[BA Thesis] Speculating Secular Sensuality for the Contemporary Malay Woman in Singapore

B-FD323/B-FM323 Dissertation

Speculating Secular Sensuality for the Contemporary Malay Woman in Singapore through Dress

Irissa Nur Khair BAFMIN6B / 20600

Rohaizatul Azhar Supervisor AY2020/21 Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Bachelor of Arts (Honours) Fashion Media and Industries

LASALLE College of the Arts Faculty of Design Singapore

Accepted by the Faculty of Design, LASALLE College of the Arts, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Bachelor of Arts (Honours) Fashion Media and Industries

Rohaizatul Azhar Lecturer

I certify that the work being submitted for examination is my own account of my own research, which has been conducted ethically. The data and results presented are the genuine data and results actually obtained by me during the conduct of the research. Where I have drawn on the work, ideas and results of others, this has been appropriately acknowledged in the essay. The greater portion of the work described in the essay has been undertaken subsequent to my registration for the degree for which I am submitting this document. © 2021 IRISSA NUR BINTE KHAIR In submitting this work to LASALLE College of the Arts, I understand that I am giving permission for it to be made available for use in accordance with the regulations and policies of the college and that the work is also subject to the college policy on intellectual property.

________________________________ Irissa Nur Binte Khair

Abstract This paper examines the evolution of the Singaporean Malay-Muslim woman and the role of dress in regards to her sensuality. Dress, as defined by fashion authors Mary E. Roach-Higgins and Joanne B. Eicher, is an “assemblage of things placed on the body in social situations” (1992). For individuals, it sets the stage for non-verbal communication of identity. While there exists research on Malay Identity and Islamic religion respectively, little address the synonymity of the two in the context of Singapore and how that has contributed to a diminishing Malay psyche. Hence, the aim is to offer new insights on the transformation of the Malay woman, how reclaiming her sensuality would contribute to her transcendence and if it is possible to achieve a secular perspective on the matter in a conservative Southeast Asian country like Singapore. Drawing on secularisation theory, this study discusses the impact of culture and religion has on fashion from a sociological perspective. The research is qualitative in nature as it employs visual analysis of images and objects, insights from locals and personal embodied practice. Results indicate that while dress is fundamental in the expression of national origin and ethnic identity, there is a greater emphasis on individualism as opposed to collectivism.

Keywords: Malay culture, woman, sensuality, Islam, identity, dress, empowerment, critique

Table of Contents

ABSTRACT SECTION ONE: INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background 1.2 Thesis Statement 1.3 Key Research Inquiry 1.4 Literature Review - Reconstruction of the Malay Identity - Chapter 4: Al-Nisa SECTION TWO: METHODOLOGY 2.1 Research Objective 2.2 Research Approach 2.3 Summary of The Sensuality Study 2.4 Significance of Study SECTION THREE: DISCUSSION 3.1 Case Study: Style Analysis of Saloma 3.2 Decoding Malay Women Then 3.3 Further Decoding Malay Women Now 3.4 Embodied Research Section 4: Conclusion Section 5: Appendices 5.1 Appendix A - Survey Questions Section 6: Bibliography Books Articles Videos Section 7: References

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Introduction

1.1

Background Sensuality, as written by fashion historian Caroline Cox, is “unashamedly erotic”

(2010). It is the mere expression of physical or sexual pleasure that evokes a sense of allure and desire. This quote describes one facet of the Malay psyche that has been disregarded sensuality. The Malay psyche is the special combination of “conviviality, playfulness, earthiness, sensuality, subtlety and charm” (Fan 2014). Early Malay communities were largely animists, believing in the existence of spirits in all matter until the 15th century when Islam flourished in the Malay archipelago under the Malacca Sultanate and was fully integrated into the people’s daily lives. While the religion had been present in early Singapore, it was through the Muhammadiyah movement that drove an Islamic resurgence in Singapore between 1958-2008. It was a religious purification and modernization movement which led to the Malay culture becoming subject to Islamisation, overriding the initial characteristics with Islamic principles of “modesty, decency and humility”. With that, the tension between adat, referring to local customary law and agama, which is religion in the Malay language, grew and that tension was visible, “often articulated through dress, most particularly in Malay women” (Stimpfl 2000).

1.2

Thesis Statement Femininity was a commodity that attracted heavy stigmatization in the arena of

religiosity, resulting in Malay-Muslim women modifying their distinct personal behaviours and opting for a common modest sopan, or modest, appearance, leaving no avenue for any innate sensuality. This paper will study the evolution of the Malay woman, and how the social climate between the 1950s and present-day has influenced the diminishing display of their sensuality. A thorough observation of the Arabization of Malay culture and its impacts

Khair 2 will be established. This will aid in contextualising the social environment surrounding my case studies to understand the evolution of the Malay woman. With these detailed analyses within the Malay community of Singapore, I aim to navigate a middle ground and reconstruct a new form of sensuality for the Malay woman to flourish in.

1.3

Key Research Inquiry This research aims to answer the question: How far can the Malay culture and

Islamic identity be separated to give rise to one’s own sensuality? Although a majority of the Malay community in Singapore are of the Islamic faith, it is unreasonable to generalise them with a singular belief.

French sociologist Emile Durkheim believed that ‘society exerted a powerful force on individuals’, thus developing the concept of collective consciousness. It is a fundamental sociological concept that refers to the set of shared beliefs, ideas, attitudes and knowledge common to a social group. It is the result of external social forces that composes a belief system that is passed down through generations and is cemented in communities. For instance, it is a common understanding that Malays celebrate Hari Raya, perform their daily prayers and fast during the month of Ramadan (fasting month). There is also the shared belief that Allah is the one true God and another is that one must be kind and respectful to parents, especially to the mother for ‘syurga di tapak kaki ibu’ (heaven is at the mother’s feet). These are some examples of customs taught from young and reaffirmed and reflected throughout one’s life.

In the context of women, they are often “required to carry the burden of representation as they are constructed as the symbolic bearers of the collective’s identity and honour, both personally and collectively” (Yuval-Davis, 1998, p. 29). It is not uncommon to associate a woman with her familial, religious and societal duties, placing her worth in

Khair 3 those arenas and neglecting the unique individual underneath. As the ideal Malay woman is “constructed at the nexus of ethnic, religious and national differences” (Izharuddin 2018), it places her in a contradictory position when the embrace of modernity is constructed as opposites of the cultural and religious subjectivities she is obligated to abide by.

