Varied Methodological Perspectives on Public Issues: Nine Short Essays

First Edition, International Institute for Higher Education, Non-Profit Organization. The School of Public Administration at the University of New Mexico (UNM) © 2020 International Institute for Higher Education, Non-Profit Organization © 2020 Juan de Dios Pineda, Enrique Mendoza, Bruce J. Perlman Varied Methodological Perspectives on Public Issues: Nine Short Essays Publisher: International Institute for Higher Education.

Editor’s Assistant: Raul Uriel Sierra Editorial Assistance: Production Service/Compositor: Cover Design: Mayra Ruiz Library of Congress Control Number: 2815531333 ISBN-978-0-9846556-9-4 This book, published without any profit interest, was printed in collaboration and with financial sponsorship from the International Institute for Higher Education, Non-Profit Organization.

Disclaimer: The School of Public Administration at the University of New Mexico, the International Institute for Higher Education, editors, authors, and publishers cannot be held responsible for errors or any consequences arising from the use of information contained in this book; the views and opinions expressed by the authors do not necessarily reflect those of the The School of Public Administration at the University of New Mexico, neither the International Institute for Higher Education, Publisher, or the Editors.

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INTRODUCTION Towards the end of the second decade of the 21st century, “change” is the hallmark. The new millennium presaged alterations in all areas of life, but expectations have undoubtedly been exceeded, whether with negative or positive impacts. Today, socalled “artificial intelligence” has enabled machines to perceive their environment and carry out increasingly sophisticated tasks, such as solving problems and making diagnoses.

The “conquest of space” aims at reaching Mars, exploring other planets and even being able to inhabit them, to the point that there is already talk of “space tourism”.

On issues closer to the people, health policies point to a life expectancy between 85 and 90 years in industrialized countries, and are on the way to reaching 100 years.

At the same time, the deterioration of the environment is also a sign of the future, in this case, not a good sign. Studies have established that 2030 is the “no return” year for pursuing predatory policies on non-renewable resources. Human migration due to drought and natural disasters, as well as species of flora and fauna in the process of extinction, are alarming signs of what is happening.

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But without a doubt, perhaps the great mark of 21st century society is social networks, which have transformed the way we communicate and behave. Immediate dialogue and participation in virtual space has changed the rhythm of planetary life. Every day it is the purchases and the interaction on the multiple platforms that affect our consumption habits. Everyone is exposed to the phenomenon of social networks, so much so that it infringes on our personal safety. The millennial and centennial generational blocks are the fruit of communication without borders, which bring with them new social demands.

And as far as the development of societies is concerned, the concentration of wealth and the lack of distributive policies have highlighted social inequalities and the extent of poverty in the world. Such is the inequality gap that the UN, in a second attempt to address this global problem, has relaunched in 2015 an urgent call to its member countries to develop policies to meet the so-called Sustainable Development Goals (Agenda 2030), since the first version of this initiative—the Millennium Goal—had no echo or results.

Political systems are not immune to the changes that mark this millennium. Movements to demand rights, to complain about the lack of capacity of governments to meet social demands and about the corruption of their authorities, are also signs of these times.

Years ago, in circles of rulers and scholars, it was mentioned that ideologies had disappeared, to make room for the efficiency of the state apparatus; however, there was no such efficiency, and ideologies that were thought to have been overcome, perhaps did not go away completely and resurface in a radical form, such as racial supremacy, contempt for migration, the prevalence of the patriarchal system and military-style governments with authoritarian overtones.

The above denotes something fundamental in the studies of the exercise of government, power relations, the shaping of regimes, public policies and communication between those who govern and those who are governed. Some phenomena are not fully understood, when new ones arise and old unfulfilled demands appear, all of them intermingled that do not find immediate and satisfactory answers from the authorities.

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In this regard, it can be said that explanatory frameworks are needed to understand what is happening towards the end of the second decade of the new millennium. The Brexit, defined with social support, is prolonging its outcome and the direction it will take is not clear. The Arab spring that overthrew Hosni Mubarak does not give the happy accounts that it supposed. In the United States, it is not well understood what motivated Latinos to vote for Donald Trump and to openly oppose the migration of Mexicans and Central Americans to that country. And from the American President, it is worth mentioning his novel form of communication through Twitter, which has become the tool to fire a collaborator, to reprove or be in favor of some ruler, to enter into conflict with the American congressmen, than to make international politics.

In Latin America, the end of 2019 was marked by demonstrations of many different kinds. The same is true of neoliberal governments, such as Chile, as well as social ones, such as Bolivia, and the economic, social and political crises in Venezuela, and military governments, such as Nicaragua, and the humanitarian crisis in Central America, where development opportunities have literally been cancelled. Not to mention the problems in Colombia and Ecuador.

Mexico, with severe problems of public security due to the increasingly pronounced presence of organized crime, with no economic growth, but with a president who enjoys great social support, because of his government identified -discursively at least- with the people and with a narrative against corruption in the state apparatus of the last six years.

The insistence and need for social science studies is to identify new categories of analysis that explain what is happening and, based on identifying these variables, to propose alternatives that intervene proactively to address these problems. It is not an easy task, but methodological daring and new approaches are welcome.

That is the purpose of Juan de Dios Pineda, Enrique Mendoza and Bruce J. Perlman, three scholars of social phenomena, particularly, of public affairs, understood as those that impact the collective welfare, beyond the bureaucratic logic, where they identify not only problems, but potential to meet challenges that affect the quality of life of people, through “Varied Methodological Perspectives on Public Issues: Nine Short Essays�, have added the participation of specialists in various fields, in order to provide methodological elements that allow greater understanding of new social developments.

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Pineda, Mendoza and Perlman are coordinating this academic effort with a view to proposing alternative courses of action in the face of the new scenarios.

In The New Challenges of Higher Education Institutions, Ricardo Villanueva points out that it is precisely the education provided at the higher level, one of the pillars of any nation that aspires to development, since the mission of educational institutions is the generation of human capital with skills, abilities, knowledge, which are analytical, critical, and above all, agents of change highly trained for the production and dissemination of knowledge that favors the formation of more just societies. It is for these reasons that education is considered to be one of the greatest investments that the State can make, since on the results obtained here, the economic, political and social development of a nation will depend to a great extent.

However, in today’s world, marked as never before by complexity and uncertainty, universities must prepare professionals for a reality that does not yet exist but that is looming with notso-flattering novelties. The author deepens the debate on the relationship between the school world and the real world, or as he refers to it, between the pedagogical reality and the social reality, where he highlights that the dissociation between both has implied that the educational processes do not fit in the explanation and intervention of social development. According to the author, the main challenges for higher education in the 21st century are focused on the understanding of the complex problems of societies and their ability to cope with them. That is, universities must rethink their offerings and successfully link them to the context of the world, of countries, their locations and the needs that mark the new forms of socialization, behaviors and attitudes to act accordingly. In the face of old problems and new demands, new models of knowledge are worthwhile.

In a second essay, JesĂşs Enrique Reinoso continues with the analysis of higher education and the role it should play towards the future. In Professional Improvement and Postgraduate Education, the impact of three postgraduate programs -Masters in Computer Science and Technology, Educational Research and Administration- during five classes of the Universidad AutĂłnoma de Aguascalientes (Aguascalientes, Mexico), on the productive environment and salary performance of its students upon graduation is reviewed. The way in which this study was carried out is very worthwhile, as it is quantitative, descriptive and transversal, in order to give a high value to induction as a scientific method.

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As a general conclusion, the study shows that there is an improvement in the employment of students in relation to before and after having completed the master’s programs, however, there are other variables that allow for greater analysis of postgraduate studies, such as trends in occupation and salary; satisfaction with the training received and application of knowledge in their respective jobs; scientific-technical training, professional practice and the needs of the organizations in which they work; the relationship between personal and institutional progress that enhances the formation of human capital, among others that reinforce the basic idea that current conditions have led to postgraduate studies to the part of maximum professionalization to find answers of greater relevance related to the development of new skills, to raise the quality of skills. It should be noted that the point of alert lies in the linkage of postgraduate studies with the complexities of social behaviour. Postgraduate studies cannot be higher studies without an environment, that is, without any relation to social phenomena. Higher professional skills are not enough to strengthen the work activity, more social responsibility is needed.

In a third essay, Strengthening Accountability Through Institutional Collaboration, David Villanueva shows, as a necessary condition for democratic progress, the fight against corruption.

As a reference, the author takes the study “Corruption Perception Index 2016” by Transparency International, which ranks Mexico in 123 out of 176 nations, registering a drop of 28 places compared to 2015, showing a growing trend of this problem in the country. For its part, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), has ranked Mexico in the last place of 35 countries evaluated in terms of corruption. Villanueva agrees with María Amparo Casar (2015) in pointing out that corruption carries enormous economic, political and social costs to the countries that suffer most from it.

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Given the magnitude of the problem, in recent years there was a reform to the Political Constitution of the United Mexican States, which created the National Anti-Corruption Commission, as well as the National Control System, with the purpose of forming an institutional common front for the prevention, detection and sanctioning of administrative responsibilities and acts of corruption, as well as the inspection and control of public resources. However, the author points out that the fight against corruption requires several fronts, that is, in addition to legal mechanisms, it is necessary to promote values such as honesty, integrity and respect for rules, with schools being essential spaces for this, since it is there that people acquire and reinforce these values, particularly at the basic level, when children are between 6 and 13 years old. In this regard, Villanueva presents the results and conclusions of a survey carried out in the State of Puebla (Mexico), with a sample of 960 children between the ages of 8 and 13, from various schools, in order to assess the thresholds of tolerance, collaboration, generosity, honesty, responsibility, respect and integrity in civic training and ethical education for children, as well as the opportunity for government efforts against corruption to intervene in these spaces.

In the Fourth essay Lol-be Peraza analyze the correlation between the expenditure of the agricultural sector and the growth of this area. From the analysis of the growth of the Gross Domestic Product in Mexico, public spending in the agricultural sector is observed and studied.

Consequently the fact public spending does not always allow the development of this primary activity is discussed, since spending is focused on social programs that do not necessarily contribute positively to the desired growth in the agricultural sector. This participation of Lol-be Peraza lies in its importance in a development area that has historically been used in Mexico as a space for capturing votes. Therefore it is essential to clearly know the situation in which public spending is currently in a sector so abandoned by governments in Mexico.

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The fifth essay analyzes the new public management as an effective tool for the transformation of the public administration apparatus in Mexico. In The New Public Management (NPM), Verónica Ponce identifies concepts and techniques of this model that has registered success stories in various countries (United States, Sweden, Great Britain, France, Australia, among others), achieving that the state apparatus improves its performance before its governed. The New Public Management, appears as one of the most prominent international trends after the structural crises of the late twentieth century, when the State proved to be ineffective and incompetent to meet social demands. In the face of questions about what the role of the State should be in the face of new endogenous and exogenous factors in each country, the NPM is a new paradigm of the State’s sphere of action, particularly in economic and social development.

Revaluing the role of the State, redimensioning its size, professionalization of the bureaucracy, fiscal balance, evaluation of goals and objectives, democratic governments, the client/user/ citizen vision, greater social participation in the design of public policies, as well as interest in the creation of permanent public value, are some of the characteristics of the NPM, established by multinational financial organizations such as the World Bank (WB) and the International Monetary Forum (IMF); However, factors such as globalization, the political environment, the international development of markets, and the competitiveness of countries, among others, have influenced the fact that in Latin America, particularly in Mexico, the NPM has not developed satisfactorily. Under a solid methodological framework, Ponce offers an analysis of the obstacles to the NPM in Mexico, and provides guidelines to advance in the modernization of public administration, based on the recording and evaluation of successful experiences in the local sphere, such as the municipal governments of León (Guanajuato, Mexico) and Aguascalientes (Ags., Mexico), which adopted strategic planning, organizational development and total quality as instruments of the NPM. Perhaps one of the keys to the success of the NPM, says the author, is in local governments.

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Bruce J. Perlman and Juan de Dios Pineda are the coauthors of the sixth essay, Border Administration to Maintain State Sovereignty, in which they manifest the reconceptualization of “state sovereignty”, due, of course, to the phenomenon of globalization and the multilaterality of countries’ foreign policy. The relationship between the United States and Mexico is the specific topic on which this analysis is addressed, which is inexhaustible due to the legal, political, economic and even socio-cultural implications that it presents. This essay succeeds in proposing a novel explanatory theoretical framework to understand that close relations between countries, as is often the case in neighborhood conditions, disrupt diverse and very complex factors, for which a border administration that is up to what is required it demands the dimensions of capital, merchandise and human flow.

The same authors highlight the three purposes of this article: firstly, it reviews the theoretical bases of the so-called “border sovereignty”, highlighting the principle of international cooperation as a condition of globalization. Secondly, it analyzes the establishment and maintenance of border controls, and the influence they may have on the macroeconomic objectives, public security and even the national security of each country, which motivates them to make border policies more flexible or tougher. Finally, it provides the concept of “low borders” and describes their operation, understanding that we have reached the moment of “delegated sovereignty”.

Perlman and Pineda point out the advantages of this instrument, which is effective, low cost and simple to administer, without increasing the risks to the interests of the countries involved.

Low but regulated borders” can be understood as a mechanism that acts under the logic of maximizing value through international economic cooperation and the pursuit of national interest.

The seventh essay offers an analysis of the limitations that governments and political actors have in communicating with diverse audiences. In The Complexity of Political Communication, Jorge David Cortés initial proposal is that political communication should consider as an undesirable variable the conflict that is generated when trying to address various issues that are often tied and that none is given an efficient channel, running the risk of crises that impact, at least temporarily, the stability of those who communicate. In the author’s own reflections, it could be said that if it is difficult to carry out the task of communicating, it is much more difficult to “communicate politics”, Cortés poses the problem directly: Why is it complex to communicate in terms of politics, towards politics, and from politics?

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One response that this essay outlines is the establishment of agendas that differentiate the operational from the strategic: the operational agenda is one that records the “day-to-day”, the fulfillment of which requires a great deal of human, financial, material and organizational resources, since it involves the affairs of the various actors who seek to influence decisionmaking and who make demands to be met. This agenda, which serves as a thermometer of reality, represents approximately eighty percent of the time spent on activities. In contrast, the strategic agenda, which represents twenty percent of political communication activities, constitutes eighty percent of the results, since it links all political, social and economic actors in society in crucial tasks such as public security, social development, infrastructure, food security, etc. The conflict—says Cortés—occurs when the operational agenda prevails over the strategic one, causing a great paradox: attending to what is urgent so that what is important becomes urgent. The design of agendas deserves an in-depth analysis to avoid instability in political communication.

The Intermunicipal Model in Mexico by Adán Larracilla is the eighth essay that presents a study of the problems faced by local governments and the way in which they act to address them, with the scarce budgetary resources and limited powers that the Mexican legal framework has conferred on them. Derived from a demoscopic study analyzed by the author, the issues that most constrain municipalities are Public Security (40%), Corruption (35%) and public services (25%). The purpose of the research advances the response that Larracilla explores for local governments: to address the issue of intermunicipality and to review the advantages it offers as a legal figure in order to identify strengths and opportunities to promote the integral social development of its inhabitants.

The hypothesis that guides this work establishes that what the author calls “intermunicipal” is a mechanism of public law with legal personality and its own patrimony, since this is indicated by the Constitution of the United Mexican States, which gives the opportunity to local governments to associate themselves to face the challenges that public work presents and whose basis is subsidiarity, co-responsibility, which seeks the effectiveness and legitimacy of actions, taking into account the characteristics of the municipalities involved such as their culture, geography, idiosyncrasies, budget, population, organizational capacities, among other socioeconomic aspects. This scheme of “horizontal partnership” is very ambitious, taking into account the disparities of the municipalities in Mexico, but necessary to explore alternative actions in the face of the growing problems faced by the municipalities.

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Finally, the ninth essay is authored by Enrique Mendoza, Electoral Reform in Mexico 19172017, which addresses a study of the evolution of electoral democracy in Mexico during the last century. It is true that the democracy of complex societies is far from the Greek ideal. On the contrary, today’s democracy is not only facing growing social differentiation, but also new communications and new temporalities that require the guarantee that beyond the mechanisms of representation, suffrage or decision, social order will be preserved. The guarantee of checks and balances, electoral reforms that make the political game more equitable and transparent, the balance of powers, effective suffrage, political representation and citizen participation, are indispensable requirements for any regime to be able to call itself democratic.

In the Mexican case, the balances of the above are reflected today in the plurality of the congress, in the alternation, in the limitation of the presidential power, in the full validity of the principles of effective suffrage and political representation, based on equity, pluralism and democratic governance; which invariably leads us to the existence of knowledge on the part of scholars in political-electoral issues, about the reforms, their laws and periods of validity, so that historical memory does not forget that they are the result of ideological disputes that give meaning to the political actors of today. Mendoza reviews the successes and limitations of the electoral reforms in Mexico, and outlines a range of possibilities for the future in this area.

As mentioned before the presentation of the essays that make up this compilation of analytical and propositional works, they are future topics based on current diagnoses. While retrospective thinking has taught us to learn from the past, what is presented here tells us that we must learn from the future, understood as those scenarios—desirable and catastrophic—that can be built on the basis of today’s analyses.

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ABSTRACT The task of forming profiles relevant to the demands of today’s real world lies with higher education institutions (HEIs). The social expectation is that young people are formed and trained in a complete and integral way: that they influence the development processes of the regions; that they contribute to the generation of wealth; that they imagine alternatives for cultural development; that they contribute technical knowledge and scientific objectivity; that they exercise professionally with ethical commitment and respect for human rights in the complex reality of the last few days, characterized by the challenges that it poses in environmental, economic, political, civic, social, health, etc. terms. HEIs bear a great responsibility for these changes, the preparation of their students ceases to be relevant and useful if they are still conceived to act in the face of a defined, determined and precise reality.

Today, reality is no longer like that. Future professionals will have to have a formation that prepares them to act in complexity and uncertainty, for a reality that probably does not yet exist. This implies that universities review how their graduates behave in the productive, economic, social and cultural spheres in these times.

This reflection is imperative, as well as deepening the debate on the relationship between the school world and the real world or pedagogical reality and social reality. The dissociation between the two has meant that educational processes do not fit into the adjustments of society and that the effects of the digital and global era on populations are not considered from the teaching guidelines, which become institutionalized educational models of universities.

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Rethinking the supply and relevance of universities therefore implies not only responding to the demands of the labour market, it also means deciphering the way in which new generations explore and establish relationships with the world around them. To this end, it will be necessary to highlight, in cultural consumption and practices, new forms of socialization, behaviors, attitudes and values that identify contemporary young people, who celebrate being citizens of the digital world without renouncing their identity differences.

In this sense, this research seeks to answer the question of how the educational model of universities adapts to the new consumption and new forms of communication and socialization of young people. At the same time, it seeks to explore whether universities should be rethought in order to adapt to new generations; whether university education is an effective tool to achieve economic success and development; whether other modes of teaching and models of knowledge accreditation should be explored; and, finally, what policies, programs and projects should be developed by higher education institutions to face the challenges faced by young people in Mexico.  

Perspectives on Youth Studies Strauss and Howe’s generation theory is anchored in multidisciplinary social science, examining changes in human attitudes and behaviour and social mood over time.

According to Mark McCrindle (2009) the traditional biological definition for the definition of generational cohort ranges is irrelevant today. Because cohorts today are changing so rapidly in response to new technologies, changes in study and career choices, and changes in social values, two decades is too long a generational lapse.

Generations are the product of the contexts and actions of their predecessors and provoke crises and contextual transformations in the search to exercise their agency capacity and draw new horizons. Authors such as Neil Howe and William Strauss (1991, 1997, 2007) have developed a vast reflective bibliography to frame the arrival of the so-called Millennials and state that this generation, unlike all previous generations, has transformed all the social and institutional certainties that were held about family, the state, school, economy and political action.

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Millennials together with their parents, have also re-defined economic and market standards developed a solid practice of joint spending known as co-purchase, which involves a collegial decision of the family spending in many aspects: technology, activities and recreational products and educational offer mainly. (Howe & Strauss, 2007) One of the great obsessions of this generation is university studies, Millennials along with their parents are willing to do anything to enter university, which is identified as a common goal and significantly linked to the practice of co-purchase. The parents of these young people do not skimp on the expenditure or time invested in monitoring their children’s vocational training, making this practice a central goal of contemporary social life and, as has been verified in other social fields, the arrival of these families at universities poses a challenge in terms of the educational offer and the services linked to it.

For Rossana Reguillo, a Mexican researcher, the Millennial category is not adequate for observing the phenomenon, since she considers the definition to be a category of analysis that is based on a measure of time, the time shared by a generation, and tends to homogenize youth identities, considers that “all these nominations have the background of the search for a pure space and the idea of inventing an imaginary of “good” young people, an imaginary that society can deal with but in which very few young people fit, especially in a context of poverty, precariousness and lack of access to opportunities” (Reguillo, 2017).

On the other hand, Marcela Meneses (Meneses, 2016), considers that the category describes communities that live in other contexts (mainly in the United States), thus, the transfer of theoretical resources to read the implications of the arrival of the Millennials as a new generation must be done with care and taking into account that specific sociocultural contexts must be taken into account in order to find an analysis parameter.

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The Problem Throughout history the university has gone from being an elite enclosure—where only a few could access to be trained in its spaces—to the normalization of university studies and the democratization of their access; universities became in some countries powerful generators of science and part of economic power at the end of the twentieth century. However, in the most recent years the ways of approaching knowledge have changed vertiginously, the ultra accelerated development of technology impacted the interests, expectations and training needs of young people, their lifestyles became sophisticated and their demands—today—exceed the logics and schemes with which universities had been behaving.

The university has not been able to transform itself to be meaningful to new generations. Jesús Martín Barbero (Martín-Barbero, 2002), develops some reflections on the cultural characteristics of the new social scenarios and their implication in the teaching-learning processes. It subscribes to the importance of redesigning the traditional spaces of knowledge (book-school) and proposes a transformation that takes into account a cultural-subjective scaffolding of young people that means much more than the incorporation of new technologies into classrooms.

From their point of view, young people experience a profound reorganization of socialization models and because of this the school loses its legitimacy as a place of knowledge. Knowledge circulates through other channels, due to a process of diversification-diffusion that constantly questions the school structure.

Cárdenas and Arellano (Rosales Cárdenas & Arellano D., 2008) affirm that the school “must move from a communicational model centered on linearity and sequence, chained in grades, ages and packages of knowledge, to a decentralized and plural model. From his point of view, this means a change of places and looks that transforms the nature of knowledge and its circulation, a kind of epistemological mutation that requires new images, new symbols, concepts, sensibilities and relationships.

In this sense, the task of rethinking the university in function of these new social identities is assumed as necessary and urgent. The task is broad and must be observed-acting from various dimensions.

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Research Faced with the scenario of the arrival of new generations at universities, as with U.S. peers, in the region the question of the university offer and the transformations of higher education institutions are still valid. Many authors question the lack of assertiveness of universities to respond to the needs of new generations and at the same time urge the government to provide coherent and effective responses to the problems afflicting young people.

The specific contribution from the trench of cultural studies could be summarized in the following points: 1. To observe the phenomenon of the decentralization of knowledge as the opening of multiple spaces and times that for centuries remained in the book as a centralizercomputer of knowledge.

2. To assume the delocalization of knowledge, knowledge is no longer in legitimate places and times. There is an important amount of knowledge with no place of its own.

3. Incorporate the management-recognition of the subjectivity of identities as a structural component of the culture of contemporary youth (identity, memory, society, community, social commitment, free time, love, family, fun, etc.).

In a time marked by speed and virtuality, the scenarios in which social identities take place undergo profound transformations that must be observed by specialists, but in a very special way, by institutions. In such a way that they do not lag behind social changes and do not lose their validity, their social sense, in the face of social identities.

This is where the main approach and subsidiary questions of this research are asked.

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Research Questions Main approach How does the educational model of Universities adapt to the new consumer practices of young people and to the new forms of communication and socialization that digitalization has provoked in the world?

Subsidiary approaches Should the Universities be rethought from the new generations?

Is university education the tool for young people to achieve economic success and development?

Should universities explore other modes of teaching and models of knowledge accreditation that do not necessarily lead to a university degree?

What scheme of articulation of policies, programs and projects should the Universities develop before the challenges that will face the Millennials in their professional development?

Objectives of the research Objective 1.

Resize the importance that young people of the new generations give to university education, its legitimacy and usefulness. Analyze whether university degrees should account for the validity of such training.

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If universities are no longer recognised as the only place of knowledge, if it is confirmed that there are other more stimulating and effective channels for young people to learn and train, then the debate on the relevance and usefulness of university education should be conducted in depth and within the university itself.

The new media that are used for learning do not represent competition for the university; what we want is to take advantage of them, to incorporate them, however it is important to point out that the search is not for clients, that is to say, the interest in the diverse media is not to make the university more attractive per se to the student population.

If a university is relevant and useful, it will remain in force. It is not just a title, but how the student’s life is changed and then whether he truly transforms his reality and his context; that is the utility to which this objective refers.

Objective 2.

Elaborate a proposal for structural modification so that the University Centre of TonalĂĄ generates an offer of programmes in accordance with the expectations, consumption habits, beliefs and new realities of the generations demanding university education.

The didactic practices do not correspond to the languages and ways of relating of the young generations, the curricular contents are behind the technological developments and utility models in 2018. In order to have an impact on young people, it is necessary to impact the learning scenarios -with the design of the campus- and the curricula that mark their academic trajectories in order to form themselves as global students.

Scope of the research The identification of the characteristics of the generational blocks of the young population, as well as their tendencies of social interaction and the pertinence of the academic offer considering the vision of the private Initiative and Government, will be the inputs to analyze the importance of the university formation for these generations.

It is hoped to be able to establish policies according to the answers, expectations and life trajectories that young people seek and on which they have been directed. This is due to the recognition of the responsibility of having directed a University Center, the youngest of the University of Guadalajara, second in importance and size at the national level.

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At a later stage, the institutional machinery would be based on new policy proposals on the design of an educational offer that is relevant to the interests of young people, innovative and linked to the global world and technological macro trends.

Methodology The interest of this research lies in knowing the importance that young people of the new generations give to university education in order to derive something as concrete as being able to analyse whether university degrees account for the validity of such education.

Due to the nature of what is interesting to investigate and the definition of research questions that have been raised, work is being done on exploratory-type qualitative research.

It is of the exploratory type because it seeks a first approach to the problem, is the characterization and general knowledge of the questions. The approach achieved will establish the conditions under which proposals for action can be drawn up on the basis of the results found.

Scheme 1. Methodology of analysis of the object of study

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In order to develop the research proposed here, two stages have been designed; in the first stage, work will be done to meet objective 1; in the second stage, and with the inputs obtained from the first stage, research will continue to meet objective 2.

First Stage of the Investigation Objective Resize the importance that young people of the new generations give to university education, its legitimacy and usefulness. Analyze whether university degrees should account for the validity of such training.

Techniques Quantitative study based on a survey applied to young people in the cities of Guadalajara, Jalisco; Monterrey, Nuevo León; Oaxaca, Oaxaca; Querétaro, Querétaro; Mérida, Yucatán and Mexico City, to know expectations, values, needs and demands.

Focus groups with young people from the cities of Guadalajara, Jalisco; Monterrey, Nuevo León; Oaxaca, Oaxaca; Querétaro, Querétaro; Mérida, Yucatán and Mexico City, to learn about attitudes, behaviors, meanings and relationships.

Methodological scheme

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Interview blocks: a) Political and participation interests b) Formative and educational interests c) Interests in communication, technology and consumer styles d) Interests in economics, employment and finance We want to investigate the belief systems and their configuration by generational group proposed as variables of market segmentation, and on which we have sought to explain important shifts in models of consumption, coexistence, sexual habits, attitudes towards the world of work, religion and politics.

Second Stage of the Investigation Objective Based on the results of the Quantitative and Qualitative Study, establish a statistical analysis that correlates with the substantive functions of the university and a description of its current form of conducting the study.

Techniques Analysis of data secondary to those thrown by the study of the first stage, such data are historical educational preferences in young people.

Review of documents that account for the relationship between the university, social demands, the world of work and the expectations of students.

Prospective study for the design of a new educational offer at the TonalĂĄ University Centre  

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Main Results of the Study The data provided by the young people in the study do not accurately portray the characteristics of the Anglo-Saxon “Millennial” generation, and differences can be noted not only by age ranges, but also by social contexts (cities), specific family contexts, the different NSE, gender, and it is reasonable to infer that inequality gaps contribute to the fact that no single profile can be identified among Mexican young people, and in some segments they even resemble generation “X”.

It adapts the ideal identity of the young generations to the Mexican reality, not necessarily reproducing specific and literal beliefs of the Anglo-Saxon world, nor determining the obligatory nature of progressive profiles, much less conservative, but rather sharing vector principles that define a position in the bulk of opinion, which is usually called politically correct discourse but in reality responds to authentic general principles in the first stage in the formation of opinion; and give space to a range of diverse positions.

In terms of perception of the importance of university education, interest in study and recognition of the degree and its usefulness for working life and improved income, it is observed that although it is important for all age ranges, the importance decreases with growth. In such a way that the older strata minimize the importance of these topics. According to the data analysed, young people in general still consider their traditional school referent to be functional (practical exercises, books and documents and face-to-face education, attendance at libraries, etc.) and, on the contrary, they are very reserved about online learning.

In a comparison between the different cities that participated in the study, the diversity of opinions stands out; the young people of Guadalajara were more optimistic about other cities such as Querétaro, about how much university education in Mexico prepares young people for working life. In contrast, in terms of entrepreneurship, Guadalajara’s young people are the least interested in starting a business, far below cities such as Tijuana and Merida. These are only two examples, but in general significant discrepancies were found between young people from cities in the north, with cities in the centre and south; this reinforces the fact that the geographical and socio-economic difference does represent contrasts in perception and makes it difficult to identify the archetypes raised from the literature of the theory of generations.

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Continuing with the marked differences mentioned in the previous paragraph, in Mexico City young people have more confidence in the Internet and Social Networks, however in the rest of the cities and specifically in Guadalajara it is the television that enjoys more confidence to keep informed, these data can be associated in a first moment to the interest that they still show in more traditional educational processes, if in order to be informed of what is happening in the world the Internet is not your preference, it is understandable that to opt for courses on the Internet do not have much interest, although the contradiction that was found in this part is that technology has a strong impact on the profile of young people and in contrast draws particular attention to the lack of interest in training in alternative media to traditional.

Conclusion In order not to lose sight of what the present research seeks, the research questions that shaped the work done, and the cut of having done the first stage of the research, are shown here the approximations of answer to each of the subsidiary questions.

Subsidiary approaches Should the Universities be rethought from the new generations?

In Mexico, socioeconomic inequalities diversify the profiles of young people and there is only market data on generational differences, so a generational profile of young people is not clearly defined.

It identifies a conflict about thinking the category Millennial from the scholars of the youth, the criticism is regarding the impossibility of making a characterization as homogeneous as it is done in the United States. The characteristics of the Anglo-Saxon Millennial are not clearly identified in Mexican territory, traits that allude to Generation X were located and only very few traits are circumscribed in the Millennial generation.

If there is interest in tropicalizing the Millennial category and making an adaptation to the Mexican context, it should be done with great care and certain reservations, since there is little relationship found between young people who have been catalogued -by market studies mainly- as Millennial and young people in Mexico.

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In short, the university must be rethought, but from the findings of this research there must first be an analysis of national contexts and socio-cultural contexts; the particularities shown by some cities are determining identities in young people who influence their decisions when choosing a profession. The challenge is to deepen the knowledge of the consumption and cultural habits of young people to achieve an understanding of what appears to be a hybrid generation.

What is found in this hybrid generation are a series of characteristics that help to typify moderately what young people are like and how they behave, their main features are listed below: • • • • • • •

They are born in the digital age Its relationship with technology is one of dependence, stimulation and overexposure.

Are multithematic, multitasking and multiscreens A large part of their socialization processes are associated with online life.

Are concerned about the sustainability and care of the natural environment Have a broad sense of partnership for transformation and protection The formation of networks to achieve certain purposes is natural to them and guarantees collective achievements, in addition to the consequent inclusion.

These young people, with these concepts, who should be inserted in social, economic, work, family, etc., are required certain skills that can and should be developed largely by experiences given in the field of higher education, supported by focused strategies for this incursion into the current world.

Is university education the tool for young people to achieve economic success and development?

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There is a bias in the characterization of young people according to the Millennial category and consequently in the definition that for them means economic success and development.

