RE-ACTIVATION-THROUGH INTEGRATION [by Federico Riva, July 2018]

RE-ACTIVATION THROUGH INTEGRATION The case of Campo Marzio in Vicenza

RE-ACTIVATION THROUGH INTEGRATION: The case of Campo Marzio in Vicenza

Relatore: Gennaro Postiglione Studente: Federico Riva 851558 Politecnico di Milano Scuola di Architettura Urbanistica Ingegneria delle Costruzioni Corso di Laurea Magistrale in Architettura A. A. 2017/2018

Abstract The research aims to explore the relation between individuals and places in the contemporary city and to investigate the way the social dynamics can foster the process of integration in a more and more diverse and multi-ethnic society, taking as starting point the case of Campo Marzio in Vicenza.

As other European nations, Italy has dealt with an increase in the migration streams from countries affected by serious political and social issues and the Italian cities have often shown difficulties in the attempt to solve the problems of immigration as a social issue internal to the territory organization topics.

Vicenza, as well, has seen the number of asylum seeker growing in its territory and, even with attempts to respond in a proper way to all the needs of an ever-increasing diverse population, did not manage to avoid critical situations.

The difficulties about the integration are particularly evident in the area of Campo Marzio: an unfenced urban park, located next to the city centre and the train and bus stations.

In Campo Marzio the social changes inside the population who lives in Vicenza took place in an evident way to the point that it became stage of phenomena of criminality and

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tension, strictly linked to the presence of outcast people, who are for the clear majority immigrants from Africa.

The finding of the choice of the park as a favourite place by outcasts and the observation of the phenomenon through the direct and indirect experiences provided a starting point for theoretical reflections about the relation between the human beings and the place where they live.

The research starts from the exploration of the simple concepts of identity and place as landscape, in order to define the dynamics of reciprocity between individuals and places where they settle in, finishing with the study of the design tool able to foster the integration and the safety in an inclusive way.

Lastly, with the understanding that integration can take place only together with social practices promoted by the municipality and the citizens, a project of rehabilitation of the area is proposed, aiming to foster the positive reactivation of the park and enhancing the processes of social inclusivity, according on the program tools provided by the case studies and with respect for the context. In addition to the existing events, a library, an auditorium, a professional advice centre with co-working spaces, a recreational centre for associations, a restaurant and a permanent market are thought to be settled in the park.

La ricerca ha lo scopo di esplorare il rapporto tra individuo e luogo nella città contemporanea e di investigare il modo in cui le dinamiche sociali e gli spazi urbani possano favorire il processo di integrazione all’interno di una società sempre più diversificata e multietnica, prendendo come punto di partenza il caso di Campo Marzio a Vicenza.

Come le altre nazioni europee, anche l’Italia si è trovata ad affrontare una crescita del flusso migratorio proveniente da paesi con gravi problematiche politiche e sociali e le città italiane hanno manifestato spesso difficoltà nel tentativo di risolvere il problema dell’immigrazione come questione sociale interna alle tematiche di organizzazione del territorio.

Anche Vicenza ha visto aumentare esponenzialmente il numero di richiedenti asilo nel proprio territorio e, pur cercando di rispondere in maniera adeguata alle esigenze di una popolazione sempre più variegata, non è riuscita ad evitare situazioni di criticità.

Le difficoltà di integrazione sono particolarmente evidenti nell’area di Campo Marzio: un parco urbano non delimitato, immediatamente adiacente al centro storico e vicino alla stazione ferroviaria e dei pullman.

In Campo Marzio si sono manifestati in modo molto palese i cambiamenti sociali all’interno della popolazione residente a Vicenza al punto che è diventato teatro di

fenomeni di criminalità e tensione, strettamente collegati alla presenza di persone emarginate, per la quasi totalità migranti provenienti dall’Africa.

La constatazione della scelta del parco come luogo prediletto da parte degli emarginati e l’osservazione del fenomeno tramite l’esperienza diretta e indiretta hanno fornito un punto di partenza per riflessioni teoriche che riguardano il rapporto tra gli esseri umani e il luogo in cui risiedono. La ricerca parte dall’esplorazione dei concetti base di identità e di luogo come paesaggio, per definire poi quali sono le dinamiche di reciprocità tra gli individui e i luoghi in cui si stabiliscono, e concludersi con lo studio degli strumenti progettuali che possano favorire l’integrazione e la sicurezza in maniera inclusiva.

Infine, con la consapevolezza che l’integrazione può avvenire solo assieme a pratiche sociali attuate e promosse dal comune e dai cittadini, viene proposto un progetto di riqualificazione dell’area, con lo scopo di favorire la riattivazione positiva del parco e di incentivare processi di inclusività sociale, basandosi sugli strumenti programmatici forniti dai casi studio e rispettando il contesto in cui viene inserito. Accanto agli eventi esistenti vengono pensati una biblioteca, un auditorium, un centro di consulenza professionale e co-working, un centro ricreativo per le associazioni, un ristorante e un mercato coperto permanente.

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Index

1. Observation of the Phenomenon | 9

Vicenza

Campo Marzio

The criminality 2. Fieldwork | 35

Research Methods

The immigration in Veneto and Vicenza Interviews

The users of the area

Some considerations 3. Identification between Individuals and Places | 89

The concept of Identity

The concept of Landscape as Place

Identification between Individuals and Places 4. The spaces of the social outcasts | 103

The spaces of the social outcasts in Vicenza

Some considerations 5. The history of Campo Marzio | 123

The history of Campo Marzio 6. Design: Social Integration and Crime Prevention | 177

The concept of Integration

Design and Integration

Design and Safety 7. Program and Design | 191

The Program

The Design Strategy

The Market

The Professional Advice Centre and Co-working Space

The Restaurant

The Recreational Community Centre

The Auditorium

The Library

Construction Detail 8. References and Bibliography | 243

Bibliography Sitography Articles

1.

Observation of the Phenomenon

Vicenza Vicenza is an Italian city, administrative centre of the province with the same name in Veneto, and it is the fourth municipality by population with 112 198 inhabitants, after Venezia, Verona and Padova, and it has a surface of about 80 square kilometres.

The city is characterised by an important presence of pieces of architecture designed by Andrea Palladio during the XVI century which make Vicenza a tourist attraction for visitors coming from different parts of Italy. Moreover, the Basilica Palladiana, located in Piazza dei Signori, the main square of the city, for some years on has been hosting exhibitions of high international artistic interest which contribute to the growth of the tourism in Vicenza. In 1994, the UNESCO declared the city of Vicenza, and especially its old town, World Heritage Site thanks to the presence of the architectural and artistic works.

The city is among the most important industrial and economic centres in Italy, with a high average income and a variety of small and medium engineering, textile, and gold industries distributed in the province. The sector of gold, in particular reach in the city one third of the total exportations of gold, making the city the Italian capital city of gold working.

According to a survey made by the department of economic statistic of the University La Sapienza of Rome during 2017, Vicenza is at the fourth place in the charts of Italian cities by quality of life, based on nine criteria as: business and work, environment, criminality, social and personal disease, population, financial and

school services, health system, free time and standard of living. While, according to another survey made by Sole 24 ore, based on different criteria, as richness and consumptions, work and innovation, environment and services, demography and society, justice and security, culture and free time, Vicenza is at the 31st place. Even though the position in still good, the factors which seem to influence the second evaluation concern the coil consumption, where Vicenza is 95th, the average social cost of local bodies for minors, disabled and the elderly, where Vicenza is 82nd, and broadband plants, where Vicenza is 72nd. Moreover, also about the security, Vicenza is in a low position in the chart, at the 41st place because of the increase of thefts and mugging. The most positive scores are about the exportations, where Vicenza is the fourth in Italy, and the number of acquisition of citizenships by the foreigners., where Vicenza is the second in the full country.

Regarding the level of security in the city of Vicenza, it seems that in the last years the feeling of disease has been felt in some specific areas of the city. Some zones are generally known by the citizens as more dangerous and in decay, in particular some residential districts in the first western periphery where historically phenomena of selling drugs and prostitution are spread and partially controlled. However, as attested by an increasing number of news in the local newspapers, it seems that in the latest years some crime phenomena as sell and consumption of drugs are moving to the city centre and in particular in the spaces of Campo Marzio, a park which represent a symbol of the city which is located in an important position towards the old town.

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Vicenza, Francesco Ongaro, 2013.

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Campo Marzio Campo Marzio is an urban park located near the railway station of Vicenza, in fact, it is the very first part you meet when you exit the infrastructure and constitutes the connection between the historic city centre and Monte Berico. It is the widest park in Vicenza, its surface is about 115 000 square meters and it is divided into two parts by Viale Roma, the street perpendicular to the train station which links it to the city centre.

The eastern side is the widest and most visited and it is characterised by the presence of Viale Dalmazia, the long tree-lined pedestrian boulevard which crosses the whole area, big green areas with few trees and some benches, while the western side is half the size of the first one and houses on of the oldest playgrounds of the city, with a denser vegetation.

Both the sides have no fence, so they can be crossed during the night too. The green areas are defined by sidewalks or pedestrian paths, and the trees are massed along the borders facing the streets, offering and additional shield.

Thanks to the location and the extension of the green surface, the borders offer different situations. The southern border of both the parts is outlined by a street which runs along the railway station and the bus station and is named Viale Venezia, in the eastern side, and Viale Milano, in the western side, after the direction of both cities according to Vicenza. The wider side, on the east, is defined on the north by the channel of Seriola, which follows the line of some houses which traces the ancient mediaeval walls, on the east by the rise to Monte Berico and by Viale Eretenio which runs along the Retrone river and on the west side by Viale Roma, which separates it from the western and smaller part of the park. This part is defined on the west side by Viale Ippodromo, named after the structure once located here, which separates the area from a neighbourhood mainly populated by foreigners, on the north by Viale Giuseppe Verdi, named after the theatre which used to occupy this space.

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The functions The current shape of Campo Marzio does not follow a unique design project but it is the result of a series of transformations which have been developed during the centuries and defined by different intended uses of the area and the bordering ones without one prevailing on the others to give a unique look to the park: the trees and the paths nowadays do not seem to drawn with a specific shape but rather they follow traces of former functions which used to define different spaces. Viale Dalmazia itself, 450 meters long and main sign of the park, nowadays has no real connecting function, in fact it was built to link the street which leads to Monte Berico with the city centre when the whole area of Campo Marzio was still an agricultural field used for military scopes, trade fairs or to see the shows in the hippodrome. In fact, in the west side of the park, the elliptical path still retraces the shape of the former hippodrome.

Besides many trees and beches spread along all the paths of the parks, in Campo Marzio there are some permanent functions which work separately and are not connected to each other.

Railway station

Totò Bistrot

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On the west side, the underground parking lot occupies the northern part, the closest one to the city centre, and it was built at the beginning of the 2000s in the area where there was the Teatro Verdi, while in the southern part there is the fenced playground, built during the 1950s, and between the two of them, there is a fenced area for dogs. On the same side, near the crossroads in front of the train station there is a small one storey building which used to host a cafĂŠ but it is closed nowadays, and another small pavilion which house some offices of the main transportation company in the city.

In the western side of the park, there are three cafĂŠs, located at different corner of the area, two of them are currently used, and the third one, the oldest and closest to the city centre, is not used and it has been fenced to avoid the homeless people to sleep under its porch.

Moreover, in this side, they built another fenced area for dogs and a small pavilion, near the closed cafĂŠ, which houses a branch of the Biblioteca Bertoliana, the council library of the city, during the summer season.

Anyway, all these structures are not able to grant a permanent use of the area by the ocals during the whole year. As every public park, Campo Marzio is mainly lived during the warmer seasons, while during the rest of the year it is mainly a passage to reach the city centre from the railway or on thursday morning when they set up the market along Viale Roma.

Unused cafĂŠ

During the latest years, the events promoted by the municipality have been able to attract a big amount of people, but because of their temporary feature they were not able to give constancy to the use of the park.

In particular, the events which lighted up the summer in Campo Marzio have been open air sport events, concerts with video installations, religious parades organised by different communities, yoga classes, street food, open air library. Almost all of them took places in the Eastern side of the park thanks to its layout and openness.

But the location in the fabric of the city and the lack of continuous attractions keep making Campo Marzio a marginal place which is not fully exploited and lived, therefore it can be seen as a periphery inside the city centre.

AIM point

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Playground

Parking lot

Oasi del lettore

Dog area

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Campo Marzio Hotel

CaffĂŠ Moresco, unused

Bar Smeraldo

Antonio Pigafetta monument

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–1–Railway Sation –2–Totò Bistrot –3–Former café - Unused –4–AIM point –5–Playground –6–Park Verdi - Underground parking lot –7–Campo Marzio Hotel –8–Former Caffé Moresco - Unused –9–Plant technical room 10 ––Oasi del Lettore - Summer library 11 ––Dog area 12 ––Bar Smeraldo 13 ––Monument to Antonio Pigafetta

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The criminality These ways of use of the area and the location near the train station heavily affect the connotation of Campo Marzio. For the last ten years, the park has become the scene of many acts of criminality, mostly related to the dealing and consumption of drugs and committed by a majority of migrants or marginalised people who use to spend here most of their days.

The spreading of this criminal behaviour is testified by the news section articles about the park on the Giornale di Vicenza, the main daily newspaper of the town. Basing on the news given by the newspaper, it has been possible to highlight the time trend of the phenomena, since 2009,

until 2017. During these years, the Giornale di Vicenza, did not reported every single episode of criminality, especially the lighter ones, but we can assert that the increase of the articles about the crimes or the controls by the police in this area is an index of the growth of critical situations.

In general, the number of reported crimes has increased in the last years without following a constant trend: in 2017, for example, it multiplied for two and a half times compared to 2009. In the diagram, it is possible to see how in all the years there is a higher concentration of episodes between June and October, when the warmer season favour the use of the open spaces.

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January February March April May June July August September October November December

January February March April May June July August September October November December

14 articles

21 articles

23 articles

18 articles

2009

2010

2011

2012

January February March April

January February March April May June July August September October November December

0

January February March April May June July August September October November December

2

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January February March April May June July August September October November December

January February March April May June July August September October November December

25 articles

27 articles

25 articles

37 articles

2013

2014

2015

2016

2017

January February March April May June July August September October November December

January February March April May June July August September October November December

May June July August September October November December

9 articles

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2009

2010

2011

2012

2013

2014

2015

2016

2017

Under a qualitative point of view, during the whole analysed time, most of the crimes known are about the consumption and the dealing of drugs. It is interesting to see how in the last years, the information has focused also on different typology of phenomena, such as smuggling of stolen goods, thefts and assaults, in rare cases leading to death or attempt of rape.

The spreading and variety of crimes led to an increase of perception of degradation in the area of Campo Marzio by the citizens, in fact the number of articles describing the general unhappiness has grown in the recent year together with the articles about the measures of control taken by the municipality and the police to improve the situation, in particular, during the last year they decided to ask the help from the national army. A variable percentage which is not always present in the diagrams concern articles about cases of illegal immigrants whose only crime is not having the documents to stay in Italy.

This does not mean that in the other cases this condition is not present, but instead, it is a typical feature of all the frequenters of this area who often find the only source of earning money in illegal activities.

Drugs

Decay

Assaults

Illegal Immigrants

Thefts

Other

Controls

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In order to face the increasing criminality, the citizens suggested different ideas which have not been fulfilled or have partially achieved without really leading to a solution of the problem.

During the years, many sport and music events, public apertivi have been done with the purpose to include the population in the debate about the future of Campo Marzio, and parties and events have been organised with the aim to make people aware about the cultures of different groups of foreigners and in particular to highlight the role of the foreign caregivers, who are increasing their presence and use to meet in this park during their days off, especially in the warm seasons.

The fact the majority of the criminality depends on the migrants, made the problem “Campo Marzio� a political issue, offering different solutions of interventions more or less inclusive about the condition of immigrant people in Italy. One of the most discussed ideas is about the possibility to have a fence around the area to make it easily controllable and to avoid people staying there during the night hours to increase the security.

However, this kind of intervention is really expensive and does not erase the problem, but it would just make it move to other areas, harder to control, without really giving a new life to this park.

Waiting for other solid and effective solutions, the mayor of the city, after imposing minor prohibitions, as the ones to consumption and sale of alcohol in the area, asked the help of the national army to work together with the local police which is almost constantly in the area to control the park. The service of the army started in October 2017 and provides one patrol during the morning time and two during the afternoon and evening, even though their transfers along Campo Marzio and the sourroundings does not seem to affect the behaviour of the people who spend their days sitting on the benches in the area.

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2.

Fieldwork

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Research Methods The fieldwork has been developed through many and diverse research methodologies.

In the first place, an accurate observation of the area of interest has been carried out in different moments during the day in order to determine the way locals and foreigners use it. The area has been analysed also through photos with the aim to describe the situation as accurately as possible from the visual point of view. However, photographic proofs are not able to fully explain the current situation because it is not easy to get close to the frequenters of the area.

In parallel, the research has been carried out through the documents about the city of Vicenza, its citizens and the social phenomena which characterised it, in particular about the immigration, which is at the base of the actual situation in Campo Marzio.

Other interviews have been carried out directly in the place of interest talking to the citizens who frequent the area who expressed their opinions about Campo Marzio and in some cases their ideas to improve the situation.

A further opinion has been given by the Inspector of the Police of Vicenza who is directly in contact with the crime phenomena spreading in the area.

However, the topic of drug is not new to Campo Marzio, and for this reason two interviews have been carried out with two Italian drug addicts who have been frequenting the area since before the arrivals of all the migrants.

The phenomenon of immigration has been further analysed and deepened through interviews, inside hospitality centres for migrants, with the managers and some of the migrants themselves, who, although they do not live directly the events linked to Campo Marzio, are affected by the stereotypes about the foreigners and drugs.

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The immigration in Veneto and Vicenza First, it is necessary to describe the phenomenon of immigration in Veneto and Vicenza. In Italy, this region has always been characterised as one of the main destinations by migrant foreigners: in the 2011 Census, it was the second region in Italy for the presence of foreigners, in 2015 it was the fourth, with 497921 people, 13 600 less than the previous year.

However, the decreasing number of foreigners counterpoises the growth of the Italian population, increased by the number of the naturalization processes of foreign citizens. The registered concessions of citizenships in the civil registry in Veneto, have seen a relevant growth in the latest years, from around 8 000 in 2012 to 25 800 in 2015 (From the Report: Immigration in Veneto, 2016).

During the years the migratory phaenomenon in Veneto has been structured through some features which can be seen inside the foreign population: ––An historical presence characterised by a strong male presence, became in the years more and more female; ––An increasing number of citizens coming from different countries, in particular from the east; ––A composition by age characterised by a big quantity of young people and by a strong impact in the working age population.

At the end of 2015, the European citizens in Veneto, around 286 000, were above the 57% of all the resident foreigners.

Among these, half of them were non-communitarian citizens from the Eastern Europe and the other half from the rest of Europe. Among the proveniences, after Europe, the African continent is the second origin area of the resident foreigners in Veneto. About single nations, the majority comes from Romania (117 000 residents), Morocco (49 700), Moldavia (37 200), Albania (41 000) and China (33 000).