In conclusion, this research concerns those within the community who do identify with aspects of the Malay culture and Islamic faith, while navigating their own identity that is free from the social constraints of the collective consciousness. It seeks to understand the limitless possibilities that an individual can surmount, specifically with regards to one’s sensuality, and how that may or may not provoke a new, progressive perspective to the Malay-Muslim community in Singapore.

1.4

Literature Review The choices of literature relate to the umbrella topic of sensuality and subtopics

regarding Malay culture, Islam and the identity of the Malay woman. In assessing dress through a Southeast-Asian perspective, art historian Jasleen Dhamija stated that despite the modest form (of dress), they can be worn in ways that “become expressive of a woman’s elusive, alluring sensuality” (2010). As opposed to overt sexuality, “heightened awareness of her body” is achieved when garments mould her bodily contours. She further adds that “nudity is never as erotic as the suggestion of form”, implying that the body must be concealed as a necessary precondition for a sense of sensuality to be present. This describes the importance of dress in activating one’s abstract sensuality and mere display of bareness is not enough.

Upon cross-referencing sensuality and its place in a Malay woman’s life, references will be taken from Joseph Stimpfl (2000) essay titled Veiling and Unveiling: Reconstructing Malay Female Identity in Singapore. His observations of the Malay community and the

Khair 4 veiling phenomenon brought upon by the Arabisation of the Malay culture reflect the “nationwide struggles over a crisis of cultural identity, development, class formation and the changing minds of the imagined communities”. Stimpfl wrote: A fundamental concept of veiling is the principle that women represent nafsu (passion) and men akal (reason). “Although men and women have both characteristics, women are predisposed to passion and evoke eroticism” (Peletz 1996). A man must struggle to maintain reason and control women’s eroticism as women’s dress can cause the ascendancy of passion over reason. Because of this, women must dress carefully and de-emphasize their erotic potential. (Stimpfl 115) This paragraph suggests the reason for the changes in the dressing of the Malay woman in the 1960s. Religious shifts in the political and social environment had imposed a “higher expectation of kesopanan” for the ideal Malay woman is “modest, retiring and compliant” (Laderman 1996). As a result of the rising religious influence, women transitioned to a more self-effacing appearance. Acknowledging the non-Islamic aspects of local culture, attempts to change patterns of dress had the majority adopting the veil, one of the most visible markers of the Islamic faith. The transition to a demure appearance in accordance to the Holy Quran which required the “believing women to subdue their eyes, and maintain their chastity… for they shall not reveal any parts of their bodies, except that which is necessary” (Quran 24:31), left no room for sensual expression.

Another choice of literature derives from the Holy Quran. As this paper explores the role and resurgence of sensuality for a Malay-Muslim woman, it is vital to provide religious references for a balanced perspective. This section on issues regarding women, marriage, inheritance and rights can be found in Chapter 4, titled Al-Nisa. It is apt to look at the commandments on the right way a Muslim woman should dress. There are only three rules for a women’s dress code in Islam and they are as follows:

Khair 5 1. The Best Garment “O children of Adam, we have provided you with garments to cover your bodies, as well as for luxury. But the best garment is the garment of righteousness. These are some of God’s signs, that they may take heed.”

(Quran 7:26) 2. Lengthen Your Garments “O Prophet, tell your wives, your daughters, and the wives of the believers that they shall lengthen their garments. Thus, they will be recognized and avoid being insulted. God is Forgiver, Most Merciful.” (Quran 33:59) 3. Cover Your Bosom “And tell the believing women to subdue their eyes, and maintain their chastity. They shall not reveal any parts of their bodies, except that which is necessary. They shall cover their chests, (with their Khimar) and shall not relax this code in the presence of other than their husbands, their fathers, the fathers of their husbands, their sons, the sons of their husbands, their brothers, the sons of their brothers, the sons of their sisters, other women, the male servants or employees whose sexual drive has been nullified, or the children who have not reached puberty.” (Quran 7:26)

These paragraphs affirm the reason for the lack of public displays of one’s sensuality or individuality through dress. With the surge of global Islamic movements, which trickled into Singapore, the general sentiment was one that called for the Malay community to return to its Islamic identity. Religious authorities of the Arab world had insisted that hair of women was to be considered part of the aurat, and hence should be covered. This resulted in a “widespread adoption of the veil” (Stivens 358) by Malay-Muslim woman as one of the most visible markers of Islamisation.

However, there has been a great misinterpretation with regards to the word ‘hijab’.

Upon analysing the three commandments stated above, none are used in reference to what Muslim women have to abide by. The term ‘hijab’ is a term used to describe headcover that may or may not include covering their face or eyes. Other meanings include screen, divider,

Khair 6 curtain, partition and division. The hijab is a traditional, not religious head cover that dates back to ancient Greco-Roman civilisations and not necessarily advocated by the Quran.

The notable use of the hijab by the majority of Malay-Muslim women in Singapore “stressed the centrality of Islam in their lives to the extent that being Muslim had displaced their identities as Malay” (362). It was even discussed by Professor Syed Farid al-Attas that the donning of the hijab was the gateway for more people to wear the jubah and kopiah (long robe and headwear for men respectively), which by extension contributes to the ‘neglect of the Malay culture’. By adopting Arab components, he raised an important question - “Is the Malay culture being overshadowed by Arab culture?”

2

Methodology

2.1

Research Objective A substantial amount of academic material related to studies of the Malay identity

across the Archipelago and Islamic religion globally exists. However, there is little research investigating the evolution of the Malay psyche and its impact on Malay women in Singapore.

This essay seeks to intervene at the midpoint between Malay culture and Islamic religion on dress and identity, from a localised perspective. Aims to address the dichotomy between two subjects that have developed into a community sentiment and my hypothesis that the Malay culture and Islamic religion in Singapore does not have to be mutually inclusive. The research is focused on investigating the degree of influence that Islamic obligations have on Malay women and the resulting demise of their display of sensuality.

The scope of research for this paper aims to critique the socio-economic issue within the Malay community in Singapore. Specifically, the topic of sensuality and its lack thereof in Malay women today. Through this, the aim is to contribute towards studies on the Islamic

Khair 7 diaspora within the Malay Archipelago.

