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PUBLISHER Susan Harper EDITORIAL

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WHERE DO WE GO FROM HERE?

Donald Trump will be president.

HOLY CRAP.

By Jeffrey C. Billman TITLE 4, CHAPTER 1, SECTION 8(A): THE FLAG SHOULD NEVER BE DISPLAYED WITH THE UNION DOWN, EXCEPT AS A SIGNAL OF DIRE DISTRESS IN INSTANCES OF EXTREME DANGER TO LIFE OR PROPERTY.

6 | 11.16.16 | INDYweek.com

T

here’s no easy descriptor to capture the mood in the INDY’s office last Wednesday. Shock? Yeah. Disbelief?

Yep. Anger? Definitely. Despair? That too. An admixture of those things, leavened only by a bottle of whiskey and the knowledge that Pat McCrory would soon (probably) be sent home to Charlotte. Had a Donald Trump supporter happened upon us, he would have indulged in no small amount of schadenfreude.

President-elect Donald Trump. The categorically mendacious, proudly ignorant, profoundly unserious, objectively racist birther-in-chief who began his campaign by calling Mexican immigrants “rapists,” who bragged on tape about his pussy-grabbing technique, who made goo-goo eyes at dictators and authoritarian strongmen, who is soon due in court over Trump University fraud allegations, who promised to ban Muslim immigration and slandered the parents of a fallen soldier, who claimed he knew more about ISIS than generals, who polls almost uniformly assured us had no chance—that guy will soon have his finger on the nukes and the ability to undo all of the progress made over the last eight years.

In short, America—or, at least, a not-quite-plurality of Americans—screwed up, and screwed up bad, and the planet will be living with the consequences of that cataclysmic mistake for decades to come, if not longer. There are some blows, some self-inflected wounds, from which you don’t come back.

So we mourned the country we thought we knew, the country that let us down, that proved itself less than we imagined. We drank and we talked. It was funereal, at times cathartic. But the thing we kept coming back to, the thing percolating in everyone’s mind, was this question: Now what?

Or, more specifically: How does the progressive movement—those of us who value economic and social justice, who believe in civil rights and free speech, who think that climate change is a clear and present danger and sociopaths shouldn’t have ready access to assault rifles—advance in the age of Trump? How do we push back against the nightmare that is to come? In so many words, where do we go from here?

And so we decided to scrap everything we had planned for this week’s issue—news, music, arts, etc.— and focus all of our energy on answering that question, not to wallow in our misery or cower in fear, but to outline a vision of our resistance. In these pages, you’ll find stories and essays on the history that got us here and the future of the left, how women and people of color should react to the Trump presidency, and the steps we can all take to fight the inevitable abuses.

Trump won because of a systematic failure: of the disengaged left and pusillanimous Democratic elites, of clickbait-driven media and absent civic engagement, of empathy and tolerance and critical thinking. (Also, the anachronism of the Electoral College.) His election is a stain, his ideology a malignant tumor. Those of us who envision a better country, a more prosperous and egalitarian country, must resolve to never let this happen again.

Now, if you’ll excuse me, I need to go refill my glass. jbillman@indyweek.com

TABLE OF CONTENTS 9

FROM NIXON TO TRUMP

By Barry Yeoman

12 WHAT I GOT WRONG

By Jeffrey C. Billman

14 POOR WHITE MAN

By Brian Howe

17

IN TRUMP’S NORTH CAROLINA

By Troy Herring

19 A STORY FOR

MY LITTLE GIRL

By Ken Fine

20 PORTRAITS OF HOPE

By Ben McKeown

22 NASTY WOMEN RISE UP

By Allison Hussey

24 TO THE WOMEN

WHO RAISED US

By Lauren Horsch

33 THE EYES OF A CHILD

By Daniel Klein

34 IMMIGRANT RIGHTS

Phyllis Terry is the owner of J.C.’s Kitchen in Durham, which was vandalized the morning after the presidential election.

PHOTO BY ALEX BOERNER

IN TRUMP’S USA

By Elisa Hernandez

36 QUEER, MUSLIM,

AND UNBOWED

By Laila Nur, Saba Taj, and Zaina Alsous

PERIPHERAL VISIONS | V.C. ROGERS

38 THE LEFT MUST

ORGANIZE OR DIE

By Paul Blest

40 ACTIVISM 101: SHOW UP

By Victoria Bouloubasis

42 NO SILVER LINING HERE

By Paul Blest

44 WHERE TO DONATE

By Allison Hussey 47 MUSIC AND

ARTS CALENDARS

COVER ILLUSTRATION BY BENEDETTO CRISTOFANI

INDYweek.com | 11.16.16 | 7

FINDER

on stands

THE INDY'S GUIDE TO THE TRIANGLE

now

8 | 11.16.16 | INDYweek.com

ds

w

A RETURN TO NIXONLAND In many ways, 2016 was a replay of 1968.

What can we learn from that?

By Barry Yeoman

A

few weeks ago I started reading Nixonland, Rick Perlstein’s 748-page social history of the 1960s and ’70s through the lens of Richard Nixon’s presidency. I’ve gotten most of the way through the book and have been reflecting on how we seem to have landed, once again, back in 1968.

Back then, following eight years of Democratic presidencies that brought unprecedented civil rights progress, the United States was riven by such a deep cultural divide that each half of the country seemed like an unknowable species to the other.

Much of the populace felt like its traditional, honest lifestyle and economic livelihood were under siege. The rest believed that, despite legislative progress, the nation was failing to reckon with deep and persistent inequalities. Some of the latter took to the streets in protest; their neighbors vilified them as lawless agitators.

Some law-enforcement officers reacted violently to this upheaval (as they had earlier in places like Selma).

Traditionalists gave the police a pass. During the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, an off-duty cop picked up a twenty-year-old hitchhiker, a supporter of Eugene McCarthy.

Upon learning that his passenger had been protesting downtown, the policeman hit the young man in the head, broke his glasses, and forced him back into the car at gunpoint. A jury acquitted the

INDYweek.com | 11.16.16 | 9

officer so quickly that the judge asked the foreman, “Are you certain?”

In this crucible, the Democrats nominated a cautious and hawkish establishment candidate, Hubert Humphrey, whom progressives accused of rigging the primary process. Supporters of McCarthy and Robert Kennedy, many of them young, threatened to abandon the ticket. The Republicans were no more unified: during a divisive convention, they nominated Richard Nixon, an ideological chameleon who was capitalizing on the growing unrest and promising to restore law and order if elected. If Nixon’s campaign lacked the uncoded racism of Donald Trump’s, that was supplied by the American Independent Party’s candidate, George Wallace, an Alabama segregationist who stirred up white rural resentment of the power elites.

“They’ve called us rednecks, the Republicans and the Democrats,” Wallace said during the campaign. “Well, we’re going to show, there sure are a lot of rednecks in this country.”

Every time I turn the page of Nixonland, which was published in 2008, I stumble on a new parallel. Here are the goons at Republican rallies beating up demonstrators. Here are the GOP’s threats to curb the Constitution’s guaranteed press freedoms. Here’s the Republican nominee’s lust for revenge. Here are the cavalier treatment of facts, the spinning of counter-realities, and the swallowing of this misinformation by voters.

This week another Republican has won the presidency. Donald Trump is far more inflammatory than Nixon, and far less experienced in domestic and world affairs— “a twisted caricature of every rotten reflex of the radical right,” David Remnick wrote last week in The New Yorker. Trump’s victory feels like a terrifying upheaval; so did Nixon’s.

“Apocalyptic is not an exaggeration,” my friend and former editor Gay Daly, who was a college student in 1968, recently told me of that election. “The war would go on forever. My brother might be drafted. (He escaped by days.) The civil rights movement would die.”

The summer of ’68, Daly worked as a billing clerk at a Defense Department depot in her hometown of Memphis, six miles from where Martin Luther King Jr. had been assassinated. In June, when Robert Kennedy was also murdered, she says, “most of the people in the office were thrilled.”

The chasm ran that deep. Then, as now, people of conscience—and people who were scared—talked about fleeing to Canada or beyond. I was eight at the time, too young to 10 | 11.16.16 | INDYweek.com

“We’re going to show, there sure are a lot of rednecks in this country.” understand any of this. But in the days since last week’s election, I’ve been trying to figure out what we can learn from 1968, both about what to expect and how to respond.

F

irst, it will get worse.

We don’t know exactly what the Trump presidency will look like yet from a policy perspective, but we know some of what it promises: the dismantling of the Affordable Care Act; the development of a new energy policy based on climate-change denial; the deportation of immigrants and turning-away of refugees; weakened gun laws; the embrace of torture in war zones; the diversion of money from public to private schools; the rollback of protections for consumers, workers, and the public health; and the long-term defense of that policy agenda when Trump nominates a Supreme Court justice to fill a seat that should have rightly been President Obama’s choice.

From the Nixon years, we know that a law-and-order president who lacks respect for the Constitution poses a critical threat to dissent. In 1969, Nixon dispatched his vice president, Spiro Agnew, to a Republican conference in Des Moines to deliver the implied warning that TV stations broadcasting unfavorable stories could see their licenses revoked by their Federal Communications Commission or their corporate structures dismantled by the Justice Department. (Similarly, in February, Trump vowed to “open up

our libel laws” to make it easier to sue journalists and “win lots of money.”)

Broadcasters were only part of Agnew’s intended audience in ’69; he also sent out a Trump-like dog whistle by invoking the “fraternity of privileged men” who controlled the media.

“The theme that America’s press and television is controlled and dominated by a small group of Jews in New York and Washington is dominant among the anti-Semitic lunatic fringe,” wrote the Washington Post columnists Frank Mankiewicz and Tom Braden afterward.

Agnew disavowed both the Jew-baiting and the censorship threat, but his tactic worked: two days later, the television networks ignored a massive antiwar rally at the Washington Monument. “Everyone is scared about licenses,” a network executive told the Los Angeles Times.

Nixon saved the violent repression for radical dissidents like Fred Hampton and Mark Clark, leaders of the Illinois Black Panther Party who were slain by police during a 1969 predawn raid. The FBI, it later emerged, “had provided Chicago cops with the floor plan of the apartment, and an FBI infiltrator had slipped secobarbital in Fred Hampton’s drink the previous evening to make it easier to murder him in bed,” Perlstein wrote in Nixonland. Noam Chomsky, the linguist and social critic, referred to the assassinations as Nixon’s “gravest domestic crime.”

Whether Trump’s presidency brings us back to that period of dark operations on U.S. soil is, at this point, speculation.

What is certain, though, because it has happened already, is the way this election has legitimized public expressions of hate and intimidation. In my hometown of Durham—the seat of a county that gave Hillary Clinton 78 percent of its vote and a city that prides itself on inclusion—two downtown walls were tagged with racist graffiti immediately after the election.

“Black lives don’t matter and neither does your votes,” said one of them. On Thursday, Durham City Council member Cora ColeMcFadden, who is African American, removed her Clinton-Kaine bumper sticker, at her daughter’s request, after two white men in a car menaced her downtown.

There was a flipside to the Nixon age: It produced some of the most enduring progressive organizing in the nation’s history. The Stonewall Rebellion in New York City erupted in June 1969, launching the modern-day LGBTQ movement. Less than a year later came the first Earth Day. Secondwave feminism gained traction throughout that period and produced victories like Roe v.

Wade, the 1973 U.S. Supreme Court decision legalizing abortion.

“A massive resistance movement emerged to make it harder for Nixon to govern,” wrote urban-policy scholar Peter Dreier in The American Prospect last week. After the ’68 election, Dreier had considered fleeing to Canada but opted instead to stay and agitate. “In 1970, we started electing antiwar candidates to Congress. We started a backyard revolution of community organizing in urban communities. Then

ooze so much that the wounds continue to demand attention.”

Step 2 is to banish the false dichotomy between bridge-building and activism.

If there is ever to be a majority national movement for social and economic justice, it needs to include whites who have suffered from deindustrialization, offshoring, the decline of unions, and the shrinking farm economy. Getting some of those Trump voters—in North Carolina, say, or the Rust Belt—to abandon the facile and

“Yes, Trump is worse than Nixon.

But we’ll resist again.” activists also built the women’s movement, the consumer movement, and the environmental movement. Nixon did great damage (including the invasion of Cambodia, the killings at Jackson State and Kent State, the government infiltration and surveillance of dissenters), but the country survived.

“Yes, Trump is worse than Nixon,” Dreier continued. “He’s a demagogue, a white supremacist, a psychopath. But we’ll resist again.”

H

ow do we collect ourselves and move forward? How do we not fall prey to a paralyzing sense of

futility?

Step 1 is to squelch the impulse to pretend that things will be fine. Just before the election, I ate dinner with my friend Lynne Adrine, a journalism educator who is African American and has helped me think deeply about race and beyond. She talked about how this campaign has “ripped BandAids off several ugly wounds that Americans had been trying so hard to ignore.”

Maybe this was necessary, she said. We need to confront ills like racism head-on before we can progress.

After the election, Adrine wrote to me, concerned that our journalist colleagues were moving too fast to normalize the news.

“I see the TV pundits trying to quickly reapply the Band-Aids,” she wrote. “I hope we can stop them, or that the festering wounds

xenophobic prescriptions of a demagogue starts with listening. (This is different from making nice with the demagogue himself or the white nationalists who have responded to his whistle.) At the same time, there is a lot of policy turf to defend—human rights, public education, the social safety net, the planet’s health—and those are areas where we need to redouble our grassroots efforts.

Step 3 is to protect from harm those in our communities who are most vulnerable both to the Trump administration’s policies and to the violence and intimidation we’ve already seen.

I see some of this work—both statements of intent and actual organizing—emerging in Durham already, as it is elsewhere. On Sunday, for example, city council member Charlie Reece posted his intention to use his office to protect his most vulnerable constituents.

“There will be times during the next four years when the values and goals of the Trump administration will conflict with Durham’s progressive values and goals,” he wrote. “In those cases, our city must be prepared to act to defend not only our progressive way of life but also the Durham residents who stand to be harmed the most if we stand aside.”

The Durham County school system autodialed parents last week with a bilingual message promising the schools would remain safe for all: “those who have

been Durham residents for a long time, those who are new here, those who speak English as a second language, and those who are refugees.” The message offered counseling to any student worried about the election results. “You are all part of our community,” said Superintendent Bert L’Homme, “and we are here for you.”

And a group of North Carolinians, including former Durham County Board of Education member Sendolo Diaminah, devoted last weekend to bolstering their organizing skills and strategizing about the next wave of resistance. It included a sevenhour training at Duke University Saturday, followed by a Sunday rally in Durham Central Park in support of Muslims, immigrants, women, LGBTQ people, and other victims of injustice.

Conjuring up strength—and hope— is hard. For inspiration, I look not to the Nixon era but to the final years of the Cold War. Václav Havel was a Czech playwright and dissident who was locked up several times for his political activities, including a four-year stretch that ended in 1983. After his release, but before his 1989 election as president of Czechoslovakia, Havel started to correspond with the exiled journalist Karel Hvížďala. Their letters were later compiled into a book called Disturbing the Peace.

“Do you see a grain of hope anywhere?”

Hvížďala asked the playwright.

“I should probably say first that the kind of hope I often think about (especially in situations that are particularly hopeless, such as prison) I understand above all as a state of mind, not a state of the world,” Havel replied. “Hope is not prognostication. It is an orientation of the spirit, an orientation of the heart; it transcends the world that is immediately experienced, and it is anchored somewhere beyond its horizons.

“Hope, in this deep and powerful sense, is not the same as joy that things are going well, or willingness to invest in enterprises that are obviously headed for early success, but, rather, an ability to work for something because it is good, not just because it stands a chance to succeed,” he continued. “The more unpropitious the situation in which we demonstrate hope, the deeper that hope is. Hope is definitely not the same thing as optimism. It is not the conviction that something will turn out well, but the certainty that something makes sense, regardless of how it turns out.

“It is also this hope, above all, which gives us the strength to live and continually to try new things, even in conditions that seem as hopeless as ours do, here and now.” backtalk@indyweek.com INDYweek.com | 11.16.16 | 11

I GOT IT

WRONG

Hate trumped Hillary, and everything I thought I knew about politics was mistaken

By Jeffrey C. Billman

PHOTO ILLUSTRATION BY SHAN STUMPF AND BEN MCKEOWN

12 | 11.16.16 | INDYweek.com

I

underestimated Donald Trump.

Actually, scratch that. I didn’t underestimate the man, who remains every bit the racist narcissist he’s shown himself to be over the years. I did, however, underestimate the tidal wave of white resentment that propelled him into the Oval Office, the burning desire to blow up the system, consequences be damned.

I—an urban, educated elite—smugly assumed that there was no way people would actually vote for this buffoon, that everyone could see through his circus act the way I did. I devoured websites and listened to podcasts—all produced by urban, educated elites—that confirmed this assumption. And so as I watched results begin to pour in Tuesday night, celebratory boulevardier in hand, I was supremely confident of the results; doubly so when I saw the first exit polls, which showed a slightly less-white electorate than 2012.

“It’s over,” I assured a friend. “She’ll win by six.”

She did not win by six.