At the end of 2015, Vicenza is the second province of the region for the number of foreign residents, around 95 000,

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after Verona, and it is among the provinces with the highest rate of foreign population compared to the residents, over 10%. In particular, in the only city, the rate of foreigners is 25%, over the average Italian rate, which is 9%.

Moreover, according to acquisition of Italian citizenship in Veneto, Vicenza is the second city of the region, after Treviso, with 5 900 unities. The two provinces, together, count almost half of the total amount processes of naturalisation done in the region during the year, underlining a stable presence of citizens coming from different countries for many years.

From the point of view of the territory, the province of Vicenza is among the main areas of the regional context for number of valid residency permits. The rate of residency permits of long duration on the total of the permits is over the 73%. At the end of 2015 the highest number of valid residency permits in the region is attributed to the Moroccan (15%), Albanian (10%), Chinese (9%) and Moldovan (9%) communities. The main actors of the entries during 2015 were Nigerian (over 2 000); the residency permits to them are 10% of the total authorization released in the region.

The migrant issue in Vicenza has different numbers. Since 2015, it is possible to talk about European migrant crisis, since a growing number of refugees and migrants started to move to the European Union to seek asylum. It is not easy to verify the real reasons which force the people to move into the European Union, but many of them are refugees who run away from wars or persecutions in their origin countries. According to the data of UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) the first ten countries migrants are coming from are Syria (49%), Afghanistan (21%), Iraq (8%), Eritrea (4%), Pakistan (2%), Nigeria (2%), Somalia (2%), Sudan (1%), Gambia (1%) and Mali (1%). Among these nations the highest percentages of recognitions of protection status inside the European Union are for Syria (94%), Eritrea

(90%), Iraq (88%), Afghanistan (66%), Iran (65%), Somalia (60%) and Sudan (53%). The main wars which force the people to leave their countries are: the civil war in Syria, the war in Afghanistan, the civil war in Somalia and the conflict in Darfur in Sudan. Refugees from Eritrea run away from an open-ended conscription and hard-labour.

On the other hand, migrants from Balkans, western Africa and Southern Asia are mostly “economic migrants”, who run away from poverty and unemployment and hope in a better standard of life in western countries, and they do not have requisites to gain the refugee status. The migratory flows from countries as Nigeria or Pakistan are provoked by many causes, related both to economy and war: some of the migrants coming from these countries are involved in wars as the Boko Haram insurrection in Nigeria or the war in Pakistan, while others moved because of the lack of perspectives in their countries.

About the Italian situation, asylum-seekers in 2017 have been in total 130 119, and the first 12 countries for proveniences are Nigeria (20%), Bangladesh (10%), Pakistan (7%), Gambia (7%), Senegal (7%), Ivory Coast (6%), Guinea (6%, Mali (6%), Ghana (4%), Eritrea (4%), Ukraine (2%), Syria (2%). On the total of the requests for asylum, the 58% have been denied, the 8% have been granted to refugees, the 8% for subsidiary protection, 25% for humanitarian protection, and the 1% left has received other results (from the statistics of the Ministery of Interior). From this data it is possible to see that most migrants coming to Italy are in a condition of illegal stay, which is difficult to deal with, because most of them do not have any documents and it is impossible to repatriate them.

Vicenza follows the national percentages about the countries of origin of the migrants hosted in its territory, offering an increasing number of accommodations for those who are waiting for their permit to stay in Italy. In 2011 there were in the whole province of Vicenza, 3 cooperatives which

offered accommodations to migrants seeking for asylum, in 2016 they were 8, and the whole province was offering 1 730 places, trough associations of hotels, nowadays there are 38 structures in the province of Vicenza and, for the period 2017-2019, 2 900 places have been reserved to migrants.

Actually, following some serious episodes of criminality in Campo Marzio, where two Nigerians have been stabbed, during summer 2017, the major of the city sent a letter to the Prime Minister writing about “unbearable numbers”, caused by the intense numbers of arrivals during the summer time.

According to the major, 900 asylum seekers in the city are too many and they made a good hospitality and integration impossible. However, in the following months the situation got better, and the number of migrants has decreased until around 800 people.

The growth of immigration in the last years can been verified not only in quantity, but also in quality, because the “new immigrants” (S. Kyambi, 2005) are more diversified than before according to different features as the country of origin, the migratory channels, the legal status and the related rights, the human capital, the typology of insertion in the labour market and the models of spatial distribution. This differentiation and complexity leads to a “super-diversity” (S. Vertotec, 2007) which lends new features to the society and urban spaces.

The city, in fact, has always been considered place for meeting and privileged space for cohabitation of people with different social and cultural backgrounds (G. Turnaturi, 2005; G. Simmel, 1998), and now it becomes stage of continuous changes imposed by a growing differentiation and social exclusion. The increasing of globalization and immigration highlight the difference between identity of local population, strictly connected in the places of the city and in the local history, and the one of the foreigners, which try to stay alive far from the country of origin.

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Interviews It is hard to get close to the foreign frequenters of Campo Marzio, because they are suspicious and cautious towards the locals, because of the illegal trades they deal with, and in fact, a feeling of tension is easily perceptible passing through the benches in the park alongside Viale Dalmazia. Therefore, in order to gain more information the research has been developed working with different sources in the city.

The phenomena connected to the sale of drugs in Campo Marzio are not linked only to the foreigners, in fact the area has been stage of people selling and doing drugs for about thirty years, and it was known by all the “consumers� of the area. During the years before the immigration boom, the park was frequented mainly by local drug addicts, who used to have a different approach towards the space and the local citizens who used the park, they tried to keep the dealing and the consumption in smaller and hidden areas.

Therefore, the interviews have been done with different categories of people. First, some questions were asked to the citizens of Vicenza who nowadays use the area mainly as a path to reach the train station or the city centre.

They have been divided in five age ranges(14 to 17 yearsold, 18 to 26 years-old, 27 to 45 years-old, 46 to 60 and over 61 years-old), and two men and two women were interviewed for each range. The second was done with the police officer who is in charge to manage the operation of controls in Campo Marzio. Then the interviews were done together with two men from Vicenza linked to the dealing and consumption of drugs in Campo Marzio before the arrivals of the foreigners. The last interviews were done inside two hospitality structure in Vicenza. It has been possible to talk to the managers of the residences and to some migrants. In this last case, the interviews have been particularly difficult to manage because of the hard topics and the different languages.

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Teenagers between 14 and 17 years old

Anna, 15 Student of High School

Damiano, 16 Student of High School

“I cross this area every day of the week to go to school in the early morning and to come back at lunch time.

During my free time I do not come here, because there is nothing much to do, especially during the cold seasons.

I prefer to walk through the city centre with my friends.

“I live in the province of Vicenza so I come to school by bus and i get off outside the railway station from where I reach the school passing through Viale Verona and sometimes I cross the boulevard with the trees. These are the only occasions I actually use Campo Marzio.

When I walk through Campo Marzio there are many people crossing the area, but there are also many strange people like drug dealers and drug addicts, so it is better to avoid some parts of the park if you are alone, but in general, around mid-day, the atmosphere is not that unsafe.

The park, for me, has nothing special and I do not spend my free time here, becuase it is not really inviting: I know there are a lot of drug addicts there and you can see often the cars of the police or the trucks of the military passing through the trees. But I do not think the situation has changed with the increase of the controls.

During the summer, the area is more enjoyable and I come here sometimes with my family and my friends, especially in September when there are the attractions along the boulevard.”

For what I perceive the atmosphere is strained but luckily I have never had any problem crossing the area. I think they should make Campo Marzio more alive and add new functions to this area to attract more citizens and to make the drug addicts go away. Maybe they can build some sport fields.”

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Davide, 16 Student of High School

Chiara, 17 Student of High School

“I cross this area during the rush hours and usually I am never alone. In the morning, when I arrive here, around a quarter to eight, there are a lot of people passing, both by cars and buses. Some of them arrive to the railway station to reach the city centre, especially the students, others reach the station to take the train. We are all in a rush and we do not stop in Campo Marzio.

“Even though I live near the city centre, I have never had a strong bond with this place, I just come here every time I have to take the bus in Viale Roma.

During that time in the morning I do not notice the drug dealers around. At lunch time the situation is quite similar about the stream of people crossing the area to go back home but you can also see many more groups of foreign people sitting on the benches under the trees and police cars crossing the park.

Even when the weather is good we do not stop here after school: there are no places to eat or something to do, and it is not safe to stay here because of the migrants and drug dealers. They should find a way to control better the situation and make them go away.”

I do not spend my time in Campo Marzio, especially during the winter, for what i have been told, it has always been a bad place to spend time because of the sell and consumption of drugs. When the weather starts to be good my friends and I rather go to Parco Querini because it is nicer.

If the municipality manage to solve the situation about drugs and crime and make this area more attractive with functions and events I would probably enjoy more the time in this area with my friends.”

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Young adults between 18 and 26 years old

Andrea, 19 Student at University of Padova

Ilaria, 21 Student at University of Padova

“I do not really live Campo Marzio, I just cross Viale Roma almost every day of the week to reach the train station and go to the university.

“I cross Viale Roma almost every day because I take my bus here so I do not really spend my time in the park.

I have never spent much time in this area and I do not feel really attached to it. When the weather is good I prefer to go to the city centre or to spend my free time in Parco Querini with some friends. I know that the situation here is not nice, there are a lot of drug dealers and addicts, and you can see them gathering around the benches.

When I was a child I used to go the attractions in September, but every year I go less and less. Now there is nothing interesting to do here, especially during the winter.

I do not have a strong bond with this space, but if they make something new and different or they organise some good events here I would probably go.”

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As far as I can see, Campo Marzio is not a nice place to stay, especially when it is dark because the lighting in the whole area is really bad. When I am alone sometimes I make my way longer to reach the city centre.

Some years ago it was different. When I was a child it was nice to go to see the attractions, the rides and games, at the beginning of September, now they became a gathering of drug addicted people. When I was a teenager, especially during the summer, I used to come here with my friends when there were meetings and events.

It would be nice to go and spend some time there reading when I get back early from Padova and the weather is good, but I do no really feel safe here, because of the presence of drug addicts.”

Filippo, 23 Student at IUAV in Venice

Elena, 25 Student at the University of Verona

“I live at the opposite side of the city centre and I go back home walking from the train station so I cross Campo Marzio almost every day of the week.

“I live next to the city centre and I often cross Campo Marzio. During the rush hours, when many people are here, I feel safer to walk alone along Viale Dalmazia, but I try to avoid to walk near the benches where big groups of foreigners are sitting. When I go to the station to take the train to Verona, usually, I go by bike.

I do not spend my free time in the area because there is nothing interesting to do, especially during the winter, and I do not feel safe there. In particular, when I come back from Venezia and it is already dark it is not pleasant to cross the park because the streetlights along Viale Dalmazia are really weak. I rather walk alongside Viale Roma where the lights are stronger and there are many people waiting for their bus.

It is a pity that nowadays the situation is like this. During the winter the area looks quite dead and unsafe to cross.

When I was younger it used to be different: everybody knew there were some drug dealers there, but they were a few and hidden in some spots of the park. People were not afraid to walk around.

They should improve the lighting system and create some new functions to attract the people here.”

Sometimes I take my dog to the dog-area in the corner of Campo Marzio, but even if it is in the very edge of the park, sometimes I see drug addicts nearby.

It is a pity to have such a nice green area near my house and not to use it because of the fear. When I was a child, I used to come here often and go to the playground when the weather was good. Nowadays the nicest moments to use the park are during the summer when there are some events.

The must increase the controls and make these people go away in order to make the area safer and enjoyable again.”

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Adults between 27 and 45 years old

Teresa, 29 Bank employee

Roberto, 37 Employee

“I used to spend more time in Campo Marzio when I was a student in Padova and I had to take the train every day. About ten years ago, the situation was a bit different because the phenomenon was already present but there were less foreigners and drug dealers in the area.

“I moved to Vicenza a few years ago to work, and I always finish to work at 18.30 so I do not really spend my time in the area during the day and I also know it is the place of selling drugs.

Now I do not go there often because the area is not very attractive for me, I only take the bus sometimes in Viale Roma, so I do not really see the decay of the park, but reading the newspaper you can often hear about the spreading of the crime in Campo Marzio.

They should send away the people who make the area a bad place and try to improve it in order to make it more interesting and appealing for all the citizens.”

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I often go to the Bar Smeraldo in the evening because they organise nice events. But the entrance of the bar does not face the park so I do not see it a lot.

Since I have been here for a few years I do not have a bond with Campo Marzio, but I think it is a good looking park and a nice view when you exit the train station but it is a pity that the municipality cannot control the situation about the drug. I think they should find the way to move the bad people away.”

Anna, 40 Nurse

Daniele, 41 Company manager

“I cross Campo Marzio every day because I live in the province of Vicenza and I take the train to reach the hospital.

“I live in the city centre and I can state that by now the situation in Campo Marzio is almost unbearable. I often take my dog out in the area for dogs, but it is almost impossible to cross the area without someone among the drug addicts or the migrants asking you for money or if you want drugs.

I always have different schedules and while I wait for my bus in Viale Roma I could see the situation during different times of the day. In the early morning there are mainly Italian drug addicts, probably homeless people who sleep nearby. During the day, many of the benches are occupied by group of foreigners who spend their days here. Sometimes I happened to see some fights between some of them.

When there are some events in Campo Marzio there are less phenomena linked to drugs, so I think the municipality should organize more events there.”

The municipality should intervene to enhance the situation and increase the controls by the police beacause right now all the interventions seemed to be useless, after a couple of hours after the police passed through the park, all the drug dealers are there again, as nothing has happened.

Campo Marzio is the business card of Vicenza and it must not be like this.”

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Adults between 46 and 60 years old

Francesco, 49 Bartender

Elisa, 53 Sales assistant

“Nowadays I do not go to Campo Marzio often, especially during the winter. When I was younger I used to go often to Caffé Moresco or Bar Smeraldo, but for sure the situation was different.

“In the last years I frequented Campo Marzio mainly during the summer, I like the summer library and the events the organised. Other events here were nice and it looked like the situation got better for a while.

Before they cut the trees and put the new ones it was more pleasant to spend time here and until some years ago the drug addicted people were just a few, hidden under some trees.

For sure the dealing and the consumption of drugs took root in this place, but with the growth of the number of migrants the situation got worse. In these conditions it is hard to promote the integration.”

If they put new functions here to attract the locals, maybe this area would be nicer to live and some phenomena would disappear.”

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Lucia, 59 Teacher

Ivano, 53 Business consultant

“Campo Marzio is no more a safe place to stay alone.

Sometimes they organise summer events or concerts or during the winter there are some sport events which start here, and, actually, when there are many people you can feel safe.

“I have never really spent much time here in Campo Marzio. Lately I have been coming here to drive my kids to the train station where they take the train to the university.

Before all the foreigners arrived, the situation was a bit different: everybody knew Campo Marzio was one of the centre of the drug in Vicenza, but the phenomena were hidden and in general people could feel quite safe here.

When I was younger I used to go to Caffé Moresco, but now I know it is closes. They should organise more events here to make it alive and to make the citizens feel safe again here.”

It is clear the atmosphere in Campo Marzio and around the railway station is not nice at all, especially when the sun set ecause the lighting system is really weak.

I often read articles about crimes in the area, for this reason I feel better to drive my kids here.”

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Adults over 61 years old

Sara, 65 Retired

Maria Pia, 65 Retired

“Sometimes I go to Campo Marzio with my husband for a walk after strolling through the city centre. It is nice to have a green park near the station and the main monuments of the city, but lately I do not feel completely safe while I stay there.

“Lately, I have not gone to Campo Marzio often.

Sometimes I go to the market along Viale Roma on thursday morning, but there is not a nice atmoshpere because of the recent increase of criminality in the area.

When I was younger the selling and the consumption of drugs were spread in different areas of the city and even if Campo Marzio did not have a great life, it was nice place to spend the afternoons tafter a walk in the city centre.

The look of the park was completely different: the plane trees were majestic and the boulevard was nice to cross.

Nowadays, after the refurbishment, everything looks empty and a bit abandoned especially during the winter.

I guess this is the reason many drug addicts and outcasts stay there all day long.”

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Every time I cross Campo Marzio, I make my way longer and walk on the footpath. In particular, when I am alone I do not feel safe to cross Viale Dalmazia. There are many groups of migrants who spend their days sitting on the benches and doing drugs without caring about the people crossing the park.

It is a pity that the first thing you see coming out the train station is such a bad place. The police must act in a more severe way.”

Giuseppe, 75 Retired

Matteo, 76 Retired

“When I was young Campo Marzio was different. The tree-lined boulevard was nice to cross and the benches were a nice place to sit.

“When my grandchildren were kids I used to go with them to the layground in Viale Ippodromo, and in general spending time in the park was pleasant. I used to read the newspaper sitting on a bench along Viale Dalmazia, before they redeveloped it in that sad way.

The trade of drugs moved into the area around thirty years ago, previously the dealers and the users, who were all Italian, used to hide in different areas of the city, even closer to the city centre.

In Campo Marzio there were not many events, there were just a couple of bars, but it was a nice place to take your children. Today it is the centre of drugs, the place of dealers. To make the park live again, nowadays people need something new to attract them here.”

Sadly, nowadays the situation has become unbearable and nothing of this is possible anymore. All the services are closing little by little. The Caffé Moresco which used to be a destination for many people now does not have a management anymore.

To change the situation, they should take away all the disturbing presences. In order to have a nice field, you need to remove the weed.”

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Interview with the Inspector of the police of Vicenza The interview with the Inspector of the police at the central police station allowed to get in touch with some data about the controls and the people stopped in Campo Marzio. This data is not given in an official way, because they are the result of the only analysis by the police and not by all the organs of the state which dealt with the control of the area of Campo Marzio and so they provide a non-fully complete observation of the actual situation. However, the numbers describe with good probability the phenomenon and they can be considered a good starting point to analyse the situation and the people using the area.

In particular, this data refers to an operation done by the police in the last year which keeps going on. For a matter of privacy, the numbers are slightly rounded, but they are still reliable at a percentage level.

In order to face the spreading situation of decay, the local police effects one or more controls in the area per day. During the time of the operation around 1800 people have been stopped and controlled, and among these, only the 10% are Italian and the others are foreigner. Among these people, half of them, around 900 are from Nigeria, and the majority of them are asylum seekers. Among the rest, around 160 are from central African countries, like Ghana, Ivory Coast, Burkina Faso, Guinea, Mali and Senegal and around 150 people come from southern Asian countries, like Bangladesh, Pakistan and India. The rest of them are from north Africa or eastern Europe. Almost all of them are men.

About those who come from Africa, the majority are asylum seekers, but among all, only one eighth gets the permit. Under the legal point of view, the situation is hard to manage because many of these people do not have valid identity documents and so it is not possible to give permits or to repatriate them. 80% of the users of Campo Marzio are drug dealers, or linked to the drugs in some way. They usually meet in the western side of the park which offers a

highest concentration of trees and benches, feature which facilitate the exchange of drugs.

About the ages, the foreign people who use Campo Marzio are quite young. Half of them was born from 1991 on, 30% are born between 1980 and 1990 and the rest 20% are born before 1980.