2.2

Research Approach This essay focuses on analysing aspects of sensuality within the identity of a Malay

woman in Singapore to form conclusions on its relationship with the universal identity of a Muslim woman. This is derived using a culmination of visual analyses, literary reviews and embodied research. A cross-cultural analysis will be made with academic writing describing the identity of the Malay woman, across an established timeline. Stimpfl’s essay on the Malay female identity provided the foundation, for which I built upon my analysis in a localised context. Concurrently, visual analysis of the dress of Malay women, past and present, was carried out. These were used to create a visual language in illustrating the role of dress in embodying sensuality. A survey, inclined towards Malay-Muslim women that embody sensuality, was used to gather insight into their experiences and understand how their identity has evolved following cultural and religious obligations.

Further research was gathered by extracting visual evidence of dress from classic Malay films by P. Ramlee and the singer, Saloma. These were used to distinguish between real and media representation of the Malay woman. Lastly, I explored the embodied practice of self-expression through my personal journey with sensuality and presented that through dress. In this section, I document certain milestones where I achieve a greater sense of confidence, freedom and liberation with regards to embracing my sensuality outwardly.

2.3

Summary of The Sensuality Study Over the course of three months, insights had been collected from individuals within

the Malay-Muslim community to garner perspectives on the topic of sensuality in their lives.

Khair 8 The target market consisted of Malay-Muslim women from various education and career fields, ranging from 21-30 years old. The figures and answers below are condensed data that further strengthens the purpose of this paper.

Figures 1 and 2: “Pie charts showing survey results on ‘Culture/Religion’s Influence on Personality and Dressing.” Adobe Spark, 22 February 2021.

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Figure 3 and 4: “Pie charts showing survey results on ‘Do you feel compelled to dress modestly for culture/religion sake?’ and ‘Have you been imposed by your culture/religion or its people to ‘tone down’?’” Adobe Spark, 22 February 2021.

From the pie charts, it is clear that a high percentage of participants have felt imposed to change themselves for the sake of their culture or religion. As quoted by Psychology undergraduate Era, 22: “I used to feel guilty every day for expressing myself the way I do and it still feels that way from time to time. I have religious friends who would say

Khair 10 how they were disappointed in me for wearing more revealing now, but I realised I am not what people perceive me to be. I am not as ‘wild’ as I appear to be and my people will know that I am on my own journey in improving myself as a Muslim.”

Figure 5 and 6: “Pie charts showing survey results on ‘What are the factors that contribute to your choice of dressing more conservatively?’ and ‘Have you been made to feel ashamed/guilty for dressing the way you do?’” Adobe Spark, 22 February 2021.

Khair 11 Distinct responses were garnered from two fashion practitioners Hazirah and Suhanna, both 25, when asked about the factors that contributed to their conservative dressing: “My parent’s disapproval” and “I was raised to dress modestly, so I could not explore. I just told myself that it was not my style as consolation.” As quoted by fellow Fashion Media schoolmate Sabrina, 24: “When I wore the hijab, it made me really angry. I was trying to be a better person spiritually, but the world and scrutiny made it so hard.”

These survey results would help peer beyond the binary and identify the overlapping traces and intersections of the perspectives stemming from a Malay-Muslim upbringing and Western cultural influence that make the construction of the contemporary Malay woman possible in the first place. This sets the foundation for this research as the sentiments are shared within the target audience and are in burgeoning demand for progress.

2.4

Significance of Study Framing the phenomena of diminishing sensuality of Malay women in Singapore first

calls for the understanding of its relevance to its roots. Being a Southeast Asian country with multiculturalism and conservatism embedded into the fabric of society, this combination of values has shaped it to be a moderate country as opposed to a progressive one. The city-state is home to a myriad of cultures and religions which may have resulted in “nationwide struggles over a crisis of cultural identity, development, class formation and the changing kinds of imagined communities” (Ong, 1995, p. 187). As such, there is a need to maintain peace and avoid disruption of the status quo. In this context, it would mean that the collective consciousness of Singapore’s society, specifically that of the Malay community, cannot afford to adopt staggeringly modern ideals that would clash with tradition.

Khair 12 Moreover, there is a lack of discourse about sensuality and its role in female empowerment within the Malay-Muslim community. Culture and religious beliefs are often orally passed down and taught in madrasahs (Islamic schools) and rarely are the teachings up for debate. But in light of an urbanised and largely Western-educated Singapore, the traditional Malay culture has been exposed to new, unconventional ways of thinking and living and thus, has been put in positions to reevaluate certain obligations, part of which is enrooted in the mode and manner of a Malay woman. Through this exploration of self and sensuality, coupled with insights from The Sensuality Study, this paper will establish itself as an original and rigorous research.

3

Discussion

3.1

Case Study: - Style Analysis of Saloma Saloma, born Salmah Ismail, was a triple threat in the prime of her entertainment

career - singer, actress and fashion icon. During the 1950s and 1960s, the Malay entertainment industry was booming and with it, emerged style ingenuity amongst the artistes that greatly influenced the fashion choices of its female supporters. One garment in particular that became emblematic of the Malay culture was the sarong kebaya, as many Malay women would “wear them regularly for work and special occasions” (Zain 12) as a means to display their ethnic identity. Over time, with greater visibility of the kebaya worn by Malay celebrities in mainstream media, only then did the traditional garment become trendy.

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Figure 7. (Left) “A Malay woman in traditional kebaya.” Pinterest, 1950. Accessed 21 Jan 2021.

Figure 8. (Right) “Saloma in a tight-fitting kebaya.” Pinterest, 1960s. Accessed 21 Jan 2021.

Her penchant for kebayas was a result of the outfit’s frequent use by fellow Malay women growing up. Due to the garments’ fitted construction, it helped to define one’s waist. In this case, it defined Saloma’s svelte figure and tiny waist of 21 inches, which made her so distinctive in the entertainment industry amongst other female celebrities. Taking risks in her dressing, she started the tight-fitting kebaya trend, known as kebaya ketat.

Unlike the traditional loose-fitting kebayas, as seen in Figure 7, often worn for modesty, Saloma conceptualised her own version of the kebaya (Figure 8) into captivating outfits that accentuated her best features to achieve a more provocative silhouette, for grandeur in order to “maintain her celebrity status” (Zakaria 4).

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Figure 9. (Left) Izharuddin, Alicia. “Saloma performed in a kebaya with tiered sleeves and hem.” Pinterest, 28 Apr 2016. Accessed 21 Jan 2021.

Figure 10. (Right) “Carmen Miranda in a taffeta costume.” Google, 1930s. Accessed 21 Jan 2021.

Figure 11. (Left) Yusup, Aznim. “A tight-fitting dress with a defined waistline and hand sewn dangling beads and red sequins that spell out ‘Saloma.” New Straits Times Malaysia, 20 Sept 2017. Accessed 21 Jan 2021.