If this is a grieving process, I’m stuck in stage 2—anger. There’s plenty to be angry about: the petulant progressives who wrote in Jill Stein; FBI director James Comey, whose eleventh-hour intervention almost certainly tipped the election to Trump; cable news, which normalized Trump and hyperventilated over Hillary Clinton’s emails; the Clinton campaign itself, which never landed on an inspiring message and was entirely ignorant of its many blind spots; the Republican-led states, including North Carolina and Wisconsin, that tried to suppress the black vote; the 43 percent of registered voters who couldn’t be bothered to get off their asses; the millions of voters who, though they might not be bigots themselves, looked bigotry in the eye and shrugged. There’s also the Electoral College—an undemocratic anachronism that gives outsize power to rural whites at the expense of urban minorities—which, for the second of five presidential elections in which I’ve been eligible to vote, awarded the presidency to the secondplace finisher.

I’m also angry at my country, which is somehow less than what I imagined it to be—somehow unable to see through the mountain of mendacity that Trump erected around himself, unable to see through his misogyny or scapegoating of Mexicans and Muslims, unable to see his know-nothingness and glaringly empty promises for what they were, unable to recognize that this was a con and they were the marks. I thought we were better than that, smarter than that,

more tolerant and beneficent than that. We are not.

I’m angry (or at least embarrassed) at myself, too, because as many years as I’ve spent studying and writing about politics, I didn’t see this coming; I completely misread this election and this electorate. And so did a whole bunch of people who are much smarter than I am. We took Trump’s defeat for granted, and now we’ll pay the price.

I supported Clinton in the Democratic primary because I thought she’d make a more effective president than Bernie Sanders (still do), because I wanted to see her finally break that glass ceiling after surviving the political meat grinder for decades (still admire her for that), and because I thought

major metros—the places with universities and tech jobs and world-class restaurants and culture—were all a deep blue, and the outlying areas, with their shuttered factories and graying and declining populations, all ruby red. That resentment has manifested in the Republican legislature’s repeated attacks on urban areas in recent years: HB 2, sure, but also gerrymandering county commission and school board districts, trying to strip Charlotte of control of its airport and Asheville of its water system, and all the rest.

Less generously, it’s an angst directed at those perceived to be others. Just as the urban liberal bubble is a real thing, so too is the flip side. City dwellers, after all, routinely encounter and interact with people of differ-

We’re only stunned at the outcome because of how appalling Trump was.

But appalling though he may be, he clearly tapped into something. she’d be more electable (now, a more dubious proposition). Post-hoc counterfactuals can be overly simplistic; there’s no way to know whether Bernie would have withstood an onslaught of negative ads or whether the white working-class Midwestern voters who abandoned Clinton would have rallied to the banner of a Jewish socialist from Vermont. Maybe so, but I remain skeptical.

It’s easy, too, to lose perspective: Clinton won the popular vote and lost by 1 percentage point or less in Michigan, Wisconsin, and Pennsylvania; roughly one hundred thousand votes, total, would have put her in the White House. Moreover, political science models that focus on fundamentals always predicted a close race; it’s hard for a party to keep the White House for three terms. We’re only stunned at the outcome because of how appalling her opponent was.

But appalling though he may be, Trump clearly tapped into something.

Generously, that something was angst about an unevenly growing economy, about urban elites (like me) reaping the benefits of the plodding economic recovery while their exurban and rural neighbors languished.

You see this in North Carolina, where the

ent religions and backgrounds and with different levels of melanin. That’s not always the case elsewhere; rural and exurban America tend toward homogeneity.

As Patrick Thornton incisively wrote in Roll Call last week: “My home county in Ohio is 97 percent white. It, like a lot of other very unrepresentative counties, went heavily for Donald Trump. … In many of these areas, the only Muslims you see are in movies like American Sniper. (I knew zero Muslims before going to college in another state.)

You never see gay couples or even interracial ones. Much of rural and exurban American is a time capsule to America’s past. And on Tuesday … they dug it up.”

He continued: “To pin this election on the coastal elite is a cop-out. It’s intellectually dishonest, and it’s beneath us. We, as a culture, have to stop infantilizing and deifying rural and white working-class Americans. Their experience is not more of a real American experience than anyone else’s, but when we say that it is, we give people a pass from seeing and understanding more of their country.”

For all the talk about economic anxiety, I suspect that this kind of cultural—as

opposed to economic or religious—conservatism, a conservatism rooted in a fear of the other, was the real wellspring from which Donald Trump drew his strength. Were there other factors? Of course. Trump voters are not two-dimensional caricatures. But we also kid ourselves if we pretend bigotry didn’t play a role. We’re just not supposed to say that out loud.

Here in stage 2 of the grieving process, I— the educated, urban elite—find it hard not to be disappointed in and, in darker moments, openly contemptuous of these Trump voters.

This is an unproductive emotional response, granted. It does nothing to assuage their concerns that the world is changing and they are being left behind. And yes, it’s of a piece with the same liberal smugness that turned so many of them off in the first place.

In my moments of Vulcan rationality— too few and far between this past week—I understand we need to engage with these folks, to try to persuade them, to conceive economic policies that speak to their needs.

But I also fear that the Democratic Party is once again going to soften its embrace of civil rights and social justice to appease them, and that is something I cannot stomach. I would rather lose elections than forfeit principles.

So yes, we should reach out to them when we can, persuade them when we can; we should certainly not cordon ourselves off from them and ignore their interests. But we mustn’t lose sight of the fact that they are the past and we are the future, that we are on the right side of history and they are not.

I’m not despondent because my team lost.

That happens. Pendulums swing. And last week’s results can easily be read more as a repudiation of Hillary Clinton than a fondness for Donald Trump. No, I’m despondent—and disillusioned and angry—because my countrymen turned their backs on their better angels and gave in to demagoguery.

That makes me ashamed of my country. History will not judge us kindly.

So, for now, and for the foreseeable future, I cling to my anger. I draw motivation from it. Donald Trump, a man who spent years trying to delegitimize the first black president and earlier this week named an antiSemitic white nationalist to a top White House position, is not worthy of our respect, and certainly not of our accommodation.

He is worthy only of our complete and total resistance. And that is what I commit to doing these next four years, with every fiber of my being.

Get pissed. Get organized. Resist. Win. jbillman@indyweek.com INDYweek.com | 11.16.16 | 13

ILLUSTRATION BY SHAN STUMPF

14 | 11.16.16 | INDYweek.com

POOR WHITE MAN It’s time to stop laughing off his malignance—and his humanity

I

think we could already feel it on Tuesday afternoon, even as we kept reassuring one another that we had it in the bag—the rising dread of an intuition that something we’d deemed too horrible and absurd to happen was about to happen, as when a dark logic suddenly twists a dream into a nightmare.

From The Daily Show to our Facebook pages, we’d spent a year laughing off a lunatic fringe gathered in a pair of tiny hands, certain that our creed—love trumps hate—was selfevidently persuasive. But as the results came in, the gloating sarcasm and pious homilies that had filled our feeds plummeted into bewildered panic. How could half the country be racist? Who were these people? I felt the same disbelief, revulsion, and terror.

I also thought our collective shock revealed a less examined layer of privilege, one that played a key part in getting us here.

Many of Trump’s supporters, especially poor white men, are indeed virulent bigots, and those who are not still endorsed one.

That is truly shocking and irredeemable on moral grounds. We can never normalize, compromise with, or assimilate bigoted views in our civil society; we must actively confront them at every incidental and structural turn.

But bigotry without context is not a sufficient explanation for the phenomenon of Trumpism, and I think it’s time we were more mindful about projecting it onto entire abstract classes of people. When we paint voters motivated by bigotry and those willing to swallow it for other reasons with the same broad brush, we also paint over our own cultural and economic status’s inextricable link with theirs. Our mockery was not up to the task of defeating them, and that we were caught by surprise is symptomatic of the overconfident condescension with which we blanket rural America.

It’s understandable that we often turn a blind eye to white poverty in our moral and political calculus. The emblematic poor white man is outrageously wrong about so many things. America was never great in the way he means—he misses his unquestioned supremacy, not some fallen agrarian utopia. Rural people are not the “real

By Brian Howe America” any more than urban elites are.

Immigrants aren’t dangerous job-stealers.

Muslims aren’t terrorists. Mexicans aren’t rapists. One could go on and on.

The horrific extent to which he is wrong on these points makes him seem like a creature of pure error, so it’s easy to ignore the things he is right about. Globalization and the body politic really have left him behind, with little use for his outsourced skills and no coalition save guns, God, and social conservatism to represent him. We really do think we’re smarter than he is, and we don’t even try to hide it. He is reviled, patronized, and ignored, and we don’t seem very interested in the structural causes of his misogyny and homophobia, which are also present in other identity groups we don’t exclude from our sympathy. Because he is a bigot, we see and treat him differently than we do others mired in intergenerational poverty, underemployment, housing precarity, and addiction. I’m not sure we’ve even conceived of what his place in our diverse Democratic technocracy would be, let alone made that case to him.

The decimation of American industry and the concentration of wealth in cities, the former a direct conduit to the latter, has bred a deep-seated animus across a deeply ingrained divide. It manifests as resentment in rural America and scorn in urban America. In “Unconnected,” a recent New Yorker article, George Packer gives a sweeping account of how the Democratic Party lost the white working class, a concept that “mixes race and class into a volatile compound, privilege and disadvantage.”

“A great inversion occurred,” Packer writes, summing up a story that has played out in North Carolina and across the country. “The dangerous, depraved cities gradually became safe for clean-living professional families, while the region surrounding Greensboro lost tobacco, textiles, and furniture-making, in a rapid collapse around the turn of the millennium, so that Oxycontin and disability and home invasions had taken root.”

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e all know this story, but we seem little moved by it. Instead, we drink expensive cocktails in

shining glass buildings and publicly scorn whole swaths of people mired in desperate poverty, these Pennsylvania steelworkers and West Virginia coal miners we admit we’ve never met. We downplay the role our privilege plays in breeding our progressive views and the role systemic neglect plays in breeding their reactionary ones—that we live in places where progressivism confers social benefits, not censure. That’s no excuse for, or comprehensive explanation of, bigotry, but it’s an important piece I don’t think we’ll ever solve this puzzle without.

If we want to fully understand why an individual chooses bigotry, we need to consider the available choices. As it stands, former industrial towns across the country are trapped on the wrong side of “an economic and geographic divide that is baked into the deep structures of the knowledge economy,” as the urban studies theorist Richard Florida recently tweeted. How are we proposing that a single parent in rural Missouri scraping for odd jobs and food stamps should come join our progressive project in our expensive urban centers? And if that isn’t our appeal, are we, the beneficiaries of dying industry towns’ demise, simply asking them to stay put and make a moral vote for a technocrat who represents a status quo that has economically failed them?

If the elite’s only response to this populist uprising is to call them racists in loud public conversations with itself, we are ignoring a chink in the armor of conservatism where we might make some headway—the poor person who voted against his economic advantage (the rich person who voted for it is a separate problem). Our echo chamber of mocking selfcongratulation has failed to eradicate bigotry and has perhaps strengthened it in its dug-in defensive positions. This is so clear we must all recognize it, and if we do it anyway, we are clearly not serious about solving a problem.

We are concerned with differentiating and exonerating ourselves.

I am not even talking about loving people whose views we find repugnant. It's too hard, and love is too abstract and evanescent a force to address a socioeconomic breakdown.

But the poor white man’s resentment of the cosmopolitan elite is, in some ways, justified,

and its time we added our advantage over him to our list of sins to be shriven as we continue the work of unpacking privilege in all its guises. We—some of us, anyway—must do this no matter how much bile-swallowing and radical empathy it takes. It’s not for them or for us, but for the compound of them and us. The fate of the republic is in the balance.

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hite men are a huge problem, one that the white male progressive elite must start by solving among ourselves. There’s a part of Adrienne Rich’s poem “The Phenomenology of Anger” that I always carry inside me; it sadly remains as much of a lodestar for men today as it was when she wrote it decades ago. In a dream of meeting the “true enemy,” Rich unleashes a torrent of white acetylene, “raking his body down to the thread/ of existence/ burning away his lie/ leaving him in a new/ world; a changed/ man.”

When I discovered those lines years ago, they became a white-hot lens to focus a conviction that was already developing. They used to make me cry every time I read them, and sometimes they still do. Through Rich’s clarity and power, I could almost feel the lines as an assault on my actual white male body. Thus, I gained a little more empathy for how it feels for your body to be a symbol, subject to destruction by others. Gradually, my relationship with the poem shifted from one of sorrow to acceptance of guilt and strength of purpose. Rich’s words became the fixed image of my belief that the lineaments of white manhood needed not to change, but to burn away, however painful it was, for our world to go on.

The work those of us in progressive areas have been doing to break down white male supremacy is necessary and still in process.

The dispersion of our hoarded power along a continuum is important. But we must also remember that the capacity to deconstruct privilege is a form of privilege, as is my capacity, as someone who is not directly threatened by bigotry, to even think about it in terms of its causes rather than its effects.

Though he did not create them, Trump has unleashed terrible forces in the world. Violent bigots are coming out of the woodwork, and INDYweek.com | 11.16.16 | 15

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for them we can spare no sympathy. Our priority is to form coalitions with people of color, immigrants, LGBTQ people, Muslims, and women against toxic forces, from our civil discourse to the streets. They are the most directly threatened, and they have been marginalized for longer and more insidiously than the white working class.

This mandate especially applies to those of us who remain safest: white men. But this doesn’t mean stepping in as leaders or saviors. I think it means being quieter, retracting, listening carefully, and asking questions about what we can do to help, rather than swooping in with our own bold and uninformed solutions.

I know that might sound counterintuitive.

We’ve been taught to take up a lot of space, one of countless ways even the most professedly feminist man operates by enculturation since birth. Swallow the shame of rooting them out and get on with it. We have to vigilantly work to divest ourselves of privilege without mistaking the effort for actually getting rid of it. We have to take ourselves apart from the inside out, without making allowances for deep-seated supremacy with good intentions.

And we have to do it all in a spirit of responsibility and recompense, not absolution or heroism. This is especially urgent after white men turned out in enthusiastic numbers to elect a sexual assaulter and bigot, when we know that an appalling number of our female friends have experienced sexual violence and all our friends of color have experienced bigotry.

In most ways, white men need to follow now, but this is one area in which we might have to lead, no matter how distasteful we find it. We can’t ask people who are the direct targets of bigotry to have any congress with bigots. But eventually, the white male progressive elite has to expand its deconstruction of privilege to include the poor white men we revile for their social views. We should never compromise with bigotry, even if it were the majority, but we have to find the curiosity and compassion to learn who these people are and address the economic straits in which they live.

I

grew up close enough to the rural white man to know something of him. In Hillsborough, I certainly learned things I had to work hard to unlearn. But Hillsborough is solidly middle class, near thriving cultural centers, not some decayed Rust Belt dungeon. I grew up in a socioeconomic and aesthetic environment that prized diversity, that made room for and stimulated imagination and empathy. When you try to divide up privilege between the poor white man and other

compounds of race, wealth, gender, and class, things get murky fast. But when I compare my privilege to his, it is stark.

So it feels incumbent on people like me to address the concerns of the poor white man, because we are most like him and safest from him. Invective cannot be our sole response to people trapped in abject systemic poverty unless we want to embrace open classism as a value. We need to go beneath the surface of his words and try to understand his life and mind, and admit how little our political preferences consider his basic well-being.

Make no mistake: we have a lot of mutual animus and class-based prejudice to work through. When he dreams of white America, I am not what he dreams of. I do not love him.

I sometimes hate him. But at my best I know he is a person shaped by his circumstances, not by some evil inner nature. That is a fundamental belief I have about people, from which I cannot exclude him. I can almost imagine how it would feel to live in his world, so alien to me—stuck, maligned, ignored by coalitions, and desperate for relief. We hate him so much that our only appeal to him is to cease to be.

“Destroy yourself,” we offer, like Adrienne Rich, without offering the context of privilege and social approval in which to do it.

I strongly believe that my views on social justice are, in fact, just, but I can’t be as smug about them when I consider the relative luxury in which they flourished, and how luxury always comes at someone's expense.

My views are constructs of my time and place, and when we live in unequal privilege, there is no objective standard of justice to rely on in our appeals to the other side. We have to prove to the poor white man that tolerance and diversity are subjectively better ways to live, and that there is a place for him in them.

This problem goes deeper than a root you can dig out all at once. The soil must be cleansed and fortified so that the next generation can grow better, and we must vigorously defend the targets of bigotry until then.

In any case, it’s become clear that we are not going to change minds with words, whether hostile or conciliatory, if they gloss over deeply rooted issues of fairness, privilege, and social standing. Come the next election, I'll be looking for a candidate whose platform has strong planks for people of color, LGBTQ people, women, immigrants—and, yes, the poor white people strangled in the Rust Belt. America’s long nightmare of two sides in an eternal war has come to a head, but that doesn’t mean it’s going to end. You can’t escape from a nightmare by dreaming it more and more furiously, fighting fire with fire until everything burns. You can only escape by waking up. bhowe@indyweek.com

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Joseph Mozingo PHOTO BY TROY HERRING

TRUMP’S AMERICA

In Wayne County, angry rural whites helped propel a New York billionaire to office

r that we th words, , if they f fairness, e the next ate whose e watched me through one of the le of color, windows that grace a small, light ants—and, blue house located in a somewhat led in therundown neighborhood in the rural eastare of twoern North Carolina town of Mount Olive. to a head,Moments later, the wiry man, in a worn end. Yougray hoodie and camouflage-pattern hat, dreamingapproached my car on a bicycle well past its g fire withprime. can only “Can I help you?” he said in a Southern drawl as he peered into my front seat. yweek.com I’d stopped at this particular home because

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By Troy Herring of the signs that stood in its front lawn— placards that bore a slogan that has become both a meme unto itself and a conservative call to action. I was there because I hoped the man who put them there could help me understand what drove the angry, white, rural Americans who helped Donald Trump win to support a thrice-married billionaire who knows nothing of their struggles.