However, it is identified that the careers that are aligned with the market and technological macro trends are those that guarantee -to a certain extent- better income, these are those classified as STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics). In this sense it is identified that the demand of the industry and the labor sector is for professionals who have flexible thinking and a capacity for continuous learning that allows them to adapt quickly to the changes to which the industry is subjected; in contrast, it is observed that STEM careers do not develop soft skills, it is precisely the humanities that provide most training in these aspects.

Exploring a scheme of complementarity between STEM careers and the humanities will surely be a pending task of university education and will be able to guarantee a more balanced economic success between technology-oriented and humanistic professions.

More than the rigidity of a title referring to content, what matters in the labour market are skills and flexible thinking, the integration of what a STEM career and the humanities offer, a balance of what each of the schemes provide is what would most serve the industry and young professionals.

Should universities explore other modes of teaching and models of knowledge accreditation that do not necessarily lead to a university degree?

When one delves deeper into the reflections on the generations that in recent years have acceded to the University and the generations close to those they will receive, and if one takes into account both the national and international panorama that has been shaping the practices and behaviours of young people, it is possible to find determinants that should be considered when exploring other modes of teaching and models of knowledge accreditation without having a reference in a university degree.

In Mexico there are already regulations for the exercise of some professions that are required to have a certification that in turn will have a temporary validity, this certification is associated with the demonstration of professional skills and the maintenance of a technical experience.

This is because the demand is for adaptable individuals, able to function in changing, global and hyper-connected environments.

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For all these reasons, a scheme that considers multimodality in learning and that recognizes its validity and expiration necessarily implies a university that diversifies its functions and processes, which in addition to training professionals can also train them, accredit or certify their skills and thus transcend generations.

The rethinking of the University implies the reconfiguration of the categories of student and professor, that relative stability that has had the behavior of these categories, invariably must be thought to adjust to the calibrations that have brought the effects of the digital world and globalization in the training expectations of young people as well as in their cultural habits and consumption. Technology has given another meaning to information; searching for it, finding it, consuming it, disseminating it, communicating it, interpreting it or interacting with information in multiple formats and channels requires transforming traditional roles and conceiving the student as a subject of knowledge and the teacher as a facilitator of learning and the university as an institution that teaches to learn.

What scheme of articulation of policies, programs and projects should the Universities develop before the challenges that will face the Millennials in their professional development?

In a world where the forces of globalization are leading to constant changes in the geopolitical, socioeconomic, demographic and technological spheres, the adaptation of Higher Education Institutions to apprehend this reality and adjust to the nature, capacities and projections of current generations is a major challenge and worthy of a debate that makes sense of the work of the traditional University.

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Thus, in a scenario where, on the one hand, generations of young people present themselves with new patterns of content consumption, with skills for interaction with an almost innate global environment, where technological platforms have played a fundamental role in materializing the shortening of time and distances demanded by globalization, and with a labor market determined by changes in the industrial sector that demand skills that a couple of decades ago were not imagined and, on the other hand, a University model that still operates at many levels with traditional practices, Internationalization is presented as a bridge of communication that allows the distances between the two realities to be shortened.

In addition to the above, and according to what Rama (2015) said, we are facing a complex dynamic of transformation of higher education systems as a national public service in which higher education, seen as international law; where if one does not have access to internationalization, to information and global resources, then one does not have completely the fundamental right to education.

The needs and requirements of the contexts of university life related to information, knowledge, the workplace, technological aspects and cultural meanings in which teaching and learning processes are developed require HEIs to adapt their structures and processes, accompanying them with educational policies and internal organization that respond to the challenges posed by globalization and modernity. In this sense, HEIs can use ICTs to modernize their educational models, establish agile and flexible government structures that allow students to add value to the world in which they live.

Technologies must be used efficiently to impact teaching and research, but this poses a number of challenges such as digital literacy, the strengthening of infrastructure and an evolution of organizational culture that allows maximum use of existing technologies in the university.

The training and formation of teachers, as key actors in learning, will have to be formalized and structured in such a way that it takes advantage of, considers and integrates the growth of informal training and professional experience, with the provisions for the accreditation of the knowledge and skills developed.

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Higher education can then be rethought on the basis of who they are and will be their main users and beneficiaries. A qualitative leap is needed to rethink the role of teachers and students, to design more personalized learning experiences, with trajectories and contents that respond to students’ needs in terms of time, space and ways of learning, to promoteteaching innovation, pedagogical reflection and the effective use of learning environments based on technological macro trends.

Technology has a fundamental role in educational research and innovation, so the implementation of ICT governance principles, the exchange of good practices, networking, the implementation of personal learning environments, the consolidation of virtual learning communities and the change in the educational culture of universities is fundamental to effectively and pertinently integrate technological macro trends in educational models.

Although it is very difficult to remain at the forefront of technology due to the speed at which new devices, equipment, applications and other advances emerge, the capacity of institutions to implement mechanisms to update digital knowledge and skills, maximizing the use and exploitation of existing resources, becomes more relevant. The incorporation of technological macro trends, such as those described in this chapter, can allow HEIs to maintain affordable costs for their technological projects, making firm progress in solving current and future problems and challenges: coverage and equal access to higher education, improving the quality of learning, developing professional, personal and communication skills and competencies, with lower costs, using fewer resources and achieving the expected results in less time.

So far, the main question of this research has been partially answered: How does the educational model of Universities adapt to the new consumer practices of young people and to the new forms of communication and socialization that digitalization has provoked in the world?

Deliberately we have not wanted to answer directly the fundamental question that concerns us, it will be until the end of the second part of this work when it is answered in an integral way.

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ABSTRACT The results of a study to know the improvement in labor and earnings in their jobs of persons graduated from masters programs are presented. The study considered five generations of three master programs to the Universidad Autónoma de Aguascalientes.

The method used was quantitative, descriptive and transversal.

A questionnaire designed to take into account basic scheme factors of graduates proposed by the Mexican National Association of Universities and Higher Education Institutions was used. In conclusion, the graduates from these three master degrees improved their labor situation after concluding their studies, while the increase in salaries varies depending on the program they followed.

Follow-up of Scholarship Holders in Higher Education This work introduces the results of a study to know the labor and salary performance currently obtained by graduates who completed the master’s degree. The study took into account three five-generation master’s programmes in an institution of higher education. The method was quantitative, descriptive and transversal. A questionnaire was used, the design of the reagents took into account some factors of the basic scheme of graduate studies.

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In recent years, federal, state and municipal government policies have been characterized by an annual increase in the budget for the education sector and, specifically, in the area of educational scholarships for undergraduate, master’s and postgraduate studies.

Higher education at postgraduate level consists of a series of teaching-learning processes that seek to ensure the preparation of university graduates to complete, update and deepen the knowledge and skills they possess, related to their professional practice, scientific-technical advances and the needs of the entities in which they work (Manzo, Rivera and Rodríguez, 2006).

The main objectives of postgraduate programmes at master’s level are to provide students with a broad and solid training in the discipline, with the aim of initiating them in the field of research, teaching and specialisation in the professional field (Sánchez y Arredondo, 2001).

Mexico offers three levels of postgraduate study: specialization, master’s and doctorate. The duration of each of them is twelve, twenty-four and thirty-six months respectively. In the country there are 836 public schools that offer postgraduate programs, and there is also a private system with 817 schools. The number of students enrolled in 2008 was 185,486, of which 21.45% were studying a specialty, 68.57% a master’s degree and only 9.98% a doctorate.

Postgraduate enrolment was attended by 51.20% by the public system and 48.8% by the private sector (SEP, 2009). Graduate students are the final product obtained after completing and approving graduate programs. The route that the graduates decide to take, their growth and professional performance are factors that should be studied by the schools, in order to reflect on the results obtained from the education achieved. The graduate studies contribute to the construction of a diagnosis that serves to study the trends of occupation, salary, time it takes to place in the labor market, satisfaction with the training received and the application of their knowledge acquired in their current employment. The National Association of Universities and Higher Education Institutions (ANUIES, 1998) mentions that the graduate studies that have been carried out are very heterogeneous in terms of methodology. In addition, the limitations that can be presented in this type of studies are: the high cost which places them with a low priority within the institutional budget; the high degree of difficulty when there is no database to locate graduates quickly and the lack of experts in this type of research. For these reasons, this type of studies are not performed frequently.

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The studies of alumni of some postgraduate program expose the situation in their current employment status of graduates, which gives an idea about the relationship between the degree achieved and the activity they perform. Academic level, which helps identify whether or not they are alumni who have a degree. Students who worked during their studies and the impacts that the scholarships enjoyed may have in relation to the objectives achieved (Ramírez, Reyna, García, Ortiz y Valdez, 2011; Figueroa, Bernal y Andrade, 2010; Luchilo, 2009; Martínez, Moreno, Hernández, Miguel y Martínez, 2005). We found three follow-up researches of graduates that were carried out in the Interdisciplinary Professional Unit of Engineering and Social and Administrative Sciences (UAA), the first explains the obstacles and benefits of working a scheme to study the graduates (Fernandez and Rodriguez, 1986), the second analyzes the quality of the postgraduate in administration from the perspective of the graduate, here we study factors like; 1) the labor situation before and after graduate school, 2) achievement of expectations and 3) subjects more useful to the graduate for their job performance (Fernandez, 1993) and the third compiles executives’ opinions regarding the quality of the graduates’ performance (Fernandez, 1992). The investigations mentioned above date back more than 10 years, which means that during all this time no contact has been made with the graduates. It is of utmost value that the school designs an adequate planning that contains scheduled times to begin with the follow-up of graduates.

The purpose of this research work is to obtain a diagnosis of graduates that helps to know the potential labor and salary improvement of the graduates of three master’s programs enrolled in the National Quality Postgraduate Program (PNPC): Master’s in Administration (PNPC), Master’s in Computer Science and Computer Technologies (PNPC), and Master’s in Educational Research (PNCP) at the Autonomous University of Aguascalientes (UAA). The monitoring of graduates is a very important tool for the diagnosis, the improvement of study plans and programs and the definition of institutional development policies in the face of new social needs (Valenti and Varela, 2004; Martínez, et al., 2005). In addition, they are powerful mechanisms for diagnosing reality with the potential to induce institutions to reflect in depth on their goals and values.

Likewise, the results of these studies can contribute elements to redefine the development project of those institutions that remain alert to the new needs of their environment, allowing them to recognize and assume the new forms of professional practice that are required to sustain a less inequitable and dependent social process (Fresán, 1998).

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Method The method used was a quantitative, cross-sectional, descriptive method. Cross-sectional research designs collect data in a single moment, in a single time. Its purpose is to describe variables and analyze their incidence and interrelation at a given time (Hernández. Fernández y Baptista, 2006). The data was obtained through the construction of a questionnaire, which consists of 20 reagents distributed in five blocks: 1) general information; 2) employment and income situation (during and after the master’s degree), if scholarship holders; 3) academic level (with or without a degree); 4) application of knowledge in the labor field; 5) evaluation of the master’s degree program studied. In the design of the questionnaire, some factors of the Basic Scheme for the Study of Graduates of the ANUIES (1998) and variables stated in the methodology for carrying out graduate studies at the Autonomous University of Aguascalientes (UAA) were considered.

In order to collect the information, the e-mail was used to send the questionnaire; the exstudents, on average, took a week to respond. The graduates of the generations from 2009 to 2014 were considered because it has been the groups of students that allowed us to establish the bases in the preparation of the ground for the evaluation of the indicators that allowed us to enter the Graduate Program of Follow-up of Graduates in Three Master Programs. Data collection took place from February to April 2015. The information was captured and analyzed in Excel software.

The samples were taken according to the criteria of Fox and López (1981). Firstly, the universe of the graduates of the three master’s degrees from 2009 to 2014 was obtained, with a total of 320 students. Second, two criteria were established to select students who could answer the questionnaire: 1) graduates with 100% of credits completed and 2) students with a total of 195 teachers’ degrees. The 195 questionnaires were sent via e-mail inviting former students to participate in the study. The data producing sample consisted of 67 people who agreed to respond to the requested request. 34 for administration, 24 for educational research and 7 for informatics.

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Results Of the graduates surveyed, 64.20% are men and 35.80% are women. On average, graduates have an age of 33.5 years with a standard deviation of 5.7 years. The master’s program with the highest participation of graduates was the administration with 53.9%, second the educational research with 35.5% and finally 10.6% of computer science. The majority of graduates work in the private sector, with 50.5%, 36.0% work in the government sector, 4.5% are independent (consultant), 7.5% are unemployed and finally 1.5% are women who are not interested in working at the moment (graph B1--graphs and tables are posted at the section “Annexes” at the end of the book).

Of the selected postgraduate graduates of the UAA who attended the survey shows that 51.3% of respondents have already obtained a master’s degree and 48.7% do not (Graph B2). 71% said they were part-time students and 29% full-time. In the section on scholarships, 20% say that they had a scholarship and 80% did not.

In the development of their postgraduate studies, the students with employment were 75% and 25% did not work (graph B3). Of those with jobs, 52 per cent indicated that they worked in the private sector, 36 per cent in government, 9 per cent in the service sector and only 3 per cent were self-employed. In the development of their graduate program, the average income of the students averaged $15,892 Mexican pesos with a standard deviation of $6,596.

Before starting their studies, 75% of the graduates had jobs and also when they left. Doesn’t mean they necessarily had the same job. The average time for graduates to enter the labor field was 1 to 3 months, which indicates a rapid incorporation into the productive sector.

The labor scenario of the graduates is positive, 91% are employed and only 9% are unemployed.

The current average income is an average of $20,133 pesos with a deviation of $6,910.

The questionnaire indicates that 76.60% of those surveyed agree with the opinion that when carrying out a postgraduate study helps to improve the labor situation and their incorporation into the labor force, 23.40% do not believe this situation. 75% of former students say they apply in their work the knowledge learned in the master’s degree, 25% do not. Seventy-four per cent of students who have completed a master’s degree are willing to enter a doctoral level curriculum.

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The master’s level of satisfaction and coverage of expectations reached 86.60%, with 13.40% saying no (chart B4). Nearly half of the ex-students rate postgraduates as positive (well 52.20%, excellent 35.80% and regular 11.90%).

Comparative Results of the Three Master’s Degrees The students who studied a master’s degree have an average age greater than 33 years and productive, the master’s degree in educational research with an arithmetic average of 35 years, the master’s degree in administration with an average of 33.6 years and the youngest group is the master’s degree in computer science and computational technologies with an average of 33 years (graph C1).

Graduates of the educational administration and research program move an average of 55.6 to 54.2 in obtaining the academic degree, practically doubling the master’s degree in informatics and computational technologies.

The analysis showed that during the stay in the master’s degree, the postgraduate degree in computer science has the highest percentage of students who were employed with 85.7%, the master’s degree in administration is not so far away with 83.3% and finally 66.7% of the graduates in educational research indicated that they work.

Graduates were asked in which sector they were employed during their postgraduate studies, it was found that on average most of them were in private enterprise. The master’s degree in administration shows the highest percentage of workers in the private sector with 61.1%, followed by graduates in educational research with 41.7%. Computer scientists have the greatest presence in the government sector with 42.9%.

The research found that a significant percentage of students in the three master’s degrees did not look for work, generally they already had it and keep it. The group of computer scientists with 85.7% did not need to look for another job, followed by administrators with 80.6%. Labor mobility is observed in the educational research program, 37.5% began to look for a work space and 62.5% remained in their work.

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The study found that the maximum time it takes graduates of the master’s degree in educational administration and research to find work is 1 to 3 months. Postgraduate studies in computer science take between 7 and 9 months. This means that the graduates of the three programs have an acceptable demand and insertion in the labor market.

The research finds that the percentage of occupation in employment is high. The master’s degree in computer science and technology is at the top with 100%, the administration program has 91.7% of its graduates occupied and the master’s degree in educational research reflects that 87.5% of its former students are employed. There is an improvement in the employment situation in relation to the before and after having completed the master’s degree. Graduates of the master’s degree in educational research are the ones who obtain a considerable improvement.

The largest number of graduates of postgraduate programs continue to choose private enterprise followed by the government sector. Administrators by the nature of their competence in the business field top the list with 58.3% of graduates who are placed in the private sector, educational researchers are employed in private industry with 45.8%. Computer scientists have a greater presence in the government with 71.4%.

Most of the participants in the study report that the knowledge acquired during the master’s degree is applied to their work. Respondents of the Master’s program in computer science are those who best occupy the knowledge with 85.7%, in second place is the Master’s in administration with 77.8% and in third place the graduates of educational research with 70.8%.

The graduates of the three groups perceive that studying a postgraduate degree is a mechanism that supports the improvement of their work situation and even helps them to find work. The satisfaction of graduates is a valuable indicator for any educational program in operation.

The information shows an optimistic scenario for the postgraduate programs studied, most graduates describe that the curriculum managed to meet their expectations of knowledge, indicating that there is quality in the diversity of activities involved in the teaching and training of high-level human resources. The grade that the graduates of the master’s degree programs that they studied mostly rate as good. This result reinforces the favourable satisfaction perceived by respondents.

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An analysis of admissions during and after postgraduate studies was performed. This is in order to know if the conclusion of the master’s studies helps to increase the salaries of the graduates (table A1).

Discussion The follow up of graduates in a powerful tool that allows to visualize the scenario that the exstudents live in their working life and the way in which this directly impacts on their economic well-being. The effort and dedication to complete a postgraduate degree must represent the opening of better opportunities that lead to job growth. When the graduate progresses, the institution also advances. The research showed the advances in the labor situation, so the relationship between education and employment mentioned by the theory of human capital is observed. The theory emphasizes that the variations between salaries are a function of the educational level reached. The basic idea is to consider education and training as investments made by rational individuals in order to increase their productive efficiency and income (Destinobles, 2006).

The study shows that there is an increase in the salaries of graduates, there are generations where former students record a higher amount of minimum wages per day. Master’s graduates are positively favoured by the fact that they have completed their studies. According to the National Occupation and Employment Survey (ENOE) in the second quarter, professionals with bachelor’s degrees dedicated to administration earn $9,933.00 a month, educational researchers $10,933.00 that they represent and computer scientists reach a salary of $9,080.00.

Analyzing the number of minimum wages earned on average and per day by workers with a bachelor’s degree, graduates of the master’s degree in administration are earning twice as much, former students of the master’s degree in educational research are earning two more minimum wages per day, and for the master’s degree in informatics and computer technologies, it is observed that they receive twice as much as a professional with a lower level of schooling.

The research is limited by the fact that the instrument applied to former students does not ask for their position within the organization chart of the company in which they work (strategic, tactical or operational) and does not consider the complexity of activities, nor the opinion of employers and seniority.

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The income and permanence of the graduates in the work in a strong indicator that shows the possible preferences of the employers. In this regard, Ávila and Aguirre (2005) mention that the higher the occupancy rate of the graduates, the higher the quality of education will be, but a demanding and favorable dynamic of the labor market is required.

Fernández, Reyes, Dávila and Torres (2006) found that as graduates stay longer in a job, they achieve favorable changes such as salary, degree of coincidence of work with their professional training and the type of hiring. It coincides with this research, since in our study it was found that 77% of the graduates keep their jobs with which they began their master’s degree, which indicates that staying at work contributes to their professional development.

Postgraduate students enrolled in CONACyT’s National Quality Postgraduate Program (PNPC) must carry out constant evaluations to analyze the relevance of the curriculum and the projection of ex-students in the workplace. The satisfaction that the graduates perceive with the training they received during their transit through the institution’s classrooms is an indicator that provides information that leads to reflection by the academic body in charge of transmitting knowledge. In this regard, Fresán (1998) points out that graduate studies are powerful mechanisms that indirectly contribute to evidence of the quality of the academic staff of educational institutions, the currentness of their study plans and programs, and the suitability of their pedagogical strategies. The reflection that takes place after having obtained 86.60% of students satisfied with their expectations of knowledge, is aimed at strengthening and making this type of evaluation known to the teachers of the postgraduate section, so that they realize the significance of their daily work that they carry out in the classrooms.

The implications of this work are: a) to disseminate the importance of this type of research to achieve the active participation of the students and thus to achieve the rapprochement with the employers and b) the adequate dissemination of the results to promote the reflection of the agents involved in the operation of the postgraduate programs in the UAA.

Conclusion After carefully analyzing and reviewing the results of this graduate study at the master’s level, the following conclusions are reached:

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In the labor field, it was possible to identify the labor and economic progress of the graduates of the three master’s degrees analyzed. With the information gathered, changes can be made to strengthen curricula and teaching practice. This research shows that students who manage to complete their postgraduate studies have a positive impact on their working life.

In obtaining the Academic Degree, this research and the follow-up of ex-students allows us to recognize the problems we have with respect to the high percentage of graduates who have not obtained the academic degree, which is why it is possible to think of alternatives that are feasible to implement to support graduating ex-students.

In order to deepen the research, it is indispensable to work on the parameters that consider information on the location in the organizational status and functions of the graduates. In addition to working on the development of a questionnaire focused on employers.

In order to have more participation and information for the study of graduates it is necessary an adequate diffusion among the students to incorporate them in the participation.

It is essential to have an updated database of graduates by pate of the Universities, as well as employers, in order to give continuity to the follow-up of the graduates.

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ABSTRACT The main government policies in Mexico in basic education and the experiences of links in the fight against corruption are presented.

In the context of basic education, the Civic and Ethical Training programme is described, as well as some “Good governance practices aimed at strengthening values”. The results of the perception survey are presented, the general objective of which was to measure the perception of the influence on the student of the actors participating in the classroom, the home, the school, the social milieu and the media. The results derived from the civic and ethical training program are evaluated, as well as the strategies and actions developed by the Auditoría Puebla in the drawing contests “Imagine a world without traps”.

Introduction This essay describes the results of the research project “Strengthening Accountability through Collaboration between Institutions Responsible for Education and Higher Auditing through Government Policy: The Case of the Imagine a World Without Pitfalls Competition in the State of Puebla”.

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Faced with the problem of corruption and the challenges facing education in Mexico, the need to establish, under a government policy approach, elements of inter-institutional coordination and collaboration to generate strategies and concrete actions for the state of Puebla, in order to increase the adoption of fundamental values such as honesty and integrity in students of basic education, with the perspective that these future citizens will be responsible for promoting the democratic, social and economic development of Puebla, while strengthening the culture of accountability and open and participatory governments.

Corruption is a multifactorial phenomenon that threatens institutional life, sustainable development and democratic processes, motivating a culture of illegality that leads to a state of social decomposition (Ramos, 2014).

Transparency International, in its most recent study “Corruption Perception Index 2016”, ranks Mexico 123 out of 176, recording a fall of 28 places with respect to 2015, which shows a growing trend of corruption in Mexico. Likewise, Mexico is the most corrupt country among the member countries of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, ranking 35th out of 35 countries evaluated in terms of corruption.

María Amparo Casar (2015) comments in her book México: Anatomía de la Corrupción, that this problem is a burden due to the enormous economic, political and social costs it causes in the countries that suffer it most acutely. Education is one of the first strategies to be taken into account in the fight against corruption, since it represents the first level of education to which people have access.

Background Given the high levels of corruption in Mexico, it is essential to take action to combat it. One of the strategies that have been carried out in recent years has been the reforms to the Political Constitution of the United Mexican States that led to the creation of the National Anti-Corruption System and the National Control System that arise in order to form a common front, at all levels of government, for the prevention, detection and sanction of administrative responsibilities and acts of corruption, as well as the inspection and control of public resources.

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However, the fight against corruption requires several fronts. In addition to legal mechanisms, it is necessary to promote values such as honesty, integrity and respect for rules, and one of the spaces where people acquire these values is in school, particularly at the basic level, in primary school, between the ages of 6 and 13. In this regard, Paola Cubas (2009) in her article “Bienestar y educación: una investigación sobre la educación basada en valores” (Well-being and education: a research on education based on values) points out that in the basic education stage long-term learning attitudes are developed, resulting in a fundamental period since it enables students to choose their future and their professional training through experiences and experiences that forge their way of thinking and acting with others and with themselves, which constitutes continuous learning.

In Mexico, in 1999, as part of a strategy for formation and education based on values, the “Civic and Ethical Formation” program was launched, which arose from the impulse of governmental strategies for the Mexican Educational System, with the purpose of contributing, according to the 2011 Guide for Primary School Teachers, to the personal and social development of students, through forming criteria and assuming positions and commitments, based on human rights and democratic principles.

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The programme consists of three training axes (Table 1) and comprises six primary and two secondary courses. Since it is a curricular space, it seeks to encourage the gradual, sequential and systematic development of civic and ethical competencies in basic education.

Table 1. Axes of the Civic and Ethical Training Programme Shaft

First name

Objective

1

Formation of the person

The development of an individual's capacities that foster his or her integral development, and the assumption of the commitment to achieve the social, cultural, economic and political well-being of the community, the country and the world; as well as to foster knowledge and appreciation of himself or herself as a participant in the construction of his or her future.

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Formation ethics

That the students appreciate and assume a set of values and norms that guide their actions, considering as a central reference human rights and values such as honesty and integrity, which, in turn, drive the action of children in a reflective, deliberative and autonomous way according to principles.

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Formation citizen

Formation of a democratic political culture whose purpose is to create critical, deliberative, enterprising, committed, responsible, supportive subjects, willing to participate actively and contribute to the strengthening of governmental institutions and organizations and society; to form citizens aware of what is happening in the country and respect for the law.

Thus, education, especially primary education, maintains a close relationship with the fight against corruption, through the implementation of strategies and actions aimed at promoting values, within the framework of the design of government policies.

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Combating Corruption Through Education The importance of educating future citizens in the values of integrity, citizenship, transparency and prevention of corruption has been demonstrated through the results of a diagnosis made in 2015 by the Inter-American Development Bank to 30,000 students in six countries of the continent: Chile, Colombia, Guatemala, Mexico, Paraguay and the Dominican Republic, which showed that the more civic education, the less permissive corrupt practices and the less tendency to violate the law.

The Play and Live Values (JVLV) programme was one of the first attempts at inter-agency collaboration to inculcate values in basic education children. It began as a model of educational communication focused on instilling values in students. It was conceived as an alternative peace process in the context of the reality of Chiapas, so its practical application is limited mainly to the state of Chiapas, although several schools implemented it in the then Federal District (now Mexico City) and the state of Morelos.

The program formally began in the 2003-2004 cycle through an agreement between the Ministry of Education of Chiapas, the Educational Services for Chiapas and the Autonomous Metropolitan University, Xochimilco campus. A pilot program was implemented in primary schools of the SE and the SEP in the state and the master’s degree “Educational Communication and Values” was designed, which began in February 2006.

In 2010, JVLV was systematically applied in 1,000 kindergartens, in more than 800 official primary schools in the state of Chiapas and in some schools in the state of Morelos and the then Federal District. Feedback from children, parents and teachers showed a high degree of acceptance.

Cubas (2009) mentions that the starting point of the program “Play and Live the Values” is the experience of ethical and aesthetic value. He considers that to experience positive values and to dialogue about them on a daily basis is to promote the healthy development of the individual and society. The programme sought to promote value and give meaning to things, as well as to enable children to learn to differentiate positive and negative attitudes in relation to the environment in which they were developing.

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It also encouraged living and reasoning through games, stories, multiple questions, songs, dances and family tasks, which generated parents to be directly involved in the formation of children; and it encouraged reflections on the language associated with respect, friendship, peace, responsibility and others.

Other cases of experience in combating corruption from basic education, in which collaboration is presented between public and private agents, as well as international organizations, for the formulation of strategies and actions with the purpose of strengthening the culture of legality and integrity, are presented in Table 2.

Table 2. Cases of experience in the fight against corruption from basic education onwards Participating institutions or bodies

Purpose

Actions

Secretaría de la Función Pública (SFP), Secretaría de Educación Pública (SEP), state comptrollers and local educational authorities.

Promote honesty, adherence to the law, transparency and accountability in the country, as well as the prevention and fight against corruption.

In 2007, the sixth edition of the drawing contest "Farewell to traps" was organized, which until then had been carried out at the initiative of the SFP and without involving the national education system.

The Inter-American Development Bank, through its Division of State Institutional Capacity (IFD/ICS), with the support of the Organization of American States (OAS), through its Office of Education and Culture and the Educational Portal of the Americas (PEA).

Use education as a strategy to develop a civic training program that contributes to the development of values, a culture of accountability and the fight against corruption.

The creation of a virtual educational course that allows, on the one hand, to increase the capacity of teachers to teach values of integrity, transparency and legality, and on the other, to prevent corruption through better civic training of future citizens of the region.

Federal Electoral Institute (from 2014 National Electoral Institute).

The promotion of a culture of transparency, legality and accountability is made possible with the contribution of tools acquired through civic education.

Conduct electoral and civic education trainings in schools and other institutions.

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Strategies to Promote Values in the State of Puebla At the local level, in the state of Puebla, elements of inter-institutional coordination and collaboration have been established that have made it possible to generate strategies and concrete actions in order to increase the adoption of fundamental values such as honesty and integrity in basic education students, with the perspective that future citizens will be responsible for promoting the democratic, social and economic development of the state, at the same time as strengthening the culture of accountability and more open and participatory governments.

In 2012, the Education for Experience (EXE) program was constituted, which began as a pilot test obtaining favorable results in housing areas and popular neighborhoods. Its objective was to teach ethics and values to students at the basic level, through the debate of ideas where the points of view and commitments regarding the topic are exposed. It lasts 45 minutes per week.

The programme aims to make children aware of the good and the bad through practices based on values, which are: living committed to honesty, solidarity and justice, through freedom, love and equity; practicing tolerance, responsibility and congruence with thinking, deciding and doing (EXE, 2015). Raising children’s awareness of good and bad allows their future development to be governed by principles and norms that intervene in their way of being and relating to others.

Likewise, in 2012, the General Secretariat of the Government of Puebla presented the “I can, we can all� values program, whose objective was to form committees to offer value education workshops and to generate trust and willingness to cooperate with each other in order to solve common problems.

This initiative strengthens values in society and is aimed at vulnerable sectors, housing areas, colonies, social organizations, schools and social reinsertion centers. Offers workshops where participants learn the responsibility of teamwork, the meaning of collaboration, the importance of respect, as well as issues of solidarity, equality and equity.

For its part, the Superior Audit Office of the State of Puebla has generated synergies with different agencies of the state and municipal public administration to promote in Puebla society the relevance of being honest, rendering accounts and preventing corruption, so the institution has some success stories that serve as examples for other institutions, and have even achieved a national reach (Table 3).

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Participating institutions

Purpose

Actions

Auditoría Superior del Estado de Puebla, Secretaría de Turismo del Gobierno del Estado y el Ayuntamiento de Puebla (Superior Audit of the State of Puebla, Secretariat of Tourism of the State Government and the Puebla City Council)

Build bridges between citizens, culture and accountability through photography.

Since 2014 they have held the photography contest: "The values of accountability and the culture of Puebla".

Superior Audit of the State of Puebla and Secretariat of Public Education of the State.

Contribute to the formation of values in children, raising awareness of the importance of not cheating, of respecting the rules, of acting honestly and living together in a respectful way, which in the future will help to promote the culture of transparency, accountability and legality.

Since 2014 they have been holding the children's drawing competition: "Imagine a world without traps".

Superior Audit of the State of Puebla

Carry the children's message about their desire for an honest and untrammeled world. It contributes to forming citizens who are aware of the importance of honesty and accountability, as well as promoting more open and pluralistic governments.

Produces and presents a series of short films that emphasize the value of honesty, based on the drawings that won the drawing contests "Imagine a world without traps" called: Cine minutos.

Perception Survey A public policy requires measurement and evaluation to ensure positive results; therefore, the Superior Audit Office of the State of Puebla proposed to measure the student’s perception of the influence exerted by the actors that participate in the home, school, social environment and the media related to the civic and ethical training program, and the strategies and actions developed by the Auditoría Puebla in the drawing contests “Imagine a world without traps”.

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With the support of experts from the Centro de Investigaciones Sobre Opinión Pública (CISO) of the Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla and the Academic Coordination of the Subsecretaría de Educación Obligatoria of the Secretaría de Educación Pública en el Estado de Puebla, the development of the “Percepción sobre la honesdad e integridad” survey was proposed (See Annex 1).

For this purpose, the research question was established: What is required to positively influence the children of Puebla on the subject of values such as honesty and integrity?

Aims and Objectives The general objective of the survey was to measure the perception of the influence of the actors participating in the classroom, the home, the school, the social milieu and the media on the student in order to evaluate the results derived from the civic and ethical training program and from the strategies and actions developed by the Auditoría Puebla in the drawing contests “Imagine a world without traps”.

The specific objectives were: 1. Identify the interest of fourth and sixth grade students in the “Civic and Ethical Formation” program.

2. Determine whether the student’s perception of qualities such as tolerance, collaboration, generosity, honesty, responsibility, respect, and integrity depend on grade level, gender, relationships with teachers, peers, mom and dad, religion, the media, and the “Imagine a world without traps” contest.

