Michael Whiteside Dissertation

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The Switch: Breathing in My Culture, Breathing Out Their Language

A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Institute for Clinical Social Work in Partial Fulfillment for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

By

MICHAEL WHITESIDE II

Chicago, Illinois December 12, 2025

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Copyright © 2025 by Michael Whiteside All rights reserved

ii Abstract Code-switching is the process of adjusting one’s self-expression to adhere to the dominant culture present. For Black professionals, code-switching reflects an implicit need to adjust and adhere to standards set by Whiteness when navigating predominantly White professional environments. This implicit need reflects a sense of psychological danger in which the Black professional is aware of the past historical oppression of Black people by White people. Code-switching as an automatic process highlights a major challenge: being stuck adjusting self-expression to be safe with Whiteness or learning to how to choose authentic selfexpression with the risk of being outcast by Whiteness. Previous research has described what code-switching has looked like, but this research sought to understand what code-switching feels like and how it impacts Black male professionals, in the millennial generation, who navigate predominately White professional environments.

The research was conducted as an Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) to understand how code-switching impacted the 16 Black male professionals and their selfexpression in their predominately White workplace. The study used virtual semi-structured interviews that were analyzed through axial coding for thematic formulation. The findings suggested that many of the participants experienced code-switching as a necessary survival strategy to obtain professional advancement but at the cost of the participants not feeling fully authentic in their self-expression. Code-switching was described as a complex automatic process that has connections to Black history and past messages of psychological danger that were implicitly passed down between generations as an ongoing memory of how to be safe when navigating Whiteness.

iii Dedication This work is respectfully dedicated to the Black men fighting to make space for an authentic selfexpression despite the ongoing historical oppression and racism against the Black community, even in today’s time. You have immense power in your being.

To my grandparents, my ancestors, who gave me the courage to always be myself while being aware of the danger we face as Black people, but more importantly the courage to never stop showing up.

To my lovely wife, Keyandra, thank you for your unrelenting love, support, and encouragement through this process of cultivating meaningful and electrifying narratives of Black experiences.

To my parents, in-laws, and family thank you for the countless years of support, guidance, wisdom, and courage to be a Black man and keep it as real as possible throughout this academic experience, I would not be here without you.

To my son, Micah, may this work always serve as an encouragement to always be yourself, the power you have as a Black man, and a testament to what you can accomplish; the world is your oyster. My love is forever with you.

To my future family, let this work be part of the foundation that builds your courage to always be authentic as you fulfill your wildest dreams.

Love, Michael, Husband, Father, Black Man

iv Acknowledgements I express my sincerest and most genuine gratitude to my committee members who made this work doable, explainable, and authentic. As doctors in your own right, you each gave me an example of resilience, dedication, and perseverance. Words cannot express my gratitude.

To my chair, Dr. Lynne Tylke, thank you for always pushing me beyond my potential and encouraging me to go after the hard topics that have the greatest impact. Your patience and strength have pushed me through this process.

To Dr. Judy Aronson, thank you for your constant push for excellence and academic rigor while still keeping it true to being myself. Your expertise and accountability have molded this work beautifully.

To Dr. Jacquelyn Vincson, thank you for “saying the quiet part out loud.” You pushed me from day one to see the most intricate parts of every aspect of this project. Thank you for believing in this and helping to make this work as real as possible.

To Dr. Huey Hawkins, thank you for being the example from the moment I met you. Your expertise, vision, and encouragement gave the Black communal support I needed. I cannot thank you enough, especially from one Black man to another.

v Table of Contents Abstract.......................................................................................................................................... ii Acknowledgements ....................................................................................................................... x Chapter