The majority of the frequenters belongs to a specific group of migrants who come from the same area and are here to get the asylum permit. They live in specific places meant to host the migrants and they spend their days in the green area, for “economic matters” or to gather. One of the factors which determines the choice of Campo Marzio as a meeting place concerns the proximity to the railway station and bus station and therefore it is easy to reach, moreover the wide dimensions of the space allow a sense of freedom of action and easy ways to escape in case of controls by the police.

These people are not homeless, usually in the evening they leave the park to go back to their residences. Migrants tend not to stay in the same city but they move to meet people they know in the city nearby. For this reason, the people controlled in this period are way more than the ones who live in Vicenza.

About the Italian people, the conditions are different.

The inspector of the police talks about some “historical” individuals, Italian drug addicted people who use to meet in a space among the trees in the right part of the park. These people are generally older than the foreigners and tend to stay in hidden areas without interact with the foreign frequenters. These Italians in general are quite poor and often are homeless, moreover they are the biggest users of all the hospitality services provided by the municipality.

A particular characteristic highlighted by the inspector is the weak lighting system in the whole area, which influences the behaviour of the drug dealers in the darkest hours.

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Interview with two Italian frequenters of Campo Marzio As written before, it is not possible to interact with the frequenters inside the park, because of the extreme diffidence caused by their “occupation”, however it has been possible to talk to Italian drug addicted who spend a lot of time in this area, to know their point of view and the way they use the spaces of the park.

The individuals interviewed are two men: Ivano, 48 yearsold, was born in Treviso and moved to Vicenza when he was 23, and Enrico, 39-years-old, was born and raised in Vicenza. Both have a recent past as drug addicted and they spend a lot of time in the analysed area, both before and after the arrivals of the migrants.

“Besides some of them who are here for decades, the others keep changing, they stop in Vicenza for one or two years.”

According to the people interviewed, almost all the foreigners of the area are from the centre and north Africa, with rare exceptions of people coming from the south of the continent. Among these individuals, just a few live here for decades, “you can count them with the fingers of one hand”, the majority change frequently and tend to move in the nearby cities, in the same way some of them move from the other cities to reach Vicenza to meet their compatriots. About the reasons which pushed them to leave their countries of origin, the majority says they are here to find a job, even if in some cases, especially the youngest ones, confess they abandoned their country looking for adventures. The individuals escaped from wars in their countries, generally do not spend their time in Campo Marzio but they rather spend their time in different places to work and help their families.

“Those who go to Campo Marzio spend their time there because they can do whatever they want.” The choice of Campo Marzio as a place to spend their days and to do illegal actions depends on different features. The proximity to the railway station is one of the main factors, because it

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makes the area easily reachable. The shape of the park, with wide spaces, many trees and building not so close to the perimeter increase the feeling of freedom, while the shadow of the trees gives a shelter to deal and do drugs.

“The Italian people used to keep this place tidy.” From the words of the interviewed people, it is clear their idea about the area before the arrival of the migrants. Campo Marzio was already know as a place where illegal actions take place, but there were differences. First, the numbers of Italian people linked to the world of drug were only a few and they tended to stay in delimited spaces practicing a kind of respect towards the surroundings and the other citizens.

Moreover, the consumption of drugs used to take place in hidden spots of the park to avoid to be seen by other people or by the police. Nowadays, the foreigners who spend their time here do not care about the place or the people passing by because “nobody knows them”. A particular story is about the festivity of the patron of the city which is celebrated in the park. During the last edition, in some cases, drug addicted foreigners did drugs sitting on the benches in front of the people passing.

“Campo Marzio is abandoned.” According to the interviewed people, the situation in Campo Marzio got worse in the last years also because a growing lack of interest by the institutions, which did not really care about some dangerous episodes in order to avoid the phenomenon to spread in different areas of the city and to keep it in this circumscribed part of the city, to the detriment of the use by other citizens.

“The interventions of the military forces are useless, after they pass everything gets back to the previous situation.” In the area there is a lack of proper permanent control and even when the police cars pass by, it is easy to run away or to move to a more hidden spot, to go back to the previous space as soon as they leave the area.

“You stay with the ones you know.” About the way of occupying the space of the green area, the interviewed men underline that there are not many contacts between the foreigners and the locals. The foreigners tend to occupy some benches in the eastern part of the park and the area near the trees in the western part, while the Italians stay mainly around a group of trees located in the eastern part.

“I would never come here with my kids.” Despite the look of Campo Marzio is pleasant and generally well maintained, the situation is scary also for the “historical” Italian frequenters of the park. As they stated, they would not feel safe to come with their children to spend their free time here, in particular, one of the two men has a 15-years-old daughter and he feels worried about the facility people can get in contact with drugs inside the perimeter of the park.

“If you close the area, they will move to the residential neighbourhood.” About the proposal to fence the park, also the two men looked sceptical. As expressed by any citizens, the fencing of the park to control the accesses would not lead to an actual solution of the problem, in fact the phenomenon would move and the dealers will look for other hidden spaces to sell drugs. Moreover, their doubt is about the possible movement of the drugs inside the residential neighbourhood where other people, as teenagers in vulnerable moments, could get in contact with the world of drugs.

“Something attractive has to be placed here.” About their suggestion to make the situation better, both of them believe that there is a need of something attractive for the people of Vicenza in order make the park a symbol of the city and to make people going there. The most dangerous frequenters feel threatened by the permanent presence of the citizens and this is highlighted by the fact that, beside some isolated episodes, like the ones happened in the last September, the actions of dealing and consumption of drugs decrease when events happen in the park.

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Interview with the manager of the Hotel Domus Adele As written before, in Vicenza there are many hospitality centres for migrants and one of the oldest is Hotel Domus Adele. This structure, keeping its normal hotel service, in 2011 started to offer also hospitality to the migrants with 85 beds. Samanta Zardo, who works with the society who manages the hospitality of migrants, explained here experience with migrants and how the residence work.

The hotel host only men from different countries. At the moment, the majority of them are English-speaking people, most of them coming from Nigeria. Women and children are hosted in other centres.

The hotel, beside the place to sleep, offers meals and some health and psychological services thanks to the help of external operators. Inside the common areas of the hotel, the courses of Italian language take place because they are mandatory for 6 hours per week for every migrant.

Moreover, there is a cultural intermediation support. Many individuals who arrive here do not even know where they are, because when they leave their country they just want to find a better place to live, “Italy is a beautiful country”, thinking they can easily find a better reality.

Many of the guests of the hotel are just crossing this place for a short time because they are trying to reach other countries where they know some people or where they can find big communities of people coming from the same country. Especially the French-speaking ones, spend short times in Italy, because their destination is usually France, where many compatriots wait for them.

There is not a fix time of permanence inside the structure.

Some of them spend here only one day, others stay here for many months, and some spend one year or more living in this structure. This time depends on the will of the migrants to create a new life and become part of the community of Vicenza.

Currently the guests have the temporary permit to stay in Italy and through the society which manages the structure they have been enrolled in a job centre which help them to find a job or an internship. In some cases, as Samanta Zardo tells, some individuals managed to integrate into the society and to gain a contract. Other people decided to become volunteers for the AIM, the society which manages many services in the city (light, water, gas, streets cleaning), and every day for some hours they help the operators in cleaning the streets, even with the worst weather.

Samanta Zardo describes the main problems revealed during her job. One of the biggest issue concerns the language, which is the first obstacle to overtake to find a job.

The problem is quite big, some individuals are completely illiterate, so they need a double help. The cultural difference is really evident on the legal point of view and many of the migrants ignore the concept of “rule” or “law”. Moreover, many migrants come from difficult contexts where traumas provoked by persecutions or imprisonments are added to the cultural difference. In every case, the difficulty in the management of the individuals depend on the level of culture and education which is different in everyone. About whole families which move together the situation is harder to manage especially when the children have to approach to the Italian school system which is completely different to the one they were used to.

About the situation in Campo Marzio, and about the consumption of light drugs by the African migrants, Samanta underlines again the differences between cultures and societies, in fact, for people coming from some countries of Africa, it is normal to smoke marijuana in private and public spaces. However, she stated to be strict about this issue and she works hard to teach the respect of the Italian laws. “Her guys” do not frequent the area of Campo Marzio, and they work hard to make people understand that not all the African people are the same and the stereotypes are wrong.

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Interviews with four migrants living in Hotel Domus Adele The four young men interviewed are Aziz, 25, in Italy for 9 months, Abdulai, 24, in Italy for 1 year, Ejike, 21, in Italy for 1 year and 3 months and Kinglsey, 26, in Italy for 6 months and they are all arrived at Hotel Adele in the same day they reached the coast of Sicily. The four individuals come from similar contexts, and they did not want to talk about the issues which made them leave the country.

The first thing they wanted to make clear during the interviews was their thankfulness towards the people who welcomed them at the Hotel. All of them are volunteers for AIM and are happy to demonstrate their gratitude towards the city, moreover they want to show that “not all the Nigerians are bad people”.

“Our identity disappears when we feel completely stranger and we are looked at in the streets. During the day we attend the Italian class, we do volunteering and we work, but beside that we spend our time in the hotel or in Parco Querini when the weather is good, we have no money to spend in bars. We are many compatriots in the hotel and it is good to keep some

traditions of our mother country such as the festivities, when we gather and pray or we go to the church. What we would like to see in Vicenza is a place where everybody can stay without caring about the colour of the skin, we want to integrate and build our life here, we want to get closer to the locals and we want them to come closer to us.”

About their relationship with the episodes of Campo Marzio, they said they have nothing to do with it. When they are in that area they try to avoid to walk too close to the ones who deal or use drugs because they are scared too. In their opinion “the police do nothing and it apparently encourages such illegal behaviours”. “They should take those people away”.

In their opinion, the dealing and consumption of drugs happen in that area because it is really close to the railway station and there are many trees to hide. The unemployment can affect the behaviour of people, in fact, according to them, if you have full and busy days you do not get closer to these bad contexts and you can learn Italian and get a job in order to become part of the society. “If they have a job people do not do bad things”.

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Interview with the manager of the COSEP cooperative Sandra Berno is a care worker who works with the social cooperative COSEP and for about one year she is the manager of a hospitality structure for migrants near the Centro Culturale San Paolo which used to host students.

The building offers 50 beds in double or triple rooms, with common areas, a sewing laboratory and a vegetable garden. The asylum-seekers hosted in the building take care of the cleaning of their rooms and common spaces, moreover the manage the vegetable garden during the good season. Inside the building there is always a reference operator.

The adults hosted by this cooperative are currently 45 and they are between 20 and 30 years old. They all come from the African continent with a majority from Nigeria.

The stay inside the building can last even two years and a half because of the slow procedures to get the permits. All the people come from difficult situations, some of them ran away from wars or persecutions, others decided to leave their countries for economic matters, but these are not sufficient to get the permit to stay in Italy.

The migrants receive also food and health care, besides the Italian classes in collaboration with the school nearby. Moreover, the youngest guests who attend the school are helped with other subjects.

In 60 days after their arrival, the can get the temporary permit with short term and therefore they can start to work. The cooperative helps them to find a job through

professional courses and external activities such as recycle laboratories or volunteering with AIM. The cooperative tries to supply different activities to help the refugees, in particular, many of them need psychological support to overcome the traumas they lived. Many of them play some sports when the weather is good.

The management of the centre is not easy, all the individuals have different backgrounds and cultural level some of them want to integrate, some of them do not.

A specific moment of aggregation happens when they pray, the Muslim ones have made a coroner to pray inside the building, while the Christian ones go to different local religious structures. Religion is important for them, especially for those who do not have local references.

Many migrants came to Italy only to earn money and do not care about integration in the local society, and for this reason, together with the fragility provoked by many traumas, they get closer to the world of drugs, which set down in Campo Marzio. Their first aim is to earn money to send to their families or villages, and they do everything to earn it.

It is important to offer help as soon as possible in order to give a purpose to their stay here. Many individuals do not manage to obtain the permits or a job and therefore they are discouraged and end spending their days in the residence doing nothing or in Campo Marzio doing and selling drugs.

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Interviews with four migrants living inside COSEP structure The four young adults who live in the building managed

by COSEP are Alì, 20, from Gambia, in Italy for 9 months, Edem, 28, from Togo, in Italy for 1 year and 3 months, Mohamed, 20, from Guinea, in Italy for 8 months, but in Vicenza for only 2 months, and Alvin, 22, from Nigeria.

The four men come from different situations, some of them speak English and some speak French, they have diverse cultural levels. As the people in the other residence they do not want to talk about the reason which made them leave their countries talking in general about “problematic situations”.

Their experiences of life in Italy are similar, they arrived in Sicily and moved to Vicenza after some days. Only Mohamed spent six months in Venice, in the former military quarter of Cona, managed by a cooperative which was making money on migrants, before moving to Vicenza.

The interviewed people spend their days between school and work, and they have a little spear time which they spend in the building, reading, studying or watching movies. When the weather is good they spend a lot of time in the garden outside the building, under the shadows of the trees in the warmest hours. Their knowledge of the city is limited to their residence and their work place. They are aware of the stereotypes about migrants and black people and they try not to foster it, by avoiding some specific places in the city. “When you are a foreigner you withdraw into yourself and you do the minimum.” “I don’t like to go to the park because the

police stop me. They look for those who smoke drugs or drink alcohol.”

The situation linked to their permanency here is difficult when they feel like they cannot do anything to make people change their mind on migrants. The episodes of criminality in Campo Marzio influenced the idea of the locals about migrants as criminals. “If you cannot face these things, you feel like you are in jail.”

They did not talk much about how they spend their free time in Italy and in their countries. Edem, studied and graduated at the university in Togo where he used to be a teacher in primary school, his cultural level is higher than the others’, he likes to go around the city and see the monuments. Mohamed likes to read, and when the weather is good he likes to go out and play football. Alvin used to work in building sites and he had no free time: when he was not working he used to stay at home and rest.

None of them feels to belong to Vicenza, everyone stated he feels closed in a context which is not ready to accept the presence of foreigners. “Italians are not racist, they are reluctant.” The integration easily happens when small groups of locals get to know small groups of foreigners, when there is the possibility to create a close dialogue and a real personal relationship which helps to destroy the walls of fear.

The interview ended with a question they asked to me: “In your opinion what can we do to integrate?”.

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The users of the area Through the direct observations it has been possible to define the ways people use area of Campo Marzio during the week.

The locals, especially during the winter, tend to use the park mainly as a crossing zone. In particular, the high school students of the city centre who use the public means of transportation, reach the railway station, where there is also the stop of many bus lines, then they hurry through Viale Milano, Viale Roma or they cross the eastern part of the park to reach their schools. In the same way, those who work in the city centre and live far use the public means of transportation and reach the railway station or come by car and leave it in the underground parking lot, and then move by foot to the centre or the surroundings. The highest flows of students and workers is from 7.30 am to 9.30 am, from 12.00 pm to 14.30 pm and from 17.30 pm to 20.00 pm, according to the work and school time schedules.

During the day it is possible to see some people, mainly elderly, strolling through the park. The walks take place mainly in the middle of the morning and in the late afternoon, before it gets dark. People walk especially in the eastern part of the park, along Viale Dalmazia or near the brook Seriola.

A few people use the area for sport activities, despite the creation of a new health-path with eight stations with signs which explain different exercises to practice in the park to increase the mental and physical wellness.

All the signs are located in the biggest part of Campo Marzio, around Viale Dalmazia.

The dog beside Viale Eretenio is more used because of its location near a residential area. The entrance is near the street so it is possible to access it without really entering the park.

Regarding the zones frequented by drug dealers and drug addicts it is necessary to make a separation between the Italian and the foreigner users. As already said, the “historical� Italian frequenters are located in the central part of the eastern side of the park, under a group of trees arranged in a circle which guarantee a shelter from both the looks of the pedestrians and the sun and the rain.

The foreign frequenters tend to stay in the central part of the western side of the park where there are many trees and it is easy to hide or find a way to escape from the police during the controls. Moreover, many foreigners occupy the benches along Viale Dalmazia without taking care of the presence of the pedestrians.

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ways people cross the area places local people stay in foreigners drug dealers and addicts locals drug dealers and addicts

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Some considerations The area assumes different meanings according to the people interviewed.

Among the citizens it is clear the fear towards the frequenters of Campo Marzio, they feel deprived of a part of their territory which they struggle to take back.

“The park should get back to the citizens.”

All the people interviewed felt unsafe to cross the area, ascribing their fear to foreigners who sit on the benches and do drugs during the day time. In most cases the citizens believe it is necessary a stricter control by the police who should take away all the disturbing people in a more efficient way than now. “It is necessary to make them go away”. In other cases, people suggested to fence the whole park to control and limit the accesses of undesired people.

Some of the interviewed people think it is necessary to incentivize the use of Campo Marzio by the citizens through continuous events. The lack of attractions, together with the constant presence of dangerous individuals, is a deterrent to the use of the area, which is more alive during the summer season.

The two drug addicted men interviewed focused their speech on the topic of drugs. Their biggest fear concerns the world they are trying to escape. The presence of migrants who sell and do drugs without caring about the other people passing makes the possibility to get in contact with drugs easier and easier for more fragile individuals.

The solution proposed by these two people work on two different levels. On one side, they are aware of the impossibility to erase this phenomenon and they know that the concentration in Campo Marzio makes the control by the police easier. In this sense they suggest

the creation of supervised injection sites, closed and protected structures where it is allowed to do drugs under the supervision of specialised operators who offer sterile material and help in case of need. On the other side, they see the potentiality of the area as a recreation place and, as other citizens do, they believe it is fundamental to generate a continuous life in the area, in order to attract the people from Vicenza and favour the abandon by bothering people.

Regarding the interviewed migrants, the situation is seen in a different way. They live with the constant idea to destroy the stereotype linked to black people and drug addicted people in Campo Marzio. They would like to have the chance to integrate and demonstrate that not all the African people are the same and behave in the same way, but they just do not have the means to show it. They feel caged in a wrong definition and they do not know what to do to change this situation and therefore they live apart trying not to increase the bad reputation linked to migration. On the other side they are aware many migrants get closer to the world of drugs to earn money or to face the cultural shock. Their idea is that when you have a precise program, when you have an occupation which fill your time, rarely you can get closer to specific phenomena. For them it is fundamental to have opportunities to show who they really are and not all the foreigners are bad people, but right now they do not have such opportunities.

The idea of public and recreation space assumes different meanings for all the interviewed people. For the locals it means a green space with some activities where people can relax or play sports, feeling free in the use of the space. For the foreigners, a recreation public space does not have specific physical features or shapes, but instead it is related to the idea of a place where there are no discrimination but positive interactions.

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3.

Identification between Individuals and Places

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The concept of Identity In a psychological sense the “identity” is meant as “the sense of someone’s own being through the time and separate, as an entity, from others”. According to the Dictionary of the Social Sciences, this concept “has a long philosophical story which takes in account the permanency in the change and the unity in the diversity”. The “identity” is therefore something which allows the individuals to distinguish one from the other, affirming continuously its own uniqueness towards the others. In this sense the identity recalls the difference and it would not exist without the alterity which separates from (S. Hall, 1996). At the same time, the identity has a social nature, defining itself through the interactions with other members of the society and taking shape with the cultural values (L. Sciolla, 2002).