Figure 12. (Right) “Salomé performing in an outfit with dangling beads on the top.”

Wikipedia, 1969. Accessed 21 Jan 2021.

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Saloma was heavily influenced by Western dressing and celebrities like Brazilian samba queen, Carmen Miranda and Spanish singer Salome. As fashion stylists were a non-existent job in the 1950s, Saloma altered her own clothes, sewed on embellishments and created innovative costumes for her performances and appearances. As seen in Figures 9 and 10, we can see similarities in design elements of Carmen’s Samba skirt in Saloma’s kebaya. Her interpretation of the tiered Samba slit skirt was incorporated in the kebaya’s (Figure 9) long sleeves and long skirt, while still keeping to the conservativeness of the traditional kebaya. The dangling beads of Salomé’s top in Figure 12 too can be seen in Saloma’s embellished dress in Figure 11. What is evident in both of Saloma’s outfits are the full-length ensembles that kept her skin show to a minimum, while the accentuated waistline amplified her sensuality - striking a balance between modesty and femininity.

Figure 13. (Left) “Still of Saloma in a tight-fitting kebaya with a low-back cut and peplum sleeves in Labu-Labi (1962).” Youtube, uploaded by Muzika 12 Feb 2018. Accessed 21 Jan 2021.

Figure 14. (Right) “Vogue Patterns on low back designs.” Pinterest, 1960. Accessed 21 Jan 2021.

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Figure 15. (Right) “An album cover of Saloma in a tight-fitting kebaya with boat neckline and front open-slit sarong skirt.” Pinterest, 1965. Accessed 21 Jan 2021.

Figure 16. (Right) “Vogue Patterns on boat neckline designs.” Pinterest, 1950s. Accessed 21 Jan 2021.

Although daring, Saloma was never overtly sexy and was often revamping her style and image to maintain her ‘trendsetter’ status. Apart from the references above, other Western inspirations came from international magazines such as Vogue America. In Figures 13 and 14, Saloma is seen in a modern kebaya top with a low-back cut and peplum sleeves. The image is taken from the 1962 film comedy Labu Dan Labi, in a short nightclub scene where Saloma performs an upbeat song, ‘Bila Larut Malam’. In a bid for congruency, Saloma designed a kebaya that had modern elements to better fit her role as a flamboyant cabaret singer. In a Youtube video interview with the National Museum of Malaysia, Saloma’s niece Haslinda had stated that the singer would ‘study the song genre and then carefully craft new ways to spice up her style’. This was reflected in her design choice of an exposed back and neckline to allow greater freedom of movement and peplum sleeves as

Khair 17 they would flow along with her as she danced to the beat. Similarly in Figures 15 and 16, shows Saloma’s album cover for Bunga Tanjung where she is dressed in a modern kebaya with a boat neckline and a front open-slit sarong skirt. This choice to accentuate certain parts of her body, in this case, would be the shoulders and side of the leg, seeming to push conventions of the 1960s with regards to the dress of Malay women. By exposing the parts deemed as part of one’s aurat, it was a bold move to challenge tradition and venture into different styles throughout her artistic journey without the need to thoroughly observe modest standards of her Islamic faith.

Her artistic choices, visibly shown through dress, demonstrate that while she is agreeable with westernised lifestyle and culture, she appreciates her cultural heritage and is “inextricably bound to tradition” (Sabirin 1969). As quoted in the book, Fashion: A Very Short Introduction, “fashion is always obsessed with the new, yet it continually harks to the past”. This quote explains Saloma’s fashion-forward innovations and why she would blend her Western style influences with her traditional Eastern values to preserve her Malay identity throughout her career. These unconventional elements gave her looks a more seductive and sexier edge, which is not a common approach for the traditional kebaya. Her top-to-toe immaculate appearance “reflected the demands of her career and the lengths she’d go for it” (Ruhana 2017), often infringing the modesty expected of Malay women.

In researching through archives of Saloma’s garments and analysing her body language during live performances on Youtube, it reaffirms the stance that she sits at the intersection of being the paragon of the sensuality of the Malay woman. Neither entirely conservative nor provocative but rather, she extends how she feels into a physical manifestation of dress and gestures. She recognises her power as a visual representation of Malay sensuality and that her talent has given her the platform to add zest to the Malay culture that would otherwise, remained stagnant in a world that was ever-evolving. Having

Khair 18 Saloma as an icon from the Malay community, then and even now, is a “departure from her contemporaries of passive, self-sacrificing domestic women” (Izharuddin 2018). Her sensuality is understood as a mechanic employed throughout her career and life to push the boundaries of traditional Malay culture in a conservative Asian society like Singapore.

3.2

Decoding Malay Women Then Following suit, Saloma’s style had a massive impact on the choice of dress for her

contemporaries in the film industry and subsequently, the rest of the Malay community. Her admiration for the kebaya, as explained in the section above, was publicly worn to reflect her Malay identity and to reaffirm her status as a Malay singer. As her career progressed into film, so did the visual impact of her own stylised kebayas onto larger audiences. More Malay women in new demographics could use her on-screen looks as inspiration and recreate her style easily as the main component was an accessible garment - the kebaya.

Figure 17. Samad, Ahmad Fauzee. “Saloma in a translucent kebaya top with a black corset underneath.” Pinterest, 1960s. Accessed 21 Jan 2021.

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Figure 18: (Left): Singapore Press Holdings. “Malay actress Maria Menado in a translucent kebaya top.” National Archives, 1960. Accessed 22 Feb 2021.

Figure 19: (Right): “Still of Malay actress Khadijah Mahadi in a lace cut-out kebaya top in the film Madu Tiga (1964).” Youtube, uploaded by Ariff Ishak, 30 Sept 2020. Accessed 22 Feb 2021.

In her book, Fashion and Celebrity Culture, author Pamela Gibson stated that “film had a greater influence on fashion than any other form of visual culture” and that the consumer culture “depends on the cinema and its unique power to generate both demand and supply” (55). This supports her influence in shaping the style choices of the women within the Malay community and in Singapore as a whole. As seen in Figure 17, Saloma is dressed in a translucent kebaya overlay, worn over a black corset. The replication can be seen in Figures 18 and 19, respectively of Malay actresses Maria Menado and Jah Hj. Mahadi as Hasnah in a film, Madu Tiga, in a similar fashion. Pioneering in this traditionalist style, it quickly trickled down into mainstream fashion. The tight kebaya trend contributed to the accentuated waistlines, allowing women to express their femininity through their silhouettes. This way, their modesty was not jeopardized as exposed skin was kept at a minimum. The choice of fabric too played a huge role in enhancing one’s figure - instead of regular cotton voile, translucent fabrics such as organza and lace were used to give the

Khair 20 traditional kebaya look a seductive edge. This resonated with the Malay women of Singapore at the time and the impact is evident in Figures 20 and 21.