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I. Introduction ................................................................................................................... 1 General Statement of Purpose Significance of the Study for Clinical Social Work Statement of the Problem and Specific Objectives to be Achieved The Research Question Theoretical and Operational Definitions of Major Concepts Statement of Assumptions Epistemological Foundation of Project Foregrounding II. Literature Review ........................................................................................................ 23 Introduction Working Memory and Implicit Relational Knowing The Black Experience Continuous Intergenerational Danger The Art of Switching Procedural Way of Being

vi Table of Contents--Continued Chapter

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III. Methodology ............................................................................................................... 67 Introduction Rationale and Research Approach Research Sample Research Plan Data Collection Ethical Considerations Issues of Trustworthiness, Dependability, Credibility, and Transferability Limitations and Delimitations The Role and Background of the Researcher

vii Table of Contents--Continued Chapter

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IV. Results........................................................................................................................ 85 Introduction Patient Demographics Voltron Semaj Dierks Bruce Eric Remaining Participant Biographies Valerian Ceith Bob Yasuke John Jamar CD Luke Williams Corey Gabe Themes Adjusting for Professional Survival Navigating Whiteness in Professionalism “Be Authentic as Possible” Responsibility to the Culture

viii Table of Contents--Continued “Playing the Game” Themes and Codes Adjusting for Professional Survival and Survival Navigating Whiteness in Professionalism and Judgement “Be Authentic as Possible” and Authenticity Responsibility to the Culture and Responsibility “Playing the Game” and Implicit Communication Collective Member Checking Summary V. Discussion.................................................................................................................. 168 Introduction Findings Discussion Theoretical Application Implications Recommendations Conclusion Appendix A ................................................................................................................................ 200 Recruitment Flyer ..................................................................................................................... 200 Appendix B ................................................................................................................................ 202 Script for Telephone Pre-Screening Interview....................................................................... 202 Appendix C ................................................................................................................................ 205 Script for Informed Consent .................................................................................................... 205 Appendix D ................................................................................................................................ 207

ix Informed Consent ..................................................................................................................... 207 Appendix E ................................................................................................................................ 211 Interview Questions .................................................................................................................. 211 Appendix F ................................................................................................................................ 213 Mental Health Resources ......................................................................................................... 213 References .................................................................................................................................. 215

x Acknowledgements I express my sincerest and most genuine gratitude to my committee members who made this work doable, explainable, and authentic. As doctors in your own right, you each gave me an example of resilience, dedication, and perseverance. Words cannot express my gratitude.

To my chair, Dr. Lynne Tylke, thank you for always pushing me beyond my potential and encouraging me to go after the hard topics that have the greatest impact. Your patience and strength have pushed me through this process.

To Dr. Judy Aronson, thank you for your constant push for excellence and academic rigor while still keeping it true to being myself. Your expertise and accountability have molded this work beautifully.

To Dr. Jacquelyn Vincson, thank you for “saying the quiet part out loud.” You pushed me from day one to see the most intricate parts of every aspect of this project. Thank you for believing in this and helping to make this work as real as possible.

To Dr. Huey Hawkins, thank you for being the example from the moment I met you. Your expertise, vision, and encouragement gave the Black communal support I needed. I cannot thank you enough, especially from one Black man to another.

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Chapter I Introduction General Statement of Purpose The purpose of this phenomenological study is to understand the experiences of African American (Black) male professionals who use code-switching. The study would explore how Black male professionals present themselves in predominately White professional spaces; this study explores the ways of being for Black professionals when with White professionals. Various political and social factors can influence how one, the Black professional, expresses his culture, social identity, and overall, his sense of self with the others present. He can experience various challenges when navigating professional interactions, especially when one is not a member of the majority culture present. Identifying and understanding what is socially appropriate can become paramount to feeling psychologically safe with his White counterparts. One can begin to consider what is needed to feel safe and how much of himself is safe to express. Exploring the phenomenon of code-switching as a practice can offer insight on the uncertainty and potential danger that is felt when Black male professionals engage in code-switching, how this practice takes place in the dyad with the White professional, as well as how code-switching changes the Black professional’s perception of danger within the White professional culture.

At this stage in the research, code-switching is defined as the process of giving up core aspects of one’s sense of self to blend in with the dominant culture as a survival method from the psychological dangers in social interactions. Code-switching requires the user to sacrifice essential qualities of himself in exchange for the possibility of the dominant culture’s in-group

2 membership and access to much needed in-group resources that contribute to the individual and his family’s survival. Code-switching is a technique and process that forces the user to engross himself into the social, political, and intellectual perspectives of the dominant culture at the cost of abandoning his own cultural existence through the use of language.