When the question about identity is associated to migratory phenomena, the concept should be redefined.

It is possible to talk about identities which become hybrid, plurals, multicultural, which question the idea of identity linked only to a specific territory, language or culture.

The importance given to the influence of the sociocultural context on the personal identity led to conceive it not as “state” but as a “process”, which is built and changes according to the cultural and social situation.

As underlined by James Martins in Cultural Geography (2005), during the current post-modern era, identity “has come to be understood not only as temporally and spatially variable but as intrinsically plural and contradictory”. The recent evolution of societies led to redefine the notion which is no more meant as “stable core of the self” but rather as “increasingly fragmented and fractured” (S. Hall, 1996).

New subjects carry new identity which are fragmented between many places, languages and cultures. When people cannot identify in a specific territory, but in two or more, there is the problem of recognition of bonds of belongings which are no more stable. Crossing different countries and contexts, the migrants shape multiple identifications, putting in crisis the idea of a unique identity anchored to a place or a country as a key of access to the citizenship. This one is not limited to a legalinstitutional definition and becomes a conflict space, where the identity recognition is added to the one of civil, political and social rights (T. H. Marshall, 1985).

The idea that identity is static and immutable is dangerous because it “sticks people to a behaviour which is partial, sectarian, intolerant, dominant, sometimes suicidal, and turn them into murderer or supporters of murders” (A. Maalouf, 2005). All the people must have the freedom to assume all of the components of their identity and proudly claim their multiplicity.

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The concept of Landscape as Place The idea of landscape has many meanings and concerns many branches of knowledge, each of them has a different meaning of landscape. One of the most complex feature is linked to the concept of “landscape wit” by Franco Farinelli, which is “a word which describes the thing and the image of the thing at the same time” (1991). This refers to a material dimension, with all the physical elements which make it, and an intangible dimension, linked to symbolic meanings given by people.

Objective data about geographic territory represent possible conditions which are interpreted according to the culture which assumes them as a “mother landscape” (Luisa Bonesio, 2017). Therefore, it is important to underline that words as “territory”, “environment” and “landscape” are not synonyms. In particular, it is not possible to reduce the concept of “landscape”, a cultural construction, to the one of “environment”, which is the natural and geographical condition. This means that every reduction to an environmental dimension of the landscape preservation or enhancement is partial.

If all the places express, in different ways, an identity, therefore the idea of landscape must shift from a purely physical meaning which underlines particular features, to every territory. Not all the places have the same aesthetic features, but all of them express local cultural

identities, deserving to be preserved and handed down: landscapes with different symbolic consistency, stages of communities which should be able to keep recognizing into its physiognomy, impressed in the place during the time. In fact, this extension of meaning to all the places is clearly expressed in the European Landscape Convention, where the definition of three categories of landscape (“exceptional” landscapes, “degraded” landscapes and “daily life” landscapes) define the shift from a meaning based on restrictions, for the preservation of “exceptional” landscapes, to a meaning based on the project of management and enhancement of all the places, including the production ones, because “every landscape represents a picture of specific people’s life”. The shift of meaning leads to the creation of flexible politics, above the mere restrictions for specific areas.

The focus of this concept lays in the assumption of the cultural feature of the landscape, of the historical bond between environment and human being which is expressed in the shape of the territory. Every culture draws the shape of its own territory through symbols, therefore the aesthetics of the territory is important because concerns the cultural identity of those who live in it. The landscape is the result of the interaction between the population and its territory, becoming an expression of local culture and a reference for the inhabitants.

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Identification between Individuals and Places Giving a meaning to the places, related to the collective use, is one of the fundamental way to take over the world that surrounds us, under a physical and symbolic point of view.

All the people, perceive, memorise and identify in different ways according to their own point of view.

The individuals, moving through the urban space gain new images which are added to the previous ones.

These images belong to the environment but are always filtered by intellect and senses, which are influenced by factors depending on social, political, geographical and cultural aspects (M. Clemente, 2015).

In the development of every person there is the “capability to build a concept of outer world”, defined by Jean Piaget as “the process of acquisition of schemes”. The childhood experience of the world is qualitative, it happens through the sensory perception, which turn into abstract concept during the time. This first impression of the world stays in our unconscious. The environment qualities are stored in the spatial concepts of the child who starts to identify and feel part of a specific place.

However, this relationship between identities and places is continuously evolving because the actions of the people tend to build the surrounding space as an image of their concept of outer world. In the urban sphere, this bond evolves in a system of space and relationship which end being one function of the other.

The activities through the group express itself on the territory is not different from what the individuals do in their homes. Houses, furniture, spaces of everyday life, reflect the identities of people, reaffirming them.

The individual reflects into the reality which surrounds him because of his human nature. Our identities lie in the environments and in the relationships of everyday

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life, in the various range the city offer. This attitude, meant as a projection of someone’s own identity into the spatial relationships, is a constant in every person and determines the urban behaviour. People’s identity gets real through the space and the relationships.

About this topic, Franco La Cecla, architect and anthropologist who studied urban habitat and immigration, talks about the city as a spatial-relational tool which can help to include or exclude the inhabitants. The relational life of the city takes place in defined spaces which acquire specific meanings according to the uses and relationships. All the activities, the gatherings or the businesses, develop in marked places which are periodically connoted to the citizens through the quality of the activity. At the same time and inverse action, the urban spaces take good or bad values which can affect the judgements of the citizens. Therefore, in the city, the action (or relation) gives meaning to the place, but the place gives meaning to the action as well. This bidirectionality derives from the fact that both the elements are features of the same city phenomenon, they are two different ways through the city nature express itself. Without space there are no relationships as without relationships the space has no meaning.

This reflects into the environment of the city in different levels. The most visible one is the subdivision of the city in many areas with diverse symbolic values which represent different kind of relationships and sociality. Every zone recalls a specific typology of actions and relationships and the sociality which happens inside connotes symbolically the area, in a way that is not possible to determine which one of the two elements happened first. These symbolic areas withstand continuous changes of their borders and of their nature influenced by new forms of sociality or by the interventions of the police.

When in the city a symbolic area take shape, it means that in this space a specific group of people tends to gather with specific ways of interactions. This territory becomes place which host the relationships and allows the existence of the group itself, but slowly, the area gains symbols and languages of the community, abandoning those who obstacle the new dominant identity. Rober Park, sociologist and urban planner, talked about areas which “are coloured by peculiar feelings of the population”. In reality, the different groups project their own image into the territory where they live to obtain two effects: to declare to the other groups their taking possess of the area, through images and symbols, and to obtain a “mirror effect” from the territory which allows to enhance the group’s identity.

The symbolic areas differentiate not only by nature and width of the connotation but also for its intensity which appears to be stronger when the area does not include dominant symbols or weaker when there are diverse interactions and symbols and it is impossible to define di area univocally. In this second situation, the sociologist underlines the laws of evolution of the city because the coexistence of different social groups in the same area could easily happen.

The lack of dominant symbols is one of the factor which influences the most the choice of places of public sociality by immigrant people who happened to live in a different city. To understand how the foreigners distribute in public spaces is necessary to explore the relationships between them and the space of the city. The city which welcome the immigrants in connoted by specific features which identify the local population. The foreign people who arrive in a new city tend not to frequent the typical local places of sociality because they are not able to identify in

them because the symbols and images are different from the ones they were used to. Their research will be addressed to less connoted places where they do not feel uncomfortable and they can express their identity, through a behaviour which responds to the laws of the social life of every human being.

The public areas are preferred by foreigners and emarginated people, unknown individuals perceived in a hostile way by the locals, who start to give bad values to these places which lose their universal dimension. At the same time Watson (2006) believes that the distinction between public and private, and therefore the specific behaviour for each context, is culturally defined. The most appropriate behaviour in public spaces in European cities is defined by a dominant culture which sets the boundaries of the different activities which become an issue for different ethnic groups. For this reason, the citizens tend to blame the foreigners for the insecurity created by these structural changes, together with the process of criminalization of migrants and their stigmatization in politics and media. (M. Maneri, 2013).

In fact, the phenomenon of migration contributes to change the structure of the societies, and nowadays it is not possible anymore to think about a population of a specific place as a culturally homogenous entirety. Every sphere of the territory tends to reflect more and more multicultural societies, where individuals messenger of different cultural identities live together. In this context it is not possible to state the place is strictly connected to only one culture: nowadays, in every place different cultures coexist and each one of them, despite being born in a specific context, transforms through the contact with the others, knowing new development and ways to express itself.

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Railway stations and infrastructures As mentioned before, beside an identity matter, sociality in public spaces is important for foreigners for many reasons. Arturo Lanzani (2003) states immigrants spend their free time doing activities both very visible or hidden. The first ones happen in open spaces: Lanzani believes this feature is typical in migrants, assuming that people coming from non-western countries tend to conduct many activities outside. This position is not fully shareable because it does not take into account the cultural differences inside different groups of immigrants, but it is believed that the many migrants spend their free time outside because of a lack of proper space addressed to the sociality of ethnic minorities in our cities.

Other reasons which lead the migrants to meet in public spaces concern the size of their houses, which are often not suitable to receive guests, or insufficient economic possibilities which make the meeting in private spaces like cafĂŠs hard to afford. Therefore, some researches highlight the “forcedâ€? use of public spaces by people in bad socioeconomic conditions (F. Pastore, I. Ponzo, 2012). For this reason, for example, many women from the Eastern Europe meet in parks in their free time to eat the food they carried from home or bought in the grocery stores nearby, as it happens in many cities such as Milan (R. Marzorati, 2010) despite the inadequacy of these places when the weather is not good.

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In particular, among the spaces mostly frequented, there are the areas near the railway stations. These places represent the first experience many foreigners have with the city and are characterised by huge flows of people, useful for those who beg for money or those who want to meet compatriots and share information about job opportunities. Another category of frequenters is the one made of people with deviant behaviours such as drug addicts, drug dealers and prostitutes. For the drug dealers and the prostitutes, the station is an attractive place to work for the high number of people passing and because it is easy to reach. The dealing attracts drug addicts, both Italian and foreigners.

Besides these people, the station is frequented also by people coming from cities nearby. Among them there are the migrants coming from adjacent municipalities to use the resources offered by the station. For many migrants, in fact, the station is a gathering place where people can share information about job opportunities inside the shops managed by their compatriots and in the public spaces nearby.

Therefore, in some ways, in the areas of the railway stations the tendencies of contemporary societies are taken to extremes, as the growth of the complexity and diversities linked to the country of origin, social status and life styles, fragmentation, increasing social exclusion, creation of material and symbolic barriers between different social groups.

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Parks An urban park is a public infrastructure suitable for different uses and interpretations. The parks are public spaces but, at the same time, they offer services in a natural context. The urban park is on the of the public spaces which shows a growing multi-ethnicity among the users in the Italian context. There are many studies which show the positive role of the green areas in terms of social inclusion: “Big, old and new urban parks, together with outdoor markets, are the few spaces of true cohabitation, where easily live different life habits and collective practices, moreover in the outer space there are more occasions of exchanges and communication”.

(A. Lanzani, 2003)

We can think that urban parks are able to enhance processes of social inclusion thanks to their openness features. About this Dines and Cattel (2006) define two factors, believed to be at the bottom of the processes of social cohesion in public spaces, which are the attachment to the places and the social interactions.

In particular, according to Dines and Cattel there is a bond between the sense of belonging to a place and the possibility to meet people, in fact, many factors which influence on, influence also the other, and if the chance to meet people increase the bond with the place, on the other side, the attachment to a place increase the use of public spaces and therefore the change to meet people.

Urban parks in Italian cities and in general in western countries are more and more frequented by migrants, most of them are eastern ethnic minorities (Low et al.

2005; Buijs in Peters et al., 2010; Risbeth, 2001) and it is ascribed to social-economic and cultural factors. The Italian literature on this topic is poor but there are some international works which analyse the relation between parks and immigrants in term of uses, perceptions and social dynamics. Unlike local people, the non-western immigrants ascribe a social value to the park (Low et al. 2005, ). Therefore, if the green areas are used by the locals main for aesthetic/contemplative reasons and to relax, involving practices to do alone or in small groups, many migrants feel them as meeting space where develop social and collective activities. The park assumes the importance of a place which ensures regular meetings to the members of immigrants, meetings which cannot happen anywhere else for the reasons mentioned before. The activities practiced by the immigrants in the parks are different according the proveniences, but are mostly collective and involve numerous groups. This is explained by the importance of collective values and familiar bonds in non-western cultures, in particular, the Islamic ones.

These two concepts are used by Peters in his researches to weigh the level of inclusion in parks. The attachment to the place is given, according to Dines and Cattel, by a series of factors as:

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––The presence of social networks; ––The continuity of the permanence in a place; ––The presence of local resources; ––The characterization of the place.

According with these features, it is easy to understand how the condition of the immigrant can have a strong impact on the sense of belonging of the frequenters of the public space: it will be less developed in the recently arrived migrants, in the first generations, and stronger in the second generations.

The characteristics of the park can affect the attachment of those who use it: the bond is stronger inside the neighbourhood parks which are perceived as extensions of the home garden, where people feel comfortable, and other people’s faces are known; on the contrary in the urban parks there is a feeling of freedom and anonymity and therefore the feeling of attachment is weaker.

Moreover, the attachment to a park is influenced by the history of it: if people have been involved in its design and realization have a stronger bond with it.

About social interactions, Dines and Cattel find two typologies which can happen in public spaces: casual encounters and organised social events. More often parks are linked to organisation of social events, both formal and informal or self-promoted. Rather than the formal ones, these are the occasions with the highest social meaning.

The park is conceived by the immigrants as a gathering place, therefore they use it to meet their friends and families, in general from the same community. In this case most of the meetings are organised or promoted by the community. In some cases, spontaneous events can become bigger and bigger becoming a reference for the whole community.

It is important to underline that parks, as many other places, are often stage of racial tensions and exclusion processes. A key role is played by three factors: the physical design of the space of the park, the strategies of management of the par and the behaviours of the frequenters (Low e al. 2005). These elements act alone but they can also influence each other. About the design of the park, it is messenger of symbols and traditions which reflect the dominant culture while in involve in a small way the ethnic minorities. Moreover, the shape of the park can promote some practices and hinder others.

For this reason, the management and maintenance of the parks are fundamental because they keep shaping the park and can foster some practices. Eventually, the behaviour of the people who frequent the park affect the environment in terms of exclusion and marginalisation, in a more or less voluntary way.

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Markets As one of the main public space in the city, markets take many different spatial forms: outdoor markets, indoor markets and street. They also vary in terms of the range of products sold and in their size. Typically, markets are run by local authorities, although there is a growing number of markets run by private companies, communityrun markets, farmers’ markets, and private and public partnerships.

In many cases, markets act as a focal point for the locality and as a hub of connection, interconnections and social interaction, and many markets have a very long history.

They can offer possibilities not only for local economic growth but also for people to mingle with each other and become accustomed to each others’ differences in a public space. In this way, markets can act as potential focal points for local communities. As sites of public interaction and retail spaces, where traders pay rent for their stalls, they could in some senses be described as public/private spaces, disrupting the often rather rigid and illconceived boundary between public and private space.

Markets do not form a single entity; on the contrary, they are very heterogeneous, offering different provision and playing contrasting roles in different localities. This diversity of markets and the communities they serve raises important questions as to the different social roles that markets can play in different localities. They clearly

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operate as key sites of sociability, but the form that this takes and the different people involved vary across different market sites, conditions and locations.

Markets can also provide different social functions such as social interaction, the formation of social ties, social mixing across groups and social inclusion. Social interaction can range from a very minimal connection, such as a greeting between acquaintances or between shoppers and traders, to extended conversations between those who have met up in the market, or extended interactions between stallholders and the customers they serve. This engagement can lead to the formation of weak social ties, but markets can also serve as sites of stronger social bonding where friends and families trade together and form a particular community, or where traders and regular shoppers get to know each other over time. Social mixing refers more specifically to interactions across different socioeconomic, demographic and ethnic/racial groups.

Finally, a market’s role as a site of social inclusion refers to the fact that it can operate well as a public space where marginalised groups come to spend time, thereby providing opportunities to escape isolation in the home or elsewhere, while also providing an economically inclusive space – for example, by offering cheap goods that may not be available elsewhere (Watson, 2006).

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4.

The spaces of the Social Outcasts

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The spaces of the social outcasts in Vicenza Campo Marzio represents one of the clearest examples of areas where the crime is widespread because a lack of identity of the place. The largeness and the position of the place foster the presence of immigrant people who get to live in a place they do not belong to. As mentioned before, the features of Campo Marzio favour the security of those who do not reflect into the society of Vicenza and need to project their anonymity in a context which lack of identity.

However, Campo Marzio is not the only place where these features are expressed. Inside the urban fabric of Vicenza, there are many realities, both for location and context, which have common features which favour the presence of a certain category of people.

–1–The railway station –2–Giardini Salvi –3–Parco Città playground –4–Via Adenauer playground –5–Park Cattaneo –6–Park Ospedale –7–Via Toti playground

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1. Railway station Typology: building - infrastructure Surface: 800 m2 Time of use: 5.30 - 00.30

The closest example to Campo Marzio is the railway station, which, as most of the station, represents a place of passage, where the identities combine and it is possible to keep the anonymity, and, at the same time, to get in touch with a multitude of people. In the last years the railway station of Vicenza has been part of the project “CentoStazioni�, promoted by Ferrovie dello Stato.

This project was meant to requalify and manage 103 railway stations located in different cities in order to conceive the stations not only as infrastructure but also as urban centres of attraction by turning them into multifunctional poles equipped with services and shops.

In the case of Vicenza, the project has never had such results, but rather, the few present shops closed because of a lack of customers. For sure the proximity to Campo Marzio is a cause of the lack of frequentation by the citizens who tend to spend as less time as possible in the infrastructure. Moreover, the porches of the station offer a shelter to the homeless during both the night and the day, discouraging the presence of people.

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2. Giardini Salvi Typology: public gardens Surface: 12 000 m2 Time of use: 7.30 - 20.00

In different ways, also the Giardini Salvi are victims of the same users of Campo Marzio. Just outside the ancient doors of the city, adjacent to the city centre, these public gardens were opened to the public in 1592 and then closed for a couple of centuries. During the XVII century the area was turned into an English garden and at the beginning of the XX century it was acquired by the municipality which opened it in June 1909.

In 2008 it withstood a total refurbishment. Inside the park there are two Palladian-style loggias, one on the western side and one on the eastern side, this one was probably built on a project by an apprentice of Palladio, and it became part of the UNESCO heritage.

The situation about criminality regards only sporadic cases, but it is interesting to compare these gardens to Campo Marzio. In fact, both are urban gardens located near the city centre, but they present deep differences.

The Giardini Salvi have a way smaller dimension and present typical architecture of the territory of Vicenza, which reflect the identities of the citizens but not the ones of the foreigners. Moreover, the fence does not allow the access to the park during the night hours, limiting the use, and the small scale and the presence of building along the borders create a natural surveillance of the area.