Figures 20 and 21: Singapore Press Holdings. “Malay women dressed in various kebayas.”

National Archives, 1959-1964. Accessed 22 Feb 2021.

Figure 22: “Javanese women wearing the traditional kebaya.” Pinterest, 19th century. Accessed 22 Feb 2021.

Khair 21 It is important to examine the term ‘modesty’. As defined in Merriam-Webster’s online dictionary, it is the “quality of not being too proud or confident about yourself or your abilities” and “propriety in dress, speech or conduct”. With regards to dress and Islam, it is in accordance to the third rule as stated in Section 1, where the modest women “shall not reveal any parts of their bodies and shall cover their chest” (Quran 7:26). This aligns with the origins of the baju kebaya and its original purpose.

The earliest iteration of kebaya, the Kebaya Labuh, originates from the 15th century Javanese Majapahit kingdom, meant solely for aristocratic women to appear more modest and acceptable. The top was created to blend the breast cloth, also known as kemben, over the ankle-length skirt known as sarong. As the kebaya was reserved for the upper-class, it left many peasant men and women bare-chested in public. As Islamic influence grew in the last period of the Majapahit kingdom, the kebaya was adapted to fit the “Islamic strictures that required women to cover their body” (Welters 2018). The purpose of the kebaya provided body coverage, making it permissible for the lower-class to wear the garment and abide by the new modest conduct of that period. The original garment, pictured in Figure 22, is a long-sleeved blouse, meant to have a loose fit over an ankle-length skirt called the sarong. The Javanese kebaya was adapted to the newly adopted Islam religion, assimilating modest fashion into the daily lives of its people.

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Figure 23: (Left) Samad, Ahmad Fauzee. “Saloma in her kebaya ketat.” Pinterest, 1950s.

Accessed 22 Feb 2021.

Figure 24: (Right) “Malay teachers at a Women’s Training Centre.” Reddit, 1960s. Accessed 22 Feb 2021.

Saloma’s interpretation of the kebaya, however, is distinguishably different from the traditional kebaya, created out of modesty. By having the mid-section of the kebaya contoured to her waist in Figure 23, it drew attention to her feminine features, in particular the bosom and the waist. The phenomenon of mixing Eastern and Western elements defined the style of the Malay women in the 1950s and the focus on one’s svelte figure was the desired approach to exhibiting one’s sensuality. A quote by author Roland Barthes states: Clothing turns mere sensuality into sense and gives meaning to something that is quite meaningless - flesh - by bestowing upon it a shape that adds a spiritual dimension to the purely sensual one. (Barthes 2004)

Khair 23 This quote reinforces Dhamija’s point of the importance of dress in sparking a sense of sensuality, for the figure-hugging garments are moulded to her bodily contours. As a result, the garment had ‘bestowed a shape’ onto the woman’s body, elevating her from a purely physical state to an abstract state; sensuality. This suggestion of form contributes to the heightened sensuous appeal of the wearer to its viewer, leaving them to their imagination. Figure 24 shows a group of teachers at a Women’s Training Centre in the 1960s, dressed in the traditional kebaya - a tight-fitting blouse and bottom combination. In the image, it is evident that the female form is accentuated at the waist, enhancing their curves. This style is reminiscent of Saloma’s kebaya ketat as the two key elements of her style are prominent - traditional Malay fabrics and an accentuated waist.

Overall, the kebaya coincides with the predominant fashion for Malay women in the 1950s-1970s Singapore. It exudes a sense of femininity and sensuality to those that don it.

Unbeknownst to those removed from Malay culture, or those that hold it to Islamic standards, it might simply give the impression of irreverence for tradition in a conservative, Asian society. In Singapore, as opposed to wearing strictly loose, traditional Malay garments, to reinvent a new style incorporating Western elements such as lower necklines and tighter waistlines could possibly point to an idea of paying homage to the past and adapting it for the future in a bid to make it transcend time. Costume designer and fashion journalist Filep Motwary aptly put it that timelessness is anything with a “strong appeal of its own, a strong voice that breaks through the years passing or even centuries.” Another designer, Richard Sorger pointed out that these items are quite neutral and are “so ubiquitous as to become invisible.”

Through the kebaya ketat and kebaya moden popularised by Saloma, it gave rise to individual style and expression within the Malay community. The kebaya’s aesthetic element further forms an embodied relationship between the wearer and the viewer, forming visible

Khair 24 intentions intimately and publicly. On an intimate level, the intention of the kebaya is to accentuate one’s figure as a physical embodiment of two aspects of the Malay psyche playfulness and sensuality. Publicly, it is a bold attempt to step out of the traditional comfort zone and push boundaries for self-expression and non-conformity. The kebaya had become a symbol of femininity in the 1950s for Malay women in Singapore. Above all, it was a signifier of their current state of creative and cultural freedom exhibited through their choice of dress before the Islamic resurgence gained traction in the 1970s.

3.3

Further Decoding Malay Women Now In the 1970s, Singapore was still undergoing Islamization as a result of

developments in Islam globally and to sustain Islamic activism in a secular environment.

This engagement juxtaposed the conservativeness of the Malay community and the modernisation efforts of the country. The involvement of women, in particular, included modifying personal behaviours and beliefs to further their religious understandings. With that, dress as communication became an “expression of national origin, ethnic identity and a graphic form of a political statement” (Lurie 93), stemming from one’s personal pride.

With its growing synonymity, the Malay culture and Islamic religion grew inclined to using artefacts (dress and objects alike) to express both religious and non-religious ideas.

An exemplary object would be the hijab, the veil worn by Muslim women to maintain the Islamic standards of modesty. The hijab marked the divide between girlhood and womanhood, distinguishing between the demonic from the angelic. Those that chose to bare their hair, deemed to be part of the aurat, flaunted sensuality and intimacy cheaply and thus placing femininity in the observance of the veil. The veil has perversely come to define erotic desirability for a “veiled female would not engage in extramarital affairs” (Candraningrum 71). It can be said that there are those within the community that allow the

Khair 25 holy text to decide their fate and those who decide it for themselves.

