur d would fall between -0.075 and 1.516. Lexical Sophistication

The descriptive statistics for words by frequency bands (see Table 6) show the metal corpus’ songs usage of K-1 words on average made up 87.7% of the total tokens per song (M=186.61, Mdn=161, SD=69.53, Min=119, Max=353). The pop corpus’ songs, however, used more K-1 words on average per song at 93.6% coverage (M=319, Mdn=299, SD=89.48, Min=138, Max=462). Metal songs used more K-2 words with an average coverage of 4.7% per song (M=10, Mdn=10, SD=7.46, Min=0, Max=28). In comparison, K-2 words made up an average coverage of 2.8% per song for the pop songs (M=9.61, Mdn=9, SD=5.51, Min=2, Max=22). Metal songs also used more words above the K-2 frequency band, accounting for 6.7% of total tokens per song (M=14.231, Mdn=14, SD=9.69, Min=0, Max=35). Words above the K-2 band contributed an average of 2.3% towards the total tokens per pop song (M=7.92, Mdn=5, SD=7.07, Min=0, Max=18). Off-list words were also accounted for with pop songs using more Off-list words on Average (M=4.38, Mdn=2, SD=7.84, Min=0, Max=29) than metal songs (M=2, Mdn=0, SD=2.97, Min=0, Max=10). Off-list words accounted for an average of 0.9% of metal songs total tokens per song and 1.3% for pop songs.

The Mann-Whitney U test for usage of words above the K-2 frequency band for metal (Mdn=14) and pop (Mdn=5) corpora did not reveal a statistically significant difference between the corpora, (W=120.000, p=0.07, rrb=0.420).

Discussion Previously pop music was defined as generally being made up of short songs (Macmillan, n.d.). However, the results for the average total tokens per song of the metal and pop corpora indicated that as a genre, metal songs may be characteristically shorter in comparison or at least contain less lyrical content. This is important to remember going forward as it indicates an imbalance between the corpora even though they contain the same number of songs. Therefore, this should be considered during further discussion of the results. The TTR scores for the metal corpus fell short of the 0.54 to 0.66 range discovered by Kahraman (2020) and far below Taina’s (2014) results of 12.73. However, this may result from the overall small size of the corpora used in this study. However, the pop corpus seems to reflect the previous research that indicated average TTR scores in the high 0.20 region for pop music (Summer, 2018; Murphey, 1992). Even though the metal corpus produced lower results than previous studies, they still outperformed the average scores of the pop corpus. The results revealed a statistically significant difference in the TTR scores of the metal and pop corpora, indicating that the null hypothesis for part a) of the research question – that there is no difference between metal and pop music regarding LDV – can be rejected. Murphey (1989) previously stated that pop music is often lyrically repetitive, so these findings also provide evidence that adds support to his previous characterisation of the genre. Another characterisation of pop music was made by Werner (2012), who described the genre as being typically associated with low LD. Therefore, it was hypothesised that metal music would outperform pop music in this area for the current study. The pop corpus produced an average LD score of 0.45, meaning that on average, the ratio of content words - opposed to

function words – per song was 45%. However, the metal corpus produced an average LD score of 0.49 and is equivalent to a 49% usage of content words per song on average. The hypothesis that metal music would surpass pop music in this respect is supported, but only by a margin of 4%. These findings approach the lower end of the 51.53% to 60.07% range that Berti (2020) discovered. These results may indicate that metal music in the charts – from which this study’s corpus was built - is not representative of the variety of “heavier” or more extreme subgenres belonging to metal that Berti (2020) investigated. Further analysis of the results confirmed there was no significant difference between the LD of the pop and metal corpora. Therefore, although metal music does appear to have higher LD than pop music in general, this may not be a characteristic that can be used to differentiate between the genres linguistically. In the investigation of LS, frequency band counts were used to identify the usage of high and low-frequency words across the corpora. The pop corpus produced the most K-1 words with an average of 93.6% total token coverage per song. The metal corpus, however, produced an average of 87.7% per song. This may reflect the simplistic nature associated with the pop genre (Macmillan, n.d.) and its use of colloquial language (Murphey, 1989). At the K-2 frequency, the metal corpora began to produce a slightly higher number of words. The metal corpora in this instance produced an average of 4.7% of words belonging to this frequency per song. In contrast, the pop corpora produced 2.8% on average. Collectively the average use of K1 and K-2 frequency words per song in the pop corpora amounts to 96.4% total coverage, reflecting the similar result of 97.07% coverage that Ozturk (2017) discovered.

Words belonging to frequency bands higher than K-2 were grouped and considered the lower frequency words for measuring levels of LS. The pop corpus produced results of 2.3% token coverage for words above the K-2 frequency band. Comparatively, the metal corpus was revealed as producing more than double this amount with an average of 6.7% of tokens belonging to these frequencies per song. This result falls close to the results that Kahraman (2020) found for heavy metal at 7.19%; however, it falls significantly lower when compared to death metal which produced words above K-2 at 20.46% per song on average. These results indicate that metal music has greater LS than pop music; however, further analysis showed that the difference between the corpora was not statistically significant and therefore may not be a reliable measure of differentiation between musical genres. Certain limitations were identified in this study which should also be addressed. Compared to the figure of 7,182 words for the combined corpora in this study, similar studies identified in this area have utilised corpora amassing tens of thousands of words. Therefore, the limited scope of the study through the use of relatively small corpora impedes the generalisability of the results. Further limitations can be found in the imbalance of total tokens between the corpora. The metal songs had considerably fewer total tokens per song on average, which may cause biases in measurements, specifically for LDV and LS. For example, shorter language samples often present greater TTR scores making the considerable variation in text length problematic (Fergadiotis, et al, 2013). Another issue to consider was the song selection. The pop charts used for selection were heavily dominated by newly released music, whereas the metal charts mainly consisted of older songs, some of which were decades old.