3. To determine whether students’ perceptions of well-being in their health, personal safety, personal relationships, life satisfaction, standard of living, personal accomplishments, and certainty of the future depend on grade level, gender, relationship with teachers, peers, mom, and dad.

4. To measure the student’s perception of Who is more honest?

5. Evaluate the learning of honesty from home, school, government and television.

With a test for independence between the perception of honesty and learning and with a test for independence between the perception of learning and honesty with the contest “Imagine a world without traps”.

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Target population The target population was made up of basic education students, between 7 and 13 years old, enrolled in the general primary level, morning shift, in the period 2015-2016, in public schools in the city of Puebla.

Paola Cubas Barragán in her study “Bienestar y Educación: una investigación sobre la educación basada en valores” (2009) suggests applying the survey to fourth and sixth grade primary school students, since sixth grade students, as they are about to finish primary education, have the final vision of the “Formación Cívica y Ética” programs; and fourth grade students are located in the middle, with enough information to contrast the evolution in the learning of the values to be investigated: honesty and integrity.

Instrument The variables of importance for the study and the indicators for the quantitative analysis of the information were established.

Age and grade. The importance of studying children’s development through an understanding of each stage of childhood is underlined. The survey was conducted with fourth and sixth graders.

Gender. There are differences in gender-related values, which expand among younger children.

For this reason, we decided to capture this variable in the survey, which allowed us to contrast the possible differences.

Interest in the “Civic and Ethical Formation” programme. This variable was used to test the effectiveness of the program, as well as the impact of education on values.

Affective, psychological variable. As Rugarcía (2001) mentions, in the process of transmitting values, affective skills are necessary to improve thinking skills. One of these affective variables is self-esteem, so it was used as an indicator.

Wellbeing. The research was based on a wellness approach. The question was asked about both the overall life satisfaction and the life satisfaction index. In order to better understand this concept, the correlation between living with values and well-being was measured.

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Overall life satisfaction/wellness indices. According to Veenhoven (1994) welfare was conceived as “the degree to which an individual judges favourably the overall quality of his life in general: how much does he like the life he lives?”.

The father/mother relationship. The child’s relationship with his parents is determinant for the values instilled in the child. Two key arguments were considered for this variable. The first, which is an essential component of the “Civic and Ethical Training” programme, is the active participation of parents in the programme through family tasks and collaboration with the school. The second is the importance of the quality of the relationship with the parents for the well-being of the children.

Apprehension of values. This is one of the key variables for empirical analysis, as it is an indispensable factor for verifying the effectiveness of the “Civic and Ethical Formation” programme.

Construction of Indicators State of birth. It is a numerical response with a coded birth state value of 1 to 32, which allows for contrasting differences between students born in Puebla and students born in other states.

Interest in the “Civic and Ethical Formation” programme. It is a multiple response variable, on a 5-point Likert scale, with a correct answer that shows whether you are interested in the program and four distractors.

Affective, psychological variable. In order to obtain relevant information, the self-esteem instrument consisting of a seven-question questionnaire was used as the basis. This questionnaire for research purposes considers the following values: tolerance, collaboration, generosity, honesty, responsibility, respect and integrity.

For this study, self-esteem is understood as a conviction of our intrinsic value. Whoever has a high self-esteem respects others, knows himself worthy of the respect of others and is usually respected by them. His emotional equilibrium does not depend on external recognition, but on the certainty that he is a valuable being and that others are too.

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Seven positive adjectives related to the self-esteem of the children were used, who were asked to be evaluated on a Likert scale of five points, 4 as the maximum expression of value and 0 if the child considers that this adjective is not part of his personality.

Wellbeing. Two approaches to subjective well-being were used: overall life satisfaction and an index of satisfaction with certain life domains. For the first approach, the question of life satisfaction in general was applied under the same scheme as the components of the personal well-being index. Questions such as how happy are you with your life, how happy are you with your health, belong to the approach used by the Personal Wellness Index (IPB) developed by Cummins and Lau (2005), in which the child is asked to assess his or her level of satisfaction in each of the seven specified life domains: standard of living, health, achievement, personal relationships, personal security, community connection, and certainty of the future. For this, a five-point Likert scale was used, where 0 is very unhappy and 4 is very happy. The IPB was constructed as a weighted average of the score for each of the seven domains.

Relationship to mother and father. One of the components of the IPB for children refers to the personal relationships that children maintain, without asking about a particular relationship. In order to ascertain the child’s satisfaction with the relationship he maintains with his mother and father, the same scheme of questions in the welfare section was used, with one question for the relationship with the mother and another for the relationship with the father (not included in the IPB weighting).

Apprehension of values. Two values were chosen that are reinforced by the program “Civic and Ethical Formation� that can be evaluated in relation to daily situations and with the dynamics proposed by the program: honesty and integrity. For each value, a question was elaborated, each with a dichotomous answer of 0 (if the child considers that his or her behaviour in a specific situation does not reflect the value) or 1 (if he or she believes that it does). Common hypothetical situations in the daily life of children in the region were prepared, with two possible reactions of the child to them. The child was asked to choose the most appropriate reaction to his behavior. The media was included in this section in order to determine their influence on the apprehension of values.

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SURVEY RESULTS AND DISCUSSION Sample results The error rate and confidence coefficient. From a population of 101,567 students, a sample of 960 students was obtained, with a 95% confidence coefficient and an error rate of 3.2%.

Sampling. An unrestricted random sample was selected from 13 primary schools selected from 122 state general primaries and 232 federal general primaries transferred in the municipality of Puebla. In each school, fourth and sixth grade students were selected, obtaining a total sample of 960 children between the ages of 8 and 13; 484 enrolled in fourth grade and 476 in sixth grade; morning and afternoon shifts, from 2015-2016.

Gender Equity. The proportion of boys and girls in the sample was similar, for fourth grade 52.3% girls and 47.7% boys. For sixth grade 50.4% girls and 49.6% boys.

Place of birth. 92.33% of the students surveyed belong to the municipality of Puebla, the remaining 7.67% come from 13 states, the United States, Guatemala and Italy. The information provided by the sample, due to its place of birth, does not show significant evidence in tests of dependence on the other variables of the survey.

Religion. The religion variable was incorporated to identify the student’s influence on the theme of values such as honesty and integrity. In the survey 794 (82.71%) students claim to have a religion, however, there is no significant evidence of dependence between the student’s beliefs and his or her perception of the values in the survey.

Family composition. In 75% of households, both parents live, in 23% the student lives with his or her father or mother, and in only 0.9% of households does the child live with others. The data obtained are congruent with the National Survey of Demographic Dynamics (ENADID) published

by INEGI in 2014. The results of the survey show a proportion of 20% of households without the presence of the father and under the responsibility of the woman and only 3.3% without the presence of the mother and with the responsibility of the father. These results will help us to understand the importance of the maternal figure in the adoption of values.

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Survey Results Interest in the “Civic and Ethical Formation” programme. It is a multiple response variable on a 5-point Likert scale, with a correct answer that shows whether you are interested in the program and seven distractors. The results shown in the survey are consistent with the Intensive Care Program (ICP) of the Ministry of Public Education in the State of Puebla whose focus is to improve academic performance and strengthen basic competencies in Spanish and mathematics. However, it is remarkable that only 3.48% of the 960 fourth and sixth grade students surveyed were interested in the “Civic and Ethical Training” programme.

Affective, psychological variable. For the statistical analysis of the data, the X2-Square Independence test was applied, consisting of checking whether two qualitative characteristics are related to each other. The results were obtained with the IBM SPSS Statistics v19.0 statistical package. Tests were conducted to determine whether there is dependence on the variables of tolerance, collaboration, generosity, honesty, responsibility, respect and integrity.

QUALITIES

DEPENDENCY MEASUREMENT

Tolerant, cooperative, generous, honest, responsible, respectful and upright

Perception of qualities is lower in sixth-graders than in fourthgraders.

Perception of collaboration, generosity, responsibility and respect depend on gender, with girls' perceptions being higher.

The perception of qualities depends on your relationship with your teachers and with your mother.

The perception of qualities depends on your relationship with your dad, except honesty and integrity.

The perception of tolerance, generosity, honesty and integrity depend on the IMST contest.

The perception of qualities does not depend on your religion The perception of qualities does not depend on the media

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Wellbeing. The research is based on a subjective wellness approach. The question measures life satisfaction in general. The objective is to determine whether the students’ perception of well-being in their health, personal safety, personal relationships, life satisfaction, standard of living, personal achievement, and certainty of the future depend on grade level, gender, or other factors. The statistical test of independence between the academic degree and the perception of well-being shows the result that does not depend on gender. The test between the perception of well-being and the relationship with their teachers, classmates, their father and their mother indicates that there is dependence.

Perception of an honest person. Another important piece of information revealed by the survey is the student’s perception of an honest person, in which it is observed that the people with whom he is closest, such as his mother, father and teacher, perceive them as the most honest people.

Evaluate the learning of honesty. Evaluate the learning of honesty applied to your home, school, government and television. Students were asked to complete the following sentences: It’s good that at home ___________________________________________________ It’s good that at school __________________________________________________ It’s good that in the classroom _____________________________________________ It’s good that our rulers __________________________________________________ It’s good to watch TV shows that ___________________________________________

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On the one hand, the test indicates that most students can identify phrases related to the dishonesty of the rulers. On the other hand, very few identify or can complete these phrases at school or at home.

Learning honesty and contest. One of the main objectives of the study, contemplates the test for the independence between the perception of the learning of honesty with the contest “Imagine a world without traps”. The aim of the competition was to root the children’s idea of the negative consequences of cheating, and to show them the benefits of doing well, such as respecting the rules of the places they go to, thus fostering a sense of doing good. In the random sample of 960, 129 participants were detected, 87 fourth and 42 sixth grade students who participated in one of the “Imagine a World without Traps” contests. The statistical test to assess the contest’s dependence on learning shows that, if there is honesty learning applied to home, school, classroom, government and television.

WEAKNESSES, THREATS, STRENGTHS AND OPPORTUNITIES Without a doubt, the costs of education in values are infinitely lower than the costs of corruption.

Given the central purpose of the project to contribute to establishing, under a government policy approach, elements of inter-institutional coordination and collaboration to generate strategies and concrete actions for the state of Puebla, in order to increase the adoption of fundamental values such as honesty and integrity in basic education students, the following is a brief summary of the main strengths, weaknesses, threats and opportunities detected: Weaknesses. The program of Civic Education and Ethics does not have the interest of primary students, there is not a process of broad participation on the part of political actors, there are no actions or strategies to strengthen this program.

The fourth year students present a higher level in their perception of their qualities, which is not desirable, what is expected is that the higher the grade the higher the perception of their qualities.

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Threats. Faced with the serious situation faced by public institutions of credibility due to the lack of honesty, integrity and impunity reflected in the high levels of corruption, failure to take appropriate action will impact, aggravating the situation and compromising the future of the state of Puebla and the country.

Fortresses. According to the results of the “Honesty and Integrity” survey, primary school students perceive their well-being in relation to their parents and teachers, with the school and home being the places in which the student spends most of their time, proving to be a strength to promote an education in values.

Opportunities. In view of the change in the National and State Systems in the fight against corruption, promoting a comprehensive policy on the adoption of fundamental values such as honesty and integrity in basic education is relevant and consistent with this change. It is necessary and timely to incorporate programs, strategies and actions in the State Development Plan for the period 2017-2018 and for the period 2019-2024.

ELEMENTS OF INSTITUTIONAL COORDINATION AND COLLABORATION The State of Puebla requires a paradigm shift in relation to basic education. The results show greater attention to intellectual development. Initiatives such as the “Programa de Atención Intensiva” (PAI) of the Secretaría de Educación Pública in the state of Puebla, whose focus is to improve academic performance and strengthen basic competencies in Spanish and mathematics, have proven successful. The model was applied to schools where greater deficiencies in reading and mathematical reasoning skills were identified. An example of this were the results obtained in the test of the National Plan for the Evaluation of Learning (Planea) in Higher Secondary Education, in which Puebla ranked first in Language and Communication and second in Mathematics. Together with the organization “Teach for Mexico”, the institutions that participated in the PAI range from general primaries, indigenous education and even those belonging to the National Council for the Promotion of Education (CONAFE).

Based on these successful results, it is necessary to design public policies focused on the promotion of values.

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Target proposed. A comprehensive policy regarding the adoption of fundamental values such as honesty and integrity in basic education students.

Actors of change. Establish the co-responsibility of social actors: directors, teachers, parents and students. Establish the accountability of institutions: Secretaría de Educación Pública, Auditoría Puebla, etc.

Change Actions. Policies, strategies and actions regarding priority to the development of values.

Politics. Give greater priority and focus on the development of fundamental values in basic education. Involve the media, higher education institutions and government in a broad and participatory process.

Strategies. Establish evaluation and follow-up mechanisms for the fulfillment of the purposes of the Civic and Ethical Training program, recommending measurement instruments such as the “Honesty and Integrity Perception Survey”.

Actions Improve diagnostic instruments with state coverage and annual periodicity, which serve as a basis for value development programs in the state of Puebla. Guarantee the material, economic, and human resources necessary for a comprehensive state program.

CONCLUSION Government policies on education in ethics and values present areas of opportunity.

The study, in its documentary review section, allowed to identify that, although reforms have been carried out that aim at a new institutional scaffolding with the purpose of reinforcing the fight against corruption, the necessary precautions must be taken so that values such as honesty and integrity become elements of the daily actions of children and young people in Mexico.

In this sense, the National Anti-Corruption System, as a public policy, raises the possibility that, through its Coordinating Committee, concrete strategies and actions aimed at strengthening education based on values are established.

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At the same time, government education policies focused on the theme of values can replicate the good practices that have been achieved in areas such as mathematics and Spanish, which in the particular case of the state of Puebla have been successful because it ranks first at the national level. With results such as that of mathematics, it is proven that, in the same way, efforts can be added in favor of children in Mexico and Puebla, in favor of the consolidation of the culture of legality, and invest in future citizens, who will take the decisions of the country.

Likewise, it was statistically proven that the contest “Imagine a world without traps� contributes to sensitize the participating children to the importance of not cheating and being honest, as elements that contribute to strengthening transparency, the fight against corruption and accountability in Puebla.

Generate synergies between institutions responsible for educational policy, transparency and accountability, can enhance the results through visual and recreational tools, contests and technological applications that disseminate, promote, raise awareness and make honesty and integrity, part of everyday life of children in Puebla.

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INTRODUCTION The Expenditure Budget of a State or Country is a precise radiography of its economic policy. Through it, it can be known the path to be followed by a country in a matter of economic growth of its economic policy and social development when the priorities of it are observed.

In Mexico’s case, the Economic Package (a document containing budget forecasts of the coming year with regards to revenue and expenditure) delivered by the Federal Executive to the Congress of the Union reflects the public policy priorities to be followed by the President.

Hence, it is essential to know if the economic politics of the previous years have impacted the correct way for the evolution of the agriculture sector, or, if contrary, it has forgotten the so-named sector, prioritizing the development of different economic activities and other sectors of the population.

This chapter’s purpose is to analyze the evolution of the Rural Public Expenditure compared with the Primary Gross Domestic Product (GDP), Primary Trade Balance (PTB), and its multiplier effect.

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In Mexico, the evolution of the Rural Public Expenditure has been modified with the newest classifications of it. From this renewal is created the Special Concurrent Program (Programa Especial Concurrent, PEC, or SCP in English) with its fundaments on the Sustainable Rural Development Law (Ley de Desarrollo Rural Sustentable LDRS or SRDL in English).

The SRDL originates from a law proposed by the previous legislature of the Honorable Chamber of Deputies, which was rendered null and void by the Federal Executive. Hence, several aspects were re-discussed. The legislature approved the present SRDL in December 2001, thus in June 2002, was published the decree which creates the Special Concurrent Program.

For the Sustainable Rural Development (PEC), on this decree, are stablished the objectives, programs, actions, and systems that integrate it (CEDRSSA, 2006).

1. Public Expenditure

Public expenditure can be defined as, “The expenditure incurred by public authorities like central, state and local governments to satisfy the collective social wants of the people is known as public expenditure.” (Akrani, 2011).

Cabrera and Gutiérrez (2005) said Public Expenditure is the whole set of disbursements effectuated by public entities (Federal, State, and Municipal Government, including Legislative and Judicial Powers, as well as the Parastatal Sector) while executing its functions.

It is necessary to note, there is no single definition of Public Expenditure, and it often varies according to the purposes.

In a broader definition, it can be said that Public Expenditure consists of: • The expense made by government departments in goods and services, directly through subsidies.

• Government payments for welfare or social security benefits, interest, debt, and other transfer payments.

• Capital expenditures made by public companies.

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For Amieva Huerta (2010), Public Expenditure is a constituent of the aggregate demand, which, at the same time, affects the internal demand and incise on the added offer. In general, Public Expenditure is used as an instrument to provide public goods and services to society.

The above summarizes that Public Expenditure is the radiography of the Economic and Social Policy that a government intends to implement, is how the Federal Executive shapes its internal and even external policy priorities. a. Public Expenditure Classification According to Amparán and López (2000) in Mexico, the exercise of the Federal Government Expenditure is realized though several dimensions or classifications; which presents vast advantages for the government in course, because it correlates the operations realized by it, moreover, presents a path or structuralized assignation of the resources and budgetary information, who exercises these, to which specific secretaries, programs or activities are being assigned.

Functional Encompasses the expenses by its function and subfunction according to that for which it will be destined. Its objective is to present a description on the nature of the governmental services, and the proportion of the public expenditures.

Functional Classification is critical since it will be reflected in the objectives, investment priorities, and development of the federal government. These priorities are reflected in functions or specific activities that show which or how much resources will be assigned to complete them successfully (Amparán y López, 2000).

Administrative It Presents the expenditures according to the administrative units of the federal government, its organizations, and public companies, scilicet, identifies all those specific unities in charge of the installment. This classification is intended to facilitate the management and administrative control of resources (Amparán y López, 2000).

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Economic It classifies the lines of the public expenditure in current expenditure or capital expenditure. The Current Expenditure is the one that does not increase the government actives. Meanwhile, the Capital Expenditure raises the productive capacity as well as direct physical investment and financial investment. This distribution allows measuring the influence carried out by the public expenditure on the economy. This configuration permits to measure the influence exacted by the Federal Government spending to achieve its functions and complete some of its obligations corresponding to salaries, pensions, jubilations, among others (Amparán y López, 2000).

By object of Expenditure The finality of this classification is to identify the elements bought by the government. Allows to “order and identify the use of the assigned resources to each program and activity systematically; to accomplish this, must be identified what kind of goods and services are going to be bought to comply with the programs.”

In Mexico, the expenditure classification, according to the objective, is: • Personal Services: Expenses related to services provided by staff.

• General Services: Comprehends payments of services non-related to the payments of services provided by staff and delivered to individuals or private or public institutions.

• The SHCP (Secretaria De Hacienda Y Crédito Público; Mexico’s Treasure Department) defined the Transference Expenditure as the budget allocations transferred by the federal government, through aids and subsidies, to other sectors public or privates.

• Special Expenses: These are the unexpected conditions.

• Cancellations of Passive: Includes public debt amortization.

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2. Rural Public Spending (RPS) The public policies are designed and implemented when exists complementarity among state and markets; the main instrument is the Public Expenditure. According to The Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO, 2006), the State’s task is to manage the Tax Expenditure, its most essential functions are to provide certain goods and services to the community over a non-mercantile basis and redistribute the income and wellness through payments and transfers.

The FAO (2006) affirms that the Public Expenditure constitutes one of the most valuable state tools since it can exert a strong impact in the development of the rural areas, be through creating the needed productive conditions (public goods), implanting transference policies that contribute to diminish the richness concentration; through actions tending to lessen the adverse effects of the market failures.

Separate the rural public expenditure from the urban one, can be vitally crucial for the assignation of state resources, as well as for the execution and follow up of development programs specifically designed and oriented to the rural areas. This separation has become even more critical, because many of the problems suffered in Mexico like poverty, violence or insecurity, have its origins in the countryside, because of the margination of the rural communities, lack of opportunities, the urban bias of public policies among other factors.

Hence, the rural public expenditure is that expense destined to the development of the rural zones through several actions (could be considered to reduce poverty and improve the factors of productivity, among others).

The State function is to provide essential public goods like education, infrastructure, information, etc.; this way, a reactivation will be implemented by other actors, in an example, the private initiative.

The document titled in Spanish “Políticas públicas y desarrollo rural en América Latina y el Caribe. El papel del gasto público” published by FAO (2006), concludes the following aspects of the rural public expenditure:

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• The level of expenditure matters, however, it is more important for its composition. The impact will be more significant on poverty and growth if the public expenditure is oriented increasingly to public goods. If it is oriented to private goods (nonsocial subsidies), private investment increases, but not necessarily speed up the economic growth nor reduces poverty.

However, the expenditure on private goods can be beneficial, chiefly if its oriented to the productive foment and is concentrated in the small rural businessmen. • The public expenditure has shown a favorable bias towards economic elites, which has not only partially determined the high concentration of wealth in Latin America and the Caribbean but has also had a high cost in terms of economic efficiency. • Rural public expenditure must be directed toward public goods; ought to propitiate the access of the poorest sectors of the population to the complete range of natural, physical, financial, human, social, politics, and institutional assets, and be obliged to ensure that those assets are complementary. Access to assets enables better risk management and more active participation in social and political life; on the other hand, the complementarity of the assets allows us to take advantage of the opportunities and face the setbacks more easily.

3. Special Concurrent Program (SCP) a. Creation The Special Concurrent Program (SCP in English or PEC) arise as a public policy strategy for the rural environment; due to the need of conjunct a transversal public policy.

With the existence of various programs that allowed to generate knowledge to rethink the traditional schemes of centralized and vertical planning towards a more participatory and federalized vision; as they were, for example, during the seventies Investment Programs for Rural Development (PIDER) and the Planning Commission for the Marginalized Areas (COPLAMAR), or during the eighties the Mexican Food System (SAM) and the National Program for the Integral Rural Development (PRONADRI).

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To enact a transverse public policy that impacts different edges of the agricultural sector, the United Commissions for Rural Development and Agriculture developed the Sustainable Rural Development Law (LDRS), promote a comprehensive, democratic and regionalized policy of the rural sector, considering this historical development of public management, but above all as a response to the grave and urgent social demands of the rural environment (CEDRSSA, 2006).

The Special Concurrent Program (PEC) is grounded on the Sustainable Rural Development Law (LDRS), which in June 2002 published the decree that creates the Special Concurrent Program for Sustainable Rural Development (PEC) where the objectives, programs are established, actions and systems that integrate it (CEDRSSA, 2006).

Another critical point is that the units that participate in the PEC are divided into different programs, which correspond to different administrative branches and secretaries: • Secretary of Social Development (SEDESOL), Ministry of Agriculture and Livestock (SAGARPA), Ministry of Environment and Natural Resources (SEMARNAT), Secretary of Public Education (SEP), Secretary of Health (SSA), Ministry of Finance and Public Credit ( SHCP), Ministry of Communications and Transportation (SCT), Ministry of Agrarian, Territorial and Urban Development, (SEDATU), Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare (STPS) and Ministry of the Interior (SEGOB) with their corresponding state delegations. • The budget for the field allocated in the PEC establishes actions to be followed by the dependencies and actors entities of the rural environment that are part of the Expenditure Budget Decree of the Federation, the Special Concurrent Program for Sustainable Rural Development appears in the Budget of Expenditures of the Federation (PEF) since 2003 in an official manner. It is in 2008 when the composition of the PEC by slopes appear. In 2009, two new aspects were incorporated: Education and Agriculture, which was thus maintained The PEC 2020, where the Labor slope was completely taken out.

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Main Slopes of the PEC • • • • • • • •

Financial Competitiveness Environment Labor Social Infrastructure Health Administrative

b. Evolution Rural Public Expenditure in Mexico has behaved upwards year after year in the Federation Expenditure Budget; since it was created in June 2002, it is until 2003 when it officially appears in the PEF. Graph 1. Evolution of the Special Concurrent Program for Sustainable Rural Development 2004-2018

Source: Own elaboration with PEF data 2004 to 2018 (Millions of pesos)

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The expenditure destined to the countryside in Mexico has been increasing significantly from its creation to 2018; however, in real terms, its behavior has been ascending, but with falls in the years 2006, 2012, 2014, 2016, and 2017.

In 2008, when the division by slopes of the Special Concurrent Program arises, it becomes clear that the aspect with the highest priority is that of Competitiveness with 39 percent, followed by the Financial and Social aspects with 21 and 16 percent respectively.

4. The Economic Growth of the Primary Sector Considering that the Gross Domestic Product is the macroeconomic variable with which Mexico’s economic growth is defined, and which is defined according to (Taborda, 2005) as the market value of the final goods and services produced in a nation in a certain period and that is determined by the following equation: GDP=C+I+GE+Exports-Imports Where: GDP (Income) = Consumption + Investment + Government Expenditure + Net Exports (ExportsImports) The evolution of Total GDP and Primary GDP is considered to be closely linked, as shown in Graph 2.

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Graph 2. GDP and Primary GDP 2004-2018.

Elaboration from the author with INEGI data (Millions of pesos)

The graph shows the close correlation of expenditure in the agricultural sector, it has a direct relationship with the GDP of the primary sector, as shown in Figure 2; however, the growth rate of agricultural GDP, as of 2009 maintains above the total rate, except for 2011, where it was lower.

There are different discussions about the definition of growth and development, from the economic, political, to human and social perspectives. In many cases, both concepts are used interchangeably even when they have entirely different meanings in all application contexts.

Growth is the accumulation of the resource in question, while development is redistribution and change. For modern economists, the idea of economic development without economic growth does not exist.

Therefore, it is understandable to understand that economic development as a short-term strategy is only possible for countries that have a consolidation in terms of their primary, industrial, commercial, and services sectors. Economic growth strategies are viable for all nations since the main objective is to accumulate, to increase what is already in place in the future to face development costs.

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In that area, to be competitive, it is necessary to think that economic growth must be the basis for development. To achieve it is necessary to have something to redistribute and generate new wealth. The current economic policy of the countries must be based on economic development to change, consolidate and redistribute the profits generated; otherwise, countries are condemned to depend on the increasingly accentuated economic cycles that lead to speculation and do not generate social benefits. Considering that economic development is the only factor that has to achieve an improvement in the quality of life and that growth and development are not the same, it is essential to determine that there is no development without economic growth since development is a direct dependent variable of growth.

Economic growth without economic development only leads to greater social inequality; but it is impossible to consider economic development without economic growth because the improvement in living conditions requires having surpluses that are generated through growth (Kindleberger, 1988).

5. Impact of Rural Public Expenditure on the GDP of the rural sector and the Trade Balance. a. Special Concurrent Program & Primary GDP. As can be seen in graph 3, Rural Expenditure and Primary GDP have a similar tendency, which forces us to analyze the correlation between both variables. The correlation analysis resulted in 30,570 pesos of primary GDP being generated for each peso of rural expenditure, considering an adjustment of 75 percent.

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Graph 3. Special Concurrent Program & Primary GDP (2004-2018)

Elaboration from the author with SHCP Data, (Millions of pesos)

b. SCP and Primary Trade Balance The Trade Balance of the primary sector (which is composed of Exports minus Imports) in 2008 was in an evident deficit of 54,530 Million pesos; however, this situation changes from 2015 where a surplus balance is observed. A trend that has remained until 2018 reached 334,314 million pesos, estimating that it closes in 2019 above 352,091 million pesos.

Since 1993, imports over exports were maintained in Mexico, generating a significant gap in 2007; however, the rise of primary exports from 2015 is also evident, this indicates that changes in Agricultural economic policy were a positive impact due to increases in government spending on programs that will generate competitiveness.

The following graph shows more clearly how the effect of rural public spending had positive effects on the primary Trade Balance, and also the fact that in recent years the increase in rural spending has stagnated in real terms or has been modified. From the correlation analysis, it appears that for each peso of expenditure invested 299,278 pesos are generated.

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Graph 4. Primary Trade Balance & SCP (2004-2018) Miles de millones de pesos

Elaboration from the author with SHCP Data, Banxico (thousands of pesos)

CONCLUSION After the empirical analysis carried out, the real correlation between the expenditure of the agricultural sector and the growth of the primary sector is evidenced, considering that for each weight of public expenditure, 30,570 pesos of Primary GDP is obtained, which shows the multiplicative effect. However, it is essential to note that the investment of the PEF in the area of Competitiveness, an achievement that Mexico would benefit from a Positive Trade Balance, and that leaving aside this edge and prioritizing assistance programs, could negatively impact the positive growth that it has had the primary sector in recent years, as well as the main development variables that comprise it.

Rural Public Expenditure in Mexico has been increasing annually, but these resources are inefficient since they are destined to programs of social benefit and not those of productive development, the stagnation of the sector.

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The impact of Rural Public Expenditure, on the Gross Domestic Product of the Primary Sector, and its impact on the national Trade Balance in the last year has diminished, due to the proportion of the expenditure that is expended to social intervention programs that have left sideways productive programs. Something to be worried is that the proportion of competitiveness spending has decreased significantly in 10 years; if this trend continues, the successes of the past in the field’s public policy could have a setback and become negative impacts, returning to a Deficit Trade Balance and having a fall in the economic growth of the primary sector and the active population of the same sector.

This chapter analyzed the multiplier effect of Rural Public Expenditure concerning the growth of primary GDP. It means that not necessarily an increase in Public Expenditure implies more significant growth. The effectiveness and efficiency of spending are essential, which implies knowing whether a more significant investment. The goal will be the improvement of the quality of life of the people in rural areas.

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ABSTRACT The new public management, as a tool for the transformation of public management in Mexico, is based on a vision oriented to the evaluation of goals and objectives in the action of the Federal executive, regarding the goods and services that it is responsible for. The tools which are offered by management allow to design public policies according to the current needs of the governed ones.

So that their implementation within public institutions presupposes quantifiable benefits for the various sectors of society and the achievement of a permanent public good.

Introduction By its effects, the new public management constitutes a transdisciplinary that substitutes the old idea of the public administration. Through various tools that promote the participation of individuals and political best practices, it is possible to achieve the administrative modernization of the governing authorities, generating value and common good.

Through public administration, the federal executive establishes and orders the set of public organizations that carry out the administrative and management functions of the State, its action must be continuous and permanent, always pursuing the public interest.

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For this reason, the federal executive seeks to protect the public interest by setting and ordering in a coordinating way the entities that define the public administration, in order to achieve effectiveness for its purposes and the exercise of the administrative function or activity.

However, factors such as globalization, the political environment, the international development of markets, the competitiveness of countries, among others, have influenced developing nations; such is the case of Mexico, they have difficulties to reach the aspiration of the diverse sectors of the population.

The new public management should not be seen as a fashion that tries to solve the current challenges or as a tool that only focuses on economic problems. It should replace bureaucratic processes by establishing and ordering in a coordinating way the entities that carry out the public administration, achieving an appropriate operation for its purposes and the exercise of the administrative function or activity, strengthening government strategies focused on a fundamental premise “The common good of society”.

To be able to improve the performance of the State, it will be necessary to look for schemes or proposals adapted to our reality from a broader framework, starting with an analysis of the current role of the government from different structural perspectives, expanding the generic outlook and with it, with possibilities propose changes that contribute to a strengthened State.

Undoubtedly, we are dealing with a complex task, the current bureaucratic apparatus is corrupted by old practices, which despite the constant deficiencies and limitations exhibited over time, continue to persist because of the lack of vision of statesmen who are determined to achieve different results, carrying out the usual practices. However, if we can visualize the scope of this modernization of government, taking as experience what has been done in other nations and we adapt it to our reality, we will certainly achieve positive results in achieving the objectives of the State.

Therefore, the present article has as main point of study “The New Public Management”, as well as the general analysis to the legal framework that governs the performance of the public servants in the different levels of government.

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Methodological Framework and Foundation for Research At present, Mexican society faces a complex panorama, globalization, international markets, the exchange of science and technology, the vision of a world mainly oriented to economic development; as well as the constant signing of international treaties. These have tested the efficiency of the current mechanism of administration and implementation of public policies; which seem to lack certainty, direction and reason for being, because they have not been able to strengthen the institutions that define the State, resulting in a precarious social welfare.

The importance of the topic lies in the identification, analysis and implementation of strengthened public policies, in accordance with real and current needs, which will propel the government and its institutions, to guarantee the welfare of society through a novel phenomenon, distant from the old managerial idea of the public administration. A model that allows the rulers to perform their actions within the framework of legality, guaranteeing a rule of law to all its inhabitants.