Figure 25. Qihua Primary School. “Malay teachers at Qihua Primary School.” Qihua Website, 2018. Accessed 22 Feb 2021.

In contrast to Figure 24 in the section above, Figure 25 shows a group of Malay teachers at the present day, dressed in the traditional Arab abaya and hijab - a full-body covering and veil respectively. There is a stark difference in the two images presented, despite sharing the same context in which both are teachers. The female form is now hidden from sight. The garments aforementioned have now “encased the body of the wearer, tailored based on the Islamic principles of modesty, decency and humility” (Hassan 2016). Coupled with the subdued colour palette, the appearance does not attract unnecessary attention from its audience and is neither suggestive nor alluring. This solidifies Stimpfl’s point that Malay women must “dress carefully and de-emphasize their erotic potential”.

Khair 26 As said by the author of Modest Fashion: Styling Bodies, Mediating Faith, Reina Lewis, prevailing fashion trends often produce garments and aesthetics with elements that “do not suit consciously religious or modest attire.” This confirms the reason for the style choices in the 1950s, for there were no strict adherence to a uniformed appearance within the community. However, since the widespread Islamic ideologies in observance of the Muhammadiyah movement, there grew the demand for clothes that not only cover the body but removed any potential for desirability and allure of the Malay woman. If there could be any ounce of sensuality, it had to be represented by the quietness and gentleness of the individual wearing the hijab, and can no longer rely on the exposure of skin. While veiling does not necessarily mean heightened religious awareness, it is seen as the rejection of Westernization in favour of a mix of adat (custom) and Islam in a “bold display of self-identity.”

Figures 26 and 27: Effendi, Oniatta. “Screenshots of @oniattaeffendi’s Instagram images.”

Instagram, July to Aug 2020. Accessed 21 Jan 2021. Photo features Oniatta in batik outfits.

Khair 27

Figure 28: (Left) Adif, Putri.”Screenshot from @putriadif’s Instagram feed.” Instagram, 18 June 2020. Accessed 21 Jan 2021. Photo features Putri posing in her bespoke batik corset.

Figure 29: (Right) Asrori, Camira. “Screenshot from @camira.asrori’s Instagram feed.”

Instagram, 24 May 2020. Accessed 21 Jan 2021. Photo features Camira in a lace kebaya.

Figure 30: (Left) Aziz, Aisyaah. “Screenshot from @aisyaah_aziz’s Instagram feed.”

Instagram, 27 Sep 2020. Accessed 21 Jan 2021. Photo features Aisyaah posing in a batik kemben and sarong.

Figure 31: (Right) Sarawak, Siput. “Screenshot from a scene in the film Cinta (1948).”

Google, 2014. Accessed 21 Jan 2021. Photo features Siput in a batik kemben and sarong.

Khair 28 Figures 26-30 are of Malay Muslim key opinion leaders on Instagram - Oniatta Effendi, Putri Adif, Aisyaah Aziz and Camira Asrori. In Figure 27, Oniatta wears outfits created for her eponymous brand, Baju by Oniatta. It is clear that the traditional kebaya retains, with an added waist belt on both outfits to accentuate the figure, reminiscent of Saloma’s kebaya ketat. Figures 28 and 29 is of Putri Adif and Camira Asrori, both fashion designers posing in their respective bespoke batik corset, lace kebaya and long sarong skirts. This is reminiscent of the tight-fitting and see-through tops Saloma had paired with her bottoms in the 1950s. Lastly, Figure 30 shows singer Aisyaah Aziz in a batik kemben and sarong, referencing how actresses were portrayed in old Malay films just like Siput Sarawak in Figure 31.

Now in this 21st century, there seems to be a balance between the lifestyle choices for the Malay Muslim woman, assuming that this is a binary categorisation. Malay women understand that being and acting Malay is an important part of their identity while heeding their Islamic beliefs. Tradition and culture was not to be ignored. And yet, at the same time, they are finding that in the common association they are discovering a new and vitally important Malay female identity: one that is completely within their control to define and develop. As a result, women become the symbols of “self-containment and self-definition” (Karim 231). Alas, there is the articulation of a new identity. While the present choice of dress still upholds traditions, these added concepts of self-expression demonstrate how one’s sensuality, despite seemingly visible, is a state of mind. And our mindsets will forever be subject to the ebbs and flows of society.

Khair 29 3.4

Embodied Research In researching sensuality with regards to the Malay culture and Islamic faith, it was

fitting to explore the avenue of embodiment and to recount personal experiences that have contributed to the conditions of the case studies of contemporary Malay women above.

While there is no singular moment, my personal embodiment journey started early 2020, pre-quarantine, during and in the present day. As a product of the pandemic, I started a side business selling second-hand vintage pieces, specifically corsets, bustiers and girdles, titled Aura by Ri. The name “Aura” has a double meaning: firstly, the word means the distinctive atmosphere or quality that seems to surround and emanate a person, thing, or place and second, it is a play on the Arabic word ‘aurat’, which means the nakedness of parts which hiding is necessary. I had wanted to convey the aura of sensuality through the clothes, while also reclaiming the parts of myself that I’ve been conditioned to cover up.

The irony of the name ‘Aura’ is my attempt to re-empower myself by exploring my newfound sensuality. My accounts of this journey will be divided into three parts: initial emotions, the process of reconstruction and the pursuit of self-empowerment, supplemented by photos and concluded with reflections.

Before this project, I rarely documented myself and my outfits neither was I explorative with my body and dressing style. I was hesitant at first, albeit always wanting to start my own thrift business venture, as it would require me to be the prime ambassador of Aura. The initial feelings of uneasiness arose from the thought of slightly suggestive images of me being shared on a public platform like Instagram when I personally rarely took photos of myself. This possibly stemmed from my generalised Singaporean Malay-Muslim upbringing, where modesty was commonplace and any deviation from the norm would invite public scrutiny. As the project began during the quarantine lockdown of May 2020, I could only photograph myself in each bustier and share the images onto the Instagram

Khair 30 account, @aurabyri, as seen in Figure 33. I would photograph myself with the aid of a self-timer on my iPhone, in the privacy and comfort of my room. As a result, I could express certain feelings of sensuality through different poses with my hands and upper body to accentuate a particular female erogenous zone: the collarbone. I drew inspiration from other vintage thrift accounts (Figure 32) and their style of imagery - which was simple and direct like a product shoot.

Figure 32. Dadon, Ron. “Screenshot of @nuvonu’s Instagram Feed.” Instagram, Jan 2021.