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3. Parco CittĂ Playground Typology: public gardens Surface: 9 500 m2 Time of use: all day

Another area with similar features to Campo Marzio is Parco CittĂ . This area was born at the end of 1990s in the first outskirt of the city, not far from the city centre, following one big project of redevelopment of an area which used to be a cultivated land. As the name says, the entire building was meant to interact with the urban green, by creating wide green terraces. In reality, the realization did not satisfy the expectations.

The complex consists of a commercial gallery where only some of the shops are open and, above it, there are around fifty apartments, which are inhabited. A wing of the building, born to house a hotel, has been turned into a retirement home, because of the lack of clients, another wing has never been fully completed and it became place of vandalism and fenced afterwards.

Beside the big residential complex there is a small not fenced urban park whit a kindergarten area.

The park is completely open and accessible through different paths, as Campo Marzio, and therefore it has become a shelter for the homeless who sometimes meet here to drink or do drugs. However, the phenomenon is still poor compared to Campo Marzio because the location is further from the city centre and it is surrounded by houses and tall buildings which offer a sort of spontaneous control of the area.

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4. Via Adenauer Playground Typology: playground Surface: 9 900 m2 Time of use: 9.00 - 19.30

The playground of Via Adenauer is located in the centre of San Giuseppe neighbourhood, beside the church. It is a wide green area with a fence and it is surrounded by tall residential buildings. The area is one of the gathering points of the district, in particular for children who spend their afternoons playing in the park.

For some months now, the area seems to be turned into a centre of dealings of drugs and many suspected episodes linked to the selling of drugs by foreign people have been reported by some children’s parents.

The police intervened more than once to stop these phenomena and these people, and they found big amounts of drugs hidden between the bushes of the park.

Moreover, in the recent period, the phenomenon was not limited to the selling of drug, but also to the use of it inside the park. In fact, during a control, the police found in the toilet of the playground the tools to consume these substances, making all the normal users abandon the area.

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5. Park Cattaneo Typology: parking lot Surface: 21 100 m2 Time of use: all day

Like the train station, this parking lot is crossed every day by a big stream of people, especially those who work nearby. The toll parking rises on an abandoned lot of land, and a part of it does not even have asphalt on it. Even though the lot is located in a residential neighbourhood, and therefore surrounded by buildings, the vastity and the decay of the space give it a special appeal among the outcasts.

As often happens in tool parkings, next to the payment machine, there are people begging for money, and in particular, a homeless Italian person moved under the shelter of the automatic cash machine. But it looks like the phenomenon of begging is not the only one In the last period, the most hidden areas next to a half demolished wall became a hangout for drug dealers and drug addicts, who leave used syringes here, and inside the parking lot phenomena of crime started to spread, such as thefts or vandalism.

For years, the municipality has talked about a project of refurbishment of the parking lot with the creation of a park nearby, hoping that a better-finished aspect and a more efficient control system can end the decay of the area.

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6. Park Ospedale Typology: parking lot Surface: 7 500 m2 Time of use: all day

The parking lot of the hospital is located in front of the health care institution and it is divided into two parts by the main access to the structure, where the ambulances pass through, moreover it is adjacent to one of the two entrances of Parco Querini, the historical park of the city. For some years now, the parking lot is more and more frequented by social outcasts, local and foreigner.

In the past years it was not rare to see begging phenomena by homeless who took advantage of the continuous and permanent stream of people leaving their car in this place.

However, in the recent time, the situation looks getting worse. The simple begging turned into real forms of verbal or physical aggressions towards the users of the parking lot or the operators of the hospital who pass there or into vandalism towards the parked cars, leading to the arrest of some individuals, both Italian and foreign.

In the Giornale di Vicenza many articles were posted about the situation in the parking lot and the discontent of the citizens about it. Moreover, it seems that in the colder periods, homeless go inside the hospital to beg for money inside the corridors.

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7. Via Toti Playground Typology: playground and public gardens Surface: 3 320 m2 Time of use: 9.00 - 19.30

In the Ferrovieri neighbourhood there is a completely different situation. One of the most symbolic parks of the area has been fenced after a couple of episodes of decay or permanency of nomads beside the prohibitions.

The citizens of the neighbourhood created a committee in order to fully open again the small playground with the adjacent big green area because they feel like it is their own hose garden. In their opinion, parks are spaces of sociality and good antidotes to social problems and decay because “if they are crossed and lived they increase the wellness and the quality of life perceived by residents�.

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Some considerations Once again, the analysis carried out in the territory of Vicenza highlighted that the most dangerous situations take place in those contexts considered as the most neglected, where no attachment is perceived by the citizens, whether the place is highly frequented or not.

Therefore the decay phenomena seem to be directly proportional to the feeling of proximity felt by the people towards a specific place.

Places like the railway station and the parking lots, used every day by hundreds of people, are perceived as no one’s lands because, beside their transitory character there is nothing which pushes people to spend time in it and they become the perfect spot for those marginalised individuals who are into illegal activities or begging, taking advantage of the high stream of people.

Places like parks, instead, assume a different connotation, because their main function is the recreation, even though the setting of the space and the place in the fabric of the city sometimes can foster the outbreak of illegal activities, as in the case of Via Adenauer playground, which is located in high micro-criminality district, or Parco cittĂ playground which is an always open urban park. However, in these cases, all the illicit behaviours seem to be slowed down by the presence of the houses nearby.

The playground in Via Toti, instead, is the example of a public space which is perceived as part of people’s own homes. Those who live the area want it to be always open and to work as a place of aggregation and meeting, just right the garden of a private house.

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5.

The history of Campo Marzio

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The history of Campo Marzio The first documents about Campo Marzio date back to 983 and show the transfer of lands from bishop Rodolfo to the Benedictine monks of San Felice. In 1058 document was renewed by bishop Liudigerio, who gave the area to the nuns of San Pietro. In the documents the area was named as “Guisega”, which seems to be the oldest toponym of Campo Mario. This word is a mangling version of the German word “wise”, which can be translated as field or pasture. Only after some years, in a document dated back to 1074, the name “Campo Marzo” appears. The area, at the time, included eighty fields surrounded by walls to avoid wolves to come inside.

In the book “Annali della città, territorio e diocesi di Vicenza” (Annals of the city, territory and diocese of Vicenza) by Francesco Barbarano de’ Mironi, historian and religious man who lived in the first half of the XVIIth century, it is said that during some excavating in this area, some relics with funeral urns and bronze idols have been found and led to think that this place used to be consecrated to the worship of Mars and for this reason called “Campo Marzio”. Moreover, according to Barbarano, in 1310 the park was adorned with many tall trees and a license to the market was granted to the merchants. According to a 1403 document, the lands were offered to Giacomo Dal Verde from Filippo Maria Visconti, lord of Vicenza, as a reward for his services. Eleven years later, in 1414, his sons, Giacomo, Alvise and Pietro, turned down the donation and gave back the lands to the deputation of Vicenza.

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1580

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1585

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“Access arc to Campo Marzio in Vicenza� F. Franceschini, date unknown.

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Arc of Revese At those time, the access to Campo Marzio was through and arch we have no information about. It is only known that it had simple appearance and in 1608, Pietro Paolo Battaglia, captain of the city, decided to replace it with a triumphal arch which allowed a respectable passage to the green area. The project was made by Ottavio Bruto Revese, author of many architectural pieces as the gate to the gardens of the Olympic Theatre by Palladio. The architect designed a new arch in Doric style, adorned with semi-columns, in bossage blocks which framed three openings: a big royal arch in the middle and two architraves on the sides.

On the top of it, Ottavio Bruto Revese, realized an attic surrounded by two quadrangular spires and in the middle, on the faรงade which faces the north, he put a plaque which explained the reasons of this arch: PETRUS PAULUS BATTALEA VICENTIAE PRAEFECTUS CAMPO MARTIS VETUSTISSIMO AD URBIS SPLENDOREM ET EXIMII IN CIVES AMORIS PERPETUUM MONIMENTUM POSUIT ANNO MDCVIII

On the opposite side of the arch there was a painting about architecture but it faded away after the plaster fell down. In 1838, the architect Bartolomeo Malacarne during the restoration of the faรงade, put a plaque in memory of the fair of Campo Marzio established by Habsburg Emperor Ferdinand I. In 1866, to celebrate the end of the Austrian supremacy, the plaque was removed and replaced with a new one with the inscription by Jacopo Cabianca: A VITTORIO EMANUELE RE GALANTUOMO I VICENTINI LIBERI RICONOSCENTI MDCCCLXVI During the Fascist era, with the military parade organised to celebrate the visit of Benito Mussolini in Vicenza in 1938, they decided to enumerate each block and to demolish the whole structure. The rests were placed in the area where nowadays the Campo Marzio Hotel is, waiting for a new place to build it, but during the war the pieces got lost (W. Stefani, 1998).

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“Arc of Campo Marzio” Author and date unknown.

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“Lancers and cavalry” Author and date unknown.

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“Amphitheatre erected in Campo Marzio� Copper engraving, author unknown, XVIII century.

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The military and the amphitheatre In 1612, for the first time the use as military field was attested with the construction of a “Land Castle” for the drills, highlighting the hypothesis of the Roman origin as Fields of Mars.

Moreover, to ennoble the area, a circus for chariots and horses was built, based on a project by Andrea Palladio and wanted by Girolamo da Schio and the Olympic Academy.

The wooden amphitheatre, where the spectators sat in terraces and loggias around the track, used to be built during the warm season, and during the rest of the year used to be dismantled and kept in the town warehouse.

The purpose of these games, with the runs on chariots in the Palladian amphitheatre, was to cheer up the people from Padova and Verona, both affected by the plague. The diffusion of the disease did not save Vicenza, which in 19630, counted a big number of victims. The corpses were sprinkled with lime and buried in Campo Marzio, which turned into a mass grave for this sad occasion.

The shows resumed in 1732 with the Corsa de’ Berberi, in a new sport facility, in a copy of the original project.

The amphitheatre was eventually dismantled in 1788 according to a decree by the Council of Ten.

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1599

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1711

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“Obelisk of Campo Marzio” Author unknown, 1797.

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The obelisk The look of Campo Marzio remained unaltered until 1713, when the Council asked to Francesco Muttoni to design an installation to the fair exhibition complex and a new link to the new communication routes at the bottom of Monte Berico. The initiative of the architect had short life and after few years the fair exhibition complex went back to Piazza dei Signori, where it used to be before. The refurbishment project of the green area was resumed a century later by Bartolomeo Malacarne, who realized it for Francesco I of Austria.

In 1796, Vicenza was victim of the first raids by the Napoleonic army and the following year the first proFrench municipality. At that time the area of Campo Marzo was addressed to military exercise, in fact, after the Campoformio agreement in 1797, the French people built near Cevese arch an obelisk as a memory of the storming of the Bastille in Paris. The exact sizes of this obelisk are known: 100 feet the height and 82 feet the base. The battles of San Giorgio, of Lavis’ crown and of Rivoli were painted

on it. With the gradual retirement of the French troops and with the establishment of the Austrian ones in the city, the obelisk was demolished and the rests were lost.

As the French soldiers, also the Austrians used the area as a place of arms and only fifty years later, when Vicenza became part of the Reign of Italy, Campo Marzio ended to be used as a military area.

During the occupation, Campo Marzio became the stage of debates between the Austrian garrison and the municipality about the burial of the soldiers inside the park. Despite the frequent protests by the captain, who, since 1816, complained about the corpse to be unburied during the night because of the animals grazing in the area, the municipality took position against giving a different place, ascribing these cases to the negligence of the ones who buried, who didn’t respect the proper depth of five feet. The issue ended in 1833, when the soldiers received a spot in the non-Catholic graveyard.

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Drawing of Viale dei Platani. Author unknown, 1822.

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Viale dei Patani, today Viale Dalmazia In 1816, a new boulevard had been built to link the rise to Monte Berico with the entrance to Campo Marzio and the city centre. The project was designed by Bartolomeo Malacarne, who designed also of the monumental cemetery of the city.

The podestà at the time, Cesare Barbaran, decided to elect a commission to adorn this new road with two lines of western plane trees, placed 5 meters far from each other.

The boulevard was named “Viale dei Platani” (plane trees boulevard). At the same time, a new keeper was named to look after the park and the trees and he was given a house nearby to control the area at night.

“Viale dei Platani” Author unknown, 1930s.

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1821

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1834

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“Circus of Campo Marzio” Author and date unknown.

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The new amphitheatre In 1828, two brothers of Vicenza decided to build an amphitheatre in the corner between the current Viale Roma and Viale Verdi. The building was built and opened in May of the same year.

The music season used to start the first days of July and to end in August. The participation was huge and the area was always crowded during the evenings and the nights.

There were people, horses and coaches and sellers. People used to walk, to see the Palio in a wooden amphitheatre built in Campo Marzio according to the 1576 model by Palladio. These events used to attract people from different cities, especially Venezia.

Announcement of the shows in Campo Marzio, 1841.

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“Caffè Moresco” Author unknown, 1910s.

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The Caffè Moresco With the spreading use of the area, in 1838, the municipality gave to Giovanni Miglioranza, architect who graduated at the Academy of Venice, the task to design the “Caffè Moresco” (the Moorish Café), placed in the beginning of Viale dei Platani, near the arch by Revese and the garage. The building was made of wood and bricks and reminded the Alhambra in Granada, or the Alcazar in Sevilla.

The café was a daily destination for the people who used to walk or ride horses in the area. Next to the building there was a stage where the band used to perform every Sunday morning. At the beginning of the war between Italy and Turkey, the café was named “Turkish” because of the amount of soldiers who left by train.

The café was demolished by the bombings in 1944 during the IIWW and rebuilt in 1945, following a different project.

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“Caffè Moresco” Author unknown, 1916.

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Caffè Moresco, author unknown, 2013.

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“The railway station” Author unknown, 1900s.

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The railway station Until 1844, the southern area was made of lands with weeping willows which were cut to allow the construction of the railway. The project of the first building was assigned to architect Giovanni Battista Meduna in 1844, and he took inspiration from the railway station of Padova.

The opening took place on 7 December 1845 with the test trip from Vicenza to Padova. This route became regular on 14 January 1846 and the route Vicenza-Verona opened in 1849. The original building was destroyed by the bombs during the second world war in 1944 and was replaced by a new building designed by architect Roberto Narducci opened in 1948.

After 1866, when the municipality became part of the Reign of Italy, with an important proposal, it is given to architect Antonio Caregaro Negrin the duty to improve the area and the plants in Campo Marzio. The General Council, on 17 November 1869, basing on Negrin’s studies, decided to flatten the area and to begin the construction of the big right boulevard from the arch to the train station.

“Questo viale, oltre alla più sollecita comunicazione della città con l’emporio ferroviario, è largo oltre 12 m. della carreggiata, così offre spazio comodo al corso delle carrozze e presenta nei due viali che lo fiancheggiano, larghi metri 6 per ciascheduno, comodo passeggio per i pedoni e facile via a chi vuole transitare da un punto all’altro del Campo Marzio. Uno spazio più vasto formato da due semicircoli s’allarga nel mezzo del viale, comodo luogo al fermarsi delle carrozze e ai crocicchi delle persone. Il viale verso la stazione s’allarga in una spaziosa superficie, campo opportuno al girare delle carrozze e alle bande musicali, cui sono riservate le due laterali piazzette”.

In 1873 the boulevard was opened with the name “Stradone retto del Campo Marzio”, and then it was known just as “Viale della Stazione”. In 1911 it was named “Viale Roma”.

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“The railway station” Ed. A. Vescovi, 1902

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“The railway station” Author unknown, 2009

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“Viale della stazione e Campo Marzio” Ed S.I.C.C.A., 1954.

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“Viale della stazione e Campo Marzio� Author unknown, 2009.

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1868

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1877

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Announcement of the animals fair in Campo Marzio, 1872.

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The fair In April 1870 the municipal council decided to set in Campo Marzio the agricultural fair to attract foreigners.

The fair was supposed to take place in 1870, but it was not hold because in the same year the Regional Expo and the second agriculture congress took place from the 20 August to the 20 September 1871.

With a new deliberation on 24 July 1872, the Animal Fair arrived in Vicenza with the name of Mercato-Franco, and took place in three days at the beginning of September.

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“Tipo del circo” Author and date unknown.

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“Buffalo Bill in Vicenza” Author unknown, 1906

The horse racing The horse racing kept attracting people in Campo Marzio, despite the disappearance of the Palladian amphitheatre. For a short time, the jockeys used to run in Viale della Stazione, until 1870, when the municipality decided to flatten the area to create a racetrack in the west area. The track was named “the big O of Campo Marzio” and became so famous that in 1892, the Italian Horseracing Society decided to extend it to 804,50 meters. The races continued until the IIWW, attracting a huge public and making the area very crowded.

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1880

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1886

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(Former)“Teatro Comunale ora Verdi” Author unknown, 1908

The new theatre In 1886, the older wooden amphitheatre was replaced with a permanent covered theatre which was inaugurated with the opera La favorita by Gaetano Donizzetti. In 1901 it was named Teatro Verdi, after the famous composer.

During the IWW the theatre was taken by the military authority and used as a warehouse. This event damaged the theatre and afterwards it was rebuilt following the project of architect Marco Dondi dell’Orologio. It was reopened in 1923 with the opera Otello by Giuseppe Verdi .

The new council theatre was the biggest of the city with a shape similar to the one of the Teatro Olimpico and 2280 seats.

The 4 of April 1944 it was destroyed together with the Teatro Eretenio by the bombings during the IIWW and replaced with an underground parking lot in the 2000s.

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(New) “Teatro Verdi” Author unknown, 1930s.

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“Teatro Verdi” Ed. Palmieri, 1936.

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“Park Verdi” 2017.

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1892

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1920

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Statue of Antonio Fogazzaro, 2017.

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The monuments and the playground Along the boulevard, in 1932, a new monument dedicated to Antonio Fogazzaro was built. It is a statue in with marble which lays on a base in pink marble, by sculptor Giuseppe Zanetti. The bombings during the second world war damaged the monument which has been refurbished during the 2000s. Giuseppe Zanetti was also the sculptor of a monument dedicated to Antonio Pigafetta which was a gift from the sculptor to the city and it has been put in near the half of the boulevard in 1959.

In the 1950s, after the second world war, the horse races ended and in the area a playground was built and still exists.

“Playground of Campo Marzio� Author unknown, 1950s.

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1948

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2010

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Viale Dalmzia, author unknown, 1980.

Viale Dalmazia, author unknown, 2013.

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The refurbishment of Viale Dalmazia Since 1978, when the Pope Paolo VI declared the Madonna of Monte Berico as patron saint of the city, Campo Marzio houses the traditional Festa dei Oto, which is set in September and gathers a big number of carousels and attractions, besides many music and social events. For this reason, during the 1970s, the eastern part of Viale Dalmazia has been paved to better accommodate the event.

During the eighties, the plate trees which were the symbol of Viale Dalmazia started to get ill and to avoid them to become a danger for the citizens, the municipality decided to refurbish the park.

Between the end of 1980s and the beginning of 1990s, all the trees were replaced by new maples, the previous asphalt was removed and replaced with paving and new urban furniture with benches and street lights have been added.

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Concert in Campo Marzio, 2015.

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“Oasi del lettore� Author unknown, 2014.