Whiteness is defined as the privilege of selecting what governs and influences the dominant culture while simultaneously having the systemic power to destroy out-group cultural practices. Whiteness is positioning oneself in a manner that allows the user to hold significant systemic influences that affect the overall survival of those in the dominant culture simultaneously others in non-dominant culture. It is the villainization of those that do not adhere to dominating culture’s standard as shared experience. Whiteness is the systemic protection from having to be culturally inconvenienced or threatened by underrepresented cultures. For the purposes of this paper, Whiteness is separate from simply being racially White and instead focuses on the beliefs and associated supremacy ideology that impacts power dynamics among people.

Oppression is defined as the process of forcibly applying one’s beliefs, customs, ideas, and perspectives, while being able to force the underrepresented cultures to abandon their cultural aspects. It is having societal and systemic support to maintain this process of forced abandonment. Oppression is utilizing others’ resources while forcing them to engage in internalizing this oppression as a consequence of not being a part of the dominant culture; it is also normalizing this process across underrepresented cultures. It is the use of systemic power to alienate those outside of the dominant culture, especially when considering access to essential resources or upward mobility.

3 Working memory is the ongoing processing of collective experiences that produce an implicit procedure that guides self-organization for the individual during social interaction. For this paper, working memory refers to the collective trauma that stems from the Black ancestral experience of trauma during slavery and builds on this trauma through the brutalization of Black men during the Jim Crow Era, and recent victimization of Black men through police brutality that guides the Black professional’s self-expression in the workplace.

African American (Black) Professionals are defined as male citizens of the United States of America that identify as being of African descent and have an awareness of the brutal slavery of their African ancestors in the United States by White slave owners. These particular African American (Black) professionals have graduated from an accredited college or university with at least a bachelor’s degree and currently were working in a professional environment in which they were being employed to provide professional services and were compensated for these services by their employer. They have an understanding of the concept of being alienated in the context of racial dynamics when Black men are the minority culture present, and they understand the concept of code-switching.

For centuries, African American (Black) males have been plagued with the experience of being alienated as an ethnic minority in the United States of America. The experience of being alienated has led to much suffering, humiliation, social alienation, and disavowal of the most central human experience: the ability to outwardly express emotions. Being emotionally vulnerable or expressing any emotion can be a significant psychological and social risk for African American males, a risk that can result in the African American male’s physical and psychological demise (Dwyer, 2021). The Black male must navigate the challenges of expressing his active emotions felt in the moment as well as the potential consequences such as upsetting

4 others in the majority culture as a consequence if he were to authentically express his emotions.

The internal navigation of his decision can create an uncertainty of safety and fear of harm that is connected to his difference, his race. “The issue of race so prompts excessive anxiety that it blocks off our capacity to think-Kirkland C. Vaughans, PhD,” (Black Psychoanalysts Speak, 2017, 1:57). The potential for demise brings to question how he expresses his pain and how the psychological danger affects his expression of his identity.

These existential questions incite curiosity about how African American males, Black men, exist and survive society, especially when considering the historical and current social injustices against Black men in the United States that center on the slavery of Africans (Berlin et al., 2011). Countless Black lives have been taken as a result of being viewed as a threat to the dominant culture, Whiteness. The United States has a history of life threatening and social injustices against Black men on the premise of race. Constant alienation on the premise of race is a burden and a painful experience constantly present because the African ancestral history stays active for African American male professionals, now navigating race dynamics and associated psychological danger with the White professional, the slaver owner’s descendant.

Considering the seemingly imminent and ongoing threat of physical and psychological violence as well as the social alienation afflicting Black male professionals, there is a clear need to find a way to lessen and survive these threats. Code-switching is a method of physical, psychological, and social survival. It can offer autonomy for navigating interactions. It can mitigate psychological danger associated with tense racial relations with White professionals, and offer a chance for access to professional growth, upward mobility. Rejection can result in the Black professional losing employment, being denied future promotions, alienation in the employed company and overall industry, or even being subjected to harsher treatment by White

5 professionals. This subjection creates an immediacy for navigating the racial dynamic with the White professional, and the potential for rejection and denial of upward mobility can hinder the Black professional’s means of professional survival.