The main point of the new public management lies in the need for the government to fulfill its multiple tasks, adapting its available resources to satisfy a common good. It is true that in most cases these resources are clearly insufficient, limited and even precarious; however, with a proper rationalization of them, with proper programming, design, implementation, evaluation and improvement, the Mexican State will be able to meet social needs and requirements to generate more and better public good.

The arrival of the new public management proposes to replace current bureaucratic processes by implementing objectives and results, formulating standards and performance measures with defined goals, emphasizing the importance of evaluation and efficiency.

Therefore, the actions of the institutions that shape the federal public administration must implement and evaluate the political, social and economic strategies that allow the process of administrative modernization that the country requires for its development, leaving behind the short-term vision that presupposes the achievement of populist results with a clear electoral focus; and that in practice have fallen short to solve the problem raised.

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To achieve objectivity in a research, its process must be strengthened by generating a scientific research which methodology is in two essential phases: discovery and justification-confirmation.

Once the elements of the selected scientific method have been identified, the discovery phase must be considered as having a clearly qualitative view, so that the justification-confirmation phase is quantitative oriented.

What Public Administration is and its Relationship with Public Management Before going into the study of new public management, it is important to be clear about the concept of public administration and how they relate. For Allison, public administration is the set of strategies that determine the goals that the public sector intends to achieve, as well as the determination of its priorities and the corresponding operational procedures to achieve its objectives.

OrtĂşn (s.f) mentions that public administration is shaped by the institutional spaces and processes through which the State designs and implements policies, supplies goods and services, and applies regulations in order to carry out its functions.

As it can be seen in the above definitions, public administration proposes the use of the most appropriate means to achieve a collective goal, through mechanisms that allow it to allocate and distribute public resources.

Then, it can be affirmed that the governmental action is developed in terms of the power relations established by public institutions; as well as policies, methods of work and organization to fulfill their purposes.

As regards public management, Plasencia (s.f) defines it as the set of knowledge and practices that allow to improve the rationality of the administrative management of the State in social terms. From this definition, the commitment of the State to improve the rationality and use of the resources it has, to provide goods and services to citizens.

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From the above, there is a strong relationship between public administration and the new public management, proposing the new public management to do more and better with the same resources. However, as will be seen below; the new public management does not represent by itself an administrative modernization, on the contrary, it maintains a relation of dependence with the public administration in the administrative function of the State. For this reason its implementation must be coordinated and adapted to the existing mechanisms, both together give answers to social demands and be able to provide public good to the governed.

The New Public Management as a Tool to Government Modernization Due to the population growth and to the endogenous and exogenous factors of an economic nature, which mainly affect the developing countries, the demand for goods and services provided by the State has increased, by which in recent years, the concept of the new public management has taken force.

Many times, it has been heard the citizens to say that the public administration is slow, expensive, corrupt, poor quality, and that does not fulfill its function efficiently. For these reasons, in the early 1990s, an expanded concept emerged that produced the need to reform the state through its direct relationship with politics, society and the economy, causing more frequently terms such as “ Administrative modernization “or” public management “ used by civil servants without the names being fully explained.

When government has been overflown in fulfilling its obligations, adopts a proposal for managerial reform that strengthens its functions and at the same time allows it to face what this reality imposes on it. Although the State is not a private company in terms of its management elements, it is appropriate to adopt proposals that reach a balance between political, administrative and social factors. It means, to find new models of governmental management that prevail in the highest efficiency and effectiveness of public policies emerging from the government without having to pay the high cost that their mismanagement generates.

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Enrique Cabrero Mendoza mentions that: “It is not by chance that in the late fifties and especially throughout the sixties, the school of public policies emerged as a framework of analysis� that seeks to understand government action by breaking with several basic assumptions of public administration: the analysis that is based on dependency is opposed to the analysis that starts from the public policy in question. The legal regulation, as the basis of studies, is opposed to the decision-making process. And, to the narrow field of administration is opposed the wide range of links and intersections between the political and administrative spheres. Therefore, a disciplinary field that arises from the need to apprehend a more complex, diffuse and diverse reality than that in which the public administration arose.

Once the omnipresent State enters a deep crisis of legitimacy at the end of the seventies, the reconfiguration of the state apparatus begins again. So it emerge what some have called the modest State or the regulatory State (as others have called it) committed to the articulation of the efforts of the actors, leaving aside the temptation to deal directly with all public affairs.

In fact, in this scenario "... the public ceases to be a state monopoly that regains its original essence, a space for the set of individuals, agencies and agents of a society, within which government agencies are only one of the components" Cabrero quoted by Bozeman (2007: p 21).

The above information exposes the problem of the State to address all its basic functions, so it is inevitable, that it is necessary to rely on non-governmental institutions to maintain public order.

This situation, far from subtracting legitimacy to the State, has led to the creation of different schools, including public management, demonstrating their effectiveness in the analysis, design and election of public policy goals and objectives.

Garcia SĂĄnchez (2007, p.44) has interpreted public administration as: "The new public management seeks to create an efficient and effective administration. It means, an administration that meets the real needs of citizens at the lowest possible cost, favoring the introduction of Mechanisms of competition that allow the election of users and in turn promote the development of higher quality services. All this is surrounded by control systems that grant full transparency of the processes, plans and results. So, on the one hand, they improve the election system and, on the other, favor citizen participation."

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That is why the approach proposed by the new public administration is based on more efficient and better quality results in the public sector, giving to rigid government structures more flexibility in the services provided by the government, strengthening their management capabilities strategic and quality management.

The Vision of the New Public Management in the International Scope As it has been seen, the new public management emerges as a response to the social demand for more and better goods and services that effectively serve the role of the State.

The new public management can be considered as the product of an evolutionary process that looks for effective forms of governmental management from the perspective of the study in the field of public administration.

Bozeman, B. (2007, p. 37) comments that public administration, as a field of study and educational enterprise, seems to have emerged in the late seventies and early eighties in two very different institutions; commercial schools and public policy schools. The latter seem to have contributed more to the evolution of public management, while the commercial ones, more to its initial essence.

The Bozeman theory of the United States in the 1970s was taken as a reference when it was forced to change the academic structure of its public policy schools. This gives rise to a quantitative analysis in the design of the same, this allows to create tools that contribute to the administrators and statesmen make an analytical and pro-positive critique of government action, achieving greater effectiveness in its exercise.

This phenomenon is not indifferent in countries with different characteristics than the American ones. There are clear examples of countries in Europe, specific cases such as Germany, France and Spain, for some years have introduced the term of public management in their governmental action, as a result of the needs to strengthen their policy and economy, and thus be in Possibilities of guaranteeing the common good to its governed.

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From the above, it can be seen that the evolution of the managerial approach within the public administration has penetrated with relative promptness, derived from the current context and environment that the society lives. Although there are pro-positive arguments for its implementation, some policy specialists disagree with the rigid and normative role of government. This, in theory does not allow the flexibility required by the new public management for its implementation. It is important to take into account that, as a case study, the present research presents the elements aimed at identifying, analyzing and evaluating the structures of public institutions and their impact on society when they carry out their function, in order to find the ideal mechanisms for its development and optimum performance.

Regardless of the critical sense of the diverse opinions that exist in this respect, the new public management seems to be the next evolutionary step in the way of administering and acting of the governmental apparatus. This argument becomes relevant, if we observe how in other latitudes the adoption of this new trend in the state’s governance has been successful, so it is a task to demonstrate in the field of the practical the benefits that can be achieved from its implementation, which will depend to a great extent on the strategies that have to be designed to adapt this model to the needs of the current Mexican society. In this respect, the following table shows the most representative elements considered by various countries as essential for the implementation of effective public management.

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Table of Implementation of Elements for Public Management

Chile

United Kingdom

Canada

Holland

Planning and designing of public policies Budget system Innovation in public management Open government Strategic vision Participation of citizens in the strategic vision (governance) Assignment of responsibilities and coordination Gender equality

Source: Comparative Study on Processes of Reform of Public Structures.

The United States

Spain

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In this sense, it is analyzed some elements that are proposed in the previous table. When referring to the planning and design of public policies, it can be noticed that in the system of government, there is no specialization on the part of the officials in charge of elaborating them, therefore the specific needs of each social group are not taken care of. With regard to the budget system, the government of the Mexican Republic introduced a tool called the Results Based Budget, which obliged public institutions to prepare their budgets based on the results obtained in the previous exercise, adjusting the negative impacts that had been presented so that they would not be repeated in the future. Subsequently, by not obtaining the expected results, a similar tool called the Base Zero Budget was implemented, which consists in elaborating a budget oriented to results, without taking into account those obtained in previous years, that like the Budget Based on Results, did not offer the solutions that were intended, so that the State does not end up defining a suitable mechanism to make its economic resources more efficient.

About open government, it will be realized that, although the efforts of the institutions and the growing citizen participation to make public expenses transparent, more and more cases of corruption arise. However, as for the strategic vision, the sum of a poor budget system coupled with poor transparency of resources and poor planning in the design of public policies gives as result an invalid long-term vision.

As it can be seen, the elements considered in the table and part of the new public man-agement could contribute to the Mexican government improving the efficiency of its institu-tions, which generates value by promoting the modernization of effective public administra-tion, of course, if they are developed and applied properly.

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The New Public Management Throughout the present article, the multiple qualities that the managerial model contributes to the administrative action of the State have been increased. It is necessary to understand that the adoption of this model proposes to replace the traditional bureaucratic scheme through a greater administrative collaboration among various areas of government, where it is sought to transfer the responsibilities of planning, resources and management of certain central government functions to the state governments, leading them to regional administrative modernization, decentralization of procedures and services, as well as greater citizen participation (Rondinelli et al., 1983).

To do this, public management establishes a mechanism for evaluating administrative performance regarding the use of public resources in function of the goals and objectives set.

Also mechanisms of accountability, taking as a model the integration of goals and objectives that the private organizations perform.

That is to say, the managerial approach proposes that the government be able to offer higher quality services and more effective programs, introducing changes in the expansion of political control, giving more freedom to “managers” to carry out their management and, at the same time, there is greater government transparency. “A fusion between the normative orientation of traditional public administration and the instrumental guidance of general management” (Perry and Kraemer, 1983: 10). They are deliberate changes in the structures and processes of public sector organizations in order to work better. (Pollit and Bouckaert, 2000) To continue, it is analyzed which are those instruments that the multi-quoted public management proposes.

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•

The public administration as a provider of services for citizens cannot evade their responsibility to provide them efficiently and effectively, so the performance and cost of these should take as a reference the best aspects of similar services provided by the public sector or private initiative, which in business terms is known as benchmarking, which translates into adopting the best practices of some public or private institutions and replicate them in all areas of government. Obviously, the adoption of best practices is not oriented toward the generation of profits, so the approach is merely competitive. It seeks to raise the performance of the bureaucratic apparatus and the quality of its services.

•

Another of the instruments that make up the new public management is the delimitation and transfer of responsibilities over resources, the “what” and the “how”. It means, the State must provide to its citizens and how it intends to achieve it. At a strategic political level the professional responsibilities of public servants and resources must be separated.

At present, the resources required by public institutions to carry out their activities are awarded through a detailed budget that considers the figures from the previous year and the new needs. In order to be exercised, it must observe an endless number of regulatory requirements, through the delimitation and transfer of responsibility over the resources is granted freedom to the specialized areas of public bodies to decide how to comply with the provision of services.

Therefore, public management suggests to complement this assumption; the use of controlling, a comprehensive concept that seeks to manage profitably and effectively in the achievement of pre-established goals (cost-benefits of service delivery). In this way, the organization will be able to abstain from the necessary information to plan a previous estimate of the budget and resources that it requires, producing periodic reports with relevant data that easily detect deviations or unjustified concealment (delimitation of responsibilities) besides evaluating the profitability of alternative routes to provide certain service.

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•

The performance orientation (output), gives the public administration the freedom of multiple services and the result that it will actually obtain in its productive processes. Based on this planning principle, the organization follows the strategy and not the strategy follows the organization. There is a transparency of costs in the output, which is a basis for the responsibility of expenses and the measurement of the provision of services.

•

Everything that does not serve the citizen represents a waste for the government, so the orientation towards citizens / clients, expresses that public management is not an end and that its only task is to provide the services to which the citizen is entitled to change the payment of his taxes. In the present element, the citizen is no longer seen as a subject, but is a customer who in exchange for his contributions demands the provision of services that have some quality. In this sense the government is seen as a modern service provider, which could even compete with private bidders.

•

Public management creates criteria whose principles are the approach to the citizen with a mentality of service and flexibility, as well as capacity for innovation in the availability of the services provided, and part of it, the training of public servants to give a better service. The accessibility of such services, the establishment of communication channels along with the constant controls to verify the satisfaction of citizens play an important role.

•

Staff is key to a successful modernization process. The potential of human resources must be maximized, it is necessary to expand their entrepreneurial, management and communication skills to achieve the specialization of employees. To do well, public management proposes teamwork, rather than inequitable division of labor, and horizontal organization rather than many hierarchical levels.

•

Quality management refers to the usefulness of a material good or a service.

The good or service must comply with the requirements and for the intended purpose, in addition it must be competitive in price and performance. To achieve this, public management proposes to ascertain clearly the quality requirements in the services demanded by citizens, considering the financial viability and the legitimate needs of the governed.

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To sum up, the use of the described elements can be achieved in the following way: • • • • •

Management through the separation of competencies between financers and service providers.

Focus on the effectiveness, efficiency and quality of the fulfillment of tasks.

Separation of strategic direction and operational direction.

Equal treatment of private service providers and public service providers.

Focused innovation to delegated operational management (decentralized).

It can be said that the new public management is based fundamentally on empirical experiences acquired by the attempts to achieve a more efficient and effective public administration, in many cases driven not by the conviction that the administration should work faster and better, but simply by the lack of financial resources to do so. Its success is largely based on the political will of all those involved and on the specific analysis of the situation that determines the strengths and weaknesses as well as the risks that may arise or that already exist due to the transition to a modern administration.

With the above it can be pointed out that the importance of the new public management within the public administration consist in the synergy of public powers. The introduction of managerial strategic thinking must guarantee the common good through verifiable schemes adapted to the real needs of the population. It requires a permanent evaluation of the performance of public servants and institutions about their results and how they are interpreted, as well as establishing dynamic goals and lines of action.

CONCLUSION In this article, various elements of public management were analyzed to measure the scope of political action on different sectors of society. To this, we must understand the role of public administration in the current administration system of government in Mexico. As mentioned, public management suggests the implementation of diverse strategies in the design of public policies that guarantee to provide the population, goods and services necessary and indispensable for their development.

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In recent years the deficiency of these strategies to generate a common good for the population has been evident, showing the inability of the State to manage and distribute goods and services effectively. Although the structure of the states, their political, economic, cultural system; to mention part of it, is more complex than what was addressed in this study. Even though, they were discussed the most sensitive sections to resolve the questions raised in this study.

For various authors public management transgresses the essence of public admin-istration, calling it a government without politics, which is far from an ideal or aspirational situation for any Government, it reaches a state of law. However, the new public management has demonstrated quantifiable benefits to the governments that have adopted it in their public management systems, because it is linked to government performance. These benefits are increased administrative collaboration in the different levels of government (decentralization), evaluation of administrative performance in the use of public resources (accountability), proactive attitude to changes in the environment (strategic management), and involvement of third parties (private companies) that support the government agencies in the provision of some services.

Although the concept of public management within public administration could be thought to be novel, it has been shown that in highly developed countries its implementation takes several decades. It was on account of its positive results that its usefulness began to spread throughout the world.

As it has been observed, the public sector is experiencing one of its most complex crises in terms of results. Factors such as population growth, crisis in national and international markets, economies that do not grow, inequality; among others, have diminished the action of public institutions, causing questions about the strategies that the State has to reverse this situation. Because it seems that the design and implementation of public policies are far from counteracting the shortcomings that society suffer. So it becomes clear that traditional public administration is no longer able to guarantee the proper functioning of the bureaucratic apparatus.

It should be taken into account that a change like the one proposed cannot be given instantly.

Complete generations have been required to permeate at all levels of society an ideology that positions citizens as the main asset of the state; although it is not an easy task, the conditions for such a change must be generated, making citizens aware that their participation is fundamental in the adoption of these best practices.

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Public management is not a tool that alone achieves this result, on the contrary, it has a relationship of dependence with public administration. In order to achieve its implementation, the necessary conditions must be created that allow its insertion in the different levels of government. That is why the federal executive must propose structural reforms that allow the State to be decentralized, granting federal and private entities the administration of certain goods and services considered public, in order to guarantee greater efficiency at lower cost.

This would achieve a better transparency in the destination of the resources of goods and services. Likewise, public servants should be trained to adopt the benefits of the managerial model in the public policies they implement.

It is important that the actions of public institutions tend to be transparent and accountable for the public resources that it exercises, so that citizen participation is paramount, and at all times they must observe the actions that the government does, which would cause a cultural change in both the governed and the governors.

One of the main points of public management proposes the establishment of objectives and goals that will be permanently evaluated to know the results obtained. This evaluation will also allow the perception of citizens’ satisfaction with the generation of public good; no doubt, it takes time to achieve such a significant change, but as it is seen in the present paper, there are the tools at hand to achieve this.

To implement the new public administration in Mexico, it must be understood that in operational terms the management of a private institution has certain differences with the management of a public institution, since the achievement of objectives is achieved through different procedures; one oriented to profits and the other to social welfare. This is why as a proposal, the creation of a body within the executive branch responsible for supervising the activity of the secretaries of State should be analyzed, under a system of strategic goals, based on the experiences of local governments of the municipalities of Leon and Aguascalientes. In the first one, its government adopted elements of the private administration such as the strategic planning, the organizational development and the total quality. In the second one, The State Institute of Business Management and Regulatory Improvement (IEGEMER) was created to promote municipal competition by being a provider of local business services.

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To the above, an administrative modernization project must take up the “agenda of good governance” promoted in recent six-year terms, including the current one, through an integration of an Office of Government Innovation (responsible for the agenda of good governance defined by public managerial principles) and the Secretary of Public Function (responsible for supervising compliance with the strategies of the government innovation office) that seek to achieve a professional, efficient and efficient government.

To achieve the effectiveness of the government apparatus, it is suggested to base the different government actions on the following strategic list.

• • • • • •

Professionalize the skills of public servants.

Establish quality standards in the fulfillment of State tasks.

Place the operational staff as the main part of the administrative functions with priority to accelerate the procedures.

Delegate some central government functions to local governments and private agencies without compromising the integrity of the State.

Generate competition between public and private service providers in order to rationalize resources and avoid waste.

And, the most important, guarantee the common good of society by giving it more and better public goods and services.

Finally, it is necessary to comment that the New Public Management is the integration of different instruments, tools and methodologies that allow to guide the actions of the governments from a perspective of greater and better results, oriented towards the generation of value. While it is true that it may have many restrictions or opinions found, the reality is that society requires actions and strategies that generate more public good. The New Public Management can guide with greater strength a more effective government from an administrative modernization.

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ABSTRACT This essay does three things. First, it reviews the theoretical basis of state border sovereignty with respect to globalization. Second, it surveys the theoretical basis of state prerogatives and values with respect to the establishment and maintenance of border controls, focusing on the problem of transborder shipment. Third, this essay defines the concept of “low borders” and describes the administration of low borders in terms of the concept of delegated sovereignty.

Introduction The last decade of the twentieth century was characterized as the decade of “globalization” -- the transition to a worldwide information and economic space from a nation-dominate system of national governments. The international economy of capital and knowledge transcends national capacity and aims. As relatively fixed institutions, national governments have shown limited capacity to insulate citizens from the forces of the international economy as the international currency and financial markets have grown unconstrained by national economic institutions and as the forces of migration have transcended national physical boundaries. Attempts to build multilateral mechanisms to manage interest rates, capital flows, the flow of goods, human flows, and necessary physical maintenance of borders often incline states to adopt policies that contradict their own interests in global market integration. Thus, globalization has had a profound effect on the maintenance and administration of borders.

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This essay does three things. First, it reviews the theoretical basis of state border sovereignty with respect to globalization. It begins with an analysis of the theoretical basis for cooperation and proceeds to an application of theoretical principles to administrative practices. It analyzes the implications of globalization for the maintenance of normal border relations and border transactions among states in terms of this theoretical framework, concluding that a feasible alternative to the current model of joint border administration is delegated administration.

Second, it surveys the theoretical basis of state prerogatives and values with respect to the establishment and maintenance of border controls, focusing on the problem of transborder shipment. States seeking to pursue comparative advantage must maintain low transaction costs for transborder interactions. At the same time, states find that border interactions are a main juncture at which they can influence transactions to affect public safety, national security, and macroeconomic goals. Consequently, states have an economic incentive to “lower” borders at the same time that they have political incentives to “raise” borders.

Third, this essay defines the concept of “low borders” and describes the administration of low borders in terms of the concept of delegated sovereignty. This mechanism is described as an effective, low-cost, and easy to administer instrument for maintaining low borders while achieving other public safety and public revenue goals. Moreover, mechanisms for international coordination such as low borders are apt to be most successful if they are soundly based in the theory of international cooperation. Delegated border administration maintains state sovereignty, protects state interests, provides for border coordination, and is both inexpensive and simple to administer.

Globalization and International Administration The inexorable transition to a borderless information and economic space on a worldwide level—globalization—has transformed the way that people and organizations deal with one another around the world. Local markets for capital, goods, services, and information are integrated into international markets. Computers and electronic transmission technology have transformed the world into a single information field. International standards for products, services, practices, and procedures are replacing local custom and habit. Fundamental change has taken place in how societies distinguish between the public and private sectors.

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Globalization has opened vast new possibilities for the creation of prosperity and for the improvement of the human condition. At the same time, globalization has given rise to unique administrative challenges. States that respond appropriately to the pressures of globalization can benefit greatly. States that respond inappropriately reap few of the benefits and are threatened by the costs of globalization. As the recent World Bank Development Report concluded, “Globalization is a threat to weak or capriciously governed states. But it also opens the way for effective, disciplined states to foster development and economic well-being, and it sharpens the need for effective international cooperation in pursuit of global collective action.”

(World Development Report, WDR: 11)

International Relations Research, the Failure of Realism, and the “Statism Syndrome” The two key tasks of international relations research are to explain the nature of the international community and simultaneously to explain the behavior of its most influential components— states. The traditional interpretation of international relations—realism—begins with the proposition that states are the central actors in the international community and their behavior and international interactions may be understood in terms of a value-maximizing logic of the pursuit of national interest. This realist interpretation maintains that the distribution of wealth and power exerts the predominant influence on state behavior. According to the realist interpretation, the absence of supreme legal authority in the international community creates a situation of “anarchy”. Anarchy in this sense does not necessarily imply chaos, merely the absence of an authoritative order among the constituents of the system.

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The Failure of Realism and the idea of International Regimes It is an empirical fact that the international community has been witness to violence, disorder and injustice and irregularity. However, this surely is not the typical state of affairs. Nations exist for long periods of time engaging in peaceful relations and regular commerce with one another. Opportunities for cooperation may be foregone, established cooperation often breaks down, and sometimes conflict occurs. Yet, these failures of cooperation do not imply that states only cooperate when they must. Consequently, a narrow realist interpretation that international cooperation and law only work when they are backed up by force surely must be an insufficient description of the viable international community that we see today.

For this reason, many theorists have grown skeptical of the power of the realist lens for analyzing international relations except in some narrow bands of a wide spectrum of international transactions. Individual states do not always act only to maximize their interests at the expense of other states any more than individual people do. States do not only make mechanistic calculations of national interest to determine what they should or will do. In fact, states sometimes free-ride and act opportunistically. On the other hand, states “do not always cheat when no one is looking.” Moreover, most “cursory calculations of power and national interest” are rarely in fact cursory. State behavior involves perceptions, misperceptions, bureaucratic dynamics, and miscalculation, rather than technically sound calculations of optimal action.

In recent years, given the diminishing utility of certain forms of coercion, violence, and power, international relations theorists have sought alternative or modified frameworks to explain the international system, the behavior of states, and the increasing importance of international organizations and transnational actors in the international community. Theorists have attempted to capture the voluntary aspects of states’ behavior in the international community by drawing attention to the concept of international regime. Regime in this sense refers to “implicit or explicit principles, norms, rules, and decision-making procedures around which actors’ expectations converge in a given area of international relations.” (Krasner: 186). A focus on regimes directs attention to the motives of states to cooperate even in circumstances in which it might not be in the narrow or short-term interest of the state to do so. Regimes draw attention to the bases and conditions of voluntary international cooperation.

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Voluntary Cooperation One productive line of research on international regimes focuses on the conditions of voluntary, rule-based compliance (Haas, E., 1980). Clearly, regulative rules may not in themselves determine the behavior of states. However, rule-based compliance maintains that the dynamics of the common understandings, protocols, and established patterns of thought and practice incline states to comply with widely recognized and widely practiced norms and rules even when states have both the incentive and capacity to break them. (Haas, P. 1992) In complex diplomatic interactions in which the principal actors are technical agencies, states tend to respond to the “logic of appropriateness” rather than the “logic of consequentiality.” (March and Olsen 1989: 160-162). Technical agencies tend to avoid conflict in their interactions with foreign counterparts and, at the same time, tend to seek autonomy in their interactions with their superordinate national counterparts. Technical standards are seen as scientifically rational, empirically verifiable, and materially effective. Consequently, international standards tend to exert a “compliance pull of their own” (Franck 1990). In this way, technical rules and procedures often constrain national policies and ends rather than the other way around.

Accordingly, in practice most states follow most rules.

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Voluntary Cooperation, International Law, and State Sovereignty The study of voluntary international cooperation has its roots in international law. International refers to practices that have been widely accepted as binding by states over time. Hugo Grotius (1583-1645) is attributed with the first articulation of the principles of international customary law in his treatise On the Law of War and Peace. Grotius noted the existence of common practices whose routine observance by governments led to their acceptance as required behavior in relations among states. The states in the Grotian system are the actors in the system of international law. The system assumes: 1) states are juridically equal; 2) states enjoy full sovereignty; 3) states enjoy territorial integrity and political independence; and 4) exercise the rights and responsibilities of other states in the international community. The state acts as a permanent administrative organization that claims the right to enforce its laws within its territory, and to extract resources from the population to support its activities. Sovereignty is the fundamental right of the state to perpetuate and govern itself, subject to no higher political authority. (Brown and Shue). Physical borders play important legal, regulatory and symbolic roles in the maintenance of state sovereignty. (Chandler, Foresberg, Kratochwil) Borders are the physical delineation of the limits of state sovereignty, if not state power.

The Grotian system implies that states exercise supreme lawmaking and law-enforcing authority within a given territory. The legitimacy of the state in international agreements is a basic principle of the international community. The system of international regulation of national behavior that extends beyond national boundaries—that is, transnational implications of activities taking place within a sovereign nation—continues to be coordinated primarily by the states themselves. International organizations and international compacts (treaties or other types of international agreements) have derivative legitimacy: their legitimacy derives from the legitimacy of the states acting as parties in the agreement.

A state is sovereign in the sense that it is a source of, but not subject to, laws. The most basic principle of international law is that states cannot be legally bound except by their own consent.” (Chayes: 179) The doctrine of clausula rebus sic stantibus stipulates that treaties are binding only “so long as things stand as they are.” (Brierly: 335) Substantive changes in the situation are considered grounds for claiming not to be bound by original provisions of the treaty. The absence of enforcement powers of international law and international organizations indicate that states voluntarily agree to subject themselves to the norms and standards of the international community.

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Statism: The Failure of Cooperation One well recognized tendency of the autonomy of the state is that of a failure of cooperation that might be referred to as the statism syndrome. A state may seek to increase its power and authority through further reinforcing the “hard shell� of the state. The statism syndrome is a consequence of a well-understood and well-analyzed collective action dilemma. A collective action problem is any situation, subject to normal assumptions of economic rationality, in which parallel interests do not necessarily imply cooperative behavior. In the case of newly emergent states, even though the states act rationally to improve their situation through strategies that bring their ends into line with their means, they often find cooperation with their neighbors an elusive goal. The statism syndrome may be defined as any situation in which states are linked in a common endeavor in pursuit of common security and economic goals in such a way that the more energetically and enthusiastically, they pursue those goals the more likely they are to come into conflict with one another.

Economic Integration, Regional Cooperation, and International Policy Coordination Globalization, the growing visibility of transnational actors, market integration, and deliberate efforts of regional groupings of states to establish and maintain functioning institutions of political and economic integration, have drawn attention to the policy consequences of certain forms of state integration. According to one traditional source, integration may defined as: (1) “the process whereby nations forego the desire and ability to conduct foreign and key domestic policies independently of each other, seeking instead to make joint decisions or to delegate the decision making process to new central organs; and (2) the process whereby political actors in several distinct settings are persuaded to shift their expectations and political activities to a new center. (Lindberg: 6)

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Economic Integration In a globalizing community, integration offers many benefits, but it carries a number of disadvantages as well. (Haggard, 1990; Keohane 1984) Integration implies an attenuation of the prerogatives of national sovereignty. Many governments report that they have a diminishing ability to achieve domestic ends because of global economic integration. For this reason, some governments have in effect thrown in the towel and report an erosion in their willingness and ability to restrain international economic forces, especially capital flows, in order to maintain national economic and political stability (Webb: 264). Governments exist by virtue of their claim to legitimacy. National sovereignty is the primary bulwark of political legitimacy. Consequently, government actions that would increase genuine trans-border integration would compromise national sovereignty and tend to be antagonistic to the purposes and goals of government. This is the dilemma faced by the modernizing state: how to gain the benefits of reduced transaction costs at the border that come with economic integration without incurring the costs of reduced control of national economy and policy that accompany it.

The reasons for this dilemma are clear if not obvious. Economic integration based on a realist perspective is only ostensibly a free market endeavor. States that are integrated into a coherent, rule-based whole for trade are less like individuals in a free market than they are like individuals in a firm. Their transactions, exchanges, and negotiations are constrained or at least limited by the goals that are articulated to justify the integration. In some respects, economic integration leaves states less able to maximize their own interests as it reduces the asymmetric differences among preferences by definition. This situation is more like a firm than a market.

Economic and Regional Cooperation However, economic integration is not the only path to lowering border transaction costs to achieve the efficiency benefits of low borders. Economic integration can be contrasted with economic cooperation. Economic cooperation refers to independent actions and activities that are undertaken by two or more governments to enhance economic growth and development that benefit multiple countries without compromising national sovereignty.

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Regional economic cooperation represents a voluntary alignment of national policies in the area of cross-border interactions. These interactions may take place in a variety of arenas.

Multilateral, regional, voluntary cooperation efforts engage mechanisms to coordinate policy that is inherently trans-boundary. These include policies with respect to transportation, energy, communication, payments and settlements, as well as the administration of trans-boundary resources such as water and air, and the management of the physical borders (Griego).

International Policy Cooperation International policy cooperation refers to how successfully states interact with one another to achieve mutual gains from trade. Trade cooperation usually involves: 1) international agreements or conventions to establish the framework of cooperation; 2) national policy initiatives or correctives to promote national policy objectives; 3) implementation procedures.

National policy initiatives may include: maintaining stable and transparent policy mechanisms; establishing and maintaining international standards; harmonizing customs and trade regulation arrangements; coordinating duties, VAT, and other revenue mechanisms; coordinating quality inspections; coordinating policies with respect to freight bonding procedures; negotiating and jointly enforcing rules regarding disputes; enforcement of agreed-upon procedures with respect to predatory trading or protectionism. Policy implementation and simplification may include trade documentation; inspection; visa issuance; registration; immigration; vehicle licensing and operation; taxation; insurance; freight insurance and cargo bonding

“Low Borders” and International Policy Cooperation A country that pursues a policy of “low borders” recognizes the logic of globalization in the modern world. Rather than attempting to improve its trading position at the expense of that of its neighbors and trading partners, a country that adopts low borders bases its trade policy on the logic of comparative advantage and pursues a policy of liberal trade. A liberal trade policy means avoiding non-economic factors influencing trade. Non-economic factors include any government or non-governmental policies or actions that inhibit the ability of individuals or firms to pursue mutually advantageous transactions on the terms that they establish among themselves.

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Open Trade There are many advantages to a liberal or “open” trade order. (Bhagwati,1991) An open market is one in which scarce resources are used more efficiently thanks to the increase competition of domestic markets. Through competition, an open economy provides incentives to firms to adopt best practices in production. An open market brings lower prices and more choices to consumers. Openness to imports can encourage technology transfer. In an open market a country’s export sector can seek larger markets. In general, the smaller the economy, the more important are the benefits of openness.

Economic Nationalism Economic nationalism refers to a country’s competitive search for unilateral economic advantage.