Nowadays During the spring of 2009, the municipality decided to start a new project with the aim to revitalise the park as a place of public life in the city. The project, offered to the city by architect and designer Aldo Cibic, led to the construction of a branch of the Biblioteca Bertoliana, the council library, a free WI-FI service, an area addressed to open air shows, areas for dogs, sport routes and some spots for children.

But the temporary condition of these events did not take the violence and the dealing of drugs away, and the management of the branch of the library has been abandoned by the Biblioteca Bertoliana and taken by another association.

On the partial success of the project, Aldo Cibic stated: “Such projects work only with the will to make them last long in time. People need to recognise the new function, in order to activate a positive process�.

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6.

Design: Social

Integration and Crime prevention

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The concept of integration To face the issues in contemporary cities there it is necessary to foster processes of integration, but, first, it is necessary to explain the meaning of this word which has gained many meanings in the last years. Antonio Tosi (2007) underlined how this word has got a generic meaning and now it expresses “all the positive relationships between the immigrants and the society and all the references to the models of assimilation theory”.

principles of equity, equality and parity of treatment to the relationships between locals and migrants. These elements allow to describe the aspect of reciprocity and dynamicity in the term “integration”. For Tosi, multiculturalism is an idea of the city and is expressed in the acceptance of the foreign presence in the city fabric in order to reshape the city to foster the syncretism as a production factor of new social and cultural forms.

The common concept of integrations, as fusion between foreigners and locals, does not describe the features of the processes of urbanization giving a static vision of the city and of the society without highlighting the bidirectional nature of the phenomena.

According to Franco La Cecla, the concept of ingration is linked to the one of spatial practice. In his analysis, he assumes from Marcel Mauss the idea of practice as “the binds between a voluntary action and a habbit”. If for the French anthropologist, practices are techniques of the body through it expresses the aptitude to walk, sleep and eat, for La Cecla, practices are mental “habitus” which determine the way we behave. The inhabited space is therefore defined by these actions in different ways.

Every community has a modus vivendi inscribed in its tradition which cannot be abolished by any politics or law. This happens because these kind of practices are a projection of their identities and despite the adaptability process caused by the migration this feeling will never be questioned. For La Cecla, integration is the capability to design spaces where different communities are able to project their identities, because cities are the reflection in the landscape of the identity of the inhabitants.

The definition given by Guido Bolaffi in the Dictionary of Diversity (2004) is more complete: “In the sociology of migrations, the integrations is that gradual process which leads to the coexistence between groups of foreigners and locals, characterized by mutual adaptation processes of adaptation and acceptance of the capacities of the groups to compare and exchange models of behaviours. The term is usually used in contraposition to assimilation, which is a situation where a minority has to abandon its behaviour to adopt the practise of the majority, together with the notion of cultural pluralism, which implies the acceptance of different cultures inside the society.”

To face the ambiguities, Tosi suggests to replace the term “integration” with the notion of multiculturalism.

He believes that the idea of multiculturalism resumes the themes of respect of private spheres, the recognition of the identity problems and the necessity to apply

Space and relationships are two aspects of the urban nature and cannot be separated to be understood. The smaller is the chance for the space to moderate the conflicts, the bigger the dialogue needs to be. There is an inverted proportion relation between these two features and it has to balance the social equilibrium in the cities.

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Design and integration “Solving the problem of multi-ethnicity for an architect means to create places of perception and sense of space where the diversity can coexist because all the people can recognise themselves by finding unconscious features of a cultural and traditional past. The task of the architect is to study the context and to interpret it by making spaces which solve the issues and the needs of the present and facilitate the future cultural integration through moments of meeting and physical and mental exchanges.”

(Antonio Piva, La città multietnica: cultura della socializzazione, 1996) The presence of new social groups inside urban contexts force to rethink the shape of the cities according to new needs, which are social integration and social coexistence between different ethnicities. The real problem is making the new city able to represent the different cultures and values expressed by social groups, in order to avoid the social integration to be cultural homogenisation. At the bottom of this process there is the need of recognition, linked to the idea of identity, of self-perception as members of a specific group. The starting point of the process of construction of the cities must lay in the idea that it is possible to reach a mutual enrichment, on condition that every community accept to revitalise its own life styles and concepts of identity and culture.

The achievement of positive interactions is based on the existence of a general frame of integration politics, including those which focus on legal rights of equality, opportunities and treatment, access to economic and social life, citizenships, fight against xenophobia a racism. The areas which influence the interactions should consider the terms migrants’ identity, the nature of their participation and how this can be encouraged, the way services must adapt to suit their needs.

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The process of recognition sends a positive message about their permanency and pushes them to interact more thanks to a widespread feeling of hospitality, moreover it can help to overturn the negative stereotype which characterised the migrants. This feeling of hospitality can be made in a formal way, through organised events, or informal way. It is important to give opportunities in order the migrants to feel more involved to show their abilities and the positive effects of their collaboration.

Cities have always been places ready to house new people and for this reason they are never the same.

All the ethnical and social groups bring different cultural baggage and identities. In this way many cultures get in touch, defile themselves searching for an integration. The city should absorb and house these “new elements” not only under the social point of view, but also architectonically, building spaces for hospitality and integration. The presence of foreigners in the cities should allow the continuous cultural, economic and social transformation through mutual positive influences. The topic of hospitality and integration promotes and represents the capability of a context to modify its own rules and face the social, political and cultural difficulties. Those which have been places of separation and isolation are “forced” to turn into spaces of aggregation and social pleasantness, of an idea of future, without turning into “structured” places according to predefined criteria.

The current spatial separation between migrants and locals is an important feature which influences the way migrants relate to the society. The sharing of the space, especially during the free time, allows the creation of a denser social network between locals and migrants.

However the ability to destroy the idea of strict groups depends on the availability of the resources and on the cultural level of locals and foreigners.

Spending free time in green areas involve physical and psychological benefits for all the individuals, and in particular, for the migrants, spending time in urban parks can allow the activation of positive processes in different spheres. It can increase the contact with the surrounding reality creating a positive relationship with the citizens and themselves. The shared time is also important in the construction and maintenance of social groups.

The processes of growth of solidarity between different ethnicities develop together with those of individual identities, moreover, the life in public spaces, such as parks or squares, plays an important role in the adaptability towards the hosting society through the openness and opportunity of contact with the local people and other ethnic groups (Stodolska & YiKook 2003). In particular, the contact made during the free time assumes a more positive connotation than the one built during the work time which is more severe and defined by rules and hierarchies. In any way, a good quality free time contributes to the individual reconstruction after the difficult trauma provoked by the migration (Stack & Iwasaki 2009), while a limited access to recreation can increase physical and psychological ailments.

The social perspective of the migrants is similar to the locals’ on many points, but different on others.

Therefore, the country should take in consideration the free time of migrants by offering positive opportunities of recreation which can also foster the social integration.

Therefore, the effort should come from two parts: on one side, the migrants should work in order to learn how to insert themselves into a new society respecting laws and conventions, on the other side the locals should be able to welcome the foreingners and to adapt the territory with new inclusive shapes of the space.

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GEITONIES GEITONIES (Generating interethnic tolerance and neighborhood integration in European urban spaces) is a consortium who deal with multicultural interactions inside the European Community and developed a research with the aim to enhance and improve knowledge on the parameters that influence integration of immigrants and acceptance of multiculturalism in various European urban environments.

Departing from the cultural diversity of contemporary metropolises and assuming that culture is dynamic, the construction of spaces of intercultural dialogue is crucial to re-enforce cohesion and avoid feelings of exclusion and the outburst of conflict. Leonie Sandercock (2004) argues that the core of interculturalism implicitly refers to two rights: the right to difference and the right to the city. In this view, people have, regardless of their ethnic background, equal rights in the shared public space and an equal capacity of full participation in the public affairs of the urban living environment, not just de jure (through legal devices and access to political participation) but also de facto (in the practical situations of everyday life).

Interethnic contact, between immigrants and natives, is embedded in uneven power relations, class positions and cultural dispositions. On-going immigration and increasing diversity in European societies amidst the economic and political pitfalls in the context of globalisation, restructuring and crisis, have given rise to growing concerns over interethnic relations as a prerequisite for social cohesion.

One of the key approaches that the relevant literature draws on is the so-called contact hypothesis, which assumes that as people of different backgrounds come into contact with each other, prejudice and thus social distance decreases. Two criteria are relevant here. One

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relates to the size of the minority group: the larger this is the larger the threat it supposedly poses, thus the more intense the competition will be. The other has to do with the wider economic conditions: when these are unfavourable resources become scarcer and therefore the perceived threat grows and competition intensifies.

What is often underestimated in studies about contact or conflict theories is the account for the social context which influences individual and group relations and patterns of behaviour in various ways. On the other hand, there is also much debate on what ‘context’ may involve and how this relates to individual attributes and attitudes.

In his study of interethnic relations among migrant workers in West German cities, Peter Esser (1986) distinguished between two categories of context. One he termed the ‘macro-structure, in particular the presence of persons of the same or of the other group and the behaviours of those in each of the groups’.

The second one he calls the primary milieu, which means the normative climate prevailing in the relevant reference environment. In addition, context may also refer to other characteristics of the immediate (e.g. neighbourhood) or broader (e.g. city, nation state, transnational space) social environment.

Concerning interethnic relations, significant differences can be observed between migrants and natives. While respondents overall tend to socialise mostly with people of the same origin, migrants appear to have significantly more contacts of different ethnic backgrounds than natives. In terms of the ethnic composition of close social networks, migrants were reported to have a mean of 1.19 interethnic contacts in their close social network while for natives the mean number of interethnic relations was as low as 0.12.

Whilst understanding the types or different dimensions of social interactions as well as their frequency and how and where they develop is crucial, it is important to understand the predictors of interethnic interaction.

A crucial objective at the core of the GEITONIES project relates to the role of the local context as well as compositional effects in the process of developing interethnic contacts.

The concrete actions suggested at the municipality level have the goal to create occasions of participation such as cultural activities which involves migrants and locals.

The suggestions include events such as informal cooking lessons, library projects, sport activities, art and cultural projects, development of recreative urban spaces which attract the participation of both migrants and locals and encourage the participation of foreigners to local events (Fonseca & McGarrigle, 2012). GEITONIES give also some suggestions on social politics at local level such as: ––To create occasions where bigger and smaller groups can meet and interact in public spaces; ––To guarantee the availability and the access to public means of transportation to ease the connections with the place of sociality; ––To organise language courses during different times of the day; ––To promote in efficient way the events among the citizens and the migrants; At individual level, hospitality groups should: ––Promote and help to promote a positive picture of the groups of migrants in order to destroy the prejudices; ––Promote the knowledge of the local culture among the migrants including habits in order to ease the contacts; ––Promote the joining of migrants to local associations.

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Socially useful landscapes Lucina Caravaggi and Cristina Imbroglini in their book “Paesaggi socialmente utili” (Socially useful landscapes) talk about the same topic trying to define some principles at social and project level as guidelines for project of integration in public spaces.

At social level the guidelines are: ––To overcome the division into sectors: In the sphere of social services, overcoming the sectors means gaining significant levels of social integration.

The hypothesis promotes the union of services addressed to individuals in difficulty, trying to develop networks of relationships with vertical structure with services and operators and with horizontal structure, linked to physical context of belonging.

––Balance the territorial offer: Through a balance and a homogeneity in the distribution of the services it is possible to allow a quality stabilization and a wider coverage of the territory. Defining new strategies of localisation means keeping in consideration the landscape as a combination of existing relationships and therefore working with it.

––Social community innovation: The social and urban politics appear inseparable, kept together by aims addressed to the capability to recover. In this context, the social innovation is meant as an instrument able to offer new answers to the emerging need at a community level. In particular, the term “innovation” refers to the ability to create and implement the original ideas which show the aptitude to production of values, while the term “social” refers to the kind of value related to innovation, linked to the environment protection, to the quality of life, solidarity and widespread prosperity.

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––Urban agricultural areas: Some actions supported by the European Social Fund include the collaboration with the European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development (EAFRD). The contemporary agriculture can play a central role in the regeneration of the urban soil with social importance.

Regarding the second point, the authors underline that the definition of new strategies of localization able to answer the needs entails references to the landscape meant as a range of relationships and potential assets of the space. This means to consider the object, the local context, the environment and the social and economic situation where it is placed. The relationship with architecture and natural environment, the ability to carry out agricultural activities and crafts, play a significant role in terms of chances of integration.

The new strategy takes into account of the possibility to requalify unused properties showing how in many cases the recovery projects work better than the new ones, showing higher levels of flexibility and adaptability to processes of settlement and appropriation. To carry out these new strategies, it is important to keep in consideration some principles directed to make more attractive the collaboration between the social activities and urban spaces and architecture which are summarised in the following guidelines.

––Accessibility: To encourage places which allow a high level of accessibility of services through local, regional and pedestrian networks. To reinforce the connections with the context through new passages and services.

––Interaction: To foster social interaction through the design of the spaces which involve inner and outer spheres as cultural events, craftsmanship,

vegetable local markets and catering. To aim to the highest integration in relation to specific education processes and links to surroundings through essential services.

––Permeability: To encourage the permeability through architectural tools able to establish relations between “inside and outside” planning carefully the spaces of transition and finding a strong view with the landscape. To increase the environmental comfort and therapeutic value of green areas.

–– Functionality: To develop the inner and outer spaces for different functions during the time through the management of the dimensional modulation of common areas. To ensure diverse possibilities of spatial organisation for different kind of group activities.

––Landmark Effect: To ensure that the built structures are distinguishable and identifiable positively. To elaborate the systems of relation with the context emphasising the bonds, the openings and the links. To involve the users in the development of structures of maintenance of the space. To choose tools and iconic devices which emphasise their concepts such as meeting spaces, variations in planimetry, architectural devices, colours, materials and directions.

––Customization: To encourage the users in the processes of appropriation and customization of the private spaces, supporting the chance of identification, but also of the public ones where it is possible to carry out individual activities. To foster forms of sharing design and self-management of the spaces where it is possible.

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Design and safety In the western world, cities have become more urban conglomerated than identity centres for local individuals who do not want to confront with migrations and multi-culturalism. Often the debate between these two tendencies is expressed by the supporters of an urban development characterised by cultural and identity interdependences with the aim of the integration and the supporters of a separation between centre and periphery, the local identity and multicultural diversity, through control police.

These tendencies are translated into different philosophical theories of urban intervention: the one of exclusion and the opposite one of inclusion. The philosophy of exclusion concerns all the techniques of urban design which try to separate areas with high levels of criminality from the rest of the city. This philosophy refers to physical barriers, to fortress districts and defendable spaces. On the contrary, the philosophy of inclusion concerns all those forms of design with the aim to open the neighbourhood and therefore to enhance its permeability to new identity situations. The philosophies of exclusion are based on the rational action theory and opportunities which believes criminals behave rationally according to the availability of goods to steal and the possibility to evade the controls. On the contrary, the philosophies of inclusion are based on theories about collective efficacy (Sampson et al. 1993), social capital (Putnam, 1995) and community control (Bursick and Grasmick, 1993), which affirm that communities and environments can affect the deviant behaviours.

On the side of exclusions there are many levels, such as the urban designs inspired by “Crime Prevention Through Environmental Design, CPTED”. These urban models are inspired by some theories, such as “defensible space”, “natural surveillance”, “symbolic barriers”, as

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tools of situational prevention. The strongest theoretical inspiration of CPTED philosophies is the “defensible space” by Oscar Newman (1972).

It is based on four general principles: ––Territoriality: buildings must be separated one to the other and surrounded by common areas in order to discourage non-residents to enter other people’s properties and to facilitate a collective surveillance by the residents ––Surveillance: buildings must allow the widest views on the surroundings territory (i. g. common staircases and parking lots should be visible from the outside) ––Appearance: buildings must be kept neat and clean through the fast removal of criminality signs (i. g. graffiti or vandalism) ––Surroundings: surroundings areas must be monitored in the same way (i. g. increasing the public light system) A proper evaluation of these model on large scale does not exist, but there are some single researches which highlights how neighbourhoods built following these rules can also have a high levels of criminality (as Southmead CPTED district in Bristol) while some neighbourhood built without territoriality and surveillance can have low levels of criminality (as Lillington Gardens district in London). The use of symbolical barriers has not been evaluated yet, even if some studies show barriers are deterrent only for those who want to commit crimes (Shaftoe e James, 2004). The theory according to which “bad urban design increase crime” seems to be valid mostly in the English and American contexts. In other regions, Southern Europe and Asia, there are other factors which affect the will to crime.

As intermediate forms of urban design inspired by a slackening electric control and private surveillance, there are models of urban villages based on a rationalization of the spaces with common areas. According to this philosophy of interventions the residents employ neighbourhood watch, through the collective use of common spaces. Concerning the efficacy of the urban village, many academics believe it depends on the community participation and the use of common areas. The community engagement decreases the fear and increase the social cohesion feeling, features which can reduce crime (Minton, 2002).

Talking of inclusivity theories, there are some philosophies of urban interventions inspired by ideas of informal social control and urban integration as forms of preventions of crime (Hillier e Shu, 2002). This urban model is characterised by common public gardens, small shops (i. g. cafés and bars) and recreative events during the whole year. It seems to guarantee a strong feeling of belonging to a community where residents are proud to live in revitalising and cohesive areas. However, there are no researches which show the positive influences of this model (Shaftoe, 2000).

In general, the results of the research about the environmental prevention can be summarised as follow: ––Urban design tools cannot decrease the crime and the feeling of unsafety by themselves, an accurate design does not affect the behaviour of individuals by itself. For this reason, it should work together with a social interventions program.

––Urban planning must be adaptive to social and demographic change, and above all it must work with the residents.

––The strict division of the territory into high surveillance spaces and low control areas can increase the levels of fear and mutual concerns.

––Crime preventions should not be the last goal in urban planning inspired by a liveable social environment: a crime-free space can become a boring place where social relationships look sterile and unproductive.

In the environmental psychology sphere, situational prevention highlights the changes of the spaces and how they can be managed in order to decrease the opportunities of crimes and to analyse the circumstances which cause them. The technique focuses on the environment where the crimes happen rather than who committed them. In this way they try to prevent the violations before it happens making the area less suitable for crime.

Newman’s theory, as seen before, is based on the concept of crime prevention as a security tool. His attempt to create a principle of defensibility of the space consisted in giving back to the residents the control of the spaces perceived as stranger. He noticed the residents take care of places which they feel connected to and this increases their desire to protect them as they protect their private spaces. The goal of a good urban plan is to increase the liveability of a place without building new barriers (Wacquant, 2003).

About this approach, the UNESCO gave some indications to activate the public space in its sites (as the city centre of Vicenza, where Campo Marzio is).

Among the most recommended actions there are: enhancement of the traditional activities and shop of local products, realisation of cultural and recreational events, analysis of the fixed and mobile commercial networks through the creation of new schedules, dislocation of commercial activities and regulation of rents prices, promotion of a cultural centre, prohibition to change the intended use of some activities, monitoring of existing activities and empty spaces.

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Standard UNI-CEN/TR 14383-2 The European Union, in 2007, adopted the regulation of the European Committee for Standardization CEN/TR 14383-2, “Crime prevention through urban planning”. This standard is addresses to professionals, local authorities, residents and all the people involved in urban transformations, offering a practical help to prevent crime basing on the idea that the organization of the space can contribute to make places safer.