The present tumultuous racial dynamics can evoke feelings of fear, anger, and confusion that procedurally must be managed to survive the interaction with the White professional for the Black professional. The strongly felt need to manage his self-expression reflects that the White professional has become an internalized representation of danger that connects to the historical representation of danger, the White slave owner 1. The White slave owner is a representation from the Black professional’s ancestral experience of oppression in which his ancestors, African male slaves 2, were constantly threatened by the White slave owner; the ideology of a present power differential was formed. The ancestral experience is a collection of cultural attitudes and behaviors from cultural memories used as a framing for cultural realities regarding politics, experience of racism, and economic systems (Singer and Kaplinsky, 2010; Singer and Kimble, 2004). The collection of cultural attitudes from cultural memories assist the individual in his navigation of the world. For the Black professional, his Black ancestral experience functions as an ongoing memory of the dangers of the White slave owner that transfers onto one like him, the White professional, creating a working memory for the Black professional that solicits an implicit procedural navigation of the interaction (Lyons-Ruth, 1991; Singer and Kaplinsky, 2010; Singer and Kimble, 2004). The Black professional carries forward the need to code-switch to mitigate the present danger and to protect himself from destruction.

1

The use of “slave owner” is intentional to highlight the power differential and sense of oppression felt by the African slave and his descendant, the Black professional.

2 The use of “slave” is intentional to highlight the power differential and sense of oppression felt by the African slave and his descendant, the Black professional

6 Historically, Black men have had to hide essential emotional states and present themselves in a more socially acceptable way that aligns with Whiteness’s preferences and ways of existing in society. This social and cultural adjustment is a racial code-switching process that allows Black men to adjust their social presentation to withstand the dangers of being persecuted as an outsider in a physically and emotionally dangerous social environment as described by McCluney et. al (2021). The researcher’s aim is to gain insight into the experiences of Black male professionals who engage in code-switching and how it is used during interactions in predominately White environments.

Significance of the Study for Clinical Social Work Understanding the emotional experiences of Black male professionals and how they navigate the psychologically dangerous environment in the workplace is paramount for understanding how they engage in authenticity in professional settings. The field of social work is grounded upon the core concepts of advocacy and service, especially to marginalized populations. The National Association of Social Works’ Code of Ethics holds the inherent values of dignity and worth of the individual, social justice, cultural competency, individual wellbeing in society, importance of human relationships, and social welfare of the individual that connects to this study. Exploring the experience of how Black male professionals engaging in the racial adjustment process of code-switching allows for a deeper perspective on how Black professional men express their identity and how code-switching can be invoked in social interactions, especially in professional settings.

The study provides insight into the experiences of Black professional males identifying psychological danger in social interactions with White professionals as well as how they

7 navigate these dangers to obtain upward mobility. Clinical social work is about healing and assisting the individual in feeling fully connected to himself and embracing himself authentically. Racial code-switching, as a survival method, is internalizing the idea that the user’s culture is not valued by the majority culture and therefore intolerable by the majority culture. It is the devaluation of the individual’s unique culture and exchanging it for the majority culture. It is the creation of ambivalence towards one’s own self, making it difficult for the individual to embrace himself and others connected to his culture. Regarding clinical social work, understanding this internal negotiation for survival is extremely effective for conceptualizing authenticity, and for re-examining the intersubjectivity between the Black professional as a minority and the White professional as the majority, and exploring how the Black professional utilizes code-switching as an implicit procedure for navigating continual psychological danger. Gaining this understanding from this study provides perspective on the dangers present in the shared workplaces as well as the psychological impact of collective trauma that connects to Black ancestral trauma as a form of working memory.

The study explores the experiences of the Black professional’s interpretation of the relationship with the White professional in the workplace. Maintaining relationships is a core aspect of the National Association of Social Workers’ Code of Ethics; NASW holds valuing human relationships as a priority for clinical social work and overall social wellbeing when considering psychological safety in relationships (NASW, 2023). Regarding the historical aspects impacting the Black professional’s ancestral experience of the White professional and associated psychological dangers, the study explores the historical dangers against Black men as a working memory that solicits code-switching; these dangers include the 400 years of slavery and torture of African men in the United States as well as how this 400-year-old danger impacts

8 the practice of code-switching as a survival technique generations later. Clinical social work is about the healing of suffering as well as the emotional and mental advancement of people plagued by mental anguish. This study seeks to understand the experiences of Black professionals navigating psychological danger associated with the White professional, impact of Black collective trauma as a working memory that solicits code-switching, and Black professional’s use of code-switching as an opportunity for upward mobility.