Fifty-four-year-old Joseph Mozingo, a Trump supporter who fit the stereotype perfectly—white, no college degree, born and

bred in rural America—had his answer.

It didn’t take him long to display his love for all things Trump, from his ability to “get what he wants” to his call to deport millions of Hispanics, many of whom work on cucumber farms owned by Mount Olive Pickle Company and in the tobacco fields that surround much of the town he calls home. He was both passionate and unapologetic.

“Attention public: there will be thousands and thousands of jobs coming up after January 2017,” Mozingo said, recalling one of

many Facebook posts he crafted during the campaign. “Bus drivers needed to haul illegal immigrants back to Mexico.”

Mozingo’s support for Trump is rivaled only by his hatred of President Obama, which is fueled by the false claim that the president is not a natural-born citizen and therefore is an “illegal” commander in chief.

“His mom was a white German and his dad was a black African, and he was born in Honolulu,” Mozingo told me. “How do you get somebody from here and there, clear across INDYweek.com | 11.16.16 | 17

the world, over here? And you’ll show a copy, but you won’t show your original birth certificate? It’s in a lockbox? Why not show it?

Be proud.”

(Obama produced his long-form birth certificate in 2011.)

Welcome to Wayne County, one of the reddest counties in the state; Trump won Wayne 55–43 and the neighboring Duplin County 59–40. This is my home, a microcosm of Trump’s America, a place where people like Mozingo are everywhere. Take Ann Sullivan, the vice chairwoman of the local Republican Party. She decided to support Trump because, during a prayer session, she had an epiphany.

“Before I do any major decisions, or any general decisions, I pray about it,” she told me. “And Trump’s name kept coming to mind, so finally I threw my arms up and said, ‘Really? Seriously?’ Then, the name came to me again [so] I said, “OK, we’ll do this.’”

Then, as news coverage of postelection protests took over her television, Sullivan became incensed.

“I want somebody to tell me why is it, and you don’t see Republicans do this, but why is it that Democrats—and the mostly young and black—as soon as something goes wrong they take to the streets and start burning?” she said. “They should start driving paddy wagons and start tossing them in there by the twenties.”

With that, a rant about Black Lives Matter ensued, and Sullivan said protesters “better be glad that Trump is going to be in charge” rather than her. “I’d get out there and form a little net around them, take them to jail, and whoever bails them out, I would watch them and find out where they are going, and find out how much they got paid to do that,” she said.

It’s worth noting that this sort of anger is not what drives every white Republican in eastern North Carolina counties like Wayne.

Some supporters are wealthy and want tax breaks. Others are members of the military (Goldsboro is the home of Seymour Johnson Air Force Base) who believe the U.S. should have stuck it out in Iraq and committed ground troops to fight ISIS. And then there are the Bible Belt evangelicals who were told that this election would help create a conservative, anti-Roe v. Wade Supreme Court. But still, comments like those made by Mozingo and Sullivan are not at all fringe in Wayne County, where some white people— according to a Food Lion cashier—regularly stare down African Americans who shop with food stamps and “throw their hands up when they see that EBT card.”

“The craziest thing is how open they are about it. Like, they aren’t hiding it. This one 18 | 11.16.16 | INDYweek.com

man, two days after the election, said to this old black lady, ‘Enjoy it while it lasts,’” said the cashier, who requested anonymity for fear of losing her job. “And I’ve seen guys in here laughing at Mexicans and mumbling stuff about, ‘Where are your papers?’ It’s crazy.”

Lenny Bolton, who rents a house between Mount Olive and Goldsboro, insists it was the state of the economy, not prejudice, that troubled him. Even so, bigotry appears to linger not far below the surface.

“I mean, there ain’t no jobs around here because the aliens are working for next to nothing,” he said. “Does that sound American to you? We’re giving our prosperity to them.”

When asked if he’d be willing to pick cucumbers or tobacco, Bolton got defensive.

“Just because I don’t want that kind of work doesn’t mean some Mexican should get it. A part of me says we should let them stick it out on them fields, but it ain’t right.”

So who, then, should companies like Mount Olive Pickle and Butterball hire to take on jobs men like Bolton want no part of?

“Give ’em to the blacks who sit at home on the porch all day,” he said. “Make ’em earn that government check. Know what I’m sayin’?”

Wayne County, though it has voted Republican in the last thirteen presidential elections, has more registered Democrats than Republicans. It also produced the Reverend William Barber II, the leader of the state NAACP and Moral Monday organizer.

And yet, among its white residents, disdain for minorities isn’t uncommon. The fact that such vitriol could propel a man into the White House stunned Stephanie Kornegay, formerly the chairwoman of the Wayne County Democratic Party.

Like so many others, she was baffled watching the results come in. All she could do was guess what went wrong. “The answer is, I don’t know,” Kornegay said.

Mozingo thinks he knows. The cigarette in his hand had burned down to the filter, but he continued to take long drags from it. Unlike Kornegay, he was relaxed as he considered the prospect of a Trump presidency. Things were going to get better in a country that had, in his view, gone to hell in a handbasket.

And, with a deep breath, he looked me square in the eye and said something that seemed to epitomize what I’ve learned in my nearly three decades in the rural South.

To “make America great again,” he told me, requires going back to the “beginning.” And while he didn’t say exactly what that meant, he did tell me this: “They better watch out. He is about to shake America to its roots.”

If you’ve lived in Wayne County long enough, you can read between those lines. backtalk@indyweek.com

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A STORY FOR MY LITTLE GIRL “How could this happen?”

nies like all hire to

By Ken Fine no part of? t home on m earn that daughter’s door, I took a few deep breaths ow do you tell your daughter sayin’?” to collect myself, thinking all the while that that a meteor is barreling toward as voted our nation had just delivered a message to Earth and that all she can do is esidentialwait, clinging to the hope it doesn’t inflict my little girl that bullying, misogyny, racism, emocratscatastrophic damage on the human race? and (at best) sexual misconduct could be uced the That’s how it felt when I got home after rewarded with a chair inside the Oval Office. ader of thecovering the presidential election, an Parents can’t panic in moments like these. organizer.assignment that quickly became a nightThose of you with young ones know what s, disdainmare that saw me emotionlessly scanning I’m talking about. They can sense our unrest, The factFacebook, Twitter, and the polling results and it breeds fear in their hearts. And from n into thethemselves for even the slightest sign of the moment you look at your son or daughter Kornegay,hope early Wednesday morning. for the first time, shielding your child from e Wayne By then, it was clear Hillary Clinton was the darkness in the world becomes your most paramount priority. So I knew I had to going to lose, an outcome that all but ensured s baffledany semblance of the progress made over dig deep, to ignore the fact that the country, she couldthe last eight years would be scrubbed from as we knew it, had been forever changed. he answerour consciousness. So when, after a defeated She didn’t answer after the first few knocks, so I let myself in, expecting to find stroll through the backyard, I got inside and igarette inmade my way to the living room to find my her still lost in dream. But she wasn’t sleepter, but hetwelve-year-old daughter sleeping on the ing. A text message from a friend had alerted it. Unlikecouch, I couldn’t bring myself to wake her. her to America’s new normal. onsidered She had been waiting anxiously to see “You don’t even have to say it,” she said, cy. Thingsthe first female president accept victory— tears forming in her bloodshot eyes. “I know. untry thatto affirm that a little girl can grow into an I know, Dad. How could this happen?” ndbasket.unstoppable force of progress—but didn’t I had nothing. I mean, even if there were me squarequite make it through the returns. And so I an explanation—racist whites or voter supat seemedjust sat there, watching her sleep. I wasn’t pression or the FBI—how do you unpack my nearlyready to kill her dream. all that for seventh-grade ears? How do you explain away hate and intolerance?

My wife left for work several hours later, he told me,leaving me to deliver the news to a sleepSo I sat on the end of her bed, and, as I’ve ning.” Anddeprived preteen who had somehow mandone countless times, I told her a story. at meant,aged to make it to her bedroom at some point I reminded her that, once upon a time, a ch out. Hebefore sunrise. “Be sensitive,” she cautioned, little girl told herself that there was nothts.” ing wrong with her aunt falling in love with just before walking out the door. “She’s going unty longto be devastated.” another woman, that the color of her birae lines. cial cousin’s skin didn’t make him a threat My heart was heavy as I ascended our yweek.comtwenty-four stairs. And when I came to my to people like her.

H

ILLUSTRATION BY STEVE OLIVA

I recounted the day when she, at eight years old, refused to sit on Santa’s lap at a mall because the Christmas train was being driven by a Chick-fil-A cow (she’d overheard a conversation between me and my wife about the chain’s founder, Dan Cathy, making anti-LGBTQ comments) and how she encouraged her friends to boycott the circus because she was concerned about the welfare of animals.

I asked her to remember the immigrants she trained alongside and competed against in an eastern North Carolina martial arts studio located in a county Trump won handily, and to never, ever forget that much of her food, from Mount Olive pickles to the turkey we will share on Thanksgiving, only gets to her plate because of men and women who sought a better life in the United States.

And as I fought back tears, I implored her to remember this feeling in 2024 (the

first presidential election in which she will be old enough to vote) and allow that pain to light a fire inside of her that will burn brighter than any Supreme Court appointee, border wall, or Muslim ban Donald Trump throws our way.

Big change, I told her, comes from big hearts—and I have found none bigger than the one that beats inside my little girl’s chest. It comes from compassion, tolerance, and empathy.

Those qualities, she said, are the norm for her generation. And in that moment, I was reminded that this “once upon a time” could, indeed, still have a happy ending.

Certainly not today or any time soon. But in victory, Trump might well have guaranteed that some day, a social rebellion led by the likes of my daughter will ensure that every American has the happily ever after our nation set ablaze last week. kfine@indyweek.com INDYweek.com | 11.16.16 | 19

PORTRAITS OF HOPE How your friends and neighbors are finding strength in a dark time | Photos and interviews by Ben McKeown

JOSH ROWSEY

Musician, Account Executive at INDY Week Hope is understanding that everything you’re going through is part of God’s plan, if you will.

And just to understand anything that has manifested itself in the physical is still being taken care of in the spiritual. I understand that a lot of people are losing hope at this moment, but this is time more than ever to start exercising your faith and really start listening to whatever source, the universe, whatever you want to call it. Now it’s time to be clear because something is obviously changing.

You have the power of the universe within you. Just how your cells kind of resemble an entire galaxy, even your handprints, or cities resemble what a bloodstream looks like. Yes, you are a smaller individual, but once you start recognizing that your power reflects that of the universe, you start holding yourself different. Then you start becoming change and that change spreads to the next person around you. And I think now more than ever, people need to recognize that.

ASIF ANSARI

Vice Director of Media and Outreach, Apex Mosque

ANGELA WHITENHILL Counselor and Faith Leader

Hope, to me, is a choice. I’m going to naturally default on finding something to hope in. For my emotion, for my community, to me, it makes more psychological or spiritual sense to lean on the positive than to brace for the negative. Hope is like the cord between one testimony of the triumph of love to the next testimony of the triumph of love. Love always wins. I truly believe that.

Love wins. It’s in my ethic, it’s in my faith, it’s who I am. There are moments of love winning in our history and in my life. In between those moments, stuff happens. And hope is the thing I hold onto, knowing the next triumph of love is coming. I don’t know what it is. And I can’t place my hope in one thing. The cord is not the outcome. I still hope, but I’ve got to figure out what else I hope in, knowing that—and this is a belief—I know love wins.

20 | 11.16.16 | INDYweek.com

From an Islamic standpoint, we feel that things that happen, whether it’s the results of the election or day-to-day issues, which are acts of God and that God will test us in different ways. It is up to us to determine how we respond. We don’t feel that God will test us with something we can’t handle. Looking back hundreds of years at the spread of Islam, the prophet Muhammad, peace be upon him, encountered significantly more challenges than we face today. If you look at other faith traditions such as Christianity and Judaism, Jesus and Moses, may God be pleased with them both, encountered significantly more challenges and persecution than Muslims are facing today in this country. Perhaps things have been too comfortable and this is an opportunity for us to struggle to get better.

I look at this as a time when we do not retreat, but instead further our efforts to have open discussions with the broader community. While this phrase is becoming far too cliched, to continue building bridges, rather than hiding and pretending that we live in a bubble.

LEXIE HALLMAN Jewish mother of Mira I think I point my gaze to my daughter. She’s such a wellspring of hope, and she doesn’t even mean to be.

That’s just a part of childhood, that every part of her is so hopeful and so real and genuine and trusting. And I think we’ve lost some of that with how negative everything is.

She is a really good picture of how to be hopeful, and to be hopeful about small things, to be hopeful about just dayto-day nothings. I think that’s what I want to be focusing on right now, and not on feeling sad or feeling like we lost.

Just focusing on what we can be doing for them.

On Tuesday I put her to bed about eleven o’clock.

And we could see it wasn’t going to happen. I just knew her little heart was going to break. She came into our bedroom at about six in the morning and said, “Did she win?” And I could just feel my heart breaking and I said, “I’m really sorry.” I could tell that she was so sad, and she said, “You know what, it’s OK, guys, because we’re still together.”

As sad as I was, she’s right. And the hopefulness of a six-year-old in that moment, when the whole world can feel like it’s crashing down, is that what's true is that we’re still here together and that’s not gone. And no vote or election can take that away.

CHRIS FURR

Pastor, Covenant Christian Church in Cary Think about the irrepressible nature of life, the innate endurance, the way that when one path is cut off, life will find some other way. I was in Costa Rica, walking in the rainforest, and there’s a tree called the Walking Palm that lives below the canopy, where very little light comes through. But the canopy is always changing, and so is where the light hits the floor. Roots shoot out from the Walking Palm and over time, it moves to where light is. The evolutionary genius of that was stunning to me. In the church, we would say that’s the language of resurrection: that God is so intent on bringing life to the earth that it’s like trying to hold something under the water that won’t be sunk.

CARLA GREGG-KEARNS Pastor, Good Shepherd United Church of Christ

I keep thinking in terms of sacred circles, places where you can tell the truth and hear the wisdom of the elders and the laughter of the children. It’s not just about the people you know or the people that might walk through your door, but the ways that those sacred circles continue to grow and move in the world. And for me it’s been church, but I don’t think that’s necessarily true for everybody. I imagine there are other ways people might experience and know sacred circles. To build an altar to hope out of the gifts of our lives is one of the things we’re hoping to do in the coming weeks.

DIANE FAIRES

Associate Pastor, St. Paul’s Christian Church Something that inspired me was the sense of the length of history and how things can change. I grew up in Germany and I still remember going to visit the Berlin Wall. It seemed so permanent and kept people apart for so many years. We went to see it, and less than a year later it was gone. I never would’ve imagined that, but there was all this stuff going on under the surface, all these people pushing for change. So having this hope that no matter how unchanging or divisive something seems, we can always be surprised by the result.

INDYweek.com | 11.16.16 | 21

A WOMAN’S WORK IS NEVER DONE You thought we were nasty before? You better buckle up.

By Allison Hussey

L

adies, here’s a fun exercise: find a man and tell him, in as much vivid detail as you can, about all the times men have catcalled you, told you to smile, talked over you, talked down to you, undermined your authority, called you crazy, or made an unwanted pass at you.

Pull no punches. Watch his expression start to drop in horror as you rattle on. Maybe he didn’t notice this stuff before, but by the time you stop, he probably won’t forget it soon. Any woman can play this game, because every woman has a million of these little tales to tell.

Existing as a woman in public means subjecting yourself to unending scrutiny that men don’t experience or often register as reality. When you work in a field dominated by men, it’s not enough to be as good as them. You have to be better. You have to be twice as smart, work twice as hard, and be twice as quick, all just to get the same consideration as your male peers.

Any gap in your knowledge is a crack in the dam that a man will exploit for your undoing—proof in his mind that you’re inferior.

Hillary Clinton wasn’t a perfect candidate, but she was subjected to the same unreasonable, unrelenting dissection that every woman faces. She knows what it’s like to be the only woman in a room, what it’s like to grit your teeth through physical discomfort, what it’s like to be condescended to by a man who thinks he knows better. These things feel like bleeding to death from a million paper cuts. And never mind that she’s spent her entire life studying and participating in law and policy—a man with zero experience in any relevant field still got the job. I don’t know exactly how Clinton feels, but I can make a well-informed estimation.

To Donald Trump—indeed, to a lot of men—women aren’t wholly human. He never said it in so few words, but he made it abundantly clear throughout his entire campaign. We exist to be grabbed, ogled, assaulted, and interrupted, and men remind 22 | 11.16.16 | INDYweek.com

us of this “truth” every day. No woman is exempt, even in the most banal and clinical settings—like at a recent consultation with a new primary care physician, where I was astonished and embarrassed when the doctor tasked with my well-being spent the entire appointment staring at my breasts.