Accessed 18 Jan 2021. Photos feature Ron Dadon posing in various bustiers in her room.

Khair 31

Figure 33. Khair, Irissa. “Screenshot of @aurabyri’s Instagram Feed.” Instagram, May to Aug 2020. Accessed 18 Jan 2021. Photos feature me posing in various bustiers in my room.

Khair 32 When the lockdown was lifted and it was permissible to be out in public spaces, I noticed a shift in my style of dress. From being isolated in my home and photographing myself for Aura to being in public in the same garments and feeling a sense of ease. The newfound feelings of self-assurance and self-confidence that I gained in isolation were greater than feelings of insecurity that I had prior. The images below are some instances where I wore myself with bustiers in public and even in school at LASALLE.

Figure 34 and 35: Khair, Irissa. “Images of Irissa taken on iPhone.” Personal Archive, July to Dec 2020. Accessed 21 Jan 2021. Photos feature me posing in bustier and corsets.

The reason for corsets and bustiers is because they have been objects of intrigue and fascination to me growing up. The contraption of a section of one’s body seemed contradictory when its purpose usually lies in supporting the wearer. Author of The Corset A Cultural History, Valerie Steele positively described corsets to be “of social status, self-discipline, artistry, respectability, beauty, youth and erotic allure”. The physical restraint I feel when wearing the corset creates a reverse effect and I am pushed to exude even more confidence than when I do not wear the said garment.

Khair 33

Figure 36 and 37: Samad, Ahmad Fauzee. “Saloma in a bustier top and dress that complimented her svelte figure, with a corset underneath.” Pinterest, 1960s.

Accessed 22 Feb 2021.

Similarly, the same sentiment can be seen in Saloma’s dressing habits. The corset was a crucial component of her looks to accentuate her 21-inch waist hourglass figure.

Despite the modest norms of the Malay women in Singapore, the singer incorporated the Western corset into the traditional kebaya, wearing it under a sheer kebaya overlay top (Figure 17). In Figures 36 and 37, while not photographed, the singer would wear corsets underneath her outfits to further accentuate her distinctively small waist of 21 inches. This contributes to Saloma’s sensuous quality and it extends into her work as a singer, actress and trendsetter. While her singing talents thrusted her in the limelight, it is through her fashion risks that went against the grain of conservative ideals of the Malay community that makes her a revered revolutionary today . This fearless spirit of hers is an attribute I admire and respect and has inspired me to be unapologetically daring, especially through dress.

Khair 34

Figures 38 & 39: Khair, Irissa. “Behind the scenes images of Phantasmagoria fashion film shoot” Personal Archive, 5 Dec 2020. Accessed 18 Jan 2021. Photos feature myself in a garment created by Iris.

In early December 2020, I was able to merge my two passions - fashion and dance while embodying my sensuality through a collaboration project for a fellow Broadcast Media schoolmate, John Marie. The project, titled “Phantasmagoria”, required me to partake in a fashion movement visual, dressed in the garment created by another Fashion Design schoolmate, Iris. The garment shown in Figures 38 and 39 represent a reflection of the designer’s inner self and the film is the manifestation of her sensual darkness, captured in a dreamlike state. The entire garment had to be deconstructed for me to wear it. It consisted of leggings, detachable sleeves and a dress panel that wraps at the front, leaving a very low neckline and exposing my cleavage. As the shoot was indoors, I felt at ease to fully express the emotions and execute movements required throughout the film. My goal was to convey Iris’s inner seductress through subtle sensuality.

Khair 35

Figures 40-43. Khair, Irissa. “Behind the scenes images of Phantasmagoria fashion film shoot” Personal Archive, 5 Dec 2020. Accessed 18 Jan 2021. Images feature myself moving and posing in Iris’s garment.

Khair 36 Through this explorative journey of navigating my own sensuality, through both dress and movement, I found the same sense of women empowerment shared between the sections above. By analysing still images from the film, as seen in Figures 40-43 the set design and ethereal mood was a constant factor. That greatly assisted me in evoking a deeper, darker part of my sensuality that would not have been exhibited otherwise through my everyday life.

4

Conclusion Undoubtedly, the Malay culture has been overshadowed by the Arab culture.

Sensuality of the Malay woman has very much been suppressed due to the collective consciousness within the Malay-Muslim community in Singapore. Despite progressing forward with notions of gender equality, female empowerment in professional fields and home life, any deviation from the status quo was still ridiculed. Through the embodiment practice, it was understood that putting forth a more sensual front still had the potential to draw criticisms from the Malay-Muslim community. Nonetheless, attempts to reclaim certain aspects of the culture through dress is apparent in Section 3. In summary, my research further strengthens the view that dress captures the zeitgeist of different time periods and it allows us to reach beyond ourselves to contribute to greater culture visibility and expression. While it is currently unrealistic to separate the Islamic identity from Malay culture, the eventual achievement of secular sensuality for the Malay woman would bring about a cultural shift towards a new generation of progressive Malay-Muslim individuals, constructing a new spirit for this era.

(6906 words)

Khair 37

5

Appendix Appendix A - The Sensuality Study Survey Questions 1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

What is your name and age?

What is your gender and preferred pronouns?

Do you identify as Malay? (eg. Javanese, Bugis, Boyanese, Minangkabau) Do you identify as Muslim?

For students, what do you study? / For working individuals, what field are you in?

For future contact purposes, may I have your email address?

Dress

7. What influences how you dress? (personality/mood/trends/social environment) 8. Has your style evolved drastically (from late teens till now) and if so how?

9. How would you describe your way of dressing?

10. Are there certain garments that make up your signature look? What are they?

11. Does your culture/religion influence your way of dressing?

12. Does your culture/religion influence your personality?

13. If you steer to a more revealing/sensual way of dressing, please help to answer the following questions: (Q16-20) 14. If you steer to a more conservative/modest way of dressing, please help to answer the following questions: (Q21-25) 15. If you are in the middle ground of the two, please answer as many questions that apply to you: (Q16-25) Sensual 16. Do you consider yourself a sensual person?

17. Do you embody that privately or publicly?

18. What avenues do you exhibit your sensuality - dress, mannerisms, speech? You may rank them.

19. What are the factors that contribute to your choice of dressing more sensually confidence level, social environment, media.

20. If you are comfortable with sharing an anecdote, do tell me about a pivotal time you decided that you were going to dress more sensually! Was it a gradual or overnight change?

Non-sensual 21. Do you consider yourself a conservative person?