Statement of the Problem and Specific Objectives to be Achieved The United States has been rooted in racism and this racism has threatened the physical safety of Black men for generations from the African slave to the Black professional (Berlin, 2011). The systemic racism produces a physical and psychological danger that challenges how Black men navigate society and express themselves. The potential danger can produce a hypervigilance in which Black men have to be aware of their social standing and how they will be perceived by the dominant culture, Whiteness. Dr. W.E.B. Du Bois dubbed this constant awareness of social standing and awareness of potential consequence based on how others perceive the Black man as a double consciousness according to Du Bois (1903). The double consciousness is a constant awareness of danger and the historical oppression can create an emotional labor, an internal weight that burdens the soul for Black men. The Black professional must be constantly aware of the racial tension, psychological danger of being alienated and his desire to express himself authentically while simultaneously holding the Black ancestral trauma as he seeks to navigate the workplace and interactions with Whiteness. His dilemma is to navigate the strongly felt danger with the White professional while still obtaining opportunities for professional growth that sustains him and his family.

9 The Black male professional is faced with a dilemma: change himself by denying aspects of himself and culture to gain upward mobility or be himself authentically and risk losing access to essential resources, limiting himself, his family, and community. There is a felt risk of not gaining upward mobility and professional promotions if he does not engage in code-switching; there is also potential for ridicule, alienation, McCluney et al. (2021) suggested that Black male professionals fear being viewed as inferior or not as competent if they do not engage in codeswitching which limits that opportunity for professional advancement and psychological safety, but engaging in code-switching comes at a cost. Although code-switching can appear to assist the Black man in securing professional advancement, McCluney, et al. (2019) also suggested that code-switching can also create tension between the Black man and others in his culture who do not engage in code-switching.

Because code-switching requires a temporary denial of his Black culture, it can be perceived as a rejection of his community and an emotional distancing of himself from his strongest support: his people. The tension felt between him and others in the culture can lead to isolation and internal conflict for the Black professional male. He constantly faces this dilemma leading him to question how to express himself and share who he is. It is a question of what is safe for him and what does his existence look like in a world in which his choice to code-switch or not to code-switch comes with a tumultuous cost. This challenge of discerning how to express himself echoes a similar danger felt during slavery by his African ancestors in which the safety of the Black existence is dependent upon what the African slave chooses to show and what he chooses to hold only within himself, hidden from the rest of the world.

During slavery, Africans were oppressed and forced to tirelessly labor for the slave owners at the slaves’ emotional, mental, and physical expense. In these interactions, African

10 males were alienated by the slave owners as objects, less than people, but valued as property (Berlin, 2011). As property, they were physically torn from their families, pushed into poverty, brutally murdered publicly, humiliated, and denied any opportunity to show mourning or weeping regarding their suffering. Slaves were forced to culturally assimilate and were denied their humanity. They were denied human rights and forced to exist only as the slave owner allowed, pushing them into a phantomization that barely accounted for living.

To survive these extremely tumultuous environments, the African males began hiding their emotions and developing alternative methods of communication to connect with each other.

As these alternative methods of communication grew within the culture, the slaves were able to support each other and withstand all the adversity around them according to Berlin (2011). The African men were able to create their own language through cryptic songs and singing, and cryptic behaviors to navigate the dangers of Whiteness as well as utilize the escape system to freedom known as The Underground Railroad. Storytelling was an essential communication method for sharing critical information about surviving the hardships of slavery, escape efforts to freedom, and means of community building amongst the African slaves who otherwise were not allowed to communicate according to Hannah-Jones (2023). Having cryptic communications and ways of being have proven, throughout history, to be an essential survival method of African men but only because of the ongoing and relentless danger that Whiteness poses against them.