Even in a best-case fantasy scenario wherein a Trump presidency accomplishes absolutely nothing, his election sends a clear message that you can be the biggest public misogynist, racist, and generally hateful pile of human garbage, and not only will you face no consequences for your behavior, you’ll get elected to the highest public office for it, too. Women and minorities get a different version of this message: those who abuse you can do so with impunity. The concept isn’t entirely new (see: just about every trial for rape or sexual assault), but it’s worrisome to consider the looming wave of those who feel that Trump’s victory green-lights their hateful behavior.

So what are we gonna do about it? If you thought we were uppity feminists before, boy howdy, you better buckle up. We’ve been fighting against physical, emotional, and legislative assaults on us our entire lives; in these dire times, we’re only going to get louder. There’s a misconception that the endgame of feminism is monolithic female friendship, which is neither truth nor practical reality. We don’t all need to be besties, but we do all need to look out and speak up for one another, protecting the most marginalized among us. Our cries of empowerment are meaningless if we’re not also dedicated to making ample space for trans, queer, Muslim, black, and immigrant voices in our communities. A rising tide lifts all boats, after all.

A woman’s work is exhausting, frustrating, infuriating, and thankless. A woman’s work is never done. But we’re sure as hell not about to give up on it now. ahussey@indyweek.com ILLUSTRATION BY CHRISTOPHER WILLIAMS

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PHOTO PROVIDED BY LAUREN HORSCH

TO THE WOMEN WHO RAISED US

An open letter to the mothers who abandoned Hillary Clinton when she needed them most

By Lauren Horsch

W

e wept on Tuesday night.

We came to you for comfort, but many of you just blamed her. You blamed her for her past, for her husband’s indiscretions. We wept for our futures and came to you for comfort, only to be left wondering how the women who raised us to be strong and independent could make us feel so alone.

When we were young, you told us to follow our dreams. You supported us. You were our biggest fans. But on Tuesday you failed us. You failed to think of the future we’re going to be living in. You failed to think about what could happen to us—the violence, the fear, the harm. We needed you to be an ally, but now it’s almost as if you’re the enemy.

So many of you fought for equal rights. So many of you watched as our rights expanded. You watched as our wages grew, as our rights were written into law.

And then, on Tuesday, you tore down one of our own.

“She’s not a feminist,” you said.

“She’s married to a rapist.”

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Some of your ancestors bled for our rights, and you—you set us back. Not all of you; in fact, many of you gave us hope.

But the rest of you—those who decided she wasn’t enough—what is enough?

She’s fought. She’s been fighting for decades for women and other disenfranchised citizens. So what if she made mistakes? We all make mistakes. Are you not flawed? Have you never made a bad decision? She’s worked harder to achieve her dreams than many of us have or ever will.

How could you?

How could you vote for a man who has assaulted women and bragged about it? For a man who says pregnancy is a burden on a business? For a man who objectifies his own daughter?

How could you look at a woman and only see her husband’s infidelities?

I’m one of the lucky ones. I’ve never been sexually assaulted. But I have been harassed.

I’ve had men lurk above me to get a glimpse of what is under my shirt. I’ve had men (and women) demean me for being young and inexperienced. I’ve had men tell me I don’t

understand something, even though I’ve studied and practiced it for years. I’ve had men—elected public officials—make comments about my appearance. They’ve objectified me while I was working, while I was trying to ensure that the public was aware of what was going on. And now it’s only going to get worse.

If the president can do it, why can’t they?

I cried when my father died. I mourned his death. But on November 8, I mourned a different loss. I cried for a different reason.

She lost. And I felt a personal loss, a loss of opportunity. If she couldn’t break the glass ceiling, how could I? So, to the women who raised us—us being the strong women, the independent women, the women who dream and achieve—how could you fail us? How could you have looked at the ballot and chosen a predator and his partner in crime, a man who has cut funding for women’s health care? You chose a future for us that you simply cannot justify. So stop trying to justify it to us. You can’t.

To the 60 percent of white, non-college-

educated women who voted for Donald Trump, I’m sorry you felt like you couldn’t trust a woman to run your government. I’m sorry you felt so much fear and hatred for another woman that you couldn’t pick her.

But I want you to know this: so many of us— your daughters, your nieces, your family members—are now more scared than ever because of your decision.

And to the women who told me, “Oh, I want a female president, just not her.” If not her, who? Who is more prepared to be president? Her loss just proves to us that, yes, less qualified men can and will beat us out for jobs—no matter who we are, no matter who they are.

So, to the women who raised us, how can you support us in our fear? We’re afraid not just for our safety but for the safety of our black, brown, and LGBTQ friends and family. We’re afraid that they can’t live their lives freely.

This wasn’t about politics. It wasn’t about policy. It was about humanity.

And humanity failed us. lhorsch@indyweek.com

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THE EYES

OF A CHILD

A twelve-year-old grapples with the reality of Trump

By Daniel Klein The last presidential election was in 2012, when I was eight years old. All I remember was it was between Barack Obama and Mitt Romney. I thought that the winner was chosen by popular vote. Now I know about the primaries, conventions, and the debates.

My dad and I watched the debates together. My brother and mother don’t like to watch politics, so it was just us.

To me, it looked like Donald Trump was trying to distract his audience when he was asked about something that could ruin his campaign, instead of owning up to his problems.

I heard about how he got caught on tape saying horrible things about women. I didn’t know how people could still vote for him when the whole idea of being an American was that people could be themselves and they would be treated fairly for it—especially women, who still voted for him after he completely showed that he cared nothing for women as people and cared more about them being his toys.

Two days before the election, we had a social studies assignment in which we would create our own map predicting who would win and what state would go to which candidate. I thought it was clear that Hillary Clinton would win. My map was like most others, showing all of the predictable states on their respective sides and battleground states going one way or another, and I think that I said that Clinton would lose only Iowa and Ohio.

A lot of why I put Hillary in the lead was because I looked online for polls to see how all of the states usually voted.

It seemed pretty realistic at the time.

Fast-forward to after school that next day. I went to swim practice, got home, and went to another house in the neighborhood with my swim parka on, where my dad was watching the returns. When I sat down on the couch, it was about eight thirty, and many of the states had been lost to Donald Trump. I was a little bit shaken, but I figured that since it was the beginning of the returns, I should stay positive.

Slowly but surely, I started to lose my assurance. I wasn’t sure who would win, but I was turning between the two thoughts of, “Donald Trump is going to win and ruin our country” and “No! Better stay positive. At least the West Coast hasn’t been covered yet.”

I tried to lighten the mood just so watching the returns wasn’t as painful or unenjoyable. For example, I compared the whole election to a really bad fart, because it completely stinks, and when you run away from it, it comes back and lingers with you for a while.

I think it worked, but pretty soon the smiles disappeared, and I heard many sighs and words of disappointment.

I tried to ignore it, but once Trump won North Carolina and Florida, I lost myself. I asked my dad if we could go home, and he looked at me like I didn’t even have to ask him.

On the way home I remember say-

ing, “Dad, we can’t have a president whose hair looks like that.” I was trying to make him laugh. I didn’t want him to be unhappy, so I tried to make it into a joke. My dad reminded me of the real issue at hand. I realized that it really wasn’t anything to joke about, and I just stayed silent after that.

I didn’t think I was going to be able to sleep comfortably that night because the stress of the election was going to prey on me once I got into bed.

Just before we got to our house, I had an idea.

“Hey, Dad,” I said. “Can we meditate?”

We’d started doing meditation pretty recently, before a swim meet, when I was telling my dad that I was worried about an event. He told me to try something with him, and my mind was open to it. We meditated for just five minutes, and I felt a lot better. This time I said we should do it for ten. We did, and it helped me to be able to sleep that night.

A couple of days later, the idea of a Trump presidency still haunts me.

Sometimes I wake up and think about how many days we still have left until Trump gets inaugurated. But the other thing I think about is that he’s only president for four years. If he has a hard time passing his laws and ideas through Congress, then he’s going to have a hard time changing our beautiful country. backtalk@indyweek.com

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THE FIGHT HAS JUST BEGUN A history of immigrant activism needs your understanding

T

he news that Donald J. Trump will be our next president has made the immigrant community, particularly those of us who have been on the frontlines to stop deportations and the criminalization of our communities, realize that our fight has only just begun.

It is time to recommit ourselves to this long, difficult, exhausting fight. Immigrants are, once again, under attack.

I have been involved in immigrant-rights activism since 2010, when I met Viridiana Martinez, Rosario Lopez, and Loida GinocchioSilva. The undocumented young women were participating in a self-organized hunger strike in Raleigh to push then-Senator Kay Hagan to support the federal DREAM Act. (She refused.)

I had grown up wanting to be an activist, and, although I am not undocumented, I saw my firstgeneration immigrant experience reflected in these three women. They and undocumented youth across the country have always led the fight for immigrant rights, putting their bodies on the line every single day. I was inspired by their defiance, bravery, knowledge, and by the challenge they presented to the nonprofits that were established to advocate for them but instead tried to silence them for being too political.

Martinez, Lopez, Ginocchio-Silva, and others would go on to become cofounders of the NC Dream Team, a group led by immigrant youth and trusted allies. As part of the group, I quickly learned the ins and outs of stopping a community member’s deportation through campaigns, the importance of social media in spreading the word, how to effectively communicate with the press, and the power in assisting and eventually participating in civil disobedience to push elected officials to act. The same year I joined NCDT, I began my freshman year of college to become a teacher.

It is important to note that, in this time of great need for grassroots organizing, the marginalized undocumented community doesn’t have the privilege to register a nonprofit. And for many of us, choosing not to is a resistance to an unfair system. We have never received funding or been paid for our work in the community. Beyond this being a logistical challenge, local nonprofit organizations with a marketing capacity have taken 34 | 11.16.16 | INDYweek.com

By Elisa Hernandez

Elisa Hernandez has fought deportations and anti-immigrant policies as an activist since 2010. PHOTO BY BRYAN PFEIFER

credit for our work and have been funded for projects that barely scratch the surface of what we have accomplished over the years.

The most rewarding feeling in stopping someone’s deportation is to see the smiles and tears on the faces of families upon receiving the good news. The losses, however, stay with me. I still wonder, to this day, if I did enough, if I could have done something differently to keep a family together. We have had to fight tooth and nail, give up time with our families, travel extensively, and forgo taking care of ourselves to aid our communities over the years.

We did this work until about 2015. We were all incredibly burned out. Members had come and gone, some going on to school, transitioning into various careers that their advocacy had opened the doors to and passing on this work to younger generations. Then, late last year, came word that the Obama administration would begin immigration raids and detain Central American refugees. Viridiana Martinez, Ivan Almonte, I, and others created a hotline in early January to address the needs of the community.

We were inundated with calls from all over the country. Our community was in a panic. There were many false alarms, but in late January we got the call about Wildin Acosta, a Durham teenager being detained outside of his home as he prepared to drive to Riverside High School.

Young men were being detained from all over North Carolina—in Charlotte, in Thomasville.

They were handcuffed outside of their homes and at their school bus stops. We sprang into action using all that we had learned over the years. We fought for Wildin with the help of his teachers and the local community. He was released from detention in August. Others were, too, but just this past week, two days after the election, teenager Pedro Salmeron of Charlotte was deported.

All of this happened under a Democratic administration, one that has deported at least two million immigrants, many of them youths like Wildin. President Obama has deported more immigrants than any other president.

This is a clear indication that immigrants can trust neither party, neither the Democrats nor the Republicans.

Today, with Donald Trump as our next president, the fight for immigrant rights must be stronger. He has already stated his plans to immediately deport three million people. I think of all the families that are in fear right now and how I have to recommit myself to this movement, to my community. We must not turn our backs on immigrants, regardless of their immigration history, and we must drop the rhetoric that continues to criminalize these people. No immigrant deserves to remain in the country more than any other. I will fight like hell today, tomorrow, and every single day. Will you? Because we need you on our side.

backtalk@indyweek.com

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CLEAR & PRESENT DANGER

Muslim artists and activists discuss the perils of Trump’s presidency

By Zaina Alsous, Laila Nur, and Saba Taj

Laila Nur FILE PHOTO BY JEREMY M. LANGE Zaina Alsous is a poet and a community organizer with the Durham Beyond Policing campaign. Laila Nur is a musician and lead organizer with Durham For All. Saba Taj is an interdisciplinary artist and lead coordinator in the Durham Artists Movement.

How does Trump’s presidency affect you?

SABA TAJ: The fear I feel has always been there, but it is a more palpable danger because Trump has emboldened people’s bigotry. I feel more deeply committed to my community than ever and have clarity that this struggle is about survival, not just political opinions, and we need to be there for each other. This means building solidarity and actual political power on the left, starting right now. There is hope that the folks who did not elect Trump, the majority of this country, will be galvanized to take the action necessary to defend the human rights of marginalized individuals who are being most impacted 36 | 11.16.16 | INDYweek.com

Saba Taj FILE PHOTO BY ALEX BOERNER by a white supremacist in the White House, to defend the dignity of those who have been denied humanity by this government.

So I think we will be facing a heightened level of oppression under Trump, and that, concurrently, we will see our communities grow in power.

ZAINA ALSOUS: My parents are on my mind a lot lately, especially as this wave of hate crimes that have taken place just in the past few days come to light. My mother wears a hijab [headscarf ], and many of the Islamophobic attacks committed by Trump supporters since Election Day have been directed toward visibly Muslim women. I feel these competing desires to be extremely loud in my identity as a Muslim woman but also need to be cautious. So much of Trump’s rhetoric around refugees and Muslims during his campaign evoked Nazi propaganda. Already since Election Day you see mainstream journalists calling

Zaina Alsous PHOTO COURTESY OF ZAINA ALSOUS

him “unconventional” or “a symbol of hope,” as if, not less than a month ago, we weren’t discussing dozens of accusations of sexual assault against him. Much of my frustration about this political moment stems from the liberal desire for civility that seems to be prioritized above the literal livelihood of black people, immigrants, trans people, queer people, Muslims, and women.

What can be done to express opposition to Trump and solidarity with the most affected communities?

LAILA NUR: In addition to love rallies, Facebook likes, and verbal opposition, action makes the difference. A light bulb has gone off for so many, and that is an invitation to be bold, uncomfortable, and challenged in conversations with family, friends, and neighbors around race; in confronting internalized ideas of “other” and the actions we take based on the value we

put on those lives; an invitation to challenge local government around voter suppression, gentrification, gerrymandering, school funding, prison population, and other issues that disproportionately affect people of color. This moment is a challenge to understand that we all benefit from coming to the table, finding humanity and love in our differences and deciding that this fight is all of our fight. We all benefit from defeating not Trump, but the ideas, values, and legacy of racism that put him there.

ZA: I am afraid, yes, but I also know that now is the time to prepare and raise hell.

We must arm ourselves with knowledge by studying the policies that Trump proposes to have expectations of the violence that we need to be prepared to fight against. We should study histories of past anti-fascist social movements. We know Trump plans to deport three million immigrants, the union representing ICE officers endorsed Trump,

CREATIVE METALSMITHS and that Trump is in favor of racist “stop and frisk” tactics. We need to be prepared to fight against increased surveillance, mass criminalization, deportations, and less federal oversight and regulation of law enforcement. Be familiar with local work on the front lines of divestment from police and prisons and defending immigrant community members. Dedicate time and resources to build our infrastructure of resilience. SpiritHouse Inc., Southerners on New Ground, BYP 100, and Alerta Migratoria NC are local organizations working to protect black and brown community members from criminalization and deportations.

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What do you think is the role of artists in this moment?

LN: Art is the quickest way to the heart.

Before we’ve recognized the lyrics, understood the image, or interpreted the poem, we are moved by it. Our bodies—our gut and desire for deep connection and aliveness—have already been stirred. If the moment we are in requires a concrete sense of interconnected struggle for liberation, then art is the best way to trigger deeper understanding and authentic empathy. I can tell you about racism, but it would land differently than a song that hit your core or made you cry. Music, poetry, dance, graffiti: they shape our culture and ideas, tell our histories, reveal our truths and humanity to each other. Art is a powerful and necessary form of connection and truth. Use it.

ST: Art has a way of making us vulnerable; we open up, feel things we don’t have words for, find ourselves transported outside of our bodies. This is a deeply powerful and transformative space that can be deliberately utilized to build empathy. Art goes beyond typical interactions, as a vehicle to communicate the depths of our humanness, which is what really drives us to fight against oppression. So the role of artists right now is to be present and accountable to this moment. That can mean different things depending on who you are, but I think about how, as marginalized people, we have the task of preserving our own histories and our own present in an empire that has systematically erased us and stolen from us.

In a more practical way, I think we need to push our artwork into the public realm and challenge ourselves to create in collaborative environments as opposed to in isolation. I would ask artists to support and uplift one another and speak truth without trying to speak for others.

Visit indyweek.com for the full discussion.

INDYweek.com | 11.16.16 | 37

ORGANIZE OR DIE Why the left needs its own tea party

By Paul Blest

O

n Friday afternoon, Bernie Sanders blasted out an email to his millions-strong campaign list with a simple headline: “It looks like you like Keith.”