The document D of the regulation includes a series of fundamental principles to a right approach to projects or actions and the check list of useful questions to understand if a project answers to minimum requirements of urban safety. This check list is useful for designers and those who evaluate the project.

The main goals of this regulation are to make the decay disappear and to avoid it to come back. The main principles are:

––Sense of belonging and identification with the place, because they increase the safety and the perception of safety because people protect the spaces which belong to them; ––Public spaces and streets life, because the use of public spaces produces a spontaneous surveillance and a consequent crime prevention; ––Continuity in the urban fabric, avoiding the creation of undefined and dead spaces; ––Attention to places frequented by temporary users; ––Interventions for the security measured on the weakest individuals;

––To contribute to an interdependent urban development without privileged or isolated areas.

––To generate safety for the benefit of the community.

––To consider the social life, the exchange and the social network of the context The standard gives methodological indications to increase the safety and to decrease the crime situations, working with different settings and sectors. It is structured in three levels in the urban planning, in the urban design, the management of spaces, taking into account the different entities and features of insecurity such as violations, serious offenses, antisocial behaviours and the fear of crime.

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The guidelines are:

The strategies of interventions are not rigid rules but suggestions to keep in mind in relation to the final goals, considering that every place is different from another.

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7.

Program and Design

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The program In general, the analysis highlights some problems about the way of people use the park and the potential of the space. The main issue concerns the increasing use of the park by the outcast population for illegal activities such as the consumption and dealing of drugs with the growing moving away of the other citizens.

In this historical time, the marginalized people are portrayed in high percentages by the migrants who reach the city of Vicenza to escape from difficult situations in their home countries with the hope of a better future in a place which is not always able to welcome them in a proper way because of different factors linked to prejudges and socio-cultural differences. The lack of real integration policies promoted by the municipality and the growing criminality phenomena inside the park increased the suspicion of the residents towards the migrants.

The European migrant crisis is no more a state of emergency, but rather a rooted reality which must relate to a contemporary society more and more multi-ethnic and multi-cultural which needs to be able to adapt to the happening changes through the social interaction and integration.

The park represents a public space able to foster the social integration between different kind of people thanks to its free configuration and the sense of inclusivity which transmits by its very nature. For this reason, in such a social context Campo Marzio must act as a source for the people living the city and must foster the integration between the locals and the foreigners irrespective of their origin. The rehabilitation project of the park aims to turn it into a new pole of social integration through a program of re-activation of the spaces thanks to the introduction of new functions which work together with the existing ones.

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The new functions From the studies and the analysis of the good practices some functions emerged, able to foster the inclusivity and the integration. The project establishes the addition of new buildings, in accordance to the context of the park, aimed to re-activate the spaces of the park with the collaboration of all the people living in Vicenza.

One of the main building is the public library, a structure which promote the contact and the comprehension between different cultural groups, through the supplying of books and newspaper in the languages of the different migrants. Moreover, the library is a place of promotion of cultural and artistic events such as book readings or temporary exhibitions, activities for children, in collaboration with schools or other libraries, language and culture courses both for foreigners and Italians and other activities for pensioners to spend time in company.

Together with the library, another space thought to promote cultural activities is the auditorium which, besides music and theatre events, can support the existing events which take place during the spring and summer time in the park.

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Keeping in consideration the current frequenters of the park, who are mainly jobless, it is important that the project of re-activation can supply a help in the professional field. For this reason, a new professional advice centre with a youth info point and co-working spaces is thought to be placed in the park, in order to guarantee a consultancy space near the railway and bus stations both for the people living in the city and in the province of Vicenza and the jobless foreigners who spend their time in the park looking for easy way to earn money through illegal activities or reach the city through the public means of transportation. Besides providing help in the search for a job, this centre can work with the library in the offer of formation courses, and with the auditorium for lectures and events.

A successful integration policy for different groups of migrants has to keep in consideration the importance of the associations of migrants ad useful partners in the local urban policies. The formal recognition of the associations and their heritage is one of the features that can most foster the relations between different groups

in the city. For this reason, a recreational community centre has thought to be placed in the park in order to house different social association, promoted by locals or foreigners, and diverse recreational activities.

The intercultural social policies can include general shared activities as a part of the development of a shared vision of integration. The city can sustain the different associations through direct financial support which can be organised through privatepublic partnerships or through self-funding promoted by locals and foreigners. The use of the same building by people from different countries foster the relations between diverse cultural groups.

As mentioned before, another important means of integration is the market because it represents an inclusive reality where all the people can feel comfortable and can affirm their identity. The market can offer at the same time a source of economic growth and the interaction between different people who, paying for their stall, feel a sense of belonging to the place. The markets are heterogenous spaces which work

as key places for the socialization through the creation of different bonds, economical and personal. Even the weakest personal bonds can foster the integration and the approaching. Moreover, in the markets it is often possible to find products which are not available somewhere else, in particular, in multi-ethnic markets.

The placing of a covered permanent marked in the park is therefore and additional contribution to the process of social integration and it enhances an existing service which takes place once a week along the pavement of viale Roma even though the space is not always sufficient to host the market and the people passing by.

The food is another tool able to foster the social integration, and for this reason, besides the market, a multi-ethnic restaurant is thought to be placed in the park. The restaurant can offer a variety of different meals coming from different parts of the world together with the possibility to attend courses to learn how to cook them. The chance to meet and learno the basis of different cooking cultures provides one more step to the mutual recognition.

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The buildings and the related functions are thought to work both separately and together in order to re-activate the whole park, keeping in consideration all the existing temporary events and the permanent activities which take place in these spaces, such as the cafés and the playground. The project aims also to consider the existing unused buildings, with the idea that the new activation can bring a new life to the ones which are now closed, as the historical Caffé Moresco and the café in front of the railway station, which according to the projects is supposed to become a touristic info point, because this kind of structure is lacking in the context.

This project of re-activation can work only with a strong will from the citizens to rehabilitate an area which is now perceived as more and more in decay and at the same time with the creation of successful integration policies from the municipality because the space by its own is not able to activate a complete integration process. The promotion of fair and non-discriminatory opportunities plays a key role in a process of integration, such as a free labour market and an adequate education. Consequently, a strong cooperation is needed to translate the social practices at local level.

The communication and the uses of the medias play a key role in the development of this project because all the information about the associations and the minorities must be constantly updated. The municipality must collaborate with local medias to provide the news in different languages contributing to the increase of the multi-cultural acknowledgment and to the positive presentation of the activities of integration.

On the financial side, the municipality has to keep in consideration the practical side of the allocation of the sources. The city’s administration must determine the amount of money and people necessary to sustain a successful policy able to foster the social multi-ethnic interactions. It is necessary to understand the potential need of sources assimilation in a wider fund for social inclusion taking into account other sources such as private and national organizations or European funds.

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library

auditorium

professional advice centre and co-working

recreational community centre

market

restaurant

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Design strategy: the park The design strategy of intervention is based on minimal changes in the current layout of the park. The project aims to underline the main formal characteristics of these spaces, such as the elliptical path of the former hippodrome and the line traced by Viale Dalmazia, keeping all the pedestrian paths and using them as a starting point for the design.

The buildings are going to fit inside some of the lots defined by the pedestrian paths following their shapes and without modifying the existing vegetation. Where it is necessary, new pedestrian paths are going to be added to the existing ones in order to improve the connections inside the green areas. The new buildings are going to occupy the spaces assuming the shapes of the lots where they are placed, without modifying the existing vegetation.

The paving along Viale Dalmazia is going to be demolished, making the grass cover the old ground trace keeping the footprint of one of the main distinctive historical features of the park.

current situation

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new paths

new buildings

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Design strategy: the buildings Under the architectural point of view, all the buildings will fit in the park respecting the natural context. One of the main feature of the new constructions is the non-monumentality and the absolute lack of a specific architectural style which characterises a specific place or culture, as a tool of inclusivity. Something which does not represent anyone’s identity can represent all the identities and cultures and people should feel this place can belong to anoyone.

The main reference for this kind of architecture has been found in the works by SANAA studio who, through the extensive use of glass, super thin columns and light slabs, is able to make weightless buildings creating a perfect relation with the context. Moreover, the total openness towards the exterior does not generate any dark or hidden corner able to encourage illegal activities.

Therefore, the buildings in Campo Marzio will be made of a structure of thin circular pillars which support a 15 cm thick rooftop with a general height of 4 meters both in the inner and outer space. All the smaller rooms will have a separate structure of columns which support single ceilings with a height of 2.70 meters. Only some rooms will have opaque partitions both to host the services and for structural reasons.

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The other principles behind the architectural design concern the features highlighted in the book Paesaggi socialmente utili. The design tools which foster the social integration are the accessibility, the interaction, the permeability, the functionality, the landmark effect and the customization.

In the project design the accessibility is guaranteed by the multiplicity of accesses in every building and it is reinforced by the visual link with the outside. The interaction in the spaces is facilitated by a flexible and non-sectorial distribution of all the functions inside each building. The permeability is expressed by the covered outer space which works as a filter between the green areas and the enclosed spaces in each building underlining the inclusive feature and fostering a constant relation with the surroundings.

The functionality is guaranteed by the multiplicity of spaces, closed or open, able to house the different all the different functions, temporary or permanent. In the context of the project, the landmark effect is immediate, because currently there are no buildings in the park, therefore the visibility and importance of the building are immediate. The buildings fit in the park working with and adding value to the space. The customization is given by the openness and flexibility of the spaces which are able to house diverse functions and people during different times of the day and of the year.

Naoshima Ferry Terminal, 2006, SANAA.

accessibility

interaction

Louvre Lens, 2012, SANAA.

permeability

functionality

landmark effect

customization

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market

auditorium

professional advice centre and co-working 202

library

0

restaurant

10 20 30 40 50

recreational community centre 203

The market The market is one of the main tools of integration and creation of a feeling of belonging to a place. The building is located on top the underground parking lot and it offers a permanent indoor market and a wide covered space for the outdoor market which takes place twice a week. As in many markets there is also rooms for tables and chair to consume the fresh products just bought.

2570 m2 total surface 650 m2 interior surface Collaboration with existing event: Street food festival - the first week of October

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0

5

10

15

20

25

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The professional advice centre and coworking space The professional advice centre is located near the existing playground and in front of the bus station. It is an important source to promote the social integration and to show the will by foreigners to be part of the society. It is addressed to the people of all ages and it works with the informagiovani to promote events of voluntary work and internships. The building offers many offices and rooms for single or group consultation, moreover there are rooms addressed to the co-working and a small cafĂŠ.

2010 m2 total surface 1200 m2 interior surface Collaboration with existing event: Ice-skating rink and Christmas village - Christmas time

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0

5

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15

20

25

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210

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The restaurant and community centre

the

recreational

The multi-ethnic restaurant promotes the integration through the food and different cooking cultures, moreover it is a way to attract people to the park during all the times of the year.

The recreational community centre is a tool to create a strong bond between different categories of people and between the individuals and the place. The spaces of the building have different surface areas to host diverse activities promoted both by local and of foreigner associations.

Both the buildings have wide outdoor covered spaces made to increase the relation with the park.

1130 m2 total surface restaurant 340 m2 interior surface restaurant 1490 m2 total surface recreational centre 810 m2 interior surface recreational centre Collaboration with existing event: Festa dei Oto - the first week of September Events and shows - Summer season

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5

10

15

20

25

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The auditorium The auditorium is thought as one of the tools to promote events for the mutual cultural knowledge between the local and the foreigners. The building houses 312 seats and the stage can be opened towards both the inside and the outside to host events during the warm seasons.

980 m2 total surface 660 m2 interior surface Collaboration with existing event: Vicenza Jazz - The last week of May Concerts - Summer season

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0

5

10

15

20

25

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218

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The library The core of the project of integration is the public library which represents one of the main vehicles to the social integration through the sharing of culture. In fact, this building is meant to be a centre of cultural exchange rather than an average library where people take books and stay in silence.

The building is meant to house a variety of functions during different hours of the day in order to re-activate the park accomodating the needs of the city and improving the social inclusion.

Beside the common shelves with the books, this library provides many inside and outside reading spots and study rooms, which are especially useful for the students who use the railway station to reach their university.

One important feature of the library is the presence of many classrooms for courses or conferences. They are particularly important because one of the obligations or the migrants who come to Italy is the attendance to the Italian language course.

Other rooms provide spaces for children, computer stations and a temporary exhibitions. All the rooms have extremely flexible spaces, in order to fit different and new functions.

3620 m2 total surface 2100 m2 interior surface Collaboration with existing event: Oasi del lettore e spritz letterario - Summer season

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221

0

222

5

10

15

20

25

223

224

225

Accessibility

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The entrances In the library there are plenty of entrances, on all the sides of the building in order to easily reach all the functions inside. Moreover there is a big infopoint for everyone to know the information about the uses space.

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Interaction

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Study rooms, reading and children areas The layout of the building fosters the interaction between different functions. Ad examples, the study rooms are located in different places such as the reading areas. All the partitions are made of glass to enhance the contanct between people doing different things and this is especially important for the parents to check their children.

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Permeability

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The porticos As in all the buildings, the permeability is fostered by the porticos which run all around the structure creating a filter space able to house other flexible functions. In the case of the library it is particularly useful for the summer events.

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Functionality

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Classrooms and courses The library is a building which houses many different activities, therefore it is important to have different spaces able to adapt to different functions, such as the classrooms or the pc stations.

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Landmark effect

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The building The shape of the building in the park gives the immediate effect of a landmark. The light structure fits in the empty space of the park highlighting the context.

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Customization

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Exhibition room As mentioned before, the spaces inside the building are flexible and customizable in order to house different functions. Among all of them, the exhibition room should guarantee the highest level of customization according to the pieces to show.

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Construction detail The lightness and the visual transparency is possible thanks to the use of a structure made of a series of circular steel columns with a diameter of 14 centimetres and 4 meters of height, painted in white, both in the inner and outer space of the buildings, which support the 15 centimetres thick roof made of HEA 140 beams and a corrugated metal sheet which is 3 millimetres thick. In the inner spaces the primary structure is 12 centimetres lower because of the thickness of the external insulation. Also a part of the external roofing is covered by a 3 centimetres thick layer of insulation in order to create a better comfort in the outer space under the roof.

The glazing panels which separate the interiors and the exteriors are framed by profiles hidden in the concrete floor and in the space made by the difference between the inner and outer ceilings.

The corrugated metal sheet is covered both in the inside and in the outside by a false ceiling plastered of light grey, while the floor is made of polished concrete. The internal rooms have a separated 2.70 high structure which works in the same way of the main one with steel columns and glazing panels. Moreover, all the buildings have one or two cores made of concrete with both a structural and a service functions.

The lack of specific colours and architectural features ascribable to a specific style wants to highlight the flexibility of the spaces of the building which can be customized through the use by the people. Moreover, the non-invasive structure is meant not to contrast the surrounding natural environment but rather to underline it.

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Scale 1:20 241

8.

References and Bibliography

Bibliography Bolaffi, Guido. Dictionary of race, ethnicity and culture (Sage Publications, 2004) Bonesio, Luisa. Paesaggi, identità e comunità (2007) Bursik, Robert and Grasmick, Harold. Neighborhoods and crime (Lexington, 1993) Caravaggi, Lucina and Imbroglini, Cristina. Paesaggi socialmente utili (Quodlibet, 2016) Carpo, Luciano and De Salvia, Michele. Migranti, Richiedenti Asilo e Rifugiati nelle comunità di Vicenza (2015) Clemente, Massimo. Resilienza vs Vulnerabilità nei sistemi urbani per quilibri dinamici della città contemporanea (2015) De Nardi, Alessia. Il paesaggio nella costruzione dell’identità e del senso di appartenenza al luogo: indagini e confronti tra adolescenti italiani e di origine straniera (2010) Dines, Nick and Cattel, Vicky. Mingling, observing, and lingering: Everyday public spaces and their implications for well-being and social relations (2006) Council of Europe, European Landscape Convention, Reflections and proposals for the implementation of the European Landscape Convention (2016) Farinelli, Franco. L’arguzia del paesaggio. In Casabella 575-576 (1991) Francini, Mauro and Colucci, Maria. Il paesaggio e i fenomeni migratori (2009) Fonseca, Maria Lucinda and Mcgarricle, Jennifer. Policy Recommendations: Promoting interethnic coexistence, social cohesion and reducing anti-immigrant attitudes. In MIGRARE working paper (2012) Hall, Stuart and Du Gay, Paul. Questions of Cultural Identity (SAGE Publications, 1996) Hillier, Bill and Shu, Simon. Crime and Urban Layout: The Need for Evidence (2002) Horolets, Anna. Migrants’ leisure and integration (2012) James, Al and Martin, Ron. The Rise of Cultural Economic Geography (2005) Kyamby, Sarah. Beyond Black and White: Mapping New Immigrant Communities (2005)

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Landolfi, Angela. Identità ibride in contesti interculturali post-migratori e postcoloniali in Italia e in Francia: percorsi transdisciplinari (2014) Maalouf, Amin. Origini (Bompiani, 2005) Maneri, Marcello. Media, Migration and Public Opinion: Myths, Prejudices and the challenge of Attaining Mutual Understanding between Europe and North Africa (2013) Mantovan, Claudia. Spazi contesi. Convivenza, conflitti e governance nei quartieri limitrofi alle stazioni ferroviarie di Padova e Mestre (2016) Minton, Anna. Ground Control: Fear andHappiness in the Twenty-first Century City. (Penguin, 2009) Marshall, Thomas Humphrey. Citizenship and social theory (1985) Marzorati, Roberta. Quartieri fra privatizzazione e domesticazione dello spazio pubblico. Milano e Barcellona a confronto. In ETNOGRAFIA E RICERCA QUALITATIVA (2010) Newman, Oscar. Defensible Space: Crime Prevention through Urban Design (Macmillan Pub, 1973) Orton, Andrew. Building Migrants’ Belonging Through Positive Interactions (2012) Osservatorio Regionale Immigrazione. Rapporto 2016 Immigrazione Straniera in Veneto (2016) Ostanel, Elena. Rapporto di ricerca. Geografie di accesso allo spazio pubblico (2012) Paone, Sonia. La città fra marginalità ed esclusione sociale (2010) Pastore, Ferruccio and Ponzo, Irene. Concordia Discors. Convivenza e conflitto nei quartieri di immigrazione (Carocci, 2012) Piva, Antonio. La città multietnica: cultura della socializzazione (Marsilio Editore, 1996) Remotti, Francesco. L’ossessione identitaria (Laterza, 2010) Sampson, Robert J. Neighborhoods and Violent Crime: A Multilevel Study of Collective Efficacy (1997) Sciolla, Loredana. Sociologia dei processi culturali (Il Mulino, 2002)

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Shaftoe, Henry. Crime Prevention: Facts, Fallacies and the Future (Macmillan, 2004) Simmel, Georg. Il conflitto nella civiltà moderna (SE, 2008) Stack, Julia and Iwasaki, Yoshitaka. The role of leisure pursuits in adaptation processess among Afghan refugees who have immigrated to Winnipeg, Canada (2009) Stefani, Walter. Vicenza e il suo paesaggio: fotografie dall’800 a oggi (Athesis, 1998) Stefani, Walter and Rossato, Antonio. Vicenza nel tempo. La città di ieri, la città di oggi (Editoriale Programma, 2006) Stodolska, Monika and Yi-Kook Jouyen. TImpacts of Immigration on Ethnic Identity and Leisure Behavior of Adolescent Immigrants from Korea, Mexico and Poland (2003) Tosi, Antonio. Abitare, insediarsi: una integrazione possibile (2007) Turnaturi, Gabriella. La città, in Invito allo studio della società (Il Mulino, 2005) Vertotec, Steve. Super-diversity and its implication, Ethnic and Racial studies (2007) Waston, Sophie and Studderd, David. Markets as sites for social interaction, Spaces of diversity (The policy press, 2006) Wacquant, Loic. Deadly symbiosis: When ghetto and prison meet and mesh (2003)

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Sitography

Campo Marzio. http://salutidavicenza.it/campo-marzo/ CLIP - Intercultural policies in European cities. https://www.eurofound.europa.eu/de/clip-intercultural-policies-in-european-cities Comune di Vicenza. http://www.comune.vicenza.it/ Final Report Summary - GEITONIES. https://cordis.europa.eu/result/rcn/56091_en.html GEITONIES. http://geitonies.igot.ulisboa.pt/ GEITONIES. https://www.oeaw.ac.at/en/isr/research/rg-urban-transformation/geitonies/ Good practices. http://citiesofmigration.ca/good-ideas-in-integration/plan/ Il Giornale di Vicenza. http://www.ilgiornaledivicenza.it/ European Landscape Convention. http://www.convenzioneeuropeapaesaggio.beniculturali.it/ Report on the quality of life Il sole 24 ore. http://www.ilsole24ore.com/speciali/qvita_2017_dati/home.shtml Report on the quality of life Italia Oggi. https://www.italiaoggi.it/qualita-vita

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Articles The analysed articles are all taken from the Giornale di Vicenza, the main newspaper printed daily in the city Vicenza since 1915.