It usually involves mechanisms to increase the foreign trade surplus of a country with respect to its major trading partners. Currency regulation, state subsidies or a government-financed parastatal are used to promote sanctioned exports. Care is taken to restrict the unsanctioned export of state-subsidized consumer goods such as food and clothing. Tariffs, quotas, and other mechanisms such as unequitable documentation requirements are established to discourage unwanted imports. Custom inspectorates are established at plane, rail, and road border stations creating long delays. Since these delays cause losses for shippers, they also create almost irrepressible inducements to circumvention through bribery and corruption. They thereby create a need for the state to reinforce itself against itself, by sanctioning police to monitor and control the customs inspectorate.

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Rule-Based International Cooperation: Implementing Delegated Sovereignty at Borders In practice, states do delegate their sovereign powers to extraterritorial mechanisms, bodies, and individuals, albeit sometimes reluctantly. For example, the conflict between the Iraqi government and UNSCOM inspectors is based in such delegation. As a member of the international community and a signatory to the relevant compacts, Iraq in effect delegated its sovereignty in the area of inspection to an international body. It is important to note that the delegation of sovereignty by a state may weaken its short term power, but ultimately strengthens its long term legitimacy: a state cannot delegate sovereignty that it in fact does not have–the delegation of its sovereignty is an acknowledgement of its sovereignty by participating parties.

The Delegation of Sovereignty and Ports of Entry Sovereignty can be delegated at borders in three main ways. It can be delegated to firms and individuals through compliance-based regulation. It can be delegated to dependent governments such as states or municipalities. It can be delegated to other independent governments, such as other states.

The most important of the actual mechanisms of delegated sovereignty is the Port of Entry.

Taken together, these locations constitute the effective boundaries of national sovereignty, however, they are not all located on the geographic borders that delineate nations. For example, seaports are inside of the three-mile limit that designates territorial limits and most airports are internal to a nation but often are international Ports of Entry.

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In reality, the transaction costs of commerce in international trade accrue at the cost centers of Ports of Entry, not along the entire geographic border. Geographical borders are easy to physically cross in most places. However, ease in physically crossing a border is only one of the conditions for successful international trade, the other is ease in legal entry1. Low Borders must facilitate both crossing and entry.

Border crossing transaction cost plays a key role in determining the height of borders. Many important goods legally cross, but do not enter a state’s commerce. The way that border crossing and entry are legally distinguished determines the boundaries of a nation’s trade. For example, some of the most important changes in international commerce in the last forty years have occurred in the distribution of manufacturing plant assembly and sub-assembly functions and sites. An example of this is the maquiladora relationship and its role in U.S. and world commerce. In reality, most goods involved in plant assembly work, such as maquiladoras, are temporary importations that do not enter the commerce of the U.S. or of Mexico (Díaz - Leal p.75). They are held in bond, used in an assembly, and then shipped back to the import point of origin. In effect, then most of the goods involved in the maquiladora industry are not really trade goods, but goods produced by cooperative manufacturing. These goods enter a nation legally, but do not enter its commerce. Goods that do not enter a nation legally cannot enter its commerce and are not part of national trade, but of the informal sector.

Legal entry of goods is achieved at officially designated locations where inspection can be made of their eligibility for entry under existing internal policies and international treaties, and where payment of duties can be assured. These sites are the Ports of Entry.

1

Two items should be noted. First, many goods cross borders, but do not effectively enter the legal commerce of a state. Many shipments into a country only cross borders temporarily while in transit to another destination. Others are held at particular sites within the national borders but enter the nation’s commerce later. These are situations in which the transited or held goods are “in bond” shipments. That is their passage or eventual legal entry is guaranteed by a bond holder that is responsible for duties. Second, what is presented here emphasizes one side of the trade equation import, over export. With respect to low borders, importing, that is legal entry, is the key transaction incurring multiple costs that vary from state to state and, as discussed below, from site to site. Export is a relatively simple cheap matter when compared to import - the official, that is legal, costs incurred are minimal.

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The Complexity of Ports of Entry Ports of Entry are exceptionally complex sites. Ports of Entry are functionally similar across nations in two respects (Sandia Report). First a Port of Entry has a cargo inspection function.

This function uses enforcement to achieve contraband interdiction, vehicle and load safety, and immigration aims. Second, they have both a collection and verification function with respect to fees and tariffs. Ports of Entry function as sites where payment paperwork is verified as well as where real or logical payments are collected. For example, centrally accepted estimates of the value or classification of imported goods may be changed by local Port of Entry review in the U.S.: merchandise imported into the U.S. for commercial purposes is subject to valuation at the point of importation under U.S. Custom Code (Users Guide, p. 7).

Cargo inspection for legal entry makes a Port of Entry a nexus of delegated national authority.

Most frequently, Ports of Entry have representation from multiple central and sub-central government agencies. Customs, Immigration, Food and Drug, Agricultural, Motor Vehicle, Criminal Law Enforcement, and increasingly Environmental agencies are represented at them sometimes from different levels of government (Sandia Report, p.15). Thus, all necessary inspections and certifications for legal entry may be accomplished. However, all of these agencies may not have their own representatives housed at a Port of Entry Site. Instead, officers from one agency (in practice, usually a Customs officer) are delegated the authority to inspect or certify for another agency. For example, a Customs officer may certify that a commercial shipment contains no prohibited fruits or vegetables for an Agricultural agency or officer. The actual structure and arrangements of these operations vary by nation and Port of Entry.

In addition, authority is effectively delegated from the government to the private sector at Ports of Entry. In many countries, Customs Agencies certify individuals to act as intermediaries between those wishing to import or export goods and the Customs service itself. They assemble necessary paperwork, guarantee and collect duties, and support shipping related activities such as making changes in bills of lading for both firms and the Customs service. These are known as Customs Brokers or Agents. Just as the degree and structure of national administrative delegation varies by the Port of Entry, so do the arrangements of authority vary by Port of Entry for Customs Brokers. At some sites, Brokers may enter a Customs compound–in others they may not.

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With respect to the controlling the revenue function, all Ports of Entry, have similar processes for achieving legal entry. The steps in the process for legal entry are similar for most nations. They are shaped by customary international practices for shipment of goods and payment of duties.

By and large, Customs agencies at Ports of Entry require similar documents from those wishing to enter goods into national commerce. In practice, this process produces a generic Customs Declaration made up three basic items. The first is an official summary of the goods that are entering, listing their official classifications for duty purposes. The second, which accompanies the summary, is a detailed declaration of the load being shipped, often an original bill of lading or shipping manifest. When carriers accept a shipment, this creates a manifest. This allows inspection of the load to verify that what is being declared is indeed what is being shipped.

Third, some sort of invoice is usually required as part of a declaration in order to establish the ownership, original quantities, prices, and country of origin for the goods.

Although these requirements for legal entry are similar across nations, just as the degree of actual national administrative delegation varies at each Port of Entry, so do the actual procedures used to facilitate legal entry. In short, though similar processes ostensibly are in place at the Ports of Entry across sovereign nations, the actual operating routines for accomplishing legal entry may vary greatly by Port of Entry even within a single sovereign state.

The US-Mexico Border The U.S. - Mexico Border in the Southwest may prove illustrative of the foregoing points. The processes for importing from Mexico into the U.S. and from the U.S. into Mexico are roughly similar as outlined above. Importing into the U.S. from Mexico requires a cargo manifest (U.S. Customs Form 7533) that details the type, quantity, and quality of goods, a general declaration or summary of shipped contents (U.S. Customs Form 7501), Invoices, and packing lists detailing what items are packed where. An entry number on the official cargo manifest obtained from U.S. Customs or a Customs Broker, indicates that duty payment is made or guaranteed for the shipment and will affect entry. In addition, packing lists must be provided. The Mexican import process is similar. A general declaration or pedimento is filed. Cargo manifests and bills of lading are provided. The processes would seem to have similar relative transaction costs.

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However, it is at the operational level where the real transaction costs of entry accrue differentially at Ports. For example, on the one hand, Mexican entry is much more centralized than U.S. entry. The Mexican Broker must ensure that Mexican import duties are pre–paid.

Often this means that they need to stage collection of Mexican duties in the U.S. Also, Mexican Brokers are members of a local customs association that operate a local telecommunications link to Mexico City to clear shipments for entry. Shipments are cleared centrally only when they are accompanied by a telecommunication verification by one of the three Mexican banks that handle custom duty payment (Banco Union Banamex, Banejercito) U.S. Brokers are bonded and have ten days to pay duties. Many U.S. Brokers operate their own computer links with customs for declaration and payment.

On the other hand, U.S. entry inspection is more centralized than Mexican inspection. At nearly all U.S. Ports, all cargo, even if pre -cleared by a broker, for entry, may be inspected by Customs officials. All cargo is subject to inspection. The U.S. inspection system is comprehensive in scope, but purports to be fairly targeted in action. At U.S. Ports actual inspection plans are devised locally, but they are fit into national strategies because they depend on centrally provided inspection technology, intelligence and analysis, and training in enforcement procedures.

Inspection in Mexico entry is done randomly, using a red light, green light system. Only 2% of the lights are red. If a red-light goes on–a Mexican Broker sends a representative to the inspection to avoid shrinkage of the cargo.

Conclusion Globalization is the close connection among firms, production, product markets, and financial markets into integrated transnational systems tied together by near instantaneous communication networks. A Human Ecology approach to organizational linkage development would suggest that it is stimulated by transportation and trade (Irwin and Kasarda, p 352-3).

Low Borders require an increase in both.

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Globalization is threatening to those states unwilling to accommodate fully to international standards. For reasons outlined in the introductory section of this article, isolation is apt to be more costly than participation in the international community. But partial participation also carries risks and costs for states. This article presents an explanation for the value and importance of well-regulated but “low� borders as a means of participating in the international global market while at the same time maintaining national sovereignty and protecting other national values. The article describes the mechanism of delegated sovereignty as a means of facilitating border controls to facilitate international economic cooperation.

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ABSTRACT Many Western authors consider that Political Communication has become the instrument of public policy management to bring information closer to all people. At the same time, political communication has to deal with the conflict and know how to manage it, understanding it as an event of instability produced by two or more people and which consequently generates turbulence that can range from the mere temporary loss of stability to an uncontrollable crisis. For this reason, other analysts consider it healthy for conflicts to exist because in some way they shake people and border on their exit from a specific comfort zone, generating changes that most of the time can be positive, even in public management and in the communication actors themselves. It is for this reason that some approximations on conflict are constructed in the Political Communication.

Introduction This document seeks to configure a reflection on the diverse forms that political power has in action when it expresses itself directly or symbolically in a specific space. It is through political communication and its direct and diverse relationship with public and governmental policies that these different manifestations are found. For this reason, this document only attempts to configure a set of reflections around the conflict of political communication, this document being located only in some approximations. In this way, it could be said that if it is difficult to communicate, it is more difficult to communicate the political. Why is it complex to communicate in terms of politics, towards politics, from politics? A rough answer will then be sought.

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An Instrument of Political Management: Agendas Well, let’s start by identifying the problem itself: in any type of government agency, be it federal, state, community, autonomous, municipal, there is an office of Political Communication, which is usually called “Social Communication,” nonsense out of discussion because not even minerals, plants or animals are seen in the tiring task of announcing their achievements and challenges through stratagems linked to marketing and propaganda. Well, that’s fine. In these offices, a couple of macro-agendas are usually attended to on a daily basis: the operative and the strategic, let’s see which is which1. The operational agenda of Policy Communication generally represents eighty percent of the daily activities in terms of “emission-reception” and, of course, “analysis and interpretation” of any “information product”. The operative agenda lacks schedules, days of attention and, in many cases, applicable regulations because each day presents challenges that are difficult to appraise on the part of the Organization and Methods departments. Operativity demands a great amount of resources—human, material, financial, organizational—and it is precisely because of this investment that it is usually given an enormous importance, which is not always congruent with reality. In this sense, the operative agenda of a public authority is similar to the media agenda of a candidate for a popularly elected post: the most important news is the one being prepared at this moment, not yesterday.

In exchange, the operational agenda offers many advantages, among which two stand out: it is feasible to feed the strategic agenda with what is harvested in the “day to day”, while maintaining contact with various pressure and power groups that do their work, which is none other than to pretend to influence the decision making of the public authority and if possible to replace it. Then, in operational terms, the Political Communication agenda functions as a thermometer of reality2, but it should not be confused with the latter, because it is usually more complex than what the media announce and disseminate. Now let’s look at the second agenda, the strategic one.

1

Another classification would consist of placing the operational agenda as the one in charge of government actions, while the strategic agenda deals with public policies. It is also feasible to identify the operational agenda as the one that attends to “everything” that the government does on a daily basis and the strategic agenda is the one that gives coherence to what is issued from the Communication offices.

2

In the understanding that the spokesperson not only focuses on emitting information and reading the usual reactions, but also carefully analyzes what society alerts through thousands of communicative micro-signs: from what can be measured in a focus group or a survey, to what is commented on in the streets of the city.

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The strategic agenda represents twenty percent of the Political Communication activities in a public entity, in terms of investment of resources, but it constitutes eighty percent of the long-term results, since it is constituted by the crucial issues of governance and governance.

In the case of governance, Political Communication links all the political, social and economic actors of a locality in the areas of public security, government, legal issues and protection in the event of disasters; for governance, Political Communication includes the issues of Social Development: employment, health, housing, infrastructure, sustainability, gender, and food security3. The strategic agenda works on the crucial issues and tries to “mount” them in the operative agenda to give coherence to the communication policy, but it does not always achieve it because of the urgency that the “day to day” usually brings, which ends up producing the so-called medical paradox: to attend the urgent so that what is important becomes urgent.

Thus, both agendas are taken into account by any office of Political Communication, placing the conflict as the focus of all eyes in terms of gravity and not so much relevance. In our opinion, conflict is a relevant element of the Political Communication agenda, but it is not the agenda itself and much less should a government be generated from the conflict; however, much is said about the conflict but little is placed in a context of reflection, which is why it is pertinent to address some value criteria that allow the conflict to be identified in its exact measure, without falling into the exaggeration of the trivial or the neutralization of the serious.

3

Governance generates the stability that governance needs to work. See Saldaña, Mauricio y Cortés, Jorge David (2010) “Del espacio morfológico a la consolidación” in “Modelo de gobierno: Puebla, nuevo siglo”. BUAP. CISO. Mexico

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Uses and Customs Against Politics In Latin American countries, throwing a shoe at a politician does not have the same burden of contempt that the same act has in the Middle East; a certain whistle in Mexico represents a crushing insult, while in Ar-gentina it means absolutely nothing; a toesignal in Italy is a mockery in every way, while in Peru it would be difficult to go beyond an occurrence. If we start from the premise that insults—just like flattery—are transmitted by the cultural carrier of the sender and receiver, we can understand that Political Communication starts from the same premise: it requires a deep knowledge of the language and metalanguages that prevail in a given community in order to operate successfully. If Americans consider it a demonstration of fine courtesy for every speaker to make a simple joke before starting a speech, and the Japanese appreciate modesty and manners in any business meeting, it is obvious that the former will be aggrieved if the joke is too heavy, or the latter will be offended if grandiloquence and exaggeration are the sign of the visitor; a broken code is—for practical purposes—just like an ignored code4: a declaration of war. For this reason, conflict in the field of Political Communication is also inscribed in the domain of what is pompously called “uses and customs”—code is appropriate—to understand why there is a conflict and, if this is the case, how many others can be avoided, in the understanding that the strategic sense of persuasion is not at odds with the preventive logic of a professional job in communication.

Therefore, any comprehensive view of conflict in the Political Communication must include at least the following elements:

4

See de Lacan, Jacques (2007) “Mi enseñanza”. Paidós. Buenos Aires. In this small book, three conferences are compiled dictated by the psychiatrist, on his philosophical and clini-cal ideas; in these talks, he points out the relevance of the sign and the language, going to an unpublished extreme: before the man is the language. In political communication the Lacanian suspicion is confirmed: the politician changes, the institutional discourse is maintained.

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First and foremost, every member of a professional team of Political Communication must master the metalinguistic universe prevailing in the pressure and interest groups with presence in the target territory of domination. It is clear that such groups may be legal or illegal and therefore do not cease to be relevant, even if they do not have legal recognition. For his part, the political communicator must have a broad knowledge of other metalinguistic universes that could influence the territory, whether they come from other states, provinces, countries or that are particularisable from religious, educational, social preferences, etc. It is not a question of stigmatizing, but of preventing conflicts based on different traits. Any metalinguistic universe is subject to changes that require identification to notify the respective Political Communication teams of such condition. To this end, the political communicator must maintain permanent contact with those entities that move to the different territorial epicenters where the pressure and/or interest groups are located, in order to be able to monitor their evolution.

Finally, it is pertinent to understand the relevance that the use of a linguistic-metallinguistic code implies for any political communicator in any message, particularly in those that the public official emits and that for obviousness will be exposed to public scrutiny, including all those that allow themselves to be “run” through the web and the Internet in general. A former official of the Central Intelligence Agency said with derision but also under a strong dose of common sense that, “do not write on the web anything more compromising than what you would write on a Post-it to hit it on a door. In Politi-cal Communication, the costs can be as high as in Medicine, because its human consequences grow exponentially from the delicate mechanisms that the psyche and culture—combined—can detonate: a heated mob can reach the crime type Fuenteovejuna if the appropriate emotional springs are activated5, from a professionally carried out propagandistic action. Hence the action of communicating is as delicate as it is crucial, in equal parts.

⁵

See de Saldaña, Mauricio y Cortés, Jorge David (2009) “Dark Marketing”. BUAP. CISO. Mexico In this text, the participation of propaganda as an emotional detonator of diverse attitudes on the part of society and, specifically, of the people most susceptible to such persuasion is analyzed in depth: young people and, in general, people who are kept in-formed -only and exclusively- of the electronic means of communication, for example. For this reason, we consider that the political communicator must have clearly identified the different strata to which his message is focused and from which he will receive some re-sponse, since governance depends to a large extent on this cycle.

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The Importance of Political Analysis Once again, the previous experience of the political communicator tends to produce epistemological mirages that bring no few consequences to the interior of the organization for which he works. One of those mirages is the assumption that the “day to day” between newspapers, television, radio and press conferences offers the best information that can be found to make decisions; worse still: there are political communicators who only read the famous “Informative Synthesis” and together with their sense of smell, consider this combination more than enough to deploy their movements in the media jungle. Crassus error. Any political analyst knows from his first steps in the work of scrutiny of reality that the media publish what their editors want, no more and no less; consequently, “published” reality is6 generally different from “real” reality, if the play on words is allowed. For example, considering that a political actor is in one position when in fact he operates in a very different one, which makes the public official for whom the political communicator works make erroneous decisions. Both end up seriously confused and exposed to public opinion. To suppose that a specific news item announces a specific political operation, by a pressure group or interest group, when in reality it is a covert action on the part of another group, which is interested in generating dark propaganda, according to its own agenda.

Do not anticipate the arrival of a social, political, economic, structural conflict and depend on the information that you would like to share some area of government that does generate analysis for decision making. Literally, work the agendas (operational and strategic) from occurrences and not from measurable, attainable and justifiable objectives. In a conflict—and more so in a crisis—the pressure intensifies as events unfold; in this tenor, the political communicator cannot afford to react from what he improvises at the moment, because between inventive genius and thundering failure there is only one step. As we will see later, conflicts and crises require a manual that allows us to act as experience and knowledge dictate, not as a result of gossip, improvisation and vehemence.

6 We recommend reading -on this point- the extraordinary text of Durandin, Guy (1983) “The lie in political propaganda and advertising”. Paidós. Barcelona.

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Conflict and its Circumstance In Political Theory, conflict is identified as a clash between two different positions on the same issue, under a logic of cooperation and resistance7: if both contenders offer to give up a portion of what they pretend to win, resistance is reduced; on the contrary, if resistance increases, it is because the contenders do not yield an apex in their claims and there can be the dreaded combination of “zero sum”, which as is known, usually leads to loss in the two antagonists. From the reflection of human problems and, of course, the strictly political ones—those registered in power—diverse criteria are generated to help those interested in the mitigation and, in their case, the elimination of conflict; it does not matter much if we are talking about a behavioral or structuralist approach to the conflict itself; for purposes of Political Communication, it is clear that negotiation, conflict management and politics itself work in the same arena: consensus, the search for elements of rapprochement of the diverse antagonists to develop mechanisms of political articulation in benefit of the solution of a problem, in the understanding that at least in politics, solving a symptom can be as valuable as fighting the whole disease, given that consensus is not built overnight, but the consequences of a conflict increase its virulence regardless of the willingness of the antagonists to find a solution. Simply put, a broken traffic light will continue to cause traffic problems as long as it is not repaired and this will take some time, so avoiding likely accidents in that time is the priority, which justifies placing temporary signs and assigning traffic agents to control the situation. This is how the search for consensus and the deployment of remedial actions can be understood: while the first is the “repair of the traffic light”, the second functions as the placement of luminous signs, accompanied by a crossing police. That is why we point out that in politics, it is as valuable to limit the symptoms as to eliminate the suffering, because of the social relevance that they can produce in the different areas in which they develop.

⁷ The definition -almost universally used- is that of the work developed by the U.S. Institute for Peace—in 2011—and

edited by Dan Snooderly, “Peace terms: glossary of terms for conflict management and peacebuilding”. Washington, D.C. in the document cited, a conflict is said to be: “an inevitable aspect of human interaction; conflict occurs when two or more individuals or groups pursue mutually incompatible goals. Conflicts can generate vi-olence, such as war, or be non-violent, such as in an election or legal process. Conflicts can be socially beneficial when they are constructively channeled into their resolution phase.

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Conflict, Healthy for Politics Normally, it is customary to say that a conflict is something like an evil that must be eliminated as soon as possible, at whatever cost and if it is the case, under the logic that the end justifies the means. It is difficult to understand such a triad of recommendations in Political Communication, for the following reasons: in most cases, a political conflict is not cause but effect; therefore, it is pertinent to depressurize the environment by means of a sort of “communicative catharsis” that, in addition to emitting signals of freedom of expression, makes it possible to identify which elements come together in the generation of the effect; apply a policy of Political Communication—let’s say—of “Zero tolerance” in terms of conflict not only looks impossible in the real world, but extremely expensive in economic, political and social terms. Going to the extreme, we have to look towards totalitarian regimes to locate the absurdity represented by eliminating any symptom of political conflict8.

Discussion and, if you will, even political bitterness are healthy for democracy, regardless of the “show” that its protagonists generate in the media. Discussing is not perfidious, even when political actors move from comedy to tragedy in their statements. If it is carried out with sufficient technique and pa-tience, conflict management makes it possible to identify as many potential conflicts and even to visualize their origin and the range of consequences they will bring if they develop. It is clear that without the appropriate technical arsenal, such prospective identification cannot be carried out or, failing that, locate the vital focal points with the precision that the case requires. Politicians work for power—call it what it is called—but their raw material is consensus and negotiation, since without these they cannot obtain that, but in a reversible sense, power needs consensus to maintain itself as such. It is true that power is autopoiesic or self-regenerating9, but inside it runs the persuasion. Finally, we can say that politics in its communicative variable supposes the daily presence of all kinds of actors who, to a greater or lesser extent, will test the capacities of a specific power, so it is pertinent for it to demonstrate its gifts publicly, rationally and strategically.

⁸ The conflicts in Tunisia, Syria, Egypt and Libya clearly identify the consequences of a conflict leading to the overcoming of barbarism -particularly in the Libyan case- by not lo-cating that instability can function as a relief valve for any social pressure.

⁹

Understand-ing autopoiesis as the ability of a system to self-regenerate; power is the autopoiesis sys-tem par excellence. See: Niklas Luhmann (1990) “Society and system: the ambition of the-ory”. Paidós. Barcelona.

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Conflict and crisis, programmatic confusion If—as we point out at the back—even professional politicians are often confused with conflict as intrinsically bad, it is to be understood that the pragmatic link between conflict and crisis reigns10, to such an extent that they are considered synonymous. The definition and precision of both terms and their respective applications is vital for the Political Communication, which is why we will make some differentiation with respect to them. In terms of time, a conflict can last days, weeks and even years if you like; a crisis is temporary, brief, short stay. In terms of conflict, a terrorist group can mount a wave of attacks and thus orphan a negotiation, but it can hardly sustain this escalation for long periods of time—centuries—because its resources are finite, not to mention the image that drags it along, even to the detriment of its own followers.

As far as gravity is concerned, a conflict can be virulent at the beginning and imperceptible as time goes by, while a crisis can offer catastrophic consequences in an instant or in a specific period of time. Let’s think of two types of strike: in one with fallen arms — where red and black flags are hung at the doors of the organization—the thundering statements of the antagonists can be daily and for years; in a hunger strike, there is no more space than the resistance of the one carrying it out, with the impatience of the relatives, friends and coworkers involved and its corresponding encouragement by different pressure or interest groups. The conflict always starts from two or more parties that antagonize for a political, economic, social reason. The crisis can enter into these motives but it can also come from nature. Two contractors can take legal litigation for decades for the authority to say who failed to comply with the regulations that led to the fall of a bridge, but the economic crisis that brings with it the impossibility of communication between various localities, can not wait too long, nor will the absence of students, workers, teachers, employers, doctors, and so on to infinity.

10

In other words, the crisis is a higher phase of the conflict. See, for example, the famous Lund cycle, which specifies the crisis as the prelude to war. The classic reference text is: Lund, Michael (1996) “Preventing violent conflicts”. U.S. Institute for Peace. Washington D.C.

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The conflict is generally reduced by identifying the positions of the antagonists and seeking areas of consensus11; the crisis may not even have antagonists and consequently, neither may it have negotiation schemes. A wave of vandalism in supermarkets as a result of an earthquake brings with it anonymous thieves, who have no logic of consensus and, consequently, are not susceptible to a negotiation strategy. Conflict has controllers who maximize or minimize their strength, according to their limitations, capabilities and strategy; a crisis can operate under controllers who do not even know each other and who do not have information about their resources. If a public official is photographed or videotaped abusing a minor, and then uploaded to an international video portal, there is no way to manage the stoppage between the controllers of the filtration, once “uploaded” to the web. There’s an unstoppable avalanche. Conflict usually has an individual or group benefit. The crisis may be “silly” in the sense of not seeking any benefit; indeed, it may not even carry a purpose in itself. A forest fire, a tsunami, a hurricane; any natural disaster does not seek any benefit, so it can be ruled out to negotiate with the phenomenon, perhaps with its victims. On the contrary, the crisis can be mitigated, controlled and to a certain extent, expected, but it does not offer the same opportunities as the conflict to stop its endogenous and exogenous effects. Crises can be analysed to the point of exhaustion in order to identify their origins and establish a series of actions to prevent them, but in no way eliminates their probability of occurrence. With conflict, things are different, because through proper management, they can be controlled and, if necessary, eliminated in certain areas.

Therefore, it is not uncommon to think that conflicts are made to order, but crises are not.

11

Therefore, consensus is a phase of the conflict, not the solution to it. Therefore, if not administered correctly, the advance can collapse and give rise to new hostilities. See Fisher, Roger, Ury, William and Patton, Bruce (1991) “Getting to yes, Negotiating agreement without giving in”. Penguin Books. New York.

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Conflict, Communication and Culture Let us forget the application of the term culture for the purposes of artistic exquisiteness and concentrate on its meaning close to the community epistemology accumulated over the years.

Generally, professional communicologists have no major problem when it comes to discussing the cultural contributions of a society; understanding is clouded when the professional is asked to ignore folklore, traditions, religious customs and current cosmogony to attend exclusively to the concept of culture in a society; moreover, few will make it to the end of the road if all of the above is asked to separate rural from urban culture. This is where Political Communication comes into its own when attending to a rural or urban society is a question, based on its ethos, of the imprint transmitted from parents to children by generations. With all the above on the table, one can quickly understand the importance of culture for a political communicator, beyond the “uses and customs” that we mentioned a few paragraphs ago: if one does not understand how the cultural carrier of a society is integrated, it will be difficult to send it a political message and hope that it will produce results, starting from the base that even the supposedly qualified receivers will be able to reach. Let’s look at some elements of “cultural importance” in the field of conflict and crisis for purposes of Political Communication, emphasizing that there are only a few of them. Any message sent from the urban to the rural area must understand that the terms used in it are plurivocal and consequently, offer different meanings that may generate interpretations that do not support an expected action or reaction.

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Moreover, the authority of a specific locality can send a message to its own governed and generate an effect contrary to that supposedly expected, by not gauging the terms, ways and forms in which it is sent to the community. In a crisis, citizens do not expect hesitation on the part of their authorities, both to stop the onslaught of the problem and to maintain fluid communication about it. A strong, well-structured message can come down if it is read by the inappropriate, situation-dominated person, and nervous about events that are supposed to be under the control of authority. There are plenty of examples of this communicative anomaly12.

Any effort of Political Communication must consider that the possibility of a conflict is always latent and that it only waits for the appropriate opportunity to make its appearance. That is why we insist that it is good to prepare the new generations at the scene of the events, but always under the meticulous supervision of someone experienced, able to take control of the situation if something threatens to break into the novice. Although it may sound different, the culture is subject to a daily but silent update, which means that the political communicator constantly monitors the communities in which he or she works in order to identify these changes. In order to do this, it is most appropriate to use specialists in other areas of the Social Sciences and to be able to identify these changes through joint work.

12

Something has just appeared that promises to be an icon of the subject: businessman Donald Trump - in one of his television programs in the United States - spent his time crushing public opinion in the sense that Barack Obama was not an American, but an Ethi-opian and that he could not even be replaced by Joseph Biden -the Vice Presidentbecause both had participated in the same fraud against the citizens of “America”. Annoyed, Barack Obama exhibited his birth certificate - issued in Hawaii - duly legalized. No spokesman could silence the madness of Trump, having to attend to this matter the President himself, just the same day that Osama Ben Laden was neutralized by Special Forces sent ex profeso and Libya continued boiling. See of Ridao, José María: “The hoop becomes the fifth power”. The Country. Sunday 1 May 2011. Madrid

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Conclusion A little jokingly, a little seriously, we believe that the political communicator must be trained as a true specialist in conflicts13, because that is his raw material. Conflict allows us to get the best and the worst out of our personality and offers alternatives to improve what limits us and expand what strengthens us. To study the diverse reasons, motivations, scope, theories, means and ways in which conflict is born or made—we said—is a task that every political commu-nicator must take seriously and professionally, without receiving any kind of pressure from his guild, his bosses or society in general; must have the hunger to know, to want to know the reason for human problems and the ways in which it can cause them in order to contribute in its modest measure to the improvement of society, of public policies and the state in which it lives and to the society it owes; must strive to be a better professional at all times because in its ability to communicate is one of the most important links of public management, beyond partisanship and ideologies, putting the social interest above any personal or group convenience.

13

See from: Canel, María José (1999) Comunicación política; técnicas y estrategias para la sociedad de la información.

Tecnos. Madrid.

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ABSTRACT In the last decade, Mexico has redimensioned the importance of local governments, as public entities of government and spaces where the social development of the country must be promoted in order to achieve a more active and productive participation, both of the municipalities and of the citizens, which is one of the greatest challenges of this century.

For the municipal sphere, the legal reforms to Constitutional Article 115, carried out in 1983 and 2014, laid the foundations of its nature, functions and competencies of municipalism in Mexico, thus presenting several challenges in terms of public services, coupled with the diversity and plurality, as well as the enormous differences in local development, to date remains one of the great pending of the national agenda.

The municipality in Mexico is constituted as the means that allows the first interaction between government and citizenship, so that the capacity of local governments to respond to social problems and demands of the population is fundamental for the consolidation of good local government and the development of communities.

The rationalization of economic resources plays a determining role; in the great majority of cases, municipal budgets and institutional capacities are insufficient to make the Administrations more effective and efficient in the performance of their functions, as well as to achieve greater coverage and quality in the public services they provide.

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Likewise, the lack of cooperation between municipalities has led to the implementation of isolated actions and individualistic practices, where it is necessary to seek and offer common solutions to shared problems, through mechanisms such as partnership between municipal governments.

In countries such as Spain, France, the United States, Chile and Brazil, joint action between municipalities has operated for centuries, which is designed as a local development strategy, identified as the model of commonwealths, agglomeration communities, counties, municipal associations and intermunicipal consortiums respectively (Acosta, 1996).

In Mexico, and as an alternative that municipalities have for the efficient fulfillment of their faculties, it is the same Political Constitution of the United Mexican States, in its Article 115, which establishes that municipalities have the possibility of associating by means of a previous agreement between the municipalities, which requires the approval of the councils, in order to provide a public service in a more efficient manner or to improve the performance of their functions, to later go through the acceptance of the local congresses.