In the aftermath of Hillary Clinton’s defeat Tuesday night, Representative Keith Ellison, a Minnesota Democrat who was the first Muslim-American elected to Congress and who cochairs the Congressional Progressive Caucus, threw his name into the hat for the chairmanship of the Democratic National Committee. Ellison was one of Sanders’s only congressional endorsements, and Sanders returned the favor: less than twenty-four hours after Ellison announced he was running, more than 250,000 Bernie 38 | 11.16.16 | INDYweek.com

supporters were backing him.

After a grim few days, this signaled at least a nod toward the future for a Democratic Party that is presently in shambles.

Republicans haven’t so thoroughly dominated the country since the late twenties; they not only control the presidency, but also the Senate, the House of Representatives, two-thirds of governorships, and nearly two-thirds of partisan state legislative chambers in the country. In fact, Republicans are one state legislature away from claiming an unfettered ability to amend the Constitution; just for reference, the party’s platform includes, among other things, calls for a “right-to-life” amendment and an economically disastrous “balanced-budget”

amendment.

At every level, American liberalism has been decimated, even as Democrats won the popular vote in six out of the last seven presidential elections. That leaves an important question: What is the way forward for the progressive movement?

The answer is simple: the left needs to organize—in a political sense, an activist sense, and a literal sense—both against Trump and for a better future.

First, you have to look at what’s working.

Last week, Nevada flipped a Senate seat and two seats in the House of Representatives; this was largely due to the effects of unions. The Culinary Union Local 226 is around sixty thousand strong, and its field

program was a huge boon for both Clinton and down-ballot candidates. Nevada political analyst Jon Ralston said in late October that the union’s field organizers had knocked on more than 62,000 doors in Reno and 220,000 doors around Las Vegas.

Contrast this with Wisconsin, where Governor Scott Walker and the legislature rescinded the right to collective bargaining for public employees in 2011. Not only did Clinton become the first Democrat to lose Wisconsin since 1984, but progressive stalwart Russ Feingold lost his rematch to Senator Ron Johnson and Wisconsin Republicans increased their majorities in the legislature. This part of the country has gone redder as unions have declined; Demo-

crats have to figure out how to bring these voters back into the fold.

The second way forward is activism. Arizona, for example, went for Trump, and voters reelected Republican senator John McCain. But they also approved a minimum wage increase, and Maricopa County voters dumped longtime sheriff Joe Arpaio, infamous for his department’s racial profiling and immigration raids. The efforts of immigrant-rights activists and union members were instrumental in making this happen.

And in North Carolina, the Moral Monday movement and the protests that arose in the aftermath of HB 2 show that grassroots social justice activism will be essential.

Groups like fast-food workers fighting for a $15 minimum wage, the NAACP, Black Lives Matter, LGBTQ rights organizations, and graduate students fighting for a union have all put up a united front against the state’s right-wing government.

Finally, there needs to be a renewed focus on economic justice, which is something that all of these groups can rally around.

And that’s where Ellison comes in. As head of the DNC, Ellison would be tasked with candidate recruitment, which would focus on fielding progressives with credible credentials who can tap into the same energy Sanders did during the primary.

Political sea changes have happened before—and quickly. After George W. Bush won reelection in 2004, there was talk of a permanent Republican majority; two years later, the Democrats reclaimed Congress. In 2008, President Obama’s decisive reelection seemed to herald an era of Democratic rule; two years after that, the Republicans retook Congress on the strength of the tea party movement.

The tea party can be particularly instructive, if Democrats steal from its playbook and obstruct relentlessly, beginning with whomever Trump nominates to the Supreme Court. The Republicans, after all, decided on day one that they would not work with Obama at all, and their obstruction stopped a hell of a lot of momentum in its tracks. Given the dangers a Trump administration poses— and the congressional Republicans licking their lips at the prospect of dismantling the New Deal—Democrats should reciprocate in full measure.

Some lines simply cannot be crossed. Civil liberties, civil rights, Medicare, reproductive rights, the EPA, labor, public education—if Trump or Congress go after any of these things, those initiatives must be met with intense protest. Considering how scandalridden the Trump administration will likely be, as well as how fractured the Republicans in Congress are, progressives need to be

ready to pounce.

Another lesson from the tea party is that it didn’t just target Democrats. Tea partiers ruthlessly ate their own—any Republican who dared work with Obama. They waged primary campaigns against long-time congressmen and senators and won races the establishment never thought possible. This backfired at times—remember Christine “I’m not a witch” O’Donnell?—but six years later, the GOP’s right wing is firmly in control of the party, and now the government.

Progressives need to focus on candidate recruitment for 2018 now, and not just the high-profile races. Conservatives built their movement over decades, from the ground up. This, too, is a model progressives should adopt: show up at city council and county party meetings. If you’re unhappy with your local or state representatives, run. If you don’t want to run, knock on doors. If your member of Congress is a weak-kneed centrist and you live in a progressive district, help recruit a primary opponent. As Sanders proved, as the tea party demonstrated over the last six years, and as Obama showed in 2007 and 2008, change does not happen by sitting on your hands.

For too long, liberals were content believing that changing demographics would win the day (and they probably will, eventually). So they didn’t do the nitty-gritty required to build and sustain a movement.

Now the Democratic Party’s bench has been wiped out, and Democrats are starting this next cycle with an almost completely blank slate. It’s essential to have voices that will push the party toward a message of real economic and social justice: raising the minimum wage, paid leave, comprehensive criminal justice reform, transportation and infrastructure upgrades, tuition-free college, and an aggressive plan to deal with climate change, for starters.

There are some positive signs. Our Revolution, the successor to the Sanders campaign, made endorsements not only at the federal level but also at the state and local levels. And the Ellison campaign immediately garnered an endorsement from the likely next Senate minority leader, Chuck Schumer, a New York Democrat with strong ties to Wall Street, indicating that the backlash from the Sanders wing may have caught the attention of party leaders.

But make no mistake about it: this will be a long-term project, and given the unpredictability of Trump, progressives— and, really, every person of conscience— must stay vigilant and resist attacks on immigrants, people of color, Muslims, women, the poor, and the environment. Our survival depends on it. pblest@indyweek.com INDYweek.com | 11.16.16 | 39

A Duke Graduate Student Union rally held Thursday PHOTO BY ALEX BOERNER

SHOW UP!

MDD

A white person’s guide to responsible activism after Trump

Study

The Frohlich Lab at UNC-Chapel Hill is looking for individuals who would be interested in participating in a clinical research study. This study is testing the effect of transcranial alternating current stimulation (tACS) on mood symptoms of Major Depressive Disorder.

Transcranial current stimulation is a technique that delivers a very weak current to the scalp. Treatment has been well tolerated with no serious side-effects reported. This intervention is aimed at restoring normal brain activity and function which may reduce mood symptoms experienced with Major Depressive Disorder. We are looking for individuals between the ages of 18 and 65, diagnosed with Major Depressive Disorder currently not taking benzodiazepines or antiepileptic drugs.

You can get compensated up to $280 for completing this study. If you are interested in learning more, contact our study coordinator at: courtney_lugo@med.unc.edu Or call us at (919)962-5271 40 | 11.16.16 | INDYweek.com

E

lection night sealed our fate as activists, and we must accept it.

The urgency to do something is a momentum we can ride until January and build upon through the next four years. But let’s do so with as much clarity as possible.

“How do we become unified activists?” a reader recently asked the INDY. This is a good question for most of us, but it can be exhausting to answer over and over for communities who have been on the ground fighting since they were born. Along with every good intention to help, we also see desperation, confusion, and a naiveté that, while sweet, has been cushioned by privilege for too long.

Instead, we have to learn from people who are doing it right, listen to people of color and our marginalized neighbors (not just nonprofits), and show up in ways that may not be comfortable but are necessary. The guidance of respected voices in the activist community is outlined below.

There is no instruction manual for activism, no cute infographic. But this is a

By Victoria Bouloubasis rallying cry for my fellow white progressives in our beloved, conflicted red state.

TAKE THE TIME YOU NEED TO GRIEVE.

First, we’ve gotta get in our feels for a second.

“Right now, we are dealing with grief and its stages,” says Dr. Karen Barbee, a mental health professional in Holly Springs and Pittsboro. She encourages everyone to take the time they need to process—and to do so with like-minded individuals.

Dr. Jasmine Perkins, who works as a therapist with low-income people in Durham hospitals, says that her AfricanAmerican patients have been more afraid since the election started.

“Some I was very surprised didn’t vote at all, because they felt that all the candidates were worthless. And now the fear that Donald Trump is going to be our next president. I really don’t know how great America is going to be, or the last time it was great.”

“As a person of color, I can say that people of color are dealing with collective trauma,” Barbee adds. “If we don’t, as a country, remember where we came from, we’re going to repeat it.”

Sit with your shock. But don’t wave it around as consolation.

We should all be shocked that a demagogue has come to power, manipulating nearly half of the population into either looking past his hateful rhetoric for their own self-interest (economic or otherwise) or embracing it for the same reasons.

“Most people have been shielded from the breadth of atrocity of everything that’s been happening,” says Zaina Alsous, a Durham activist and a Muslim (see p. 36). “You are not actually free. What you are experiencing right now is this fleeting existence of domination on the backs of people of color.

If you actually care about living in a society that is healthy, that is vibrant, where you can actually be free, you need to put your skin in the game and not approach this as ‘I’m doing you a favor’ or ‘I’m doing this to be cute.’”

“There’s reckoning we do need to do, those of us who grew up poor and workingclass white people,” says Jade Brooks of Southerners on New Ground, a twentythree-year-old multiracial organization that began in North Carolina. “There’s going to be tremendous despair in the time to come. We have to take that seriously. The lack of good jobs and resources in rural communities, addiction, mental illness, and violence in our families, our own experience for being incarcerated for crimes of poverty. We won’t be impacted in the same way as people of color. But the promise Trump made that our whiteness will save us is shown to be false.

Who will be there? Will we let the Klan be there to offer a different way to our people?

Or will we be there to fight for this united front of justice?”

SO WHAT DO WE ACTUALLY DO?

Be prepared. There are options beyond two extremes either unifying under a tree singing “Kumbaya” or being completely fatalistic. The middle ground is more realistic and pragmatic.

Hundreds of local organizations are doing this work, and it’s impossible to keep track of

t wave it

emagogue nearly half ng past his f-interest cing it for

d from the hat’s been Durham “You are eriencing stence of e of color. a society re you can ur skin in ‘I’m doingThe Not My President: Durham in Defiance Rally Sunday cute.’” afternoon at Durham Central Park PHOTO BY ALEX BOERNER

on stands

now

FINDER

John Oliver said it bluntly on his show Sunday night: “Optimism is nice if you can swing it, but you've got to be careful because it can feed into the normalization of Donald Trump. And he’s not normal. He’s abnormal. He’s a human ‘What is wrong with this picture?’”

In response to a planned KKK rally in Raleigh in December, local white progressives started a public Facebook event promoting love over hate. The plan, though unorganized and unclear, was to march “somewhere in Durham.” Such intentions are good but unrealistic. Armchair activism isn’t going to cut it now. Neither is the front of uniting without diverse leadership (folks on the Facebook page made comments that included a joke about Martians being welhat peoplecomed and a serious invitation to Trump e trauma,”supporters). country, e’re going

IT’S NOT JUST ABOUT RACE.

them all. Activism is a journey. Keep your ear to the ground to see who’s organizing smallscale efforts. Take their lead and support them in ways you know you can. Make a personal list of your resources. I’ve met people who are trained martial artists offering free self-defense classes to communities worried about their safety. Others are offering legal advice, especially as legal observers at a rally.

If you speak another language, offer your interpreting skills. If you have a car, offer to transport an undocumented immigrant family to an English class or low-income residents to a rally. If you are a nurse, volunteer your services. Use your existing resources and reach out to existing programs to see where they need support. This is more effective than organizing your own protest without the base for it.

If you have money to give, donate to nonprofits (see p. 44), especially the smaller organizations with fewer resources. Don’t know where to start? Durham City Council member Jillian Johnson set up a form to sign up for the Durham Resilience Fund, which will include your pledge and allocate the funds to the communities most in need (bit.ly/durhamfund).

Seek out new, worthy organizations. The Durham Association of Educators (daenc. com), for example, has been fighting for better school resources while actively supporting groups like Alerta Migratoria and Durham Beyond Policing to keep all students safe. S.O.N.G, Durham’s FADE Coalition, and SpiritHouse NC all work toward harm-free solutions to community issues related to drugs, gun violence, and others.

And read, read, read. The Black Lives Matter movement provides a document for change and progress that many local organizations are using as a model (policy. m4bl.org). Public Books, a site that provides concise resources on various social topics, put together a “Trump Syllabus 2.0” over the summer (publicbooks.org/feature/ trump-syllabus-20). It offers links to books, documentaries, and other media that explore the causes of Trump’s rise to power against the backdrop of modern America.

Maybe a book club is in order?

Lastly, get involved in local politics— really involved. Pay attention to seats opening up on your city council and figure who is the right person to run. Then rally for that. Call your politicians to task. When aligning with a political party, don’t blindly follow its candidate’s lead because he or she is better than the guy already in office.

If you can’t figure out that person’s history, ask a journalist. If we don’t know, we’ll figure it out for you. vbouloubasis@indyweek.com

GUIDE TO THE TRIANGLE

LOVE IS GREAT, BUT LOOK BEYOND ITS LUSTER.

This is tone-deafness on the level of “all lives matter” or “I don’t see color.” It doesn’t acknowledge that none of the organizers of the event were people of color, and no one from that community was asked if inviting a Trump supporter was OK. Whatever sincerity we have as people of privilege is not rooted in firsthand knowledge of the experience.

A reminder: allies are not in charge.

THE INDY'S

One beneficial thing about social media in 2016 is the attention it drew to the Black Lives Matter movement, including eyewitness video of black people being killed by police. It’s dangerous to assume that we don’t live in a society set up to be oppressive to people of color. (Anna DuVernay’s Netflix documentary, 13th, is an incredible and painful look at the history of American incarceration.) We cannot view the civil rights movement as a relic of the past. The black and brown voices that we so longingly acknowledge out of context— Rosa Parks, Martin Luther King Jr., Cesar Chavez—feed into our precarious Western perspective that assumes we are a postracial society. Last Tuesday proved, once again, that we are not.

INDYweek.com | 11.16.16 | 41

DON’T CALL IT A SILVER LINING Decoding the mixed signals in North Carolina’s election

By Paul Blest

H

ow do you reconcile a four-point Hillary Clinton loss in North Carolina with an apparent fourthousand-vote win by Roy Cooper? And who, exactly, is the Donald Trump, Richard Burr, Roy Cooper, Josh Stein, and Mike Morgan voter?

These are questions that Democrats on the national, state, and local level will have to figure out, and quick; in the meantime, we’re left with the most mixed of signals from North Carolina voters, but also a glimmer of hope in the most trying of times in recent American history. But how much hope, exactly, should progressives have in stopping a right-wing Republican agenda that’s now emboldened by its brand of austerity and odium of the poor going national?

First, we have to understand that Cooper’s apparent gubernatorial victory was not a victory for LGBTQ rights. All campaign long, Cooper rolled with the message that Pat McCrory had destroyed North Carolina’s economy; his sharpest critiques of HB 2 came in economic, rather than moral, terms.

It appears to have been an effective strategy, especially in McCrory’s backyard of Mecklenburg County, which McCrory won last time by a point and Cooper won last week by 148,000 votes. Whether this switch was due to the HB 2-related loss of the NBA AllStar Game, PayPal, and Apple declining to expand, the controversial I-77 toll, changing demographics, or some combination of all of those is anyone’s guess.

Second, it’s important to remember that Cooper’s power will be extremely limited. Throughout this election cycle, Democrats privately expressed confidence that no matter what happened, the Republicans’ legislative supermajority would fall. That didn’t happen; Republicans actually picked up a seat. So now Republicans have legislative supermajorities in both chambers and a Democratic governor they can blame when the inevitable Trump recession hits.

It goes without saying that legislative leaders will block most parts of the Cooper agenda, which will focus on education and jobs.

42 | 11.16.16 | INDYweek.com

ILLUSTRATION BY SHAN STUMPF

HB 2 will not be repealed, and the Trump Department of Justice will likely drop its HB 2-related lawsuit against North Carolina. (Even if that doesn’t happen, the next U.S. Supreme Court justice will likely be a gremlin of the Antonin Scalia variety, which should kill any hope for civil rights progress from the courts.)

In the attorney general’s race, Democrat Josh Stein defeated Republican Buck Newton, a public face of HB 2. Stein is a Democrat in the moderate Cooper mold, though he’s very good on consumer-protection and environmental issues. Given that the Trump transition team has already indicated that the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau—the brainchild of Elizabeth Warren—and the Environmental Protection Agency will be gutted or eliminated, having

an attorney general who is willing to challenge Trump will be all the more important.

But even more so than Stein or Cooper, the unlikely win in the N.C. Supreme Court race on Tuesday night was an incredibly important result. Over the past couple of years, Justice Robert Edmunds served as the fourth conservative vote on issues including school vouchers and McCrory’s Coal Ash Committee. Mike Morgan swings control of the Supreme Court to the Democrats, which might serve as a check on the Republicans’ agenda in a way that even Cooper—who has no real veto power since he will quickly be overridden—won’t be.

But last week, in the days after the election, we learned, via a legislative staffer, that Republicans might be planning on packing the N.C. Supreme Court with two extra seats

during a special session to address Hurricane Matthew next month, before Cooper takes office. If that happened, McCrory would appoint the new justices.