All the articles concern the situation around Campo Marzio and refer to a period of time between January 2009 and December 2017.

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2009

libero, era tornato a spacciare

26.01.2009 – 14 anni, rapinato in Campo Marzo

13.05.2010 – Eroina a Campo Marzo. Due vicentini arrestati

12.02.2009 – Cani antidroga in Campo Marzo

19.05.2010 – Spaccio a Campo Marzo, arrestato

12.04.2009 – Hashish a fiumi, diciassette in cella

29.05.2010 – Preso a Campo Marzo con l’eroina nei calzini

07.05.2009 – In Campo Marzo giovane in manette

30.05.2010 – Campo Marzo. Bocciato lo spacciatore di eroina

29.05.2009 – Eroina a Campo Marzo. Tre arrestati dai Cc 10.06.2009 – Campo Marzo, lo scippo dopo la festa: due in cella 24.06.2009 – Nove dosi di eroina. Ammanettato dai Cc 09.07.2009 – Cede hashish. Arrestato in flagranza 20.08.2009 – Spacciava hashish. Arrestato in flagranza 05.09.2009 – Campo Marzo, altri 9 clandestini. Due in manette 15.09.2009 – Documenti falsi e spaccio, 5 arresti 16.09.2009 – Campo Marzo, il crimine c’è. Ogni controllo un arresto 07.10.2009 – Hashish e “marija”, giovane in carcere 25.11.2009 – Eroina per i giovani a Campo Marzo.

Condannato ad un anno di carcere 2010 15.01.2010 – Lo spaccio di hashish costa un anno e mezzo 07.03.2010 – Nella centrale vicentina della droga, appena

03.07.2010 – Campo Marzo. Altri due arresti per lo spaccio 10.07.2010 – Carabinieri a Campo Marzo, caccia all’uomo 12.08.2010 – Violenta baruffa a Campo Marzo con martello e catene: due denunce 21.08.2010 – Spacciava al parco. Arrestato dopo la fuga 29.08.2010 – Campo Marzo, dormitorio a cielo aperto 29.08.2010 – “Situazione inaccettabile, correremo ai ripari” 23.09.2010 – Siringhe, rifiuti, graffiti e desolazione tra Campo Marzo e il parking Verdi 01.10.2010 – Spaccio a Campo Marzo. Arrestato dopo la fuga 04.10.2010 – Agguato a Campo Marzo, tre giovani feriti con l’acido 05.10.2010 – Campo Marzo, ancora sangue. Accoltellati di notte due tunisini 08.10.2010 – Più punti videocontrollati e altri vigili urbani in pista 12.10.2010 - Clandestino già espulso due volte arrestato con l’eroina al parco

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15.10.2010 – Il parco parla stranieri. Gli irregolari sono il 5% e ora si spostano altrove 16.10.2010 – Campo Marzo diventa blindato. Dalle 20 niente alcol e auto

23.09.2011 – Campo Marzo blindato per ore 25.09.2011 – Spaccio a Campo Marzo. Arrestati due africani

11.12.2010 – Vendevano eroina a Campo Marzo

27.09.2011 – Campo Marzo, blitz. Sequestrata droga.

Trovati clandestini

2011

01.10.2011 – Campo Marzo blindato per ore. Controllate decide di persone

07.02.2011 – Ricercato per spaccio. Preso a Campo Marzo

07.10.2011 – Clandestini. Espulsioni a raffica

08.02.2011 – In Italia per asilo politico, spaccia al parco: arrestato

15.10.2011 – Campo Marzo. Un altro blitz delle forze dell’ordine

18.04.2011 – Sorpreso col “fumo” malmena il poliziotto

19.10.2011 – Fiuta la droga al parco

05.05.2011 – Campo Marzo, blitz antidroga al bar. 7 fermi, i cani trovano coca ed eroina

23.10.2011 – Campo Marzo. Manette e processo per la marijuana

13.05.2011 – Campo Marzo blindato dai Cc

15.11.2011 – Madre si dà fuoco a Campo Marzo. “Non mi fanno vedere i miei figli”

17.06.2011 – Ore 14: ciak, si spaccia. Quattro arresti 24.07.2011 – Overdose, giovane salvato dal Suem 27.07.2011 – Droga sotto il sole. Altri due arresti a Campo Marzo 06.08.2011 – Nuovi controlli in città. Campo Marzo passato al setaccio dai carabinieri 10.08.2011 – Campo Marzo passato al setaccio. Tre nigeriani bloccati dalla polizia

18.11.2011 – Maxi controllo, un arresto 31.12.2011 – Un giro di affari pazzesco vendendo coca, eroina e marijuana 2012 06.01.2012 – Un giovane picchiato in viale Roma 26.01.2012 – Spaccio di eroina. Denunciati in 12

18.08.2011 – Droga a Campo Marzo, nuovo arresto

02.03.2012 – Campo Marzo, bello di giorno non di notte

18.09.2011 – Lotta fra etnie rivali per lo spaccio di droga.

Maxirissa e due arresti

04.04.2012 – Campo Marzo, blitz alle 16.30. Tra elicottero e cani antidroga

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22.05.2012 – Campo Marzo, spunta la marijuana 11.06.2012 – Picchiati a sangue per una sigaretta 19.06.2012 – Campo Marzo: via al presidio di polizia 06.07.2012 – Cerca asilo politico, trova le manette per spaccio di droga

26.01.2013 – Preso per la quinta volta con droga. Arrestato un uomo a Campo Marzo 16.02.2013 – Campo Marzo, presi due spacciatori.

Denunciato un terzo giovane 16.03.2013 – In 3 mesi a Campo Marzo staccati 200 verbali

13.08.2012 – Campo Marzo, “hotel” sotto le stelle

29.03.2013 – Risse e accoltellati. Torna la guerra degli spacciatori

24.08.2012 – La riva dei tossici vicino al presidio di Campo Marzo

04.04.2013 – Quei blitz a Campo Marzo tra fughe, elicotteri e cani

09.09.2012 – “Festa dei Oto” insanguinata. Giovane ucciso a campo Marzo. Polizia: 10 sospettati sotto torchio

07.04.2013 – Vicenza: spacciatori arrestati e subito liberi

25.09.2012 – Vicenza, droga. Tre in manette, spacciavano cocaina e hashish 29.09.2012 – Spaccia a Campo Marzo. Arrestato nigeriano, era già stato espulso

18.05.2013 – Vicenza, in 11 finiscono alla sbarra per il delitto di Campo Marzo 18.05.2013 – Mezzo etto di droga in un cestino al parco 20.06.2013 – Volano sedie e tavoli. Campo Marzo bollente

04.10.2012 – Campo Marzo, blitz dei carabinieri contro lo spaccio

04.07.2013 – Seduto a Campo Marzo con katana da un metro

19.10.2012 – Campo Marzo, sì alla polizia a cavallo

07.07.2013 – “Presidio fisso e azioni contro gli spacciatori”

14.11.2012 – Campo Marzo, arrestato spacciatore

18.08.2013 – Cocaina e marijuana in auto. Due ragazzi finiscono nei guai

15.11.2012 – Campo Marzo. Preso il grossista, aveva mezzo chilo di eroina

25.08.2013 – Eroina e siringhe davanti alle giostre

19.11.2012 – “Ho visto chi si faceva iniezioni di droga”

29.08.2013 – Droga a Campo Marzo. Blitz della polizia locale

2013

31.08.2013 – Caffè, salumi e liquori rubati. È lo “spaccio” di Campo Marzo

22.01.2013 – Campo Marzo, spaccio di droga. I carabinieri arrestano due uomini

08.09.2013 – “Di giorno si sta bene, di sera non passerei”

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29.11.2013 – Cinque fermati con la merce rubata. Spaccia coca, arrestato nigeriano 06.12.2013 – Vicenza, droga botte e coltelli per controllare Campo Marzo 2014 21.01.2014 – Presi gli spacciatori della droga in bocca. Due denunce e una persona arrestata 02.02.2014 – Vicenza, ha il visto umanitario ma spaccia a Campo Marzo 14.02.2014 – Spacciatore “storico” viene espulso: dopo un mese è di nuovo Campo Marzo 18.02.2014 – Vicenza, preso un altro spacciatore con il “permesso umanitario” 20.02.2014 – Il market delle badanti “Caffè e salumi rubati” 19.03.2014 – A Campo Marzo droga, manette e una nuova rissa

03.06.2014 – Droga a Vicenza, mercato per pakistani e indiani 21.07.2014 – Rapina e sangue a Campo Marzo durante la festa 31.07.2014 – Scende a Campo Marzo con la marijuana: arrestato 09.08.2014 – Morsi e botte ai 4 agenti. L’arrestato è un profugo 28.08.2014 – Il profugo era il capobanda. Riforniva di droga Vicenza 18.09.2014 – Vicenza, blitz dei carabinieri anti droga in Campo Marzo 18.09.2014 – Bande a Campo Marzo a colpi di machete 23.09.2014 – Vicenza, in Campo Marzo trovata un’altra ascia 11.10.2014 – Tenta di ingoiare la droga e aggredire i cc: arrestato 11.10.2014 – Droga a Campo Marzo. 5 arresti e 2 locali chiusi

26.04.2014 – Vicenza, overdose fra giostre e bimbi.

Sgomento nel cuore di Campo Marzo

13.11.2014 – Zone a rischio al setaccio tra spaccio e clandestini

27.04.2014 – Droga a Campo Marzo. Arrestato tra le giostre

09.12.2014 - Già espulsi e arrestati ma liberi di rapinare

28.04.2014 – Campo Marzo, torna l’eroina. Un arresto dopo l’overdose

13.12.2014 – Aggredita nell’indifferenza “Abbiamo troppa paura”

12.05.2014 – Campo Marzo, accoltellato un calciatore del Vicenza

2015

22.05.2014 – Controlli e denunce, stretta su Campo Marzo 26.05.2014 – Droga a Campo Marzo. Un arresto

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22.01.2015 – Spaccio, preso profugo. Dallo sbarco alle piazze 16.02.2015 - Ferita a Campo Marzo: ”Denunciare non serve”

18.03.2015 – Spaccio a Campo Marzo. Finisce ancora nei guai

23.08.2015 – Aspetta da 6 anni status di rifugiato, e intanto spaccia

19.03.2015 – Arrestato a Campo Marzo. Quinta volta in manette

26.08.2015 – Blitz speciali finiti. Nuove telecamere per Campo Marzo

19.03.2015 – Spacciava al nono mese di gravidanza. Due arresti

03.09.2015 – Spaccia tra le giostre a Campo Marzo.

Condannato a 8 mesi

23.04.2015 – Lotta al degrado. Raffica di controlli

18.09.2015 – Pregiudicato trovato con arma giocattolo a Campo Marzo

25.04.2015 – Controlli a Campo Marzo. Tre denunce 04.05.2015 – A Campo Marzo si spaccia anche davanti agli scout 05.05.2015 – Coca a Campo Marzo. Profugo denunciato 29.07.2015 – Campo Marzo. Lite tra immigrati. Due accoltellati 04.08.2015 – Sangue e violenza per il mercato del microspaccio 05.08.2015 – Allarme violenza. Reparti speciali per Campo Marzo 06.08.2015 – Campo Marzo. Ecco il maxi blitz e le prime denunce 08.08.2015 – Campo Marzo. Ennesima rissa: un uomo ferito 09.08.2015 – A Campo Marzo ancora sangue. Spunta il machete 12.08.2015 – Controlli non stop a Campo Marzo. Ora espulsioni 15.08.2015 – Coltelli al parco. “Colpa dell’alcol”. Stop a tre locali

28.09.2015 – A Campo Marzo ancora una rissa. Ferito a bottigliate 24.10.2015 – Stranieri espulsi, tre su quattro restano in città 06.11.2015 – Gang dello spaccio. Arrestati undici profughi nigeriani

13.11.2015 – Droga, un arresto e due denunce grazie a “Falko” 15.11.2015 – Campo Marzo, trova il figlio che si droga. Polizia placa la lite 20.11.2015 – Sgominata banda di spacciatori. Cinque arresti 29.11.2015 – Balordi e clandestini ma restano in Italia. Arriva la “black list” 2016 25.02.2016 – Seppellisce droga in Campo Marzo. Denunciato 30enne 27.02.2016 – A Campo Marzo ora arrivano le guardie armate 09.04.2016 – Una dose a 8 euro. L’eroina low cost invade il mercato

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26.03.2016 – Bloccato dopo il furto. È un profugo in trasferta

18.10.2016 - Campo Marzo, ancora un blitz, Arresto e denunce

04.05.2016 – Spaccia a minorenni. Profugo di Teramo finisce in manette

25.10.2016 - Campo Marzo, Ancora un blitz anti-droga

30.05.2016 – Clochard ubriachi. Così viale Roma diventa dormitorio

18.11.2016 – Allarme degrado. Guardie giurate entrano in pista

20.06.2016 – Campo Marzo: ok alle ronde, no alla recinzione

28.11.2016 – Profugo ruba bici e poi con gli amici accerchia la vittima

22.06.2016 - Coppia veronese ferita e rapinata a Campo Marzo

19.12.2016 – Trecento firme per presidio fisso a Campo Marzo

23.06.2016 – Lotta al degrado. 25 telecamere nel quadrilatero

24.12.2016 – Guardie giurate contro il degrado. In pista da Natale

05.07.2016 - Overdose fatale per un 45enne, Salvato l’amico 08.06.2016 – Moresco blindato. Rete di metallo contro il degrado 10.07.2016 - Salvato in extremis 45enne in overdose, Allarme eroina-killer 19.08.2016 – Raffica di furti di bici, ogni giorno cinque denunce 05.09.2016 – Allarme degrado, I parchi usati come una latrina 26.09.2016 – Bambini, famiglie e siringhe sul prato. Qui Campo Marzo 30.09.2016 - Violenta lite a Campo Marzo: Due accoltellati

2017 10.02.2017 - Blitz a Campo Marzo, Trovati due etti di droga, un arresto 24.02.2017 - Intervento per rissa, Dopo il fuggi fuggi spunta la droga 21.03.2017 – Campo Marzo, Trovata mannaia vicino al parco giochi 21.03.2017 - Campo Marzo “sommerso” dai tappi di birra 18.04.2017 - Ubriaco in auto scambia il prato per una strada

30.09.2016 - Telefona al 112 e fa arrestare due spacciatori

18.04.2017 - 40enne pugnalato mentre passeggia a Campo Marzo

04.10.2016 - Campo Marzo, Un etto di droga sequestrata

31.05.2017 – Accoltellamento tra i passanti: Due arresti

10.10.2016 - Droga e coltelli a Campo Marzo, In 4 nei guai

06.06.2017 – Campo Marzo, violati i divieti anti-bivacco

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12.06.2017 - Campo Marzo, Denunciato 24enne con marijuana

14.08.2017 - Campo Marzo, Negli ultimi 2 mesi controllati in 300

21.06.2017 - A Campo Marzo e Fornaci, accese nuove telecamere

16.08.2017 - Campo Marzo, Blitz: 5 espulsi e due arrestati

17.07.2017 - Caos in stazione, Ferito nella rissa fugge da ospedale 22.07.2017 – Accoltellamento tra i passanti, le testimonianze 24.07.2017 - Sangue e violenza, Due in manette «Serve l’esercito» 25.07.2017 - Violenze a Campo Marzo, Al processo in barella, i due rivali sono già liberi 25.07.2017 - Sos Campo Marzo, Duellanti già liberi, Finora 100 espulsi 01.08.2017 - Blitz a Campo Marzo, Pusher clandestino tenta la fuga: preso 02.08.2017 - Piano per Campo Marzo, In attesa dell’esercito aumentano le pattuglie 02.08.2017 - Campo Marzo, Accoltellamento e rissa in 24 ore 04.08.2017 - Profugo spaccia eroina: preso ma è già libero 05.08.2017 - Campo Marzo, Cocaina e hashish tra i cespugli

18.08.2017 - Campo Marzo, blitz dei carabinieri e droga sequestrata 29.08.2017 - Campo Marzo, Marijuana tra le giostre 02.09.2017 - Per Campo Marzo il Daspo urbano «Via i delinquenti» 13.09.2017 - Sos sicurezza, A Campo Marzo arriva l’esercito 30.09.2017 - Campo Marzo, È il giorno dell’esercito 01.10.2017 - Il primo giorno dell’esercito, Le due facce di Campo Marzo 02.10.2017 - Tenta di violentare ragazzina 14enne, Profugo in manette 02.11.2017 - Droga e degrado, Maxi controllo a Campo Marzo 22.11.2017 – Polizia lo ferma e lui bestemmia. Scatta la multa 03.12.2017 – Un Natale blindato con agenti in borghese

09.08.2017 - Alcol in strada e nei parchi. Record di multe

06.12.2017 – Getta la droga e scappa ma perde i documenti

12.08.2017 - Divieto alcolici a Campo Marzo. I negozi: «Ingiusto»

07.12.2017 – Urla e minacce contro i passanti, bloccato dai vigili

12.08.2017 - Campo Marzo, Trovato mezzo chilo di marijuana

29.12.2017 – Campo Marzo. Esercito presente per altri due anni

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