This is how “the figure of intermunicipal associationism was legally born in 1983 with the decentralization process initiated in the eighties. In the beginning, it reached only each of the federative states” (Quintero, 2006: 33). This is extended, in the 1999 reform, to municipalities of adjacent entities, reflection of a different consideration on the importance of local, regional and territorial development, beyond the limits of the country’s political geography and, therefore, with a clear interest in strengthening the formula of associationism between adjacent municipalities.

The intermunicipal association model “allows municipalities to develop their own horizontal decentralization schemes, understanding by this, a local public management process in decision making between public entities with government attributes, with which it is possible to generate an institutional tool, with all that implies, a legal framework, a more efficient and shared administration scheme, a framework for inter-institutional strengthening, as well as having the capacity for political decision-making, since the intermunicipal figure has the support of each of the neighboring municipalities involved, in a joint effort to solve their local-regional problems in the provision and delivery of public services and improve their functions” (Pérez and Pérez, 2010:19).

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In this way, intermunicipality as a management tool and legal figure allows a greater degree of co-responsibility, integration and distribution of competences with full powers of municipal government among its partners, thus making a horizontal “local intermunicipal pact�, with sufficient authority to carry out a more effective management and operation. The advantages of promoting and supporting cooperation schemes between local governments make it possible to develop basic infrastructure, equipment, environmental conservation, waste collection and treatment systems and urban image, solve problems of water supply, rational land management and rely on common methods for public safety, and the provision of other services.

It should be noted that unlike those schemes of metropolitan coordination, the association between municipalities allows us to form agreements to the municipalities even though they are part of two or more federative entities. In addition to that the municipal authorities can have influence in the decision making that revolves around a certain function or public service, situation which is not possible in the metropolitan model, since the decision making and budget are concentrated in the state governments.

The intermunicipality pursues two main purposes. In the first instance, that municipalities can access goods, technologies, equipment and personnel in conjunction with other municipalities, reducing costs that a municipality itself could not afford; and secondly, also generates the best alternatives for solutions to specific problems, where municipal governments can share information, strategies and lines of action that seek to provide solutions to those problems in which an optimal solution has not been found.

Thus, the main research question is as follows: How does the reform of Article 115 of the Constitution and the creation of a Secondary Law resolve the obstacles of associationism in Mexico?

Through this research we propose to address the issue of intermunicipalities from the territorial perspective, well-defined and structured municipalities, taking into account their characteristics, potential, culture, geography, idiosyncrasy, budget, population and other socio-economic characteristics.

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The model of intermunicipalities must be regulated by Article 115 of the Constitution in a general manner, and consequently it is proposed to create a Secondary Law, which must specifically regulate each procedure, such Law must contain, among other requirements, the dates and sessions to be held throughout the year, the organization chart and structure of the personnel, attributions of each area, salaries and wages, sanctions, with the participation of citizens, academics, businessmen and civil societies in the technical committees that are carried out.

Due to this, the main objective of this research is to know the advantages of intermunicipalities as a legal figure between municipal governments to locate the virtues, and the procedures of the municipal association, which allow the formalization and cooperation between municipalities for the social and integral development of the inhabitants of the municipalities involved.

On the other hand, the hypothesis of the present investigation proposes that the intermunicipality model is a mechanism of public law with legal personality and own patrimony, with obligatory character from the general Constitution, that provides the opportunity to the municipal governments to face the diverse challenges that they face in the public task, based on the principles of subsidiarity, co-responsibility and inclusion, looking for the effectiveness and legitimacy of activities.

Such a model is possible only when there are elements such as: adequate and orderly regulation; willingness to work together; and specialized technical support to make diagnoses, identify and solve public problems efficiently and effectively.

Due to the nature of this research, the methods will be the following: 1) deductive-inductive, under the critical analysis of bibliographic references, contributing to the role of intermunicipalities; and 2) statistical, studies, compiles and interprets both qualitative and quantitative data, in order to improve the diagnosis of a sample of municipalities working on the intermunicipal model.

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The proposed methodology considers the following steps: 1. Use sources of bibliographic and newspaper documentary information from specialized books, journals, newspapers, laws, expert testimonies from conferences, seminars, forums and television and radio programs, as well as statistics from Responsible Units available in public archives via Internet and electronic media.

2. Conduct interviews with service managers, focus groups and council employees on the issue of intermunicipalities (30 to 40 interviews are suggested).

3. To carry out a comparative study of the legislation of other countries concerning intermunicipalities.

4. To present statistical and numerical information, as well as the elaboration of maps of geographic location, design of graphs, tables and diagrams that give support to the presented work.

The original text consists of three chapters, and two of them have been selected for publication in this publication (the third can be requested from the publisher, and refers to a proposal for a constitutional reform of Article 115, accompanied by the creation of a secondary law regulating the matter, Editor’s note). The first develops the theoretical framework of the intermunicipality model, and analyzes the legal framework that defines the powers of local governments in Mexico.

In the second, the diagnosis of the conditions presented by municipal public administrations is presented, and the results of the applied survey are poured into it.

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Theoretical Framework of the Intermunicipality Model in Mexico 1.1 Definition of Intermunicipality The concept of intermunicipality has only recently been adopted in Mexico, so there is still no commonly accepted definition. One of the best known defines intermunicipal associationism as: “The voluntary union of nearest municipalities to solve certain common problems, based on a formal agreement between town councils, with specific purposes, objects and purposes for the execution of works and the provision of specific services” (Santín, 2002:160).

This research also gives a much broader meaning to the concept of intermunicipalization, considering it as a means through which not only can a more effective and efficient management be achieved; it also contributes to municipal strengthening, but can also be the basis for municipal governments to become political actors with greater decision-making and negotiation capacity vis-à-vis higher levels of government, which could generate a new model of more balanced intergovernmental relations in Mexico.

Cooperation between the authorities that make up an intermunicipality is fundamental, since it influences the results that the association seeks to achieve or the purpose for which it was created. This scenario is influenced by various factors such as the political, economic and even social conditions of each of the participating municipalities, because although they share a common problem, it must be addressed by understanding the complexity of each territorial demarcation, and all local governments involved assume their respective responsibilities in the operation and success of the project.

An alternative for state governments to have the political will to promote intermunicipality is to use the resources of the State Social Infrastructure Contribution Fund for Branch 33, which according to Article 34 of the Federal Fiscal Coordination Law, these resources must be destined for works and actions of regional or intermunicipal benefit. States could involve partner municipalities in the process of allocating these funds.

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It is worth mentioning that the creation of incentives is not the only factor that determines the viability of this type of associations to solve the problem of the commons, leading implicitly to a phenomenon of collective action, since, as will be described later, there are other variables that are also necessary in the process of building an intermunicipality.

Mexico is a country that due to its historical processes has become a multi-diverse nation in terms of the possession of diverse traditions and customs, in the consolidation of public institutions and in the dynamics of its local economies in each of the 32 states of the Republic.

In the same way and in the subject that demands us, there are local governments that possess a greater degree of institutional development and also others that generate greater income of their own than others.

In this context, intermunicipality is a mechanism that allows these coincidences and divergences to be integrated in order to provide solutions to common problems in the respective communities of the municipalities that make up a given association, both those of a metropolitan nature and those of a rural nature.

One of the main problems in consolidating an efficient implementation of the intermunicipal model in Mexico has been the persistence of a failed implementation of the model. Some theorists such as Arenillas (2004) have called this phenomenon inframunicipalism, alluding to the large number of municipalities with low population numbers and inefficient financial and management systems, which are elements that do not allow them to respond to the basic demands of their population for the provision of public services.

On the other hand, there are municipalities that form part of metropolitan areas, that is to say, that group of contiguous municipalities in which a main city of 50 thousand inhabitants (central city) is located, whose urban area, functions and activities transcend the territorial limits of the municipality that originally contain it and incorporates other neighbouring municipalities, with which it forms a physically and functionally integrated urban environment.

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Based on data from the National Population Council (CONAPO), the National Institute of Statistics, Geography and Informatics (INEGI) and the Secretariat of Social Development of the federal government (SEDESOL), it can be seen that there are 55 metropolitan areas in Mexico, made up of 310 municipalities where 51.5 million inhabitants live. This represents 53 percent of the country’s total population and 87 percent of the urban population, where 1 out of every 2 Mexicans lives in these 55 metropolitan areas and where 76 percent of GDP is generated.

Despite the fact that metropolitan municipalities have the most resources available, the truth is that their problems are also much more complex. The figures provided give a close idea of the demands faced by this type of local government in terms of public services, infrastructure and public security. The best example of this is the Mexico Valley Metropolitan Area (MCMA), which is home to Mexico City, one of the largest in the world. The MCMA is composed of 16 political delegations from the capital city, 58 municipalities from the State of Mexico and one municipality from the State of Hidalgo.

Thus, from a political and management point of view, intermunicipality is a strategy that can greatly benefit all municipalities in the country. However, the development of this practice has been very slow due to several factors that have hindered it, as described below.

1.3 The Legal Framework for Intermunicipality The legal framework that regulates the organization and functioning of municipal governments in Mexico, as well as the functions they must perform and the public services they are in charge of, derives from Article 115 of the Political Constitution of the United Mexican States, which has gone through a series of important reforms since the enshrinement of the Magna Carta in 1917 as a product of the revolutionary movement of that time.

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Article 115, third paragraph, point (i), provides as follows: “The Municipalities, subject to agreement between their town councils, may coordinate and associate for the most efficient provision of public services or the best exercise of the functions that correspond to them. In this case, in the case of the association of municipalities of two or more States, they must have the approval of the legislatures of the respective States. Likewise, when in the opinion of the respective city council it is necessary, they may enter into agreements with the State so that the State, directly or through the corresponding body, temporarily takes charge of some of them, or they are lent or exercised in a coordinated manner by the State and the municipality itself� (CPEUM, Art. 115).

This opens the possibility that local governments can sign agreements in order to coordinate among themselves for the provision of certain public services, however, it is the Congresses of the federative states who must approve the consolidation of these associations, in addition to the fact that it is only an alternative for the municipalities and requires the procedures considered necessary by the legislature in a local law.

According to a study that analyzed the content of the legislation of each federative entity, in relation to the elements that it has to guarantee the development, functioning and organization of associations and municipal coordination, only eight states have legislation that can be described as high profile (SantĂ­n, 2002).

An example of the great differences that exist in the legal framework for intermuniciplization in each state are the cases of Aguascalientes and Guerrero. Aguascalientes has the most advanced legislation in this area. Its Municipal Organic Law clearly outlines the rules, requirements and administrative procedures for entering into public law agreements between municipalities (Ibid.: 172). On the other hand, the Organic Law of the Free Municipality of the State of Guerrero, in its article 65, section IV, establishes that in matters of planning and budget, municipalities may enter into collaboration and association agreements with other municipalities of the entity for the most effective provision of public services, with prior authorization from the State Congress.

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The latter is a clear violation of the Magna Carta, which states that municipalities in the same state will be free to associate without requiring the approval of the state congress. The case of Guerrero is clear proof that many state governments wish to preserve the subordination scheme that the municipalities have traditionally had. One circumstance that could explain this situation is that the state of Guerrero had not known the political alternation in the figure of the governor. However, in the 2004 elections, a party other than the Institutional Revolutionary won the governorship. This event may encourage transformations to the legal framework for intermunicipalization in this state.

This model of action of the Mexican municipalities is very recent and its development has not had the advances that are expected in spite of having implemented diverse actions for it. The National Institute of Social Development (INDESOL) reported that only 527 Mexican municipalities had used this mode of driving by the year 2000 and the figure for 2002 had decreased to 484.

The entities of the Mexican Republic lack support to promote the association of their municipalities and do not have sufficient elements to provide advice, technical assistance or financial incentives to local governments interested in forming an intermunicipality. However, despite the problems that this represents, there are cases of this type of associations that have been very successful in the country and are the constant tenacity and discipline that has allowed municipal governments not only to pay attention to their responsibilities in terms of public services but also to be creators of development.

In this regard, when analyzing the constitutions of each of the country’s federative states, we find those that allow for better associationism and those that constrain it, such as the case of Guerrero, which after its reform entered the high-profile category. The states of Hidalgo, Yucatan and Quintana Roo, practically do not see the usefulness of this figure. As for the average legislation, there is the State of Mexico. The high-profile standards include the case of Aguascalientes.

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TABLE 1 Normative development Low Profile Legislation

Federative Entity Hidalgo, Yucatan and Quintana Roo

Average Legislation

Puebla, Jalisco, Michoacán, Chiapas, Estado de México, Veracruz, Zacatecas, Tlaxcala, Tamaulipas, San Luis Potosí, Chihuahua, Coahuila, Durango, Morelos, Durango, Nuevo León, Querétaro, Tabasco, Baja California, Sinaloa, Campeche.

High-profile legislation

Oaxaca, Guerrero, Guanajuato, Nayarit, Aguascalientes, Sonora, Baja California Sur, Colima

Source: Own elaboration based on the Local Constitutions.

In general, the legislation of most states does not establish the basic guidelines to be followed by local governments interested in partnering, nor the instruments and mechanisms through which intermunicipality is formalized and operates. The legal framework is clearly insufficient to support municipal associations and this constitutes one of the main problems for their development, strengthening and consolidation.

The revision and updating of the legal framework should not produce a standardised model of intermunicipality. The institutions designed for this purpose must be in accordance with the cultural and social context of each region, which includes, for example, the incorporation of the practices of customs and customs in force in some states of the country. The redefinition of its legal framework must make intermunicipality a sufficiently flexible mechanism so that all types of local government can benefit from it.

1.4 Long-term planning of Intermunicipality Once a group of municipalities have formalized their association and carried out successful actions for the benefit of their communities, the next challenge is how to make that experience permanent. Most commonly, these successful practices disappear when the administration that set them in motion concludes. The legal framework that municipal governments currently have for their association does not guarantee the permanence of these practices.

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Faced with this scenario, one option to legitimize and guarantee the continuity of successful intermunicipal practices, with a vision of long-term planning, is the incorporation of citizens in the implementation and evaluation of projects. If the community is involved in the implementation of the projects, and is convinced of their benefits, those experiences will be more likely to remain when a new administration begins.

The permanence of a successful intermunicipality is not only the responsibility of the local governments, but also corresponds to their communities to watch over the permanence of the programs that influence the development of their municipalities. In this sense, the referendum, contemplated in the legislation of several states of the country, could become the mechanism to achieve the consolidation of intermunicipalities. “The spaces of territorial solidarity must also be built on the basis of a broad social consensus.

They must respond to the sentiments of citizens in their delimitation and must have effective mechanisms for representation and participation in the management of economic and social actors� (Arenillas, 2004:11).

Inter-municipal associationism requires a policy designed in such a way as to promote stable associations that go beyond a single period of government, and that allow continuity in the articulation of public policies at the local and regional level (Arenillas, 2004). One way to foster stable partnerships in Mexico could be for the government of each federal state to effectively integrate partner municipalities into regional development planning, and that through this participation the allocation of funding for the state’s sectoral projects will be carried out. The medium and long term regional planning could serve as the articulating axis of stable and permanent intermunicipalities.

In addition to the legal-institutional variables that give permanence to intermunicipalization, it would also be very useful for each state government to have a reliable and updated information system with socioeconomic and demographic data of its municipalities in order to offer them a solid base for the design of their intermunicipal projects.

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Diagnosis of Intermunicipal Capacities 2.1. Human Resources in Municipal Governments The human resource is the most important element within any organization; in the municipality, its public servants are subject to its regulations and will be responsible for meeting the objectives of the administration; therefore, it is essential to conduct an efficient process of staff selection to integrate the municipal structure, with profiles according to the objective of each position, implement the municipal career civil service in each municipality to reduce the high turnover of staff, as well as establish frequent systematic training and evaluation measures.

According to the National Census of State Government, Public Security and Penitentiary System (ENGMD, 2016) the following data can be observed: TABLE 2 Institutions and staff

State Scope

Municipal Scope

Absolutes

Relatives

Absolutes

Relatives

Total institutions

44,883

100

42,726

96

Women

1,591,729

47

663,038

67

Men

1,792,844

53

326,900

33

Staff

3,388,218

100

993,583

100

Source: Prepared by the author based on data from INEGI (2017).

From these data it can be inferred that in the state sphere the labor participation of women was greater than men, for the municipal field the number of male public servants was almost double that of women.

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With respect to the profiles of elected public officials according to their training and previous work experience, the following table shows, on average, the degree of education for the three councillors concentrates the greatest number in bachelor’s degree, followed by high school, primary school. On the other hand, when categorizing municipalities according to previous INEGI surveys, it is observed that medium and small urban municipalities occupy the first places, while at the other extreme, rural and mixed municipalities are officials with elementary education. Finally, metropolitan areas have the highest percentages with master’s and doctoral levels.

Educational Level of the Municipal Authorities Schooling

Mayor

%

Trustees

%

Councillors

%

Directors

%

Preschool

25

1.019

9

0.34

12

0.07

23

0.077

Primary

334

13.61

521

19.6

3,664

20.6

212

0.709

Secondary

335

13.65

490

18.5

3,782

21.3

4,316

14.44

Upper middle1

351

14.3

414

15.6

3,432

19.3

4,956

16.58

Bachelor

1,202

48.98

1,004

37.8

5,956

33.5

18,654

62.41

Specialty

53

2.16

68

2.56

143

0.8

765

2.559

Master

133

5.42

129

4.86

687

3.87

532

1.78

Doctorate

21

0.856

18

0.68

90

0.51

432

1.445

Total

2,454

100

2,653

100

17,766

Source: Prepared by the author based on data from INEGI (2017).

1/ Upper secondary includes high school, technical or commercial career.

100

29,890

100

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With regard to the latest employment and professional experience, the following table and graph show the distribution of each popularly elected public servant, and although in metropolitan municipalities the highest percentage of the best prepared and qualified councillors for the position is recorded, the level of experience is very low with little experience, however, these data allow us to corroborate that councillors respond to interests that the authorities hire them temporarily, close to 90% of municipal officials rotate in their positions as a consequence of changes in administration.

Professional Experience of Municipal Authorities

Source: Prepared by the author with data from INEGI (2017).

In this regard, the proper management of municipal governments is affected by the lack of experience of a large number of members of the municipality and those responsible for the areas. According to INEGI, in 2015, only 28.5% of the municipal presidents, 29.8% of the trustees, 25.1% of the aldermen and 27.4% of the area directors had as last employment a position in the government sector.

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Two conclusions can be drawn from the data above. In the first place, the municipal governments in Mexico are integrated with officials and public servants moderately prepared, the level of education corresponds to the size of the municipality, in metropolitan and large levels of elementary education are registered. So also the most backward areas are mixed and rural.

Finally, in spite of the fact that in some cases civil servants or heads of areas with postgraduate levels are registered, the average year of study, considered at all levels, does not exceed ten years in any municipality of the country. The administrative areas with the highest number of employees are not necessarily the most prepared, and, on the other hand, the best preparation is recorded in the areas with the least presence of administrative units with the lowest percentage of public servants.

The second conclusion is that the high turnover of civil servants, which in most municipalities is due to trust schemes, is a symptom of long-term instability. The data available today reinforce the trend marked 15 years ago in terms of the professional development of municipal civil servants and public servants: hiring schemes so flexible and on such a scarce professional basis that they end up providing instability and improvisation in the tasks of local government.

2.2 Public Services and Infrastructure Among the main tools of the municipalities for the fulfillment of their goals and objectives is urban planning and development, based on Article 115, section IV of the Constitution and each federative entity has its own planning law; however, some entities do not establish sufficient elements to contribute to an effective process of planning of municipal activities, as well as the management of own resources.

It is important to mention that most development plans are not adequately formulated, since they only consider discursive elements and do not contain specific objectives, based on the results of diagnoses that indicate the conditions of the municipality. There is also a lack of technical rigor in the design and implementation of strategies and lines of action for the achievement of short and long term goals and objectives.

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The development plan is the basic norm within the municipality or territorial demarcation that contains the policies and actions that must be carried out in function of the decisions that the government takes for the development of the community. Of the 2,446 municipalities and 16 delegations at the end of 2015, 2,192 municipal development plans were reported, of which 515 have an urban development plan or program, 367 have a plan or program to improve public services, 309 have an environmental program, finally 281 administrations reported having an economic development program (Arellano, 2010).

Source: Prepared by the author based on INEGI (2017).

2.3 Institutional and Financial Capacity of Municipalities There are several drawbacks to allow for a full strengthening of intermunicipality, and these revolve around institutional and financial aspects in most local governments that perform their functions and provide municipal public services in a limited manner. Their normative ordinances are not in force because they have not been updated, or what is worse, many of the municipalities do not even have regulations to execute the functions that the Constitution grants them.

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On the other hand, it is necessary to take into account the administrative structure of the municipalities, since it also presents problems of an organic nature. Several municipalities do not have a current and adequate model of distribution of tasks for those who make up the body of local authorities, which prevents municipalities from functioning effectively and efficiently.

There are duplicate tasks in the various areas and the one-person leadership style persists, in which the municipal president must be consulted for decision-making of all kinds, causing policies, plans and programs to be executed without agility or administrative skill.

The human element must be fundamental to solve the problems of the whole community, if those who are part of the authoritarian body do not have adequate professionalization for decision making and to carry out their functions, it will not be possible to obtain profitable results.

Many of the officials who are required to implement municipal government policies do not have a profile commensurate with what they are required to do. Mexico lacks a comprehensive, permanent and systematic policy to consolidate a body of well-trained public officials; this problem becomes more evident in the municipal sphere as time goes by.

As far as public finances are concerned, the data are negative, since, according to INEGI figures, the dependence of local governments on the federal government has increased significantly in recent years, so that only about 22 percent of annual municipal income comes from the own resources generated by the municipality as such without contributions from the federation.

Likewise, about half of the transfers from the federal government to municipalities are labeled for use in defined programs, while the other half can be used according to prioritization criteria of activities.

All this evidently indicates that half of the actions that municipalities put into practice are financed with resources that come from the federal government conditioning to it the expenditure for example that is destined to the social development of the municipality which in turn leads to a decrease in investment expenditure.

2.4 Intermunicipality Case Studies Integration by strengthening regions, micro-regions or intermunicipalities has presented experiences in the states of Jalisco, Nayarit, Tamaulipas, Coahuila, Nuevo Leรณn, Michoacรกn, Morelia and Oaxaca. But all these cases have developed at the beginning of this century, with the highest incidence from 2003 to date.

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In our country, the first intermunicipality originates in the state of Michoacán in 2003 in Tierra Caliente, with the municipalities of Tiquicheo, Tzitzio, Carácuaro and Nocupétaro. To solve the issues of solid waste and improve the collection of own resources.

Another important experience of intermunicipality is that which has been promoted from the interesting project to promote religious tourism in Cotija, initiated by the previous administration and ratified by the new municipal authorities, which has made it possible to visualize the possibility of regional development; for this purpose the signing of the agreement with Tingüindín, Peribán and Los Reyes has been established; this project corresponds to the Alto Tepalcatepec basin.

The experience of intermunicipality of Bajo Balsas, with the Michoacan municipalities of La Huacana, Arteaga, Múgica and Churumuco, and with the municipality of Coahuayutla, in the state of Guerrero, constitutes an interesting experience regarding the possibility of integral attention to the serious fishing crisis of Presa del Infiernillo. This project of integral and sustainable development, even has possibilities to channel federal resources for the regionalnational development in 2006.

In Tamaulipas, the intermunicipal actions in 2004 were seen in the municipalities of Tula, Jaumave, Palmillas, Bustamante and Miquihuana. They came together in a joint growth project that sought to diversify productive actions by promoting ecotourism. In these actions, a multidisciplinary team of 10 dependencies of the UAT and a team of 27 researchers, experts in 16 disciplines, took part in order to contribute their best effort for the integration of this diagnosis.

In Vallarta and Banderas Bay, with the will of the municipal authorities and the decisive participation of the federal government through the Ministry of Social Development (SEDESOL), firm steps were taken towards the integration of these municipalities, which would be the first to be constituted with two municipalities from two different states at the national level (Jalisco and Nayarit).

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Concepts

Case Studies State of Mexico

San Luis Potosi

Oaxaca

Ixtlahuaca Jocotitlรกn

Deer Charcas Villa de Guadalupe

26 municipalities of Ixtlรกn of the Judicial District of Ixtlรกn

IUSA's intention to relocate to another state due to insecurity in the area

The joint administration of a well was required to supply water to the municipalities.

It was founded in 1937 as a public works management body.

Association for purposes of public law

Association for purposes of public law

Civil association for political purposes

Type of agreement

Municipal Association Agreement

The agreement was not formalized

The agreement was not formalized

Object of association

Make the municipal public safety function more efficient

Provide drinking water to communities in the three municipalities

Manage resources to fund public works that benefit union members

Heritage and financing

Contributions from each municipality of the IV Fund of Branch 33

Equal contributions from the three municipalities

Common Fund

Term of validity

Termination of the constitutional period

Not established

Indefinite

Main difficulty faced by the association

Lack of sufficient resources

Agreement on tariffs and forms of operation

Lack of resources and dispersal of communities

Insecurity rates were reduced and IUSA's exit was prevented.

None

Multiple works of social benefit and sawmill.

Associated municipalities

Backgrounds of the

Legal figure

Results

Source: Own elaboration.

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2.5 Report on the Results Obtained from the Survey This section shows the information obtained from the results of the survey voluntarily applied to public servants of conurbated municipalities who held the position of head of area or elected authorities in local governments.

The questionnaire consists of 13 questions which have been specially designed to the institutional and socioeconomic conditions that characterize the conurbated municipalities. The survey was sent to a total of 50 participants via an email link, ensuring the reliability of the respondents’ ratings and comments.

The answers are divided into two groups in order to facilitate the analysis of the variables obtained. The first presents the answers that can be quantified in binary criteria Yes and No or multiple choice as shown graphically below:

Source: Own elaboration.

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In this way, it can be seen that public security is first and foremost considered the main problem afflicting municipalities (40%), followed by corruption (35%) and public services (25%). On the other hand, 95% of those surveyed agree that the inter-municipality model is viable for solving local problems, while considering that the factors that impede the inter-municipality model are regulation (40%), experience (25%) and agreement of wills (with 35%). And finally, the principles they perceive that govern the intermunicipal model are Subsidiarity, Co-responsibility, Inclusion, Effectiveness, Legitimacy (75%), other respondents commented that the common good ranks second (20%).

As for the second part, it is called qualitative, i.e., the answers to each question are diverse and were classified in terms of public services, expected results, regulation, constitutional and secondary legislation applied to the intermunicipal model.

Intermunicipalities in public services

Inter-municipalities translated into results

Regulation, will Aspects of of the authorities regulation since and disposition the Constitution are basic conditions of the model.

Need for a Secondary Law

Water and its supply Good public policies must be replicated

If there is consensus

It should be included in article 115 of the Constitution as an obligation of municipalities

To regulate principles of the Constitution

Security and clean public

Increased safety and health

Safety and wellbeing in services

Inter-municipal participation in public safety and the environment

The bond with society is strengthened

Care for the environment, public services and the rescue of safe public spaces.

Allows the generation of mechanisms to strengthen municipalities

Because if there is no will on the part of the same authorities, there is no program that can fulfill its objectives and be successful.

That economic sanctions be established for citizens who damage public spaces.

Allows the services provided to have more impact when they have already been tested in other municipalities

Health and poverty

Services will be of higher quality by the participation of more than one City Council

It requires the commitment of all participants to make it work.

General Definition

Citizen participation is necessary in all implemented strategies.

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Intermunicipalities in public services

Inter-municipalities translated into results

Regulation, will Aspects of of the authorities regulation since and disposition the Constitution are basic conditions of the model.

Need for a Secondary Law

Better care of various programs, this with basic infrastructure and equipment

I think so, but I comment again that I do not know the model.

I'll check the model for a better opinion.

Concept and sanctions

Participation of authorities and citizens

Construction of works

In previous questions the answer is given

All the benefits are presented

I wouldn't have a proposal at the moment.

Citizen participation in the elaboration of the annual work plan

Recovery of spaces; For the act of safety for women including in processes the integration of the municipal administration and their unification.

Regulation

Comprehensive services

The fact that the processes would be unified

Safety and environment

It is important that there is good communication between the different parties at the municipal, state and federal levels.

When the rules are Clear rules, wellclear from the defined rights and beginning, it favors obligations development.

The bond with society is strengthened

Frequency of meetings or, failing that, effective communication and sharing

The spectrum of response to solutions would become wider and the possible solutions would have different variables

Political will translates into wanting to do because you can and want to do it, then: you do it.

The need to adapt traditional models of public administration

Because more experience and trained personnel are available to assist in the civil service.

Access roads

Because there are shared services between municipalities and it would speed up the processes.

Why you should have the will and the line to provide services

The lines in which the intermunicipality would apply

Streamline processes to deliver services

Public safety, tourism, public works and ecology

At the same time that municipal development is promoted, the regional development is potentialized.

Requires General Definition resources, planning and good modeling

It would have greater regulation and oversight

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Intermunicipalities in public services

Inter-municipalities translated into results

Regulation, will Aspects of of the authorities regulation since and disposition the Constitution are basic conditions of the model.

Need for a Secondary Law

Public safety and the environment

Allows the exchange of successful experiences and then generates solutions for all and not by sectors

Must be regularized for the benefit of the municipalities

That the municipalities fulfill their objective, will receive greater budgets labeled for the development: SUBSEMUN or equivalent more the one that is given for being conurbado and with intermunicipal agreement.

Allows the exchange of successful experiences

Improvement in procedures and services

This model would be applied in order to be ready to work according to the rules and give full compliance to the work of each area or public service.

There must be willingness and compliance on the part of the representatives

Clear rules

It is the citizenry that gives rise to an improvement on its territory and public servants

To support with productive projects, repair of the roads, industries to give sources of jobs

Excellent communication with other nearby municipalities

Yes, of course, because it's more support for the people.

The model in the law must be clear

It is suggested that each municipality regulate by means of a regulation.

Source: Own elaboration.

This last segment shows that according to the perception of those surveyed, public security is considered the main public service that an intermunicipality should provide, and that this type of association would allow for the exchange of experiences and alternative solutions, but that in turn this would require a normative framework that would establish regulatory instruments and better processes from the planning stage, which would require establishing a general concept of model based on Article 115 of the Constitution and the bases for its implementation with active citizen participation established in a secondary law.

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CONCLUSION It is important to consider each municipality according to its characteristics, potentialities, culture, geography, idiosyncrasy, budget, population and other socio-economic characteristics.

The design of the regulations must also contain the following requirements: general concepts, subject matter regulated, purposes pursued, attributions of the competent authorities, rights and obligations of those administered, misdemeanors and infractions, sanctions, resources, and validity; but at the same time that its application is prompt and expeditious; the personnel in charge of applying it have training, accompanying it with educational propaganda for its dissemination and that society knows the minimum contents.

Although the implementation of a successful intermunicipal model depends to a large extent on the quality of the normative framework that allows its adoption and execution in each of the municipalities that make up the 32 federal states, it is also necessary that there be a scheme of co-responsibility between the different local governments emanating from different political forces.

In the same way, its implementation must be mandatory for those municipalities that form part of metropolitan areas, since its complexity requires the sum of efforts of each of the local administrations to address various problems and provide quality public services and that these reach a greater number of people. This has been a legal mechanism adopted by countries such as Spain and France that have stipulated its obligatory nature for those territorial demarcations that have a high population density.

The organizational structure and functionality of the administrative, technical and government units that make up the decentralized public bodies also play a determining role, since the viability of the operation of a given municipal service or function depends to a large extent on them, just as the active participation of citizens, as well as the openness and closeness of the officials that make up the institution in question, must be taken into account in the framework of governance.

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The model presented in this last chapter corresponds to the needs of local governments to address the problems that concern them in a generalized manner throughout Mexico. This may be one of several mechanisms and means to achieve legitimacy and efficiency, however, it cannot be considered the only viable way to achieve it, and depends on a set of external variables whose control does not fall solely on the actors within the decision-making process.

As mentioned at the beginning of this investigation, the reconfiguration of the role of local governments has been a constant in contemporary Mexico, since the closeness of this public entity, as a government order, requires the authorities to provide optimal and effective solutions, but also to convert municipalities as engines of national development generating from the locality the inclusive welfare of all citizens.

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ABSTRACT This article constitutes a reference document to know how our electoral system has evolved in the years from 1917 to 2014; as well as the affinities and contrasts between the reforms implemented by the different spheres of government. It represents a valuable contribution not only because it highlights the main reforms undertaken, but also because they are analysed in terms of the context and the changes that preceded them.

The guarantee of checks and balances, electoral reforms that make the political game more equitable and transparent, the balance of powers, effective suffrage, political representation and citizen participation, are indispensable requirements for our regime to be called democratic.