“If they do this, they clearly don’t like the result the voters gave them,” the staffer told the INDY. “It’s just ridiculous that they would even contemplate doing this. It shows they are absolutely power-hungry. It’s a pattern to how they're operating.”

Aside from Hillary Clinton’s crushing defeat, there was more to mourn. Democratic Senate candidate Deborah Ross, who might have been the most progressive senator from North Carolina ever, lost by six points to career grifter Richard Burr.

Religious zealot Dan Forest easily won reelection, putting himself second in line to the governorship should the legislature impeach Cooper for jaywalking. And, amid the shuffle last week, three-term superintendent of public instruction June Atkinson and insurance commissioner Wayne Goodwin, who helped drive auto insurance rates down to the lowest in the country, lost.

Mark Johnson, the new superintendent, ran on opposition to Common Core; Mike Causey, who will be the first Republican insurance commissioner in state history, wants to “reform” the N.C. Rate Bureau, which he says has “stifled free enterprise.”

The NCRB, mind you, is what has helped keep North Carolina’s homeowners’ insurance rates low.

What does it say about us that we (knock on wood) got rid of McCrory and Newton, but we kept the legislature solid red, elected an insurance commissioner who essentially promises to hike rates, and reelected a labor commissioner, Cherie Berry, who has a clear disregard for labor rights and workers? It’s hard to say. But Democrats around the country are going to have to reckon with these things, and the small victories in North Carolina shouldn’t be taken as a silver lining. We all, undoubtedly, have a lot of soul-searching to do. pblest@indyweek.com

Billy Childs:

Reimagining Laura Nyro featuring Alicia Olatuja & Moira Smiley Join us for a 7pm pre-show conversation with pianist and composer Billy Childs.

Sat, Nov 19 at 8pm Stewart Theatre 919-515-1100 go.ncsu.edu/childs

INDYweek.com | 11.16.16 | 43

ILLUSTRATION BY CHRISTOPHER WILLIAMS

PUT YOUR MONEY WHERE YOUR MOUTH IS

Send your dollars to the orginaziations that are going to need it most

If the Trump administration gets its way, scores of social-justice-oriented nonprofits are going to need more help than ever. We’ve gathered some locally affiliated organizations that are already on the ground doing necessary organizing and watchdog work. Help them get a good head start on their war chests before Trump even gets inaugurated. —Allison Hussey

CIVIL LIBERTIES ACLU-NC P.O. Box 28004 Raleigh, NC 27611 www.acluofnorthcarolina.org Democracy North Carolina 1821 Green Street Durham, NC 27705 www.nc-democracy.org The Innocence Project 40 Worth Street, Suite 701 New York, NY 10013 www.innocenceproject.org

44 | 11.16.16 | INDYweek.com

Legal Aid of NC P.O. Box 26087 Raleigh, NC 27611 www.legalaidnc.org/ Southern Coalition for Social Justice 1415 West Highway 54, Suite 101 Durham, NC 27707 www.southerncoalition.org Southern Poverty Law Center 400 Washington Avenue Montgomery, Alabama 36104 www.splcenter.org

WOMEN, FAMILIES, AND REPRODUCTIVE RIGHTS

Center for Child and Family Help, Durham 1121 West Chapel Hill Street, Suite 100 Durham, NC 27701 www.ccfhnc.org Compass Center for Women and Families P.O. Box 1057 Chapel Hill, NC 27514 www.compassctr.org

Family Violence and Rape Crisis Services in Chatham 200 East Street Pittsboro, NC 27312 www.fvrc.org INTERACT 1012 Oberlin Road Raleigh, NC 27605 www.interactofwake.org NARAL Pro-Choice NC 4711 Hope Valley Road, Suite 4F-509 Durham, NC 27707 www.prochoicenc.org

NC Women United P.O. Box 10013 Raleigh, NC 27605 www.ncwu.org North Carolina Coalition Against Domestic Violence 3710 University Drive, Suite 140 Durham, NC 27707 www.ncadv.org North Carolina Commission Against Sexual Assault 811 Spring Forest Road, Suite 900 Raleigh, NC 27609 www.nccasa.org Orange County Rape Crisis Center P.O. Box 4722 Chapel Hill, NC 27515 www.ocrcc.org Planned Parenthood of Central North Carolina P.O. Box 3258 Chapel Hill, NC 27514 www.plannedparenthood.org/ health-center/north-carolina SpiritHouse P.O. Box 61865 Durham, NC 27715 www.spirithouse-nc.org Triangle Family Services 3937 Western Boulevard Raleigh, NC 27606 www.tfsnc.org

ISLAM

Islamic Ahlul Bayt Association of the Triangle 1920 NC-54, Suite 150 Durham, NC 27713 www.iabat.org Muslim American Society 901 Jones Franklin Road #110 Raleigh, NC 27606 www.muslimamericansociety.org Movement To End Racism and Islamophobia NC www.merinc.org Our Three Winners Endowment Fund www.ourthreewinners.org

IMMIGRATION Alerta Migratoria www.alertamigratorianc.org

DEAR Foundation 4917 Waters Edge Drive #140 Raleigh, NC 27502 www.dearfoundation.org

Environment North Carolina 19 West Hargett Street #214 Raleigh, NC 27601 www.environmentnorthcarolina.org

NC Justice Center Immigrant and Refugee Rights Project P.O. Box 28068 Raleigh, NC 27611 www.ncjusticeorg/ ?q=immigrants-and-refugees

NC WARN 2812 Hillsborough Road Durham, NC 27705 www.ncwarn.org

North Carolina African Services Coalition 122 North Elm Street Suite 810 Greensboro, NC 27401 www.ascafrica.org/ U.S. Committee for Refugees and Immigrants, North Carolina 3824 Barrett Drive Raleigh, NC 27609 http://refugees.org/field-office/ north-carolina/

LGBTQ+

Equality NC 5 West Hargett Street Raleigh, NC 27601 www.equalitync.org InsideOut P.O. Box 25429 Durham, NC 27702 www.insideout180.org LGBT Center of Durham 114 Hunt Street Durham, NC 27701 www.lgbtqcenterofdurham.org LGBT Center of Raleigh 324 South Harrington Street Raleigh, NC 27603 www.lgbtcenterofraleigh.com

ENVIRONMENT

Clean Water for North Carolina 29 1/2 Page Avenue Asheville, NC 28801 www.cwfnc.org Eno River Association 4404 Guess Road Durham, NC 27712 www.enoriver.org

North Carolina Environmental Justice Network P.O. Box 68 Rocky Mount, North Carolina 27802 www.ncejn.org North Carolina Friends of State Parks P.O. Box 37655 Raleigh, NC 27627 www.ncfsp.org

OTHER SERVICES Alliance of AIDS Services North Carolina 1637 Old Louisburg Road Raleigh, NC 27604 www.aas-c.org Club Nova 103 West Main Street Carrboro, NC 27510 www.clubnova.org Durham For All www.durhamforall.org Durham Partnership for Children 1201 South Briggs Avenue, Suite 210 Durham, NC 27703 www.dpfc.net El Futuro 136 East Chapel Hill Street Durham, NC 27701 www.elfuturo-nc.org North Carolinians Against Gun Violence 3622 Lyckan Parkway #3006C Durham, NC 27707 www.ncgv.org El Pueblo 2321 Crabtree Boulevard #105, Raleigh, NC 27604 www.elpueblo.org El Vínculo Hispano 200 North Chatham Avenue Siler City, NC 27344 www.evhnc.org INDYweek.com | 11.16.16 | 45

SU 11/20 @FLETCHER OPERA THEATRE

PATTY GRIFFIN

TU 11/22

PETER HOOK & THE LIGHT

WE 11/16

WET

W/DEMO TAPED ($20) TH 11/17

REV PEYTON'S BIG DAMN BAND,

SUPERSUCKERS, JESSE DAYTON ($15/$17)

SA 11/19

HISS GOLDEN MESSENGER

WE 11/16

WET

SA11/19

HISS GOLDEN MESSENGER W/ NATALIE PRASS** ($15/$17) TU11/22

PETER HOOK & THE LIGHT ($25)

MO 11/21 @CAT’S CRADLE BACK ROOM

THE GOOD LIFE

SU 11/27

HOWARD JONES W/ THE ROMAN SPRING($25/$28) SA 12/3

BOMBADIL

W/GOODNIGHT, TEXAS ( $16/$18) SA 12/10

SOUTHERN CULTURE ON THE SKIDS W/ THE WOOLLY BUSHMEN ($13/$15) 1/13/17 MIKE DOUGHTY W/ WHEATUS ($18) 1/26/17

YONDER MOUNTAIN STRING BAND W/ THE RAILSPLITTERS ($27.50/ $30) 2/1/17

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CAT'S CRADLE BACK ROOM 11/16: SLOAN "ONE CHORD TO ANOTHER" 20TH ANNIVERSARY TOUR ($20) 11/17: BRENDAN JAMES W/ TYRON ($14/$16) 11/18: BRUXES DEBUT SHOW & EP RELEASE W BODY GAMES, TEARDROP CANYON, YOUTH LEAGUE ( $7) 11/19:KILLER FILLER FAREWELLSHOWW/BEAUTYOPERATORS ($8/$10) 11/20MANDOLIN ORANGE SOLD W/ BIG FAT GAP OUT 11/21: THE GOOD LIFE W/ FIELD MOUSE, JAKE BELLOWS ($12/$14) 11/30 GHOST

OF PAUL REVERE ($10) 12/2: FRUIT BATS W/ SKYLAR GUDASZ 12/4:

G LOVE AND SPECIAL THE MOUNTAIN GOATS SOLD SAUCE W/ PHIL MOORE OUT W/ RIPE ($25/$30)

12/5:

2/18/17

SUSTO ( $10/$12 ON SALE 11/18) 2/21/17:

HAMILTON LEITHAUSER ($17/$20)

HAYTI HERITAGE CENTER (DUR)

12/2:

MANDOLIN ORANGE SOLD W/ JOSH OLIVER OUT MOTORCO (DURHAM)

11/16: MITSKI W/ FEAR OF MEN, WEAVES($15) 1/27/17: COLD

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BRIGHT

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JUNE ZOMBIES

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SON VOLT

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CATSCRADLE.COM ★ 919.967.9053 ★ 300 E. MAIN STREET ★ CARRBORO

**Asterisks denote advance tickets @ schoolkids records in raleigh, cd alley in chapel hill order tix online at ticketfly.com ★ we serve carolina brewery beer on tap! ★ we are a non-smoking club 46 | 11.16.16 | INDYweek.com

music WED, NOV 16

THE ARTSCENTER: Triangle Jazz Orchestra; 7:30 p.m. • BLUE NOTE GRILL: Lazer Lloyd; 8 p.m., $20. • CAT’S CRADLE: Wet, Demo Taped; 9 p.m., $20. • CAT’S CRADLE (BACK ROOM): Sloan; 9 p.m., $20.

• THE CAVE: Tinnarose, Simone Finally; 9 p.m., $5. • HUMBLE PIE: Peter Lamb & the Wolves; 8:30 p.m. • IRREGARDLESS: Mysti Mayhem; 6:30 p.m. • KINGS: Eldritch Horror, Occultist, Noctomb, Suppressive Fire; 8:30 p.m., $8. • MOTORCO: Mitski, Fear of Men, Weaves; 8 p.m., $15. • NEPTUNES PARLOUR: Petteway, Krause and Heames, Rod Abernathy; 8 p.m., $5. • THE PINHOOK: Dead Prez, Shirlette Ammons; 9 p.m., $25. • POUR HOUSE: Big Mean Sound Machine, Boom Unit Brass Band; 9 p.m., $7–$10.

• RUBY DELUXE: Play Play; 10 p.m.

THU, NOV 17 2ND WIND: 2 fer; 7:30-9 p.m. • 4020 LOUNGE: African Rhythms; 10 p.m., $5. • BEYU CAFFE: Baron Tymas; 7 p.m. • BLUE NOTE GRILL: Samantha Fish; 8 p.m., $20. • CAT’S CRADLE: The Reverend Peyton’s Big Damn Band, Supersuckers, Jesse Dayton; 8:30 p.m., $15–$17. • CAT’S CRADLE (BACK ROOM): Brendan, James Tyron; 8 p.m., $14–$16. • THE CAVE: The Few, Caroline Skeen; 9 p.m., $5.

• DEEP SOUTH: Claybrook, Eric Scholz, Ben Crosthwaite; 8 p.m., $8. • IRREGARDLESS: Ron Baxter Trio; 6:30 p.m. • LINCOLN THEATRE: Stick Figure; 7 p.m., $14. • LOCAL 506: Victory Dance, Faulkner, Lazarus Wilde, Cloud Hands; 8 p.m., $8–$10.

• MOTORCO: Helmet, Local H; 8 p.m., $20–$24. • NIGHTLIGHT: Skemäta, Drugcharge, Holder’s Scar, Mind Dweller; 9 p.m., $8. • THE PINHOOK: Pie Pushers Grand Opening and Pinhook Anniversary Party; 7 p.m., free. • POUR HOUSE: Local Band Local Beer: Ellis Dyson and the Shambles, Campfire & Constellations, Magpie Feast; 9:30 p.m.

• RUBY DELUXE: SPCLGST and Friends; 10 p.m. • SLIM’S: Greaver, Nihil, Hydra Kyll, Extinction Level

FOR OUR COMPLETE COMMUNITY CALENDAR WWW.INDYWEEK.COM

11.16–11.23

Event; 9 p.m., $8. • SOUTHLAND BALLROOM: Jimkata, Jahman Brahman; 9:30 p.m., $7–$10. • THE STATION: Tim Smith Band, Elizabeth Haddix & The Gurley Flynns; 8:30 p.m., $7. • THE SHED JAZZ CLUB: Andrew Bernison; 8 p.m.

• NIGHTLIGHT: Le Weekend, Gardener, Ezekiel Graves; 9 p.m., $7.

• THE PINHOOK: PWR BTTM, Bellows, Lisa Prank; 8 p.m., $10. • POUR HOUSE: Toranavox; 9 p.m., $5. • THE RITZ: The Naked and Famous, Xylos, The Chain Gang of 1974; 8 p.m., $23. • RUBY DELUXE: KITSCH, DJ PlayPlay, DJ DNLTMS. • WEST END WINE BARDURHAM: Eric Meyer, Noah Sager & Friends; 4-6 p.m., free.

FRI, NOV 18 618 BISTRO: Randy Reed; 7-9:30 p.m. • ARCANA: Louis Landry; 8 p.m., free. • THE ARTSCENTER: Charlie Parr, Phil Cook & the Stumpjumpers; 8 p.m., $17. • BEYU CAFFE: Dynamo; 8 & 10 p.m., $15. • BLUE NOTE GRILL: The Nighthawks 2016; 9 p.m., $15. Duke Street Dogs; 6-8 p.m., free. • CAROLINA THEATRE: Fourplay; 8 p.m., $32–$112. • CAT’S CRADLE (BACK ROOM): Bruxes, Body Games, Teardrop Canyon, Youth League; 8:45 p.m., $7. • THE CAVE: Night Battles, Car Crash Star, Big Bliss; 9 p.m., $5. • DEEP SOUTH: My 3 Sons, Rory John Zak & Six Degrees South; 9 p.m., $10. • DUKE’S BALDWIN AUDITORIUM: Shara Nova, So Percussion; 8 p.m., $10–$38.

• DURHAM PERFORMING ARTS CENTER: The Temptations, The Four Tops; 8 p.m., $48–$218. • HAW RIVER BALLROOM: Mandolin Orange; 9 p.m., $15–$17. • IRREGARDLESS: Small House; 6:30 p.m. • THE KRAKEN: Glenn Jones Band, Sam Frazier Band; 8 p.m. • LINCOLN THEATRE: The Breakfast Club, Dirty White Girls; 9 p.m., $10. • LOCAL 506: Plutopia, The Fontanelles; 9:30 p.m., $8. • THE MAYWOOD: Oblivious Signal, A Light Divided, Kiss The Curse; 9:30 p.m., $8. • MEYMANDI CONCERT HALL: NC Symphony: The Planets; 8 p.m. • MOTORCO: Driftwood; 9 p.m., $12–$14. • POUR HOUSE: Runaway Gin; 10 p.m., $10–$12. • THE RITZ: Sleeping with Sirens, State Champs, Tonight Alive, Waterparks; 7 p.m., $25. • RUBY DELUXE: DJ PlayPlay; 10 p.m. • SCHOOLKIDS RECORDS (RALEIGH): The Pinkerton Raid, Luray, Young Yonder; 7 p.m. • SHARP NINE GALLERY: Lenore Raphael Trio; 8 p.m., $10–$15. • SLIM’S: Seán Barna, Lemon Sparks, Onward Soldiers; 9 p.m., $5. • SOUTHLAND BALLROOM: Fair Warning; 9 p.m., $10. • THE STATION: The Bad Checks, The Second Wife; 8:30 p.m., $7.

• THE SHED JAZZ CLUB: Jua &

MON, NOV 21

Patty Griffin performs at Fletcher Opera Theater Sunday night.

His Trio; 8 p.m., $12. • UNC’S HILL HALL: UNC Opera: Power and Politics; 8 p.m., $5–$10.