22. What avenues do you exhibit your conservatism - dress, mannerisms, speech? You may rank them.

23. How long have you dressed conservatively?

24. What are the factors that contribute to your choice of dressing more conservatively confidence level, culture, religion.

Khair 38 25. If you are comfortable with sharing an anecdote, do tell me about a pivotal time you decided that you were going to dress more conservatively! Was it a gradual or overnight change?

Representation 26. What is the first image in your mind when you think of a Malay woman?

27. Do you see yourself represented in the media/public environment?

28. Do you think there is a lack of diversity in the types of Malay women represented?

29. In your perspective, what is the most perpetuated stereotype of Malay women?

Shame 30. Do you feel compelled to dress modestly for culture/religion sake?

31. Have you been imposed by your culture/religion or people from the culture/religion to ‘tone down’ - in terms of dress, mannerisms, speech, personality?

32. Have you been made to feel ashamed for dressing the way you do now?

33. Have you been shamed into dressing the way you do now?

34. In an alternate world, void of all social/cultural/religious obligations, would you choose to stay the same? (in terms of dress, mannerisms, personality) 35. If not, what would you want to do differently with yourself?

6

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References Images

Figure 1-6: Pie Charts displaying survey results. Adobe Spark, 22 February 2021.

Khair 41 Figure 7: Malay woman wearing Baju Kebaya Labuh. Web, 1950s. http://www.memori-kedah.com/page_pengenalan.php?pageNum_Recordset1=15&totalRo ws_Recordset1=16&p=2&idstopic=1&idskandungan=7&mtopic=1 Figure 8: Saloma in her kebaya ketat. http://samsyadeedsamat.blogspot.com/2014/06/saloma-shadow-of-malayan-fashion-muse .html Figure 9: Saloma in a kebaya with tiered sleeves and skirt hem. “The rise of the modern female subject in modern Malay literature in the 1960s” https://aizharuddin.com/2016/04/28/modern-female-subject-in-modern-malay-literature/ Figure 10: Carmen Miranda in the 1930s. https://www.vintag.es/2018/06/carmen-miranda-in-the-1930s-and-1940s.html Figure 11: Saloma’s beaded dress. “Glimpses of a legend”. https://www.nst.com.my/lifestyle/flair/2017/09/281852/glimpses-legend Figure 12: Salomé performing in a beaded top. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Salom%C3%A9_(singer) Figure 13: Musika: Malaya's Classic Films Colorization. “Pabila Larut Malam - Panca Sitara (Filem Labu-Labi).” Youtube, 12 Feb 2018. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dwQNp0yE_X0 Figure 14: Vogue Patterns. “1950s Vogue 9030”. Web, 1950s. https://www.sovintagepatterns.com/1950s-STUNNING-Slim-Day-or-Cocktail-Party-Dress-P attern-VOGUE-9030-Bateau-Boat-Neckline-Very-Chic-Bust-34-Vintage-Sewing-Pattern_p_ 12562.html Figure 15: Pilihan Emas. “Album Cover for Saloma’s song, Bunga Tanjung.” Pinterest, 1962. www.pinterest.com/pin/7248049376891764/?lp=true.

Figure 16: Vogue Patterns. “1960s Vogue 9825”. Web, 1959. https://vintagepatterns.fandom.com/wiki/Vogue_9825 Figure 17: Samad, Ahmad Fauzee. Saloma. AF Cendana Publications Sdn. Bhd., 2012.

(Samad 2012) Figure 18: : Singapore Press Holdings. “Malay actress Maria Menado in a translucent kebaya top.” National Archives, 1960. Accessed 22 Feb 2021. https://www.nas.gov.sg/archivesonline/photographs/record-details/893ad78c-1162-11e3-8 3d5-0050568939ad Figure 19: Malay actress Khadijah Mahadi in a lace kebaya top. “Madu Tiga film”. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=332FJt30_zI Figure 20: Fashion Models in a Sarong and Kebaya at Tanjong Katong Road. Web, 1964. https://www.nas.gov.sg/archivesonline/photographs/record-details/6338abf7-1162-11e3-8 3d5-0050568939ad

Khair 42

Figure 21: A model posing in sarong kebaya at a fashion show in front of Saint Andrews Cathedral. Web, 1959. https://www.nas.gov.sg/archivesonline/photographs/record-details/64303297-1162-11e3-8 3d5-0050568939ad Figure 22: Javanese women wearing Kebaya Labuh. “The Origin of the Kebaya and How It Became an Asean Icon” https://www.airasia.com/explore/assets/blt53f2336bf71319a7/the-origin-of-the-kebaya-and -how-it-became-an-asean-icon Figure 23: Samad, Ahmad Fauzee. Saloma. AF Cendana Publications Sdn. Bhd., 2012. (Samad 2012) Figure 24: Teachers registration at Malacca Training College for Malay, 1960s. https://www.reddit.com/r/OldSchoolCool/comments/h03iiz/teachers_registration_somewhe re_in_1960s_at/ Figure 25: Malay teachers at Qihua Primary School. Web, 2018. https://qihuapri.moe.edu.sg/departments/mother-tongue-department/malay-language/even ts/ Figures 26 and 27: Oniatta Effendi posing in her batik look. Web, 2020. https://www.instagram.com/p/CCjCqgKBdGs/ Figure 28: Putri Adif posing in her batik look. Web, 2020. https://www.instagram.com/p/CBk4z15hoRU/ Figure 29: Camira Asrori posing in her batik look. Web, 2020. https://www.instagram.com/p/CAj4MRjBHvI/ Figure 30: Aisyaah Aziz posing in her batik look. Web, 2020. https://www.instagram.com/p/CFpBzX1Js1Z/ Figure 31: Siput Sarawak wearing a batik kemben in Chinta. https://sgfilmlocations.com/2014/08/20/chinta-1948/ Figure 32: Nuvonu’s Instagram Feed. https://www.instagram.com/nuvonu/ Figure 33: Aura By Ri’s Instagram Feed. https://www.instagram.com/aurabyri/ Figure 34 and 35: Irissa Nur’s Instagram Feed. https://www.instagram.com/msirissanur/ Figure 36 and 37: Samad, Ahmad Fauzee. Saloma. AF Cendana Publications Sdn. Bhd., 2012 (Samad 2012) Figure 38 and 39: Irissa Nur’s Instagram Story. https://www.instagram.com/msirissanur/ Figure 40-43: Phantasmagoria Fashion Film. https://www.instagram.com/p/CJYnIqphMSM/