It is true that, as a society, we must move away from the mirage of the definitive electoral reform, because the struggle for power involves new scenarios and actors that every day transform means and electoral struggle; it is necessary to understand that the guiding axis of institutional life is the change of visions with which the elections are organized and carried out, because from there arises the wealth of data and circumstances in each stretch of electoral history.

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The party system demands from its actors constant changes in the rules that govern it, with a view to consolidating the democratic life of the country and electoral competition, which has been achieved over the years, as evidenced by a peaceful alternation in the year two thousand and greater conditions of fairness in the races, however, it cannot be omitted that also the reforms made imply a spirit of political control on the part of the head of the executive power, seen in our presidential regime as the head of the governing party.

This article shows a descriptive analysis of one hundred years of electoral reforms in Mexico, highlighting fundamental circumstances and contents that, while on the one hand achieved stability in the democratic struggle for political power, also led to an erosion of credibility in the party system, to such an extent that political parties are the institutions with the greatest discredit and least citizen confidence (Mitofsky, 2018).

I. History According to Enrique Rabell (2009), the nineteenth century represents the period of greatest profound change, as countless forms of state and government have been tried out. It began with the independence movement that creates the nation, lived two empires, central governments, intervention of foreign powers, federal republics and the beginning of the porfiriato. The consequence of these movements was the promulgation of various constitutional texts from the consummation of independence: Constitutive Act of the Federation (January, 1824); Constitution of the United Mexican States (October, 1824); Constitutional Bases (October, 1835); Constitutional Laws (December, 1836); Organic Bases of the Mexican Republic (June, 1843); Constitutive Act and Reforms (May, 1847); Political Constitution of the Mexican Republic (February, 1857) and Provisional Statute of the Mexican Empire (1865) (Tena RamĂ­rez in Rabel 2009).

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That is why our political regime, which emerged from a revolution at the beginning of the 20th century, laid the foundations for a particular form of development, which resulted in a political agreement that did not necessarily see competition and pluralism as a source of legitimacy, especially if one keeps in mind the social and political fragmentation that characterized all regions of our country. Mexican verticalism was a singularity that distinguished the country from the rest of Latin America, constructed through the attachment to electoral codes that to a certain extent propitiated political inequity based on the enormous gaps in the content of the law, and in many others, its application or interpretation.

The 1917 Constitution represented the ability of the country’s political groups to undertake a long-term project, as well as the possibility of respecting agreements beyond the interests of particular factions or circumstances. It symbolizes the period in which a group of politicians acquired hegemony and set the pillars of the country’s development, leaving aside other opposition groups. The guiding axis of the entire text has to do with articles that are of vital importance for the political system as a whole, especially those that have been the basis for the rules of observance for political actors in electoral contests.

On the one hand, the Constitution embodies the country’s democratic claim, such as access to elected posts, political representation and the manifestation of the will of citizens through voting. But in fact, the presidential power, with an exercise of hegemonic party government, implemented a series of mechanisms and incentives that allowed it to control the Congress of the Union and the subordination of the judicial power. As a result of this singular fact, the post-revolutionary regime developed the capacity to legitimize itself vis-à-vis the citizenry, with representation schemes that allowed it to maintain state control (creation and financing of its satellite political parties, co-optation of opponents, among others); however, it gradually became delegitimized vis-à-vis the opposition, since the latter did not have rules that could give it the opportunity to participate openly and equitably in the definition of economic development and political agreements. It was in the seventies that the hegemonic party and the opposition focused their struggle on the discussion of political-electoral rules. The first to concentrate discontent in the institutional sphere, the other to widen its own margins for action. The changes to these rules reflect the need to give political legitimacy to the regime, becoming the greatest struggle of the growing opposition, including from sectors of civil society.

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The balances are reflected today in the plurality of the Congress; in the third peaceful alternation of the Presidency of the Republic (the first in 2000-PAN, the second in 2012-PRI and the third in 2018-Morena); in the delimitation of presidential power; in the full validity of the principles of effective suffrage; in political representation, based on equity; pluralism, and democratic governability.

Under all this context, the existence of political parties is fundamental to this whole process.

As entities of public interest, they are responsible for strengthening the participation of the population in electoral activities; and in fact today they have a great challenge, which is to counteract a very high level of political abstentionism and discredit.

II. Constitutional Changes in the Electoral Area (1917-2003) Between 1917 and 2003, forty-six reforms were carried out to the set of articles of electoral content in the Political Constitution of the United Mexican States. Four reforms were carried out in the 1920s, just as many as in the 1930s and 1940s. During the 1950s, the fewest changes were made for a period of ten years: three. In the 1960s and 1970s, five reforms were defined in each. This figure increased to seven in the 1980s and to fourteen in the 1990s. With the exception of the 1950s, the number of reforms grew decade by decade, slowly and with certain periods of stability until the 1980s and with greater speed from that decade onwards.

The evolution of constitutional reforms began in the 1920s; one of them took place in 1923, another in 1927 and two in 1928, which impacted in six articles. Article 83 was amended twice, one in 1927 and the other in 1928. This article was debated at a very early date and would then disappear from the constitutional reforms. After these two reforms in the 1920s it would only be modified again in 1933.

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The reform of January 22, 1927 added to Article 83 that, after the immediate period, the office of President of the Republic could be held again, only for one more period, and that, at the end of the second period, the person was incapacitated to be elected at any other time. In the reform of January 24, 1928, article 83 extended the presidential term from 4 to 6 years, and that of January 24, 1933, prohibited the reelection of any of its modalities: elected, interim, provisional or substitute. The reform of April 29, 1933 to article 84, extended the time to appoint a substitute president, from the last two years to the last four of the six-year term, in view of the absolute absence of the head of the Executive.

Four other reforms were also carried out during the 1930s; that of 29 April 1933 was the first mega reform recorded in the electoral arena since 1917 and included ten articles. The other three, that of 18 January 1934 and that of 15 December 1934, in addition to that mentioned on 24 January 1933, each involved a single article. The April 1933 reform of Article 51 led to the extension of the period for which Members were elected from two to three years, while Article 59 was amended on a one-off basis. Its original text was moved to Article 58 while its new wording remains in force today and refers to the eligibility of deputies and senators for the period immediately thereafter with the exception of substitutes who had not exercised.

The 1933 reform included a series of articles that would later be modified frequently (55, 56, 58, 73, 79, and 115), and had two meanings. On the one hand, it consolidated the changes in the Executive Branch and, on the other hand, it initiated a long debate aimed at changes in legislative positions (senators, deputies and members of municipal councils). It should be noted that while the reforms that impacted the federal executive were quickly consolidated, those related to the legislative were questioned for a long time. The reform of January 18, 1934, would initiate a long debate on article 30 of the Constitution, about the subjects to whom Mexican nationality is recognized. While that of December 15, 1934, will continue the long list of reforms to Article 73.

Regarding the changes in the 1940s, GarcĂ­a (2011) states the following about the Federal Electoral Law of 1946:

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The Federal Electoral Law of 1946 marks the beginning of the institutionalization of electoral processes in Mexico, and although according to official figures, from then until the beginning of the seventies the PRI generally reached national votes above 80% and seized the vast majority of seats, In a context of high voter participation (between 70 and 80% of the registered voters), their electoral dominance came to be questioned in presidential elections by fractions of the PRI itself (padillismo in 1946 and henriquismo in 1952). In other words, the hegemonic accommodation did not take place once and for all because the unity of the PRI group was not well established. In fact, something that contributed to the cohesion of the revolutionary family was precisely the monopoly of the PRI over the vote and the recount, which gave the system a wide margin of maneuver in the allocation of rewards for party discipline (GarcĂ­a, 2011).

The October 17, 1953 amendment to Article 34 gave women citizenship and the right to vote and be voted on, while the December 22, 1969 amendment reduced the age of majority from 21 to 18. Since then, after the incorporation of these two previously excluded sectors of society (women and youth), the status of citizenship has not changed again. In the 1960s, five amendments were made to the Constitution, two of which were made in 1969, to articles 30 and 34. The first of them found here a middle ground in a list of reforms that concluded in 1977.

The reform of February 14, 1972 to article 58 reduced the age of senatorship to 30 years, later, that of July 29, 1999 again lowered that age to 25 years. Most of the changes in the 1974 reform had to do with the elimination of the consideration of territories in articles 52, 55, 73, 74, 79 and 82, due to their disappearance.

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The 1977 reform is recognized as the starting point for the official recognition of opposition parties and as an essential point of political representation in Mexico, where minorities were included. The reform of December 6, 1977, was related to the modification in the form of composition of the Chamber of Deputies, in order to give greater representation to minority parties, for which a mixed system was established that combined the principle of representation by relative majority and proportional representation, reserved for opposition parties; it also provided for the election of an alternate deputy for each deputy owner. In Article 97, it empowered the Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation to carry out ex officio the investigation of some fact or facts that constituted the violation of the public vote. Other modifications derived from the 1977 reform were the establishment of coalitions and common candidacies, as well as the elaboration of the Federal Law of Political Organizations and Electoral Processes (LFOPPE), which gave attributions to the Federal Electoral Commission (CFE), the highest collegiate electoral body, which were previously in the direct hands of the Ministry of the Interior, such as the granting or cancellation of the legal registration of political parties.

Seven reforms were carried out in the 1980s. Some minor reforms took place in 1981, involving only article 60 of the Constitution, whose reform process began in 1977. That of December 28, 1982, amended five articles, highlighting article 108, to allude to popularly elected representatives as public servants and to answer for violations of the Constitution as well as federal laws. The reform of February 3, 1983, involved only Article 115, adding new changes, especially as far as local elections are concerned. The 1986 reform included modifications to six articles of the Constitution, and the promulgation of the Federal Electoral Code (CFE), here highlights the abolition of the conditional registration of parties. During 1987, two reforms were carried out, amending four articles (108, 110, 111 and 127). Of particular note from the 1987 reform is the expansion of representation spaces, increasing the number of seats for multimember deputies to 200.

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In 1990 a new electoral law was issued, the Cรณdigo Federal de Instituciones y Procedimientos Electorales (Cofipe), which gave way to the creation of a new autonomous entity to organize federal elections: the Instituto Federal Electoral (IFE), replacing the Federal Electoral Commission that depended directly on the Secretary of the Interior, which had become a priority demand due to the questioning of the electoral process to elect the President of the Republic in 1988.

This reform also gives way to the creation of the Federal Electoral Tribunal (TRIFE), whose predecessor was the Electoral Contentious Tribunal. Article 5 incorporated the definition according to which electoral functions are obligatory and free of charge, but those performed professionally shall be remunerated. Article 35 was amended twice. The first, of April 6, 1990, added the prerogative to associate freely and peacefully; while the second, of August 22, 1996, added the precept of individual association. The reforms to Article 36 took place on the same dates as the previous Article. The first reform established the obligation for adults to register in the National Registry of Citizens. For its part, the second withdrew the condition of voting in the relevant electoral district.

Article 76, amended in 1993, incorporated the power of the Senate to appoint and remove the Head of the Federal District in the cases provided for by the Constitution. The reforms of 1993 and 1994 also modified the rules on financing for political parties (expense reports, annual and campaign expenditures); party access to the media; changes were introduced regarding national and foreign electoral observers; and the formation of the General Council of IFE, where the magistrate councilors were replaced by six proprietary citizen councilors and their alternates, who would serve for eight years, with the possibility of being ratified.

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The electoral reform of 1996 is together with that of 1977 (and later that of 2007-2008), of great significance that has transformed the electoral legal framework, the substance of which has been to end government control of elections in Mexico. Among the most significant changes are the relaxation of the requirements for registering a political party (six thousand members per entity, from at least 20 states); the figure of “national political grouping� is recognized; progress is made in equity in free access to political parties to radio and television; IFE’s determination of campaign expenditures; the prevalence of public campaign financing over other permitted types; prohibition of anonymous contributions to political campaigns; 2% threshold for political parties to keep their records; direct election to elect the Head of the Federal District is established and the Assembly of Representatives becomes the Legislative Assembly. It also incorporates the principle of proportional representation to elect 32 senators, whose threshold for the allocation of seats is 2%; in the Chamber of Deputies, the maximum limit of representation of the first electoral force is 300 deputies; the maximum level of representation is eight points in the voteto-seat ratio, and the threshold for the allocation of seats in the lower chamber is 2%.

On July 30, 1999, article 78 was amended by adding to the original text a second paragraph and eight fractions that constituted the content of article 79, and a new fraction (VI) was incorporated that provided for granting a license for up to 30 days to the President of the Republic and appointing the interim that replaces him.

The 2002 reform sought to promote gender equity with regard to political and electoral rights by establishing an obligation for parties to promote equal opportunities for women and men through nominations for elective posts in the Congress of the Union. And in 2003, changes were made to the requirements for a political party or National Political Grouping. For 2005, the right to vote of Mexicans residing abroad would be recognized for the election of President of the Republic.

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III. The Reforms in the Electoral Area 2005, 2007-2008 and 2014.

3.1 The Vote of Mexicans Living Abroad Since 1997 and 2000 (electoral years), the voices of Mexicans living in the neighboring country to the north were being heard, demanding that the federal government be able to have an active participation in the political life of Mexico. It was a beta of possible voters that according to Selene Gaspar (2012), went from 4.4 million Mexicans in 1990 to 9.3 million in 2000. The alternation of the Federal Executive Power in the year 2000, was a factor that in 2004 began the proposal to reform the Federal Code of Electoral Institutions and Procedures (COFIPE) and allow Mexicans living abroad to vote. In this way, COFIPE amended the following articles: Article 1 so that citizens could have the right to vote in popular elections, considering that this system is of public order and general observance in the national territory and for Mexican citizens exercising their right to vote in foreign territory; Article 9, where the right to vote is enshrined, in addition to being a fundamental political right, is the principle of representative democracy; Article 250, which states how votes will be counted.

On the other hand, Articles 273, 274, 275 and 276 state the form and requirements that citizens residing abroad must meet in order to exercise their right to vote, exclusively for the election of the President of the United Mexican States. Articles 277, 278, 279, 280, 281 and 282, with respect to how the Nominal List of Voters Residing Abroad (LNERE) is integrated.

Articles 283 and 284 indicate the dynamics in which the electoral ballots will be printed, the envelopes to be sent to the Institute, the instructions for the voter and the envelopes in which the electoral material described above will be sent, by certified mail or messenger service, to the citizen residing abroad.

Regarding the casting of votes, Articles 285, 286, 287 and 288 regulate the manner in which this right should be exercised; Articles 289 and 290 refer to the counting tables, where it is stated that the maximum number of votes per table will be 1,500. Regarding the reception and calculation, as well as the filling of minutes and closing of this process, including the report of results, Articles 291, 292 and 293 give account. Articles 296 and 297 of COFIPE reiterate that the right to vote of Mexicans residing abroad does not at any time imply that political parties and candidates may campaign, as well as receive public or private economic resources from abroad.

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3.2 Constitutional and Legal Reform 2007-2008 For the 2006 electoral process, the first General Council of IFE had been renewed, and in the case of COFIPE, it was thought to be suitable for a nascent plural democracy, participative and with electoral competitiveness, since in the year 2000 the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) had lost the Presidency, after seventy years of power. However, the political tension between the ruling National Action Party (PAN) and the Democratic Revolution Party (PRD) contributed to a social polarization around that year’s campaign, which affected the electoral process and the outcome of the presidential election. It was a very closed election, in which Felipe Calderón Hinojosa (PAN) won with a difference of 233,831 votes, over Andrés Manuel López Obrador, candidate of the “Coalition for the Good of All” integrated by the PRD, Partido del Trabajo (PT) and Partido Convergencia. Faced with such a closed result and accusations of electoral fraud, the 2006 election generated one of the greatest post-electoral crises that put at risk the legitimacy of the authorities in the matter. This led to a rethinking of the legal and operational viability of COFIPE and some articles of the Constitution related to federal and local electoral processes.

For this reason, Article 6 of the Constitution was amended to regulate the use of the media such as radio, television and the nascent Internet as a means of propaganda to massify each of the messages. Article 41 of the Constitution, with three substantial changes: the first corresponds to who may be considered as candidates to participate in an election; the second, to the way in which radio and television time will be administered, as well as the non-participation of businessmen or any individual in the hiring and promotion of electoral propaganda; and the third, to the liquidation of the assets of political parties that, due to not reaching the percentage of votes contemplated by law, lose the register.

The reform of Article 85 of the Constitution has as its antecedent the street protests, riots, the Congress taken over by the opposition and a great political, social and economic uncertainty on December 1, 2006, when Felipe Calderón Hinojosa was taken over as President of Mexico.

Derived from these facts, Article 85 of the Constitution was amended in 2007 to indicate that if at the beginning of a constitutional period the elected president were not present, or the election was not made or declared valid on the 1st. However, the President whose term has ended shall be in charge of the Executive Power, as interim President, the one designated by the Congress of the Union, or in his absence as provisional, the one designated by the Permanent Commission, proceeding in accordance with the provisions of the previous article (Honorable Congress of the Union, 2007).

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On the other hand, considering that for the first time in 2006 the electoral process had been judicialized, a fact that had no precedent, and given the indications that lacked legitimacy not only to the Electoral Body, but also to the electoral arbitrator, for the year 2007, Article 99 of the Constitution was amended to give greater powers to the Electoral Tribunal, placing it as the highest jurisdictional authority in the matter and specialized organ of the Judicial Power of the Federation.

Another constitutional article that was reformed was article 108, in order to specify who are considered public servants, with rights and obligations, and above all, to guarantee their impartiality during electoral processes. Thus, representatives of popular election and those who hold a job, position or commission in the public administration are considered (for the purposes of responsibilities), as public servants, among others.

On the other hand, with respect to the sovereignty of each of the federative entities and in order to avoid the existence of constitutions and local laws that contravene the Magna Carta in electoral matters and, as a consequence, to promote constitutional controversies, Article 116 of the Constitution was amended to guarantee, among other things, that the constitutions and laws of the states, in electoral matters, guarantee that the elections of governors, members of local legislatures and members of city councils are carried out through universal, free, secret and direct suffrage; and that the polling day takes place on the first Sunday in July of the year in question.

In order to prevent the personal promotion of the different political actors, as well as to use the different social programs as a tool to take advantage of the political adversaries, the reform of Article 134 raises the prohibition to constitutional rank so that any of these activities can be carried out.

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In 2012, far-reaching reforms were developed in electoral matters, such as those that materialized through an agreement signed on December 2 of that year at the Chapultepec Castle in Mexico City by the President of the Republic, Enrique Peña Nieto; Gustavo Madero Muñoz, president of the PAN; Cristina Díaz Salazar, of the PRI, and Jesús Zambrano Grijalva, of the PRD, in what became known as the Mexico Pact, which encompassed a series of structural reforms for the country. In electoral matters, independent candidates were given life, as well as the right to initiative and popular consultation. These reforms are unpublished, since only the political parties had the right to nominate candidates for different positions of popular election, and on the other hand, the presentation of legislative initiatives could only fall on deputies and senators, without the possibility that citizens had the power to nominate any type of initiative, a situation that in the end generated a controversy with Article 73 of the Constitution, because the power to legislate, he says, only falls on the Congress of the Union.

3.3 Electoral Reform 2014 Much has been said about the change of nomenclature from the Federal Electoral Institute to the National Electoral Institute. These changes are essentially due to the fact that, since the Political Electoral Reform of 2014, the institution was granted new powers that lead it to have a reach in all federal states of the country, as well as in Mexico City. For example, at the local level, one passes from “electoral institutes” to Public Electoral Bodies (OPLE), whose normative substance leads them to have to coordinate with the National Electoral Institute for the development of local electoral processes, even more so when such processes are concurrent and therefore, the organizational scheme changes, as is the single box, where voters go to vote for the federal and local election, being the only officials of the box a president, two secretaries (one for the federal election and another for the local election), and three tellers. Also, regarding the appointment of local councillors, oversight, administration of time on radio, television and postal and telegraphic franchises, national registry of suppliers for candidates, control for the rental of spectacular billboards for electoral campaigns located in the country, organization, and the development and installation of single polling stations in concurrent electoral processes, among others.

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In this sense, MarĂ­a Amparo Casar (2016), refers: With the last reform and due to pressure from the governors, a hybrid structure was chosen in which the national body can under certain circumstances organize local elections. In addition, the differentiation of functions between the OPLE and the INE is not clear. In this way, the system contributes to less legal and administrative certainty, to making elections more expensive and to opening a more conflictive front. In order to avoid conflicts, the administrative functions that should remain in INE should be separated from the jurisdictions that the courts should concentrate. Disputes and lawsuits between the INE and the TEPJF have only aggravated mistrust of institutions.

On the other hand, the composition of INE was changed, increasing the number of councillors from eight to ten, and the period of the presidency of the institute was extended from six to nine years, without the possibility of re-election.

In another sense, for decades there has been debate about the relevance of continuing to subsidize political parties that enjoy the acceptance of less than four percent of the voters, considering only those that voted, because by establishing a national voting average that is around 50%, then it can be pointed out that there are political parties that receive less than 2% of the people registered in the nominal list. This situation, which damages public finances, led to the reform of article 40 of the Constitution to set the threshold for maintaining the registration of political parties at 3% of the vote, a percentage that apparently remains low, considering that in other countries of the world the minimum limit of votes is 5%.

The concept of gender equity recognizes and values the existence of differences and diversity in the population, both between men and women and within both categories; both nationally and internationally, gender quotas emerged as a measure to find a balance in the participation of women and men in decision-making bodies. In Mexico, the development of the incorporation of the democratic life of women was preceded in 1996, when a limit of 70 per cent of legislators of the same gender was set, and in 2007 it was established that candidates for the legislative branch should be made up of at least 40 per cent by persons of the same sex.

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According to Guzmรกn (2015), with the constitutional reform in political-electoral matters carried out in 2014, a decisive step is taken with respect to the legal equality of genders in political-electoral matters. The right of women to participate in the political life of the country is incorporated into the constitutional rank, imposing on political parties the obligation to guarantee gender parity, i.e., that the lists be made up of 50 per cent of men and 50 per cent of women in the nomination of candidates for federal and local legislators.

Conclusion The route offered allows us to highlight the following: Although electoral reforms are presented constantly throughout the twentieth century, in the last two decades this process has become intense, systematic and covers the largest number of contents.

The Mexican political system finds its base in fundamental precepts of the Constitution of 1917, therefore, the electoral reforms manifest adjustments that respond to the economic, political and social moments of the country. These include the direct election of the President of the Republic, incompatibilities to hold more than one public office, whether elected or not, and the non-interference of foreigners in the political life of the country.

Other constitutional precepts were questioned early and achieved broad stability in the early decades of the twentieth century. Most of these references involve the Executive Branch, the possibility or not of its re-election and the procedures for its replacement in case of impediment.

An additional set of definitions are those that have been discussed since the beginning of the post-revolutionary state and were still revised until recently. These are fundamentally reforms that concern precepts that involve the Legislative Power, its integration, the form of election of its members and its powers.

The last group of articles of the Federal Constitution analyzed refers to those that were recently reformed. Among these articles, those referring to the organization of electoral processes, electoral justice and the political status of Mexico City stand out.

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With regard to the 1987 Federal Electoral Code, the Electoral Contentious Court was introduced as an autonomous legal body to resolve appeals and complaints; it was made up of magistrates appointed by the Congress of the Union at the proposal of the political parties, thus obtaining greater certainty in the resolution of controversies; additionally, it increased the number of seats from 400 to 500; 300 of relative majority and 200 of proportional representation; it suppresses the conditional registration of political parties and defines a financing system for political parties based on the vote obtained; in other words, it gives way to the judicialization of electoral processes.

As electoral competition and the plurality of the party system make election results uncertain, the need for greater and more specific regulation of political parties and electoral processes became more evident and present. Seen differently, in the face of a political system based on mistrust, there is electoral overregulation; in the face of an institutional design that does not guarantee that there will be no corruption, no more laws.

Plurality has arrived and in a country as diverse and complex as Mexico, the alternation in the exercise of power is a constant present in the three spheres of government. The single thought is diluted and different voices arise, in which the population values the one that best suits them in an eagerness to improve their standard of living.

Finally, the last reform of 2014 stands out, which passed its acid test in 2018, perhaps because of the overwhelming victory that the National Regeneration Movement (MORENA) had over the three main parties, the PAN, the PRI and the PRD. The next electoral reforms may be in the cost of campaigns, in order to reduce public financing to political parties. They also point out that the campaign periods will be modified, with a view to making them shorter. Coalitions and alliances are likely to undergo new revisions, as well as the percentage for political parties to keep records and/or to form new ones. This can be considered, derived from one of the axes that marked this analysis: electoral reforms proceed as long as the governing group seeks to remain in power and provide stability to the Mexican political system, undoubtedly a challenging choice.

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Juan de Dios Pineda Guadarrama Juan de Dios Pineda was bestowed “Doctor Honoris Causa” from Tianjin Foreign Studies University, China, for his contributions in the area of Public Policy. Also, The University of Santander conferred to Dr. Pineda the title of “Doctor Honoris Causa”. He has a Post-doctoral Scholar Advanced Training Program in Student Affairs Administration in Latin American Higher Education Institutions. Dr. Pineda has been the Chair of several Post-Doctoral Programs in Government, Public Policy and Higher Education. He has been a member of several Editorial Boards such as State and Local Government Review and The Journal of Public Affairs Education, both based in the United States. He is the author or principal editor of twenty-two books. His book about Teacher’s Professionalization in Mexico was translated into Chinese in 2014. In 2015 Dr. Pineda was a co-author of the book “The Education in China, Mexico, and the United States” also translated into Chinese. Dr. Pineda is a distinguished professor at Tianjin Foreign Studies University; and professor of Policy Sciences at New Mexico Tech, where also he is the Head of the Research Office’s Latin American Initiatives. He is the President of the Americas Conference of Universities in STEM Education. In 2019, Santander University inaugurated the “Chair (Cátedra) Juan de Dios Pineda in Policy Sciences and Public Policy.”

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Enrique Mendoza Master in Political Communication and Strategic Governance

by George Washington University; Specialist in Electoral Procedural Law by the National Institute of Elections; Diploma in Strategic Political Analysis by the Center for Economic Research and Teaching (CIDE), and Bachelor’s Degree in Political Science and Public Administration by the Autonomous University of the State of Mexico. In the Mexican public administration, he has been Technical Secretary of the Cabinet, General Undersecretary of Government and General Director of Economic Development. He was a Local Deputy from 2012 to 2015, where he chaired the Electoral Affairs Committee. He is the author of “La Lid Democrática, Reforma Electoral 19172003” (2004), and “Pobreza: amenaza Latinoamericana” (2005). He is a member of the National Association of Political Science and Public Administration. He is currently Director General of the National College of Technical Professional Education (CONALEP), State of Mexico.

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Bruce J. Perlman Bruce Perlman is Regents’ Professor and Director of UNM’s School of Public Administration where he has been a Senior Fulbright Lecturer, UNM Presidential Lecturer, and held the Hatch Chair in Law and Public Policy. Dr. Perlman is the former editor of the State and Local Government Review’s Governance Matters Section and the former editor-in-chief of the Journal of Public Affairs Education and the author of over fifty academic journal articles and publications and two edited books, one in English and one in Spanish. He has held posts and consulted widely on government affairs both in the U.S. and abroad for governments and for organizations ranging from the U.S. Congress and Agency for International Development to the World Bank and Inter-American Development Bank. He has served as the Chief Administrative Officer of the City of Albuquerque and as Deputy Chief of Staff to the Governor of New Mexico.

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Ricardo Villanueva Ricardo Villanueva Lomelí gained both his bachelor’s and master in Law degrees from the University of Guadalajara (U. de G.). He specializes in Justice Management and Public Security, and also holds a master in Educational Technology from the University of Salamanca, in Spain. He received his Ph.D., in Educational Technology from that institution as well.

He later completed his postdoctoral studies at the Training Program on Applied Research for Public Organizations NonProfit and Education Sectors from the University of New Mexico, in Albuquerque, United States. As a full-time professor at U. de G., he has been distinguished as a member of the Professional Development Faculty Program of the Ministry of Public Education. He has served in directive positions both at U. de G. and the public administration. Some of the most important are: President of the Federation of University Students, 2001-2004; Member of the Treasury Commission of U. de G. Government Council, 2001-2005; Member of the Founding Special Commission of U. de G. Government Council, 2001-2005; General Coordinator of University Services, 2007-2009; Chief at the Office of the Presidency of the Guadalajara City Council, 2009-2012; Secretary of the Ministry of Planning, Administration, and Finance of the State of Jalisco, 2013-2014; Town Councilor at the Guadalajara City Council, 2015-2016; President of the Tonalá University Center, 2016-2019. Furthermore, as an active scholar, Dr. Villanueva has participated in more than 23 titles, a generous amount of publications, and performed as head of a significant number of research projects. He has also been a faculty member at the bachelor and master’s in Law programs at U. de G. On February 2019, he was elected by this institution’s Government Council as the new General President of the University of Guadalajara for the following six years.

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JesĂşs Enrique Reinoso Enrique Reinoso is an Mechanical and Electrical Engineer from the Universidad Iberoamericana, Mexico; with studies of masters in Administration and masters in Strategies for Quality Systems, both by the Autonomous University of Aguascalientes; Doctor in Administration and Strategic Management, from CISDE Puebla, Mexico; and Post-doctorate in Higher Education from the University of New Mexico.

He has held the position of Director of Finance and Administration of the Institute of Education of Aguascalientes, Mexico in different periods, and also held the position of General Director of Collection in the Ministry of Finance of the State of Aguascalientes, Mexico.

He has serve as an Operational Coordinator of the General Administrative Office, General Director of Finance and Administration, and Personnel Director of the Ministry of Public Education in the State of Puebla, Mexico.

He has taught at the Autonomous University of Aguascalientes, Pan American University Campus Bonaterra, ITESM (Tec de Monterrey) campus Aguascalientes and Technological Institute of Aguascalientes. Mexico.

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David Villanueva David Villanueva has a PhD. in Public Administration with honors

by Anahuac University (Universidad Anáhuac) in a dual program with the Sorbonne University of Paris (Sorbonne Nouvelle). Dr. Villanueva has postdoctoral studies in Administration, Public Policy, and Higher Education from the University of New Mexico.

He has dedicated more than twenty years as a researcher, teacher, and lecturer. He is a professor at the University of Puebla (Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla-BUAP), School of Law (Escuela Libre de Derecho de Puebla) and Anáhuac University, Puebla. He has several publications and is co-author of the books: “Liderazgo Racional y Emocional”, “La Nueva Gestión Pública”, “Evaluación y Auditoría de desempeño en México”; author of “Liderazgo Público Efectivo, cómo dirigir a las instituciones públicas de forma efectiva” and “Abecedario del Liderazgo, conceptos clave para ejercerlo”, presented at the Guadalajara International Book Fair. Currently, he is the Director of the Evaluation and Control Unit of the Supervisory Committee of the Supreme Audit Institution of México of the Federal Chamber of Representatives; President of the Honor and Justice Council of the National Federation of Colleges of Administration (CONLA); President of the Mexican Academy of International Law, Puebla Chapter; President of Puebla Chapter of the Seminary of Mexican Culture and Friend of the ASPEN Institute México.

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Verónica Ponce Master´s Degree in Administration and Public Policy with focus on Government Management, by the Virtual University of Guanajuato, México. Law Degree by the Universidad Latina, incorporated into the Universidad Nacional Autonoma de México, UNAM, graduated with Honorable Mention.

She has postgraduate studies in Administration, Public Policy and Higher Education from the University of Nuevo Mexico in Albuquerque, USA and several diplomas: Regional Development, by the Faculty of Economics of the UNAM; Indigenous Law by the International Institute of Humanitarian Law in San Remo, Italy. She has taken various transparency courses by the National Institute of Transparency; Access to Information and Protection of Personal Data and Refuge, by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR).

She is certified as a Political Image Consultant by the College of Public Image in Mexico City. For over 18 years she has worked in the Federal Public Administration in institutions such as: the Chamber of Deputies of the Honorable Congress of the Union, the Ministry of the Interior (SEGOB), the National Commission for the Development of Indigenous People (CDI), the Ministry of Social Development (SEDESOL) and the Ministry of Agricultural, Territorial and Urban Development (SEDATU), in management positions that allowed her to have a broad relationship and knowledge of the three orders of government.