This brings into question the impact this may have on the lyrical style of the songs and, in turn, the results of these tests. Conclusion The current study set out to answer to what degree pop and metal music genres differ in terms of lexical richness by measuring lexical diversity, lexical density, and lexical sophistication. Results revealed that metal music outperformed pop music in all of these areas indicating higher lexical richness overall. Despite this, only lexical diversity produced a statistically significant difference. The validity of this finding also comes into question as the imbalance in the corpora’s text lengths may have impacted the results. Therefore, these features' reliability for differentiating musical genres cannot be proven without further research and amendments to the methodology presented in this study are recommended. Research within this area of linguistics is still severely lacking, but this provides significant potential for directions towards which future research can head. Song lyrics are abundant as sources for linguistic exploration that other research fields have shown growing interest in. So, within the field of linguistics, perhaps this is an area that should not remain unexplored for much longer.

References Aleshinskaya, E. (2013). Key components of musical discourse analysis. Research in Language, 11(4), 423-444. https://doi.org/10.2478/rela-2013-0007 Berti, B. (2020). Quantitative and qualitative analysis of a multi-genre heavy metal corpus: an NLP-based approach. International Journal of Cultural and Linguistic Studies, 27, 5-36. https://air.unimi.it/retrieve/handle/2434/815124/1705614/2020_heavymetal_agon. pdf Bértoli, P. (2018). Song lyrics: From multi-dimensional analysis to the foreign language classroom. In V. Werner (Eds.), The language of pop culture (pp. 292-322). Routledge. Biber, D. (1988). Variation across speech and writing. Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511621024 Biber, D. (1992). The multi-dimensional approach to linguistic analyses of genre variation: An overview of methodology and findings. Computers and the Humanities, 26(5/6), 331-345. https://www.jstor.org/stable/30204629 Cobb, T. (2021, April 20). Compleat Web VP v.2.5. Lextutor. https://www.lextutor.ca/vp/comp/   Fergadiotis, G., & Wright, H. H., & West, T. M. (2013). Measuring lexical diversity in narrative discourse of people with aphasia. American Journal of Speech Language Pathology, 22(2), 397-408. https://doi.org/10.1044/10580360(2013/12-0083) Hyland, K. (2018). Genre and discourse analysis in language for specific purposes. In C. A. Chapelle (Eds.), The Encyclopedia of Applied Linguistics. Wiley. https://doi.org/10.1002/9781405198431.wbeal0452.pub2 Kahraman, V. (2020). A comparative analysis of metal subgenres in terms of lexical richness and keyness. [Doctoral dissertation, Ludwig Maximilian University]. Ludwig Maximilian University Repository. https://edoc.ub.unimuenchen.de/26903/1/Kahraman_Volkan.pdf Macmillan. (n.d.). Pop music. In Macmillandictionary.com. Retrieved April 14, 2021, from https://www.macmillandictionary.com/dictionary/british/pop-music Malvern, D., & Richards, B. (2012). Measures of lexical richness. In C. A. Chapelle (Eds.), The Encyclopedia of Applied Linguistics. Wiley. https://doi.org/10.1002/9781405198431.wbeal0755

Murphey, T. (1989). The when, where and who of pop lyrics: The listener’s prerogative. Popular music, 8(2), 185-193. https://www.jstor.org/stable/853468 Murphey, T. (1992). The discourse of pop songs. TESOL Quarterly, 26(4), 770-774. https://doi.org/10.2307/3586887 Nation, I. S. P. (2013). Learning vocabulary in another language. (2 ed.). Cambridge University Press. nd

Ozturk, M. (2017). Vocabulary load of English song lyrics for EFL learners. Journal of Foreign Language Education and Technology, 2(2), 54-73. https://www.jflet.com/articles/vocabulary-load-of-english-song-lyrics-for-efllearners.pdf Summer, T. (2018). An analysis of pop songs for teaching English as a foreign language: Bridging the gap between corpus analysis and teaching practice. In V. Werner (Eds.), The language of pop culture (pp. 257-291). Routledge. Taina, J. (2014). Keywords in heavy metal lyrics: A data-driven corpus study into the lyrics of five heavy metal subgenres. [Master’s Thesis, University of Helsinki]. HELDA. https://helda.helsinki.fi/bitstream/handle/10138/136524/keywords.pdf Wallach, J., Berger, H. M., & Greene, P. D. (2011) Metal rules the globe: Heavy metal music around the world. Duke University Press. Werner, V. (2012). Love is all around: a corpus-based study of pop lyrics. Corpora, 7(1), 19-50. https://doi.org/10.3366/cor.2012.0016

Appendix Table of songs used in corpora

Got an assignment which has scored 70 or above? Would you like to see it published in next year’s edition of the Swansea Linguistics Journal? Send your submission to us at: lingjournalswansea@gmail.com