SAT, NOV 19 BEYU CAFFE: Hunky Cousin; 8 & 10 p.m., $10. • CARY ARTS CENTER: Rave On! The Buddy Holly Experience; 7:30 p.m. • THE CARY THEATER: Pre-Thanksgiving Benefit Jam; 8 p.m., $20. • CAT’S CRADLE: Hiss Golden Messenger, Natalie Press; 8 p.m., $15–$17. • CAT’S CRADLE (BACK ROOM): Killer Filler, The Beauty Operators; 9 p.m., $8–$10. • THE CAVE: Seán Barna, Matthew Greenslade, John Davis, Dead Sea Sparrow; 9 p.m., $5. • CITY LIMITS SALOON: Downtown Throwdown; 8 p.m., $25. • CLAYTON CENTER: 6 Guitars; 8 p.m., $20. • DEEP SOUTH: Em Young, Waking April, Parallel Lives; 8:30 p.m., $7. • FIVE OAKS CLUBHOUSE: Hank, Pattie & The Current; 8 p.m., $15–$20.

• HALLE CULTURAL ARTS CENTER: Lenore Raphael; 7:30 p.m., $12–$15. • IRREGARDLESS: Charlie Elliot; 11 a.m. John Bass, Greg Brink; 6 p.m. The Moon & The Stars; 9 p.m. • KINGS: Mandolin Orange; 9 p.m., $15–$17. • THE KRAKEN: Handsome Al and The Lookers; 8 p.m. •

PHOTO COURTESY OF HIGH ROAD TOURING

LINCOLN THEATRE: The Mantras, Urban Soil, ELM, Psylo Joe; 6 p.m., $7. • LOCAL 506: The Shelters, Magnolia Collective, The 8:59s; 9 p.m., $10. • THE MAYWOOD: Bone Shelter, Pivot, Waking Tera; 9:30 p.m., $8. • MERCURY STUDIO: Listening Room: Almost People; 7 p.m., $8–$10.

• MEYMANDI CONCERT HALL: NC Symphony: The Planets; 8 p.m. • MOTORCO: My Brightest Diamond; 9 p.m., $10–$32. • MURAT THEATRE: John Prine; 8 p.m., $62–$102. • NCSU’S STEWART THEATRE: Billy Childs, Alicia Olatuja, Moira Smiley; 8 p.m., $30–$35. • NIGHTLIGHT: Attention; 10 p.m. • THE PINHOOK: Party Illegal: DJ Chela, DJ Haram, Vespertine, PlayPlay, Blake Diiamond; 10 p.m., $5–$10. • POUR HOUSE: Jonathan Scales Fourchestra, The Funky Knuckles; 9 p.m., $12–$15. • THE RITZ: Good Charlotte, The Story So Far, Hit the Lights, Big Jesus; 7 p.m., $28. • RUBY DELUXE: Holy Wave, Nest Egg, Drag Sounds, DJ DNLTMS; 8 p.m.

• SCHOOLKIDS RECORDS (RALEIGH): Big Jesus; noon. • SHARP NINE GALLERY: Emily Braden Quartet, Kobie Watkins; 8 p.m., $10–$20. • SLIM’S: Poinsettia, Roar the Engines; 9 p.m., $5 • SOUND FACTORY: Mind Dweller.

SOUTHLAND BALLROOM: The Trolls; 10 p.m., $7.

SUN, NOV 20 ARCANA: Discotoño; 8 p.m., free.

• BLUE NOTE GRILL: Randy Johnston Trio; 5 p.m. • CAROLINA THEATRE: From Quartet to String Orchestra; 3 p.m., $30. • CAT’S CRADLE (BACK ROOM): Mandolin Orange; 8 p.m., $15–$17. • THE CAVE: A Calm War; 9 p.m., $5. • DURHAM PERFORMING ARTS CENTER: Straight No Chaser; 7 p.m., $79–$204. • FIRST PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH: Centennial Celebration Organ Recital; 4 p.m. • FLETCHER OPERA THEATER: Patty Griffin, Joan Shelley; 7:30 p.m., $35–$42. • IRREGARDLESS: Larry Hutcherson; 10 a.m. John William Carlson; 6 p.m.

• KINGS: Sweater Beats, Different Sleep; 8 p.m., $12–$15. • LINCOLN THEATRE: Jon Bellion; 8 p.m. • MEYMANDI CONCERT HALL: Triangle Youth Philharmonic; 3 p.m. • MOTORCO: Karla Bonoff; 8 p.m., $28–$32. • NC MUSEUM OF ART: Sights and Sounds on Sundays; 3 p.m. • NEPTUNES PARLOUR: No One Mind, Ginger Wagg & Wild Actions, Moon Racer; 9 p.m., $8.

CAROLINA THEATRE: Steve Vai; 8 p.m., $36–$200. • CAT’S CRADLE (BACK ROOM): The Good Life, Field Mouse; 8:30 p.m., $12–$14. • CITY LIMITS SALOON: Stryper; 7 p.m. • MOTORCO: Flash Chorus; 7 p.m., $7–$10. • NEPTUNES PARLOUR: Sand Pact, Gudiya, No Smoking; 9 p.m., $5. • NIGHTLIGHT: Drippy Inputs, Flex 1000, Sponge Bath; 9:30 p.m., $7.

• RUBY DELUXE: DJ Lord Redbyrd; 10 p.m. • THE SHED JAZZ CLUB: Sessions at the Shed with Ernest Turner; 8 p.m., $5.

TUE, NOV 22 CAT’S CRADLE: Peter Hook & The Light; 8 p.m., $25.

• IRREGARDLESS: Stevan Jackson; 6:30 p.m. • MEYMANDI CONCERT HALL: Triangle Youth Orchestra and Symphony; 7 p.m. • POUR HOUSE: The Dick Richards, Blue Frequency; 9 p.m., $5. • RUBY DELUXE: Discotoño; 11 p.m.

WED, NOV 23 BLUE NOTE GRILL: Blue Wednesday; 8 p.m. • HUMBLE PIE: Sidecar Social Club; 8:30 p.m., free. • IRREGARDLESS: David McKnight, Bruce Emery; 6:30 p.m. • KINGS: Housefire, Tann Jones, Drippy Inputs, Repeat Offender; 9 p.m., $8. • LINCOLN THEATRE: Seven Lions; 8 p.m., $21–$26. • MEYMANDI CONCERT HALL: NC Symphony: A Kids Christmas; 3 p.m. • POUR HOUSE: Elise Testone; 9 p.m., $7–$10.

• SOUTHLAND BALLROOM: Smell the Glove; 10 p.m., $5.

submit! Got something for our calendar? EITHER email calendar@indyweek.com (include the date, time, street address, contact info, cost, and a short description) OR enter it yourself at posting.indyweek.com/indyweek/Events/AddEvent. DEADLINE: Wednesday 5 p.m. for the following Wednesday’s issue. Thanks!

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THE NIGHTHAWKS JOE BELL & THE STINGING BLADES RANDY JOHNSTON TRIO OPEN BLUES JAM CLARK STERN & CHUCK COTTON

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TUE 7/12 DANNY SCHMIDT / REBECCA NEWTON with WES COLLINS THU 7/14 Storymakers: Durham, Community Listening Event SAT11/167/16 PINKERTON RAID / ST. ANTHONY & THE MYSTERY TRAIN WED CAT’S CRADLE PRESENTS: MITSKI / FEAR OF MEN / WEAVES THU 11/17

WED JUN 29 @ 8:00 PM, $12/$15 SUN JUL 17

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7/8 SolKitchen & The Art of Cool Project: The Art of Noise #Durham

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FRI JUL 22WAILIN STORMS / HUNDREDFTFACES @ 8:00 PMJOHN COWAN $25/$30 FRI 7/8 SolKitchen & The Art of Cool Project: The Art of Noise #Durham

JOHN COWAN w/ DARIN & BROOKE ALDRIDGE

MON Bookstore presents MON 11/217/11FLASHRegulator CHORUS: 100thHEATHER Song (DeterminedHAVRILESKY:

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RED THE FANG RAGBIRDS

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JOHN COWAN w/ DARIN & BROOKE ALDRIDGE THE RAGBIRDS

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GBIRDS

SAT 7/23 Girls Rock Showcase

TUE 7/26 Motorco Comedy Night:

TORANAVOX

THE DICK RICHARDS W/ BLUE FREQUENCY

11/23

FRITUE 11/257/26RUNAWAY & FOUR SEASONS PRESENT: Throwback JAMZ: Motorco Comedy Night:

SUN JUL17 COMING SOON: JULIETTE LEWIS, YARN, JARED & THE MILL, WED 11/30 HAL KETCHUM, Doors: 7pmNRBQ, LIZ VICE, WINDHAND, CODY CANADA Show: 8pm& THE DEPARTED, RUSSIAN CIRCLES, BAND OF SKULLS, SPARROW KING, W/SISTER TORCHE / WHORES & THE DIRTY BIRDS, $12 ADV 723 RIGSBEE AVE - DURHAM, NC - MOTORCOMUSIC.COM DOYLE LAWSON & QUICKSILVER, THE RECORD COMPANY, ADRIAN LEGG, $15 OF MONDAY 7/18 JOHN MAIL THE HORSE COMING SOON: MCCUTCHEON, SPIRIT ANIMAL, JOHNNY IRIONKARLA (U.S. ELEVATOR), REBIRTH BRASS BAND, MY BRIGHTEST DIAMOND, BONOFF, !

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SHAMBLES, CAMPFIRE & CONSTELLATIONS, MAGPIE FEAST FREE RUNAWAY GIN - A TRIBUTE TO PHISH JONATHAN SCALES FOURCHESTRA

W/ GHOST OF SATURDAY NITE, DISSIN’ TERRY 11/22

11/24

THU 7/14 Storymakers: Durham, Community Listening Event OAK CITY SLUMS / BLESS YOUR HEART / DJ CHELA / QUEEN PLZ. ANDY WOODHULL / ADAM COHEN SATSAT 11/267/16THE VAUDEVILLAIN REVUE: Nerdvember 2016 PINKERTON RAID / ST. ANTHONY & THE MYSTERY TRAIN er s -P op Ma tt FRI11/287/29FLASHYOUNG BULL Album Release MON CHORUS W/ STRINGS: el er s"Show SUN JUL 17 tic tr av tis ar e “Tonight, at Tonight” - Smashing Pumpkins / “Rather Be” - Clean Bandit ft. Jess Glynne @ 8:00 PM "C on su mm w/ ALIX AFF / DURTY DUB THE StorySLAM: RAGBIRDS TUE 11/29 THE MONTI Shit Happens $12/$15

LOCAL BAND LOCAL BEER ELLIS DYSON & THE

FEATURING: ROBERT “SPUT” SEARIGHT OF SNARKY PUPPY, MONONEON OF PRINCE & WEEDIE BRAIMAH OF THE NTH POWER W/ THE FUNKY KNUCKLES

TUE 11/22 MUSIC DOCUMENTARY NIGHT:

SAT 7/23 Girls Rock Showcase TUE 7/12“The DANNY SCHMIDT / REBECCA NEWTON with WES COLLINS Smart Studios Story” (plus Q&A w/ Director Wendy Schneider)

BIG MEAN SOUND MACHINE W/ BOOM UNIT BRASS BAND

11/17

ELISE TESTONE

LOCAL BAND LOCAL BEER 3RD ANNUAL

SINGER-SONGWRITER SHOWCASE FREE BLACK FRIDAY BLOWOUT HORSESKULL W/ VOIDWARD, BROTHERS, PLOW

11/26

TURKEY DAY DIGESTION DANCE PARTY PSYLO JOE & DR BACON

11/27 11/28 11/29

MONOTREMES AARON LEBOS REALITY TRAVERS BROTHERSHIP W/ FUNK YOU

11/30

CORDOVAS

W/ DON GALLARDO, STEVE HARTSOE 12/1

LOCAL BAND LOCAL BEER WEIRD PENNIES, SEABREEZE DINER, FASHION BATH FREE

$10 advance / $12 day of

facebook.com/thepourhousemusichall @ThePourHouse

thepourhousemusichall.com

art

OPENING

s

S

8:59S

d

$25/$50/$100 Art Show: Community show with reused materials. Nov 18-Dec 10.

Reception: Nov 18, 6-9 p.m. The Scrap Exchange, Durham. www. scrapexchange.org.

Christmas at Captain White’s: Local, national, and international artists. Nov 19-Dec 24. Captain James & Emma Holt White House, Graham.

I’m Your Biggest Fan: Paintings

by Juliana Peloso. Nov 18-Dec 2. Reception: Nov 18, 6-9 p.m.

SPECTRE Arts, Durham. www. spectrearts.org.

JJ Raia: Photography. Nov 18-Jan 14. Reception: Nov 18, 6-9 p.m.

Through This Lens, Durham. www.throughthislens.com.

CHFIELD Dawn Surratt: Photography.

ork

ANGEA,

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Nov 18-Jan 14. Reception: Nov 18, 6-9 p.m. Through This Lens, Durham. www.throughthislens. com.

Taking Flight: Stephen White.

Nov 19-Dec 31. Reception: Nov 19, 3-5 p.m. Little Art Gallery & Craft Collection, Raleigh. littleartgalleryandcraft.com.

ONGOING Night Comes Creeping: Group show. Thru Nov 29. www.glas. work/gallery/. Glas, Raleigh.

unt St

& THE LATIONS,

Annual Holiday Exhibition: Local artists. Thru Dec 21.

Reception: Dec 2, 6-10 p.m.

Visual Art Exchange, Raleigh. www.visualartexchange.org.

Beyond Bollywood: Indian OF SNARKY Americans Shape the Nation: IE BRAIMAH Thru Apr 2, 2017, 9 am-4 p.m.

UCKLES City of Raleigh Museum, Raleigh.

2017. Durham Convention Center, Durham. www. durhamconventioncenter.com.

Collections: Leah Sobsey. Thru Dec 31. 21c Museum Hotel, Durham. www.21cmuseumhotels.com/ durham/.

Discover Your Governors: Thru Aug 6, 2017. NC Museum of History, Raleigh. www. ncmuseumofhistory.org.

Dress Up, Speak Up: Costume and Confrontation: Mixed media group show. Thru Jun 2017.

21c Museum Hotel, Durham. www.21cmuseumhotels.com/ durham/.

Bill Drewitz: Photography. Thru Nov 30, 6 p.m. The ArtsCenter, Carrboro. www.artscenterlive. org.

Eight is Enough: A Kick Ass Group Show: John Geci, Elijah Leed, Ben Galata, Jean Christian Rostagni, Abie Harris, Peter Milne, Claire Ashby, and Peter Dugan. Thru Dec 23. Reception: Nov 18, 6-9 p.m. Bull City Arts Collaborative: Upfront Gallery, Durham. www.bullcityarts.org.

Elsie Dinsmore Popkin: The Art of Carolina: Landscape images.

Thru Nov 17. Gallery C, Raleigh. www.galleryc.net.

Backwoods to Bayou: Southern folk art. Thru Nov 17. Alexander Dickson House, Hillsborough. www.historichillsborough.org.

Familiar Strangers: Arjan Zazueta. Thru Dec 2. UNC Campus: Hanes Art Center, Chapel Hill. art.unc.edu.

Beauty by Nature: Sol Levine.

Thru Dec 1. ERUUF Art Gallery, Durham. www.eruuf.org.

FREE

Carolina on My Mind: Group show. free. Thru Nov 26.

Village Art Circle, Cary. www. villageartcircle.com.

Finding Each Other in History: Stories from LGBTQ+ Durham: Personal narratives. Thru Jan 15, 2017. Museum of Durham History / Durham History Hub, Durham. www. museumofdurhamhistory.org.

om

Cascading Color: Elizabeth Kellerman. Thru Apr 16,

FREEDOM: The Experiment: Candy Carver, Raj Bunnag,

FREE

RTY

ES,

Rolling Sculpture: Art Deco Cars from the 1930s and ’40s: Thru Jan 15, 2017. NC Museum of Art, Raleigh. www.ncartmuseum.org.

Siglinda Scarpa, Ida Trisolini: Ceramics and repurposed books.

Thru Nov 28. Horace Williams House, Chapel Hill. www. chapelhillpreservation.com.

The Contemporaries: Carrie Alter, Jeff Bell, Charles Chace, Casey Cook, Lynda Curry, Warren Hicks, Jimmy Fountain, Heather Gordon, Harrison Haynes, Soleil Konkel, Leigh Suggs, and Steve Walls. Thru Nov 19, 6-9 p.m. Light Art + Design, Chapel Hill. www. lightartdesign.com.

Exchanged and Revealed: Luna Lee Ray and Shelly Hehenberger.

Thru Dec 10. Durham Art Guild, Durham. www.durhamartguild. org.

KULL

Rockford Files Paintings: Paul Friedrich. Thru Nov 28. Personify, Raleigh.

Constants and Unknowns: Mixed media by Randy McNamara.

Thru Jan 13, 2017. Reception: Dec 16, 5-7 p.m. Durham Arts Council, Durham. www. durhamarts.org.

Background: Lauren Clay, Julia Gartrell, and Angelina Gualdoni.

Thru Nov 27. Lump, Raleigh. www.teamlump.org.

TERRY

Regional Emerging Artist in Residence Exhibition: Gesche Würfel and Caitlin Cary. Thru Nov 26. Artspace, Raleigh. www. artspacenc.org.