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Jorge David Cortés Moreno He has completed his Postdoctoral studies in Administration, Education, Public Policy, and Government from the University of New Mexico. He is a Doctor in Public Administration from the Institute of Public Administration in Puebla, Mexico. Dr. Cortes also counts with Doctoral Studies in Cities and Territory, by the University of Valladolid, Spain. He has three master’s degrees. One in Political Communication and Governance from The George Washington University, the second in Social Sciences from El Colegio Mexiquense, Mexico; and the third one is a Master’s degree in North American Studies from the Universidad de las Americas Puebla, UDLAP. He possesses professional studies in Political Analysis, Political Communication and Leadership from CISDE, UNAM, ITAM, ITESM, George Washington University, and Harvard University.

Since 1998, until now, he has worked as a teacher in prestigious public and private higher education institutions in Mexico. Author of several academic articles and co-author of more than seven books about Political Science, Education, Elections, Political Communication, and Marketing. He has been a member of The National Researcher System in Mexico.

He has professional work experience in the development and application of surveys, focus studies, political communication, public image, media, educational, and cultural management.

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Adán Larracilla Márquez Adán Larracilla has dedicate 24 years to the study and analysis of the Mexican municipalities. He is a Civil Engineer from the Autonomous Popular University of Puebla (UPAEP).

He got his master degree in Public Administration with the research work entitled: “A Proposal of a Municipal Public Management,” presented in 1999 at the Institute of Public Administration in Puebla, Mexico (IAPP). Adam Larracilla is a Ph.D in Local Government presenting his research with the title of “Regulatory Law to the Article 115 of the Political Constitution of the United States of Mexico, which Reforms and Regulates the Powers of Municipalities.” He has participated in several research proyects in the arae of municipal government, including a work on the civil service career with the FMCU of France prepared for the municipality of Querétaro, an evaluation system (SINDES) with the ICMA; a proposal of the control dashboard to evaluate public policies of municipal social assistance was presented at La Salle University, among other texts. Adam Larracilla in his professional career has worked as a city councilor and general secretary of administration of San Andres Cholula, Puebla; Executive Secretary of the Americas Conference of Mayors and Senior Officer of the National DIF System. He is currently Executive Secretary of the National Association of Mayors and Deputy Secretary General of the National Confederation of Municipalities in Mexico (CONAMM).

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Guadalupe A. Lol-be Peraza González Dr. Lol-be Peraza has published several articles and chapters on various books of public finance, such as Chapter 10 titled Public Expenditure and Social Development from the book La Política Social en México, Tendencias y Perspectivas. She has a bachelor’s degree and a master’s degree in Economics from the National Autonomous University of México (UNAM).

To get her master’s degree, she presented the research “The impact of Federal Transfers on the Development and Economic Growth of Federal Entities in México, 1990-2005”. She got her doctorate on Public Administration at the Universidad Anáhuac. Dr. Lol-be was the youngest director of the Centro de Estudios de las Finanzas Publicas of the Mexican Chamber of Representatives. Also, she has a Certification in Public Image Consulting, from Public Image College. She is the Secretary of Municipal Development, National Executive Committee, from the Confederación Nacional Campesina. She is the Chief Executive Officer of the Fundación de Municipios CNCistas.

A.C. Dr. Peraza has more than 14 years of advising people in Congress on public finance. For over 16 years, she has been a professor of economic theory, and public finance in different universities such as UNAM, Universidad del Valle de México, Universidad Olmeca, among others. Recently, she got a post-doctoral research certificate from the School of Public Administration at the University of New Mexico.

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CHAPTER 1 1. Adams Becker, S., Cummins, M., Davis, A., Freeman, A., Hall Giesinger, C., and Ananthanarayanan, V. (2017). NMC Horizon Report: 2017 Higher Education Edition. Austin, Texas: The New Media Consortium.

2. Arévalo, J. (2018). Future Libraries: Emerging Perspectives. Open Universe. Retrieved May 2, 2018 from https://universoabierto.org/2016/02/17/bibliotecas-futuras-perspectivasemergentes/ 3. Arévalo, J. (2018). The library in the process of change. BiD. University texts of biblioteconomy and documentation. Retrieved May 2, 2018 from http://bid.ub.edu/es/36/arevalo.htm 4. Almaraz, F., Machado, A., & Esteban, C. (2018). Analysis of the digital transformation of Higher Education Institutions. A theoretical frame of reference. Dialnet.unirioja.es. Retrieved May 2, 2018 from https://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/articulo?codigo=5911340 5. Bórquez, A. (2012). Internationalization of Chilean higher education: Analysis of the project of departure of the Foreign Students who arrive in the region of Valparaiso. International Business Magazine, 1-8.

6. Carrazco, A., Zepeda, M., Ceja, E., Fernández, M. & Benítez, A. (2018). Use of the cloud as a didactic resource by young university students. Pag.org.mx. Retrieved May 2, 2018 from http:// pag.org.mx/index.php/PAG/article/view/78 7. Castells, M. (1996), The rise of the network society. Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell Publishers.

8. Centro Universitario de Tonalá, Plan de Desarrollo Institucional del Centro Universitario de Tonalá 2014-2030 (PDCUT 2014-2030), Retrieved April 28 at http://cutonala.udg.mx/sites/ default/files/avances_pdcut_preliminar_9oct2014.pdf 9. Concha Avilés, Raquel (2011). El Aprendizaje Autónomo en Educación Superior (reseña a la obra de Joan Rué) University of Toronto (11 pp.) Retrieved May 2, 2018, from http://edrev.asu. edu/index.php/ER/article/viewFile/1555/222

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10. General Coordination of Cooperation and Internationalization (2018). Retrieved April 22, 2018 from http://www.cgci.udg.mx 11. Administrative Department of Science Technology and Innovation - Colcienci. (2015).

Model for the Measurement of Research Groups, Technological Development or Innovation and Recognition of researchers of the National System of Science, Technology and Innovation, 2015.

Administrative Department of Science, Technology and Innovation. Retrieved May 2, 2018 from http://www.colciencias.gov.co/sites/default/files/upload/noticias/mediciondegruposactene2015.pdf 12. Duque, M., Celis, J., Diaz, B., & Gómez, M. (2014). Ten pillars for a teacher professional development program focused on student learning. Revista Colombiana De Educación, (67), 107-124. http://dx.doi.org/10.17227/0120391.67rce107.124 13. Egron-Polak, E. H. (2014). Internationalization of higher education: growing expectations, fundamental values. 4th Global Survey: International Association of Universities 14. Foreign Language Institutional Program (FLIP) (2018). Institutional Policy on Foreign Languages. Retrieved April 23, 2018 from http://flip.cga.udg.mx/?page_id=206 15. Foro Económico Mundial (2016), The Future of Jobs. Employment, Skills and Workforce Strategy for the Fourth Industrial Revolution, Recuperado el 10 de abril en http://www3. weforum.org/docs/WEF_Future_of_Jobs.pdf 16. World Economic Forum (2016), “The future of Jobs”, quoted in Lead to Change (2017) “Strategic Agenda for Higher Education”, paper delivered by Xavier Marcet at Harvard University in Boston, Massachusetts.

17. García Sevilla, J. (2008). Problem-Based Learning in University Teaching (1st ed.). Murcia: University of Murcia. Retrieved May 2, 2018 from http://www.ub.edu/dikasteia/LIBRO_MURCIA. pdf 18. Gartner (2017). Gartner IoT press reléase. Gartner.com. Retrieved May 2, 2018 from https://www.gartner.com/newsroom/id/3598917

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19. Gestión, Diario (2018). The five technological trends that will mark the education of the future. Management Retrieved May 2, 2018 from https://gestion.pe/tendencias/cincotendencias-tecnologicas-marcaran-educacion-futuro-129494 20. Gonzales de Olarte, E. (2017). Learning spaces from a student-centred approach. PUCP Academic Vice-rectorate. Retrieved May 2, 2018, from http://vicerrectorado.pucp.edu.pe/ academico/noticias/espacios-de-aprendizaje-desde-un-enfoque-centrado-en-el-estudiante/ 21. Guerra Rodríguez, D. (1998), El Modelo Educativo de las IES para el Nuevo Milenio. Revista de la Educación Superior. Retrieved May 2, 2018 from http://resu.anuies.mx/archives/revistas/ Revista109_S3A4ES.pdf 22. Gutiérrez-Rubí, A. (22 December 2014). 6 key features of the Millennials, the new consumers. Forbes Mexico. Retrieved from https://www.forbes.com.mx/6-rasgos-clave-delos-millennials-los-nuevos-consumidores/ 23. Howe, N., & Strauss, W. (2007). Millennials go to College. Strategies for a new generation on campus: recruiting and admissions, campus life, and the classroom. United Estates of America: Life Course Associates.

24. ____________________ (2007) The next 20 Years: How Customer and Workforce Attitudes Will Evolve. Harvard Business Review. 85 (Julio –Agosto), 41-52, 191 25. Huber, Günter L. (2008). Active learning and educational methodologies. University of Tübingen. Institut für Erziehungswissenschaft. Tübingen, Germany (23 pp.) Retrieved May 2, 2018, from http://www.revistaeducacion.mec.es/re2008/re2008_04.pdf 26. Ibáñez Hernández, O. (2018). Imagination, creativity and innovation. The Juarez Diary.

Retrieved May 2, 2018 from http://diario.mx/Opinion/2018-02-16_14b61c56/imaginacioncreatividad-e-innovacion/ 27. INEGI. (2016). Statistics on the International Youth Day. INEGI. Retrieved from http://www. inegi.org.mx/saladeprensa/aproposito/2016/juventud2016_0.pdf

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28. Jiménez-Hernández, C., Castellanos-Domínguez, O., & Villa-Enciso, E. (2018).

The Management of Emerging Technologies in the University Environment. Scielo. org.co. Retrieved May 2, 2018 from http://www.scielo.org.co/scielo.php?script=sci_ arttextid=S0123-77992011000100009 29. Johnson, L., Adams Becker, S., Cummins, M., Estrada, V., Freeman, A., and Hall, C. (2016).

NMC Horizon Report 2016 Higher Education Edition. Austin, Texas: The New Media Consortium.

30. Knight, J. (2005), “An Internationalization Model: Responding to New Realities and Chellenges: Isabel Christina Jaramillo, Jocelyne Gacel–Avila and Jane Knight(Eds) Higher Education in Latin America. Washington, The World Bank 31. León Guerrero, G. (2004), La educación en el contexto de la globalización, Rhela, Vol. 6, pp. 343-354. Retrieved April 04, 2018 at https://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/ articulo?codigo=2342243 32. LifeCourse Associates (s.f.) Method & Insight. Recuperado de: https://www.lifecourse. com 33. Martín-Barbero, J. (2002). Education through communication. Norma.

34. McCrindle, M. (2009). Generations Defined. An Excerpt from The ABC of XYZ. Recuperado de: http://mccrindle.com.au/resources/whitepapers/McCrindle-Research_ABC-01_GenerationsDefined_Mark-McCrindle.pdf 35. Mendoza Enríquez, H. (September-December 2011). Studies on youth in Mexico. Spiral.

State and society studies (52) 36. Meneses, M. (August 14, 2016). Millennials, a generation without guarantees. (E. p.

Baltazar, Interviewer) Retrieved from https://www.elsiglodetorreon.com.mx/noticia/1253002. millenials-una-generacion-sin-garantias.html 37. Open Education Europe. (2018). Cybersecurity and Education. Openeducationeuropa.eu.

Retrieved May 2, 2018 from https://www.openeducationeuropa.eu/es/paper/ciberseguridady-educaci-n

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38. Orantes, B. (2011). Internationalization of higher education. Entorno Magazine, 57-64.

39. Ordorika Sacristán, I. (2006). Higher education and globalization: public universities facing a new hegemony. Scaffolding, 3(5), 31-47. Retrieved April 03, 2018, from http://www.scielo. org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttextid=S1870-00632006000200003ng=eslng=es 40. Pina, A., Torlà, C., Quintero, L., & Segura, J. (2017). Blockchain in Education: introduction and critique of the state of the question. Edutec.es. Retrieved May 2, 2018 from http://www. edutec.es/revista/index.php/edutec-e/article/view/915/pdf 41. Rama, C. (2015), Desafíos para la internacionalización de la educación superior en América Latina, Interview carried out within the framework of the 2nd University and Cooperation Congress and 6th Meeting of Networks and Councils of Rectors of Latin America and the Caribbean, UNESCO-IESALC/Fundación Universitaria del Área Andina, Bogotá, Colombia, 15-17 October 2014. Retrieved April 30, 2018 from http://www.rimac.mx/desafios-para-lainternacionalizacion-de-la-educacion-superior-en-america-latina/#_ftn2 42. Ramos, G. (2003). 1st Teaching Encounter. Higher Education, Challenges and Prospective, Universidad del Valle de México. Retrieved from http://portal.unesco.org/education 43. Ramírez-Alujas, A. V., (2011), Open Government and Modernization of Public Management.

Current Trends and the (Inevitable) Way Forward - Seminal Reflections (Open Government and Modernization of Public Management: Current Trends and the (Inevitable) Way Forward - Seminal Reflections) (January 3, 2012). Enfoques Magazine: Political Science and Public Administration, Vol. IX, No. 15, pp. 99-125, Retrieved from SRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=1979133 44. Raths, D. (2018). Different Learning Spaces, Different Goals -- Campus Technology.

Campus Technology. Recuperado el 2 de Mayo de 2018 desde https://campustechnology.com/ Articles/2017/05/24/Different-Learning-Spaces-Different-Goals.aspx?Page=3 45. Reguillo, R. (September 01, 2013). Young people, digital society and politics.

Hypermediations. (C. Scolari A., Interviewer). Retrieved from https://hipermediaciones. com/2013/09/01/entrevista-a-rossana-reguillo-jovenes-sociedad-digital-y-politica/

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46. ___________ (26 October 2017). Millennials don’t exist. Cruce Magazine. Guadalajara: ITESO. Retrieved from https://cruce.iteso.mx/los-millennials-no-existen-rossana-reguillo/ 47. Rosales Cárdenas, O., & Arellano D., G. (January - April 2008). Youth Cultures, Communication and Pedagogy: New Questions for Schools. Educación y Pedagogía Magazine, XX (50).

48. Sánchez, Y. (September 25, 2016). Latin America, land of Millennials. The Country.

Retrieved from https://elpais.com/elpais/2016/09/16/opinion/1474051773_303468.html 49. Santiago, R. (2018). The 4 levels of The Flipped Classroom learning analytics. The Flipped Classroom. Retrieved May 2, 2018 from https://www.theflippedclassroom.es/los-4-niveles-delas-analiticas-de-aprendizaje/ 50. Secretariat of Communications and Transport SCT (2013). Presentation of the program Mexico Conectado. CUDI Fall 2013. Retrieved May 2, 2018 from http://www.cudi.edu.mx/ otono_2013/presentaciones/carme_armenta.pdf 51. Siero, Spain (2018). Macro-trends report. Siero City Council Strategic Plan to 2020.

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53. Telefónica Educación Digital. (2018). Augmented and Virtual Reality in your classroom.

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Nueva York: William Morrow and Company, Inc. 55. ___________, (1997) The Fourth Turning. An American Prophecy. Nueva York: Three Rivers Press

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56. Theiler, J. (2009). General Framework on Academic Mobility Programs. Experiences in Latin America and in the European Community. In International Mobility Programs. Its organization and good practices for its management and administration. Universidad Nacional del Litoral.

57. UNESCO (2015). Rethinking Education Towards a global common good? 86pp. Retrieved March 13, 2018 http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0023/002325/232555e.pdf 58. University of Guadalajara, Institutional Development Plan of the University of Guadalajara 2014-2030 (PDI 2014-2040). Retrieved April 22 at http://www.udg.mx/es/PDI 59. University of Oxford International Strategy Office (2015), International Trends in Higher Education 2015. Retrieved January 18, 2017 from https://www.u-planner.com/es/universityof-oxford-tendencias-internacionales-de-la-educaci%C3%B3n-superior-2015 60. Vรกzquez Covarrubias, M. (2006). Internationalization of higher education. Vasconcelos de Educaciรณn Magazine, 88-93.

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CHAPTER II 1. National Association of Universities and Higher Education Institutions. Esquema Bรกsico para estudios de egresados, 1st edition, Colecciรณn Bibliotecas de la Educaciรณn Superior (ANUIES), (31-58), Mexico, (1998).

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2. Ávila, M. and Aguirre, C. El seguimiento de egresados como indicador de la calidad docente, Revista Electrónica Interuniversitaria de formación del profesorado, ISSN: 15750965 (online), 8(3) May, (2005), http://redalyc.uaemex.mx/redalyc/src/inicio/ArtPdfRed. jsp?iCve=217017156006.

3. Destinobles, A. El capital humano en las teorías del crecimiento económico, 1st edition, (21-23), eumed.net, Málaga, Spain (2006).

4. Fernández, J., Reyes, K, Dávila, C. and Torres, O. Maestros en Educación Superior un estudio de egresados, Revista electrónica Actualidades Investigativas en Educación, ISSN: 1409-4703 (online), 6(3), (2006). http://redalyc.uaemex.mx/src/inicio/ArtPdfRed.jsp?iCve=44760306#.

5. Fernández, M and Rodríguez, N. Follow-up of graduates: obstacles and benefits. Omnia Magazine. ISSN: 1351-8856, 5(2), (1986). http://www.posgrado.unam.mx/servicios/productos/ omnia/anteriores/33/11.pdf.

6. Fernández, Ma. (1992) Primicias del impacto de los egresados de la Maestría en Administración de la UAA en las empresas. Omnia Magazine, ISSN: 1351-8856, (8)(359-364), Special Issue.

7. Fernández, Ma. (1993) Quality of the performance of the graduate of the master’s degree in Administration of the UAA: opinion of the executives. Omnia Magazine, ISSN: 1351-8856, 9(253-257). Special issue.

8. Figueroa, S., Bernal, B. and Andrade, C.K. Evaluation of a Mexican master’s program in psychology from the perspective of the graduate: a study on quality indicators.

9. Journal of Higher Education, ISSN 0185-2760 (online), 39(153), January-March (2010), http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?pid=S0185-27602010000100002&script=sci_ abstract.

10. Fox, D. and López, E. El proceso de investigación en educación, 1st edition, (367-369), Universidad De Navarra, Spain (1981).

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11. Fresán, M. Graduate Studies. Una estrategia para el autoconocimiento y la mejora de las Instituciones de Educación Superior, in Esquema Básico para el estudio de egresados, 1st edition, Colección Bibliotecas de la Educación Superior ANUIES, (19-31), Mexico, (1998).

12. Hernandez, R., Fernandez, C. and Baptista, P. Research Methodology, 4th Edition, (160209), McGraw Hill, Mexico (2006).

13. Luchilo, L. The Impacts of the Mexican CONACYT Scholarship Program: An Analysis of the Occupational Trajectory of Former Scholarship Recipients (1997-2006). Revista iberoamericana de ciencia tecnología y sociedad, ISSN: 1850-0013 (online), 5(12), (2009). http://www.scielo. org.ar/scielo.php?pid=S1850-00132009000200010&script=sci_abstract.

14. Manzo, L., Rivera C. and Rodríguez, A. R. Postgraduate education and its impact on the training of Latin American professionals. Revista Educación Médica Superior, ISSN 08642141 (online), 20(3), July-September (2006), http://scielo.sld.cu/scielo.php?script=sci_ arttext&pid=S0864214006000300009&lng=es&nrm=iso.

15. Martínez, G., Moreno, B., Hernández, C., Miguel, G., and Martínez, F. Graduates of the UNAM postgraduate course, Revista de Educación Superior, ISSN: 0185-2760 (online), 34(133), January-March (2005). http://redalyc.uaemex.mx/redalyc/src/inicio/ArtPdfRed. jsp?iCve=60411915003.

16. Ramírez, C., Reyna, M., García, A., Ortiz, X y Valdez, P. Formación científica de los egresados de tres programas de maestría en ciencias: seguimiento a 10 años (1999-2009). Journal of Higher Education, ISSN 0185-2760, 2(158), April-June. National Association of Universities and Higher Education Institutions (2011).

17. Sánchez, R. and Arredondo, M. Thinking Postgraduate. La eficiencia terminal en ciencias sociales y humanidades de la UNAM, 1st edition, 117-122, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Mexico (2001).

18. Ministry of Public Education. Sistema educativo de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos, principales cifras, ciclo escolar 2008-2009, 1ª edición, 164-170, Dirección General de Planeación y Programación, Mexico (2009).

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19. Valenti, G. and Varela, G. Diagnóstico sobre el estado actual de los estudios de egresados, 1ª edición, 9-20, Colección documentos, Asociación Nacional de Universidades e Instituciones de Educación Superior, México (2004).

References 18. Amparo, M. (2015). “Mexico: Anatomy of Corruption” in Mexican Institute for Competitiveness A.C. CIDE. Available at: http://www.cide.edu/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/ MXAnatomiadelaCorrupcion_MariaAmparoCasar.pdf 19. IDB (2015). “La educación como herramienta para combatir la corrupción”, available at: http://www.iadb.org/es/temas/transparencia/apoyo-a-los-paises/la-educacion-comoherrramienta-contra-la-corrupcion,6752.html 20. Vats. P., (2009) “Bienestar y educación: una investigación sobre la educación basada en valores”, in Una mirada hacia la infancia y la adolescencia en México. UNICEF (comp.). Mexico: Ninth Edition.

21. Programs of study. (2011). “Civic and Ethical Formation. Teacher’s Guide”. Available at: http://www.curriculobasica.sep.gob.mx/pdf/primaria/4togrado/fcye/PE-PRIM_4_FCyE.pdf 22. Transparency International. (2017). Corruption Perception Index 2016. Available at: https://www.transparency.org/news/feature/corruption_perceptions_index_2016#table 23. Veenhoven, R (1994). “The study of satisfaction with life” in Psychosocial Intervention, vol.

3, pp. 87-116. Place: Editorial

CHAPTER III 1. Allison, G. T. (1980). La Gestión Pública y la Privada (pp4-16). Retrieved from https://www. clubensayos.com/Ciencia/Gestion-Publica-Allison/2063658.html

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2. Bozeman, B. (2007). La Nueva Gestión Pública y el Estilo Personal de Gobernar. Retrieved from http://www.revistasociologica.com.mx/pdf/6510.pdf 2. Ortún,V.(s.f) Gestion Publica:Conceptos y Metodos.Retrieved fromhttp://84.89.132.1/~ortun/ publicacions/RAE95.pdf 3. Perry Ch. (1998). Processes of a case study methodology for postgraduate research in marketing, European Journal of Marketing, 32 (9/10): 785-802.

4. Plasencia, A. (s.f) ¿Qué es la Gerencia Pública? Retrieved from http://www.uovirtual.com. mx/moodle/lecturas/publige/2.pdf 5. Presidencia de la República (2007). México Visión 2030, El México que queremos.

Retrieved from http://www.vision2030.gob.mx

Complementary References 6. García de Enterría, E. (1992). Hacia una nueva justicia administrativa (p- 67) (2° edición) Madrid: Civitas.

CHAPTER IV 1. Centro de Estudios para el Desarrollo Rural Sustentable y la Soberanía Alimentaria (2006), “Aplicación e impacto del Programa Especial Concurrente para el Desarrollo Rural Sustentable (PEC) en las UPR (2002-2005)”. Cámara de Diputados, LX Legislatura/Congreso de la Unión.

2. Akrani, Gaurav. “Meaning of Public Expenditure”. Retrieved January 2020.

3. Cabrera Adame, Gutiérrez Aníbal, 2005, “Principales indicadores financieros y del sector eterno de la economía mexicana”, México, Facultad de Economía, UNAM. 4. Amieva –Huerta, Juan, Finanzas Públicas, 2010, México, Porrúa.

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5. Guerrero Amparán, Juan P. y López Ortega, Mariana. “Manual sobre la clasificación funcional del Gasto Público”, CIDE, México. 2000.

6. Fernando Soto Baquero, Józimo Santos Rocha y Jorge Ortega, 2006 “Políticas públicas y desarrollo rural en América Latina y el Caribe: el papel del gasto público”. Santiago de Chile, Oficina regional de la FAO para América Latina y el Caribe.

7. Secretaría de Agricultura, Ganadería, Desarrollo Rural, Pesca y Alimentación “Ley de Desarrollo Rural y Sustentable” Diario Oficial, Viernes 7 de diciembre de 2001.

8. Taborda Ríos, Rodrigo, 2005, “Curso de Macroeconomia”, Centro Editorial de la Universidad del Rosario, Colombia.

9. http://www.diputados.gob.mx/LeyesBiblio/abroga.htm/102/PEF2007 10. http://www.diputados.gob.mx/LeyesBiblio/abroga.htm/103/PEF2008 11. http://www.diputados.gob.mx/LeyesBiblio/abroga.htm/104/PEF2009 12. http://www.diputados.gob.mx/LeyesBiblio/abroga.htm/105/PEF/2010 13.http://www.diputados.gob.mx/LeyesBiblio/abroga.htm/106/PEF/2011 14. http://www.diputados.gob.mx/LeyesBiblio/abroga.htm/107/PEF2012 15. http://www.diputados.gob.mx/LeyesBiblio/abroga.htm/108/PEF2013 16. http://www.diputados.gob.mx/LeyesBiblio/abroga.htm/109/PEF2014 17. http://www.diputados.gob.mx/LeyesBiblio/abroga.htm/110/PEF2015 18. http://www.diputados.gob.mx/LeyesBiblio/abroga.htm/111/PEF2016 19. http://www.diputados.gob.mx/LeyesBiblio/abroga.htm/112/PEF2017

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20. http://www.diputados.gob.mx/LeyesBiblio/abroga.htm/113/PEF2018 21. http://www.diputados.gob.mx/LeyesBiblio/index.htm/306/PEF2019

CHAPTER V 1. Allison, G. T. (1980). La Gestión Pública y la Privada (pp4-16). Retrieved from https://www. clubensayos.com/Ciencia/Gestion-Publica-Allison/2063658.html 2. Bozeman, B. (2007). La Nueva Gestión Pública y el Estilo Personal de Gobernar. Retrieved from http://www.revistasociologica.com.mx/pdf/6510.pdf 3. Ortún,V.(s.f) Gestion Publica:Conceptos y Metodos.Retrieved fromhttp://84.89.132.1/~ortun/ publicacions/RAE95.pdf 4. Perry Ch. (1998). Processes of a case study methodology for postgraduate research in marketing, European Journal of Marketing, 32 (9/10): 785-802.

5. Plasencia, A. (s.f) ¿Qué es la Gerencia Pública? Retrieved from http://www.uovirtual.com. mx/moodle/lecturas/publige/2.pdf 6. Presidencia de la República (2007). México Visión 2030, El México que queremos.

Retrieved from http://www.vision2030.gob.mx Complementary References: 1. García de Enterría, E. (1992). Hacia una nueva justicia administrativa (p- 67) (2° edición) Madrid: Civitas.

CHAPTER VI 1. Bhagwati, Jagdish. (1991) Protectionism Cambridge: MIT Press.

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2. Brierly, J.L. (1963) The Law of Nations Oxford: Oxford University Press.

3. Brown, Peter G. and Henry Shue. (1981) Boundaries: National Autonomy and its Limits Totowa, NJ: Rowman and Littlefield.

4. Chandler, Andrea. (1998) Institutions of Isolation: Border Controls in the Soviet Union and its Successor States, 1917-1993. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press.

5. Chayes, Abram, and Antonia Handler Chayes. (1993) On Compliance. International Organization 47:175-206.

6. Díaz - Leal, Eduardo Reyes, (1995) Importaciones Temporales, México DF: Universidad en Asuntos Intenacionales.

7. Downs, George W., David M. Rocke, and Peter N. Barsoom. (1996) Is the Good News about Compliance Good News about Cooperation? International Organization 47:175-206.

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CHAPTER VII 1. Aguayo, Andrés (2010), “La tragicomedia del foxismo”, Temas de Hoy, México. pp. 152.

2. Aguilar, Héctor and Castañeda, Jorge (2009), “Un futuro para México”, Punto de Lectura, México, pp. 86.

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8. Bartolini, Stefano. et al (1996), “Handbook of Political Science”, Alliance. Madrid, pp. 217.

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10. Colomer, Josep (1990), “El arte de la manipulación política”, Anagrama, Barcelona, pp. 30.

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22. Pasquali, Antonio (2007), “Comprender la comunicación”, GEDISA and ILCE. Barcelona, pp. 106.

23. Saldaña, Mauricio (2012), “Ciberespacio y telepolítica”, Centro de Investigaciones sobre Opinión Pública y Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla, México, pp. 16.

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CHAPTER VIII 1. Arellano Gault, David and Cabrero Mendoza, Enrique (2010), Gobierno y Administración pública municipal: Un panorama de fragilidad institutionalizada, in Los Gobiernos Municipales a debate: Un análisis de la institución municipal, Mexico, editorial CIDE. 2. Arenillas, Manuel (2004), Hacia un nuevo modelo de asociacionismo municipal en España, Paper presented at the X Congreso Internacional del CLAD; Madrid, Spain.

Cabrero Mendoza, Enrique. coord., (2003), Local governments at work: A tour through municipal programs that work, in Premio Gobierno y Gestión Local, CIDE-Fundación Ford, México 3. Cadaval S., María (2004), Las agglomeraciones urbanas desde la perspectiva de la hacienda pública, Documento no. (2004). 19, Instituto de Estudios Fiscales, Spain.

4. Carrera, Ady (2005), Retos de la descentralización fiscal para el fortalecimiento de los gobiernos subnacionales en México, in El caso del Estado de México, X Congreso Internacional del CLAD, Santiago de Chile.

5. Carrera, Ady et al (2005), Hacia un nuevo modelo de relaciones intergubernamentales: caso de estudio Valle de Santiago, UAEM-INDESOL, Mexico.

6. (2004), Gestión local creativa: Experiencias innovadoras en México, Premio Gobierno y Gestión Local, CIDE-Fundación Ford, Mexico.

7. Hernández, Jorge & Graciela Ángeles (2004), La vida y desarrollo rural en Los Pueblos Mancomunados de la Sierra Norte de Oaxaca, in Rodolfo García (coord.), Gestión local creativa: experiencias innovadoras en México, CIDE-INAFED-Fundación Ford, México.

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C H A P T H E R IX MesographyC 1. Casar, Mario Amparo et al (2016). What needs to be changed in Mexico’s electoral laws.

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227

C H A P T E R 2.

APPENDIX A Table A1. Comparison of the salaries of the graduates during and after the master’s degree.

Salary situation

Master's degree in administration

Master's Degree in Educational Research

Master's Degree in Computer Science and Computer Technologies

During the master's

After

During the master's

After

During the master's

After

Medium

$16,064.51

$21,470.58

$10,357.14

$16,473.68

$15,714.28

$20,142.85

Standard deviation

$7,509.70

$10,652.17

$5,245.00

$8,559.39

$5,089.00

$8,234.65

Note: Amounts in Mexican pesos

Table A2. Comparison of salaries in Mexican pesos during and after the master’s degree according to the generation of egress.

Generation of output

Master's degree in administration

Master's Degree in Educational Research

Master's Degree in Computer Science and Computer Technologies

During the master's

year 2015

During the master's

year 2015

During the master's

year 2015

2008-2010

$12,285.71

$23,000.00

$14,000.00

$16,600.00

$18,000.00

$27,000.00

2009-2011

$15,000.00

$21,400.00

$16,000.00

$15,000.00

$22,000.00

$31,000.00

2010-2012

$18,571.42

$21,666.00

$14,000.00

$11,000.00

$15,333.33

$17,666.00

2011-2013

$18,571.42

$24,142.85

$18,000.00

$23,000.00

$15,000.00

$18,000.00

2012-2014

$15,333.33

$17,500.00

$14,666.66

$18,000.00

$12,000.00

$15,000.00

Note: Amounts in Mexican pesos

228

Table A3. Number of scholars per program Master's degree in administration

Master's Degree in Educational Research

Master's Degree in Computer Science and Computer Technologies

21

16

2

Scholar

APPENDIX B Lugar de trabajo Graph B1. Students who have a Master’s degree 6

2

private sector 35 24

government amenities on your own

Graph B2. Students who apply their knowledge in their area of work

33

34

master's degree

229

Graph B3. Students who state that the curriculum meets expectations

17 with employment 50

unemployed

Graph B4. Employed and unemployed students

33

34

master's degree

230

Graph B5. Place of work where the graduates work 9 meets master's expectations does not meet expectations

58

APPENDIX C Graphic C1. General Research Dat 45 40 35 30

43

25

Serie1

20

24

15 10 5 0

men

Number of questionnaires answered: 67 Average age: 33.5 Average income: 20,133.00 (Mexican pesos)

women

L N AT I O N A

II-HE

E r u d i o, Fi d e l i s ,G l or i f u c u s

2015

R E D U C AT I O N

INTER

TITUTE FOR HI

GHE

INS

II - HE

International Institute

For Higher Education