Scent of the Pine, You Know How I Feel: North Carolina Art from the Jonathan P. Alcott Collection: Thomas Hart Benton, Minnie Evans, Mary Anne Keel Jenkins, James Augustus McLean, and more. Thru Dec 4. NC Museum of History, Raleigh. www. ncmuseumofhistory.org.

Sue Sneddon’s artwork, on view in Life Size at Craven Allen Gallery PHOTO COURTESY OF CRAVEN ALLEN GALLERY

Kenia Brea, Darius Quarles, and William Paul Thomas. Thru Nov 25. Cary Visual Art, Cary. www. caryvisualart.org.

Groundlessness: Julie Cardillo.

Thru Nov 27. Nature Art Gallery, Raleigh. www.naturalsciences. org.

Ellen Hathaway: Thru Dec 17.

Elevation Gallery at SkyHouse Raleigh, Raleigh. www. skyhouseraleigh.com.

Kim Herold: Mixed media. Thru Nov 30. Looking Glass Cafe, Carrboro. lookingglasscafe.us.

History and Mystery: Discoveries in the NCMA British Collection: Selections from the NCMA’s permanent collection of Old Master British paintings and sculpture from 1580 to 1850. Thru Mar 19, 2017. NC Museum of Art, Raleigh. www. ncartmuseum.org.

Shelton Cooper Hodge: Thru Dec 17. HQ Raleigh, Raleigh.

Imagination Architectures: Eric Mack. Thru Jan 6, 2017.

UNC Campus: Sonja Haynes Stone Center, Chapel Hill. www. sonjahaynesstonectr.unc.edu.

Interstitial: Photography by David Hilliard. Thru Dec 11.

Cassilhaus, Chapel Hill.

Inventing History: Cherished Memories of Good Times That Never Happened: Drawings by Richard Chandler Hoff. Thru Jan 13, 2017. Reception: Dec 16, 5-7 p.m. Durham Arts Council,

Durham. www.durhamarts.org.

Luminous Creatures: Digital images by JP Trostle. Thru Jan 6, 2017. Atomic Fern, Durham. www.atomicfern.com/.

A Man Singing To Himself: Jill Snyder. Part of the Click! Triangle Photography Festival. Thru Dec 30. Durham Arts Council, Durham. www.durhamarts.org.

Lucia Marcus: Mixed media.

Thru Nov 27. Pleiades Gallery, Durham. www.

PleiadesArtDurham.com.

Eric McRay: Thru Dec 17. more.

Raleigh. www.jmrkitchens.com/.

The Mobile: Composition in Motion: Group show. Thru Nov 19. The Carrack Modern Art, Durham. www.thecarrack.org.

New Corridors Exhibition: Marnie Blum, Kristan Five, Shawn Hart, Chieko Murasugi, Pete Sack, and Pat Scull. Thru Nov 26. Artspace, Raleigh. www. artspacenc.org.

On the Wing: Alicia Armstrong, Molly Cliff Hilts, Tinka Jordy, and Marlise Newman. Thru Nov 20.

Eno Gallery, Hillsborough. www. enogallery.net.

On the Wings of Birds: Emma Skurnick. Thru Nov 30.

Joyful Jewel, Pittsboro. www. joyfuljewel.com.

Oppressive Architecture: Photographs by Gesche Würfel.

Thru Dec 4. CAM Raleigh, Raleigh. camraleigh.org.

The Peanut Gallery: Installation

by Alyssa Miserendino. Thru Nov 27. Flanders Gallery, Raleigh. www.flandersartgallery.com.

Permutations, Progressions + Possibilities = The Art of Vernon Pratt: Thru Nov 28.

Gregg Museum of Art & Design, Raleigh. www.ncsu.edu/gregg.

Photographs by Hugh Morton: An Uncommon Retrospective: Photographs of North Carolina.

Thru Sep 4, 2017. NC Museum of History, Raleigh. www. ncmuseumofhistory.org.

Janelle Piotrowski: Pen and ink drawings. Thru Nov 30.

Reception: Nov 26, 3-5 p.m. The Art of Style, Raleigh.

Places In Mind: Ann Howe, Barbara Rohde, and Sherry Nicholson. Thru Nov 22. Cary Gallery of Artists, Cary. www. carygalleryofartists.org.

Life Size: Paintings and drawings

by Sue Sneddon. Thru Jan 28.

Reception: Nov 19, 5-7 p.m.

Craven Allen Gallery, Durham. www.cravenallengallery.com.

Selections from the Photography Collection: Thru Jan 22, 2017.

Nasher Museum of Art, Durham. nasher.duke.edu.

Selma to Montgomery: A March for the Right to Vote: Photographs by Spider Martin.

Thru Mar 5, 2017. NC Museum of History, Raleigh. www. ncmuseumofhistory.org.

Sisters: 10 Years and Counting: Mary Beth Owen and Virginia Owen. Thru Nov 26. Local Color Gallery, Raleigh. www. localcoloraleigh.com.

Marcela Slade: Paintings. Thru Dec 9. salon 2eleven, Carrboro. www.salon2eleven.com.

Southern Accent: Seeking the American South in Contemporary Art: Exploration of southern identity through contemporary art. Thru Jan 8, 2017. Nasher Museum of Art, Durham. nasher.duke.edu.

Susan Jones: Fire Dance: Thru Nov 19. Tipping Paint Gallery, Raleigh. www.tippingpaintgallery. com.

Mary Carter Taub: Thru Dec 17.

Red Hat Gallery, Raleigh.

Printing Realities: Sergio Sánchez Santamaría. Thru Dec 6. Duke Campus: Fredric Jameson Gallery (Friedl Building), Durham.

The Jemima Code: Photographs

by Toni Tipton-Martin. Thru Nov 23. Duke Campus: Center for Documentary Studies, Durham. www.cdsporch.org.

Quadrivium *when four roads cross: Sue Edmonson, Cole+Cole jewelers, and Jonathan Davis.

Thru Nov 30. Roundabout Art Collective, Raleigh. www. roundaboutartcollective.com.

THIS CAMPAIGN IS YUUUGE!: Cartoonists Tackle the 2016 Presidential Race: Collection of 2016 election cartoons.

Thru Dec 2. Duke Campus: Rubenstein Hall, Durham. sanford.duke.edu.

INDYweek.com | 11.16.16 | 49

The Ties That Bind: Precious Lovell. Thru Jan 8, 2017. CAM Raleigh, Raleigh. camraleigh.org.

23, 8 p.m. Goodnights Comedy Club, Raleigh. www. goodnightscomedy.com.

Town and Country: Will Goodyear. Thru Nov 26. Adam Cave Fine Art, Raleigh. www. adamcavefineart.com.

Labels: Play. $20. Wed, Nov 16, 7:30 p.m. & Thu, Nov 17, 7:30 p.m. UNC Campus: Historic Playmakers Theatre, Chapel Hill.

Transgender USA: Mariette Pathy Allen: Photography. Thru Dec 22. Power Plant Gallery, Durham.

The Laramie Project: Play. $5-$15. Thru Nov 20. William Peace University: Leggett Theatre, Raleigh. theatre.peace. edu.

Transits and Migrations: A Summer in Berlin: Student photography. Thru Apr 15, 2017. Duke Campus: Center for Documentary Studies, Durham. www.cdsporch.org.

View from the Edge: Caroll Lassiter. Thru Dec 4. FRANK Gallery, Chapel Hill. www. frankisart.com.

Ray’s Diner: Transactors Improv. $10-$15. Sat, Nov 19, 8 p.m.

Common Ground Theatre, Durham. www.cgtheatre.com.

Walden Pond in Four Seasons: Selections from Transcendental Concord by Lisa McCarty: Photographs and text. Thru Nov 26. Bull City Arts Collaborative: Upfront Gallery, Durham. www. bullcityarts.org.

To Buy The Sun: The Challenge of Pauli Murray: Play. Sun, Nov 20, 2 p.m. UNC Campus: Sonja Haynes Stone Center, Chapel Hill. www.sonjahaynesstonectr. unc.edu.

William Noland: Dream Rooms: Long video takes examining technology and intimacy. Thru Feb 5, 2017. NC Museum of Art, Raleigh. www.ncartmuseum.org.

Zanele Muholi: Faces and Phases: Photography. Thru Jan 8, 2017. NC Museum of Art, Raleigh. www.ncartmuseum.org.

stage

OPENING Ananse Auricular: Omisade Burney-Scott. $5-$8. Tue, Nov 22, 7 p.m. Beyù Caffè, Durham. www.beyucaffe.com.

An Ideal Husband: Play. $12$20. Thru Nov 19, 7:15-10 p.m.

NCSU Campus: Thompson Hall, Raleigh.

Carmina Burana: Carolina Ballet. $20-$79. Nov 23-27. Memorial Auditorium, Raleigh. www. dukeenergycenterraleigh.com.

Carolina Youth Ballet: Dance.

Sat, Nov 19, 1 & 5 p.m. Fletcher Opera Theater, Raleigh. www. dukeenergycenterraleigh.com.

Gilbert Gottfried: Standup comedy. $20. Thu, Nov 17–Sat, Nov 19. Goodnights Comedy Club, Raleigh. www. goodnightscomedy.com.

Growing Up White: Standup comedy. $15. Wed, Nov 50 | 11.16.16 | INDYweek.com

November Dances: Duke student performances. $7-$17. Fri, Nov 18, 7:30 p.m. & Sat, Nov 19, 7:30 p.m. Duke Campus: Reynolds Industries Theater, Durham.

ONGOING Monty Python’s Spamalot: Musical. $20-$85. Thru Nov 20.

Memorial Auditorium, Raleigh. www.dukeenergycenterraleigh. com.

Library, Durham. www. durhamcountylibrary.org.

Ice Age: Thu, Nov 17, 6 p.m.

Halle Cultural Arts Center, Apex. www.thehalle.org.

The Smart Studios Story: $8.

Tue, Nov 22, 8 p.m. Motorco Music Hall, Durham. www. motorcomusic.com.

Torrey Pines: Fri, Nov 18, 6:30 p.m. The Pinhook, Durham. www.thepinhook.com.

VANISHED!!: Thu, Nov 17, 6 p.m.

Gregg Museum of Art & Design, Raleigh. www.ncsu.edu/gregg.

Who is Lydia Loveless?: Tue, Nov 22, 8 p.m. Kings, Raleigh. www. kingsbarcade.com.

OPENING Billy Lynn’s Long Halftime Walk—Ang Lee adapts a novel about soliders returning from Iraq. Rated PG-13.

Fantastic Beasts and Where to Find Them—This Harry Potter spinoff is J.K. Rowling’s screenwriting debut. Rated PG-13.

The Edge of Seventeen—A critically acclaimed comedydrama about teen love, sex, and status. Rated R.

Richard III: Play. $10-$18.

Thru Nov 20. Sonorous Road Productions, Raleigh. www. sonorousroad.com.

Moonlight— Barry Jenkins’s must-see drama deals with a gay black man’s coming of age.

Rated R.

The Wild Duck: Play. $10-$15.

Thru Nov 20, 8-10 p.m. Duke Campus: Sheafer Lab Theater, Durham.

A L S O P L AY I N G

screen

SPECIAL SHOWINGS Agnes Martin: With My Back to the World: Fri, Nov 18, 6 p.m.

Gregg Museum of Art & Design, Raleigh. www.ncsu.edu/gregg.

The Ballad of Fred Hersch: Fri, Nov 18, 7 p.m. Full Frame Theater, Durham.

Captain America: Civil War: Sat, Nov 19, 2:30 p.m. Chapel Hill Public Library, Chapel Hill. chapelhillpubliclibrary.org.

The INDY uses a five-star rating scale. Read our reviews of these films at www.indyweek.com.

 The Accountant—Matt Damon—er, Ben Affleck’s autistic assassin character doesn’t quite add up. Rated R.  ½ The Birth of a Nation—This Nat Turner biopic overturns the conventions of white Hollywood. Rated R.  ½ Bridget Jones’s Baby— Renée Zellweger’s loveable comic character deserved a better comeback. Rated R.  Deepwater Horizon— This account of the oil spill thrills but skimps on context.

Rated PG-13.

Carrboro Film Festival: Sat, Nov 19 & Sun, Nov 20. The ArtsCenter, Carrboro. www. artscenterlive.org.

 Doctor Strange— Marvel’s magic master’s feisty cape is the most vibrant character in his movie. Rated PG-13.

East Durham Stories: Thu, Nov 17, 7 p.m. Durham Main

 ½ The Girl on the Train— Emily Blunt’s vulnerable

MOONLIGHT HACKSAW RIDGE ARRIVAL

Hacksaw Ridge PHOTO BY MARK RODGERS performance almost redeems a trashy, lurid film. Rated R.  ½ Hacksaw Ridge—Mel Gibson clearly identifies with the religious persecution of conscientious objector Desmond Doss. Rated R.  The Handmaiden—Sex does much more than sell in Park Chan-wook’s twisty erotic thriller. Unrated.  ½ The Magnificent Seven— Despite an able cast, this remake adds little to the “band of disreputables” trope. Rated PG-13.

page

READINGS & SIGNINGS James Applewhite, Debra Kaufman, Russell Colver, Jennifer Weiss: Sun, Nov 20, 2 p.m. Quail Ridge Books, Raleigh. www.quailridgebooks.com.

Daniel Ariely: Payoff: The Hidden Logic That Shapes Our Motivations. Sat, Nov 19, 4 p.m.

Regulator Bookshop, Durham. www.regulatorbookshop.com.

Tim Barnwell: Great Smoky Mountains Vistas and Blue Ridge Parkway Vistas. Fri, Nov 18, 7 p.m. Quail Ridge Books, Raleigh. www.quailridgebooks.com.

Art Chansky: Game Changers: Dean Smith, Charlie Scott, and the Era That Transformed a Southern College Town. Thu, Nov 17, 7 p.m.

Barnes & Noble, Durham. www. barnesandnoble.com.

Clare Hanrahan: The Half Life of a Free Radical: Growing Up Catholic in Jim Crow Memphis.

Wed, Nov 16, 7 p.m. Durham Main Library. Fri, Nov 18, 7 p.m.

Church of Reconciliation, Chapel Hill. www.churchrec.org.

Juan Felipe Herrera: Notes on the Assemblage. Thu, Nov 17, 4:30 p.m. Duke Campus: Perkins Library, Durham. library.duke. edu.

Ross King: Mad Enchantment: Claude Monet and the Painting of the Water Lilies. Mon, Nov 21, 7 p.m. Quail Ridge Books, Raleigh. www.quailridgebooks.com.

Tamara Saviano: Without Getting Killed or Caught: The Life and Music of Guy Clark.

Sat, Nov 19, 7 p.m. Regulator Bookshop, Durham. www. regulatorbookshop.com.

LITERARY R E L AT E D Authors Out of Carolina Panel: Kim Wright, Erika Marks, Marybeth Whalen, Joy Callaway.

Sat, Nov 19, 11 am. McIntyre’s Books, Pittsboro. www. mcintyresbooks.com.

Be Connected: Shara Nova: In conversation with Karen Strittmatter Galvin, New Music Raleigh co-curator. Thu, Nov 17, 3 p.m. Beyù Caffè, Durham. www.beyucaffe.com.

Naomi Lubrich: “From Judenhut to Magic Hat: Iterations of a Medieval Garment.” Thu, Nov 17, 7:30 p.m. UNC Campus: Dey Hall, Chapel Hill.

The Murphey School Radio Show: Featuring Haven Kimmel,

Mike Wiley, and others. Mon, Nov 21, 3 & 7 p.m. The Murphey School at the Shared Visions Retreat Center, Durham. www. sharedvisions.org.

Rumi by Candlelight: Adrian Vyner-Brooks, Will Ridenour, Betsy Bevan, Meredith Holladay, and Daniel Chamb. Music and poetry. $15. Fri, Nov 18, 7:30 p.m.

Eno River Unitarian Universalist Fellowship, Durham. www.eruuf. org.

Roy Scranton: Panel discussion of War Porn. Fri, Nov 18, 7 p.m.

Regulator Bookshop, Durham. www.regulatorbookshop.com.

Richard Guy Wilson: “Defining Art Deco,” in conjunction with Rolling Sculpture. Sat, Nov 19, 2:30 p.m. NC Museum of Art, Raleigh. www.ncartmuseum.org.

food

90th Anniversary Food Truck Dinner: Local food trucks. $90. Wed, Nov 16, 6 & 8 p.m.

Carolina Theatre, Durham. www. carolinatheatre.org.

Competition Dining Statewide Championship: Thru Nov 20.

Dorothy & Ray Park Alumni Center, Raleigh. www.parkcenter. ncsu.edu.

Stone Soup Supper: Charity dinner with soups from Triangle chefs. $5-$25. Wed, Nov 16, 5:30 p.m. NCSU Campus: McKimmon Center, Raleigh.

Triangle Vegetarian Society Thanksgiving Feast: $8-$20.

Tue, Nov 22, 6 p.m. Vegan Flava Cafe, Durham. www. veganflavacafe.com/.

THE INDY’S GUIDE TO DRINKING BEER IN THE TRIANGLE

ON STANDS NOW! INDYweek.com | 11.16.16 | 51

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INDYweek.com | 11.16.16 | 53

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54 | 11.16.16 | INDYweek.com

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