These cryptic languages and ways of being during slavery mirror the racial codeswitching in today’s interactions for Black male professionals. Currently, Black men still face physical and psychological threat posed by Whiteness. Wright, Longerbeam, & Alagaraja (2022) discussed racial code-switching as an essential method of survival in social interactions with Whiteness. When code-switching is not utilized, Black men are forced to endure a social

11 suffering in which they are alienated and outcast in a manner that strongly parallels with the alienation of African slaves at the hands of slave owners. The Black men are made to feel as though they are different from the majority culture and therefore must conform if they want ingroup membership. Although the Black men are professionals and members of the general workforce, they are constantly reminded how quickly they can be socially rejected, alienated by peers in the workplace, and reprimanded by means of loss of employment or systemic barriers to obtaining professional advancement for not conforming to the dominant culture, Whiteness (McCluney et al., 2021). The Black professional carriers the awareness of this pressure to conform to Whiteness nonconsciously and this pressure to conform is internalized as psychological danger. The Black professional can feel this implicit pressure all throughout his development; he feels this pressure as a social suffering in his early academic years according to Dumas (2014). The social suffering from psychological dangers can even be felt during early academic experiences for Black men during childhood. Social suffering reflects the mental anguish of being forced to be made aware of one’s difference and be ridiculed for it (Dumas, 2014).

One of the common areas of suffering for Black professionals is academic settings with strong racial bias against Black students. Black professionals experience psychological suffering and social rejection during early life experiences with White teachers while the Black professionals are young Black students. The young Black students are stereotyped and behave in ways that unintentionally validate that stereotype being applied according to Osbounre et al.

(2022). The Black children are treated in ways that push Black children to act out in defensive manners that validate harmful stereotypes associated with anger and unruliness. Once these stereotypes are validated, Black students get less access to academic and social opportunities for

12 growth. The Black child can be alienated and ridiculed as being unintelligent and subjected to harsher treatment by the presiding teacher. Pabon (2017) revealed that Black male children are mistreated and labeled as unintelligent and denied access to higher levels of academic rigor which negatively impact their self-image and what they believe they can accomplish in the future.

As the Black male child develops as a professional, this felt psychological danger is constant as an addition to the working memory of being painfully alienated for not aligning with Whiteness. The working memory serves as a reminder of the painful psychological and social consequences for expressing himself and being harshly punished for expressing himself. In the professional setting, a lack of code-switching can be viewed as unprofessional and “ghetto”, because it does not align with the present Whiteness standard, something the Black male professional has now experienced both as a child and now as a professional. McCluney et al.

(2021) mentioned that the ridicule and denial of upward mobility from not adhering to Whiteness can severely damage Black man’s sense of self-acceptance and further the psychological danger that is constantly felt throughout his lifetime. As Whiteness continues to threaten the existence of Blackness, Black men are forced to utilize code-switching to obtain opportunities for upward mobility and success that would otherwise not exist for them. They are forced in a submissive position, like their African ancestors, that continues to contribute much psychological suffering and anguish.

To further investigate the depth of this internal dilemma about how to Black male professionals express themselves, the felt experience of psychological dangers in social situations, and need for code-switching, this phenomenological study will assess the use of codeswitching amongst Black male professionals, specifically millennial Black male professional

13 ages 28-43. Dunn (2019) revealed that Black college graduates who were under the age of 50 years old, who made up 53% of this group shared that they needed to switch how they express themselves when they are around and socializing with people of different racial and ethnic backgrounds. Conducting this study will allow for a greater understanding of the experienced psychological danger in which code-switching is evoked in professional settings, how the phenomenon of code-switching activates for these professionals, as well as how a working memory impacts the need for code-switching. Having this understanding will assist in furthering social justice by increasing awareness of the psychological dangers present that hinder Black men from being able to safely exist in society.

Previous research has investigated the use of code-switching in Black undergraduate students and professional Black men and women Wright, Longerbeam, & Alagaraja (2022), but it does not account for how code-switching is used specifically for Black male professionals only. This study also assists in understanding the need for diversity, equity, inclusion, and justice in professional settings that are able to truly allow people from underrepresented populations, specifically Black male professionals, to operate as their most authentic selves. The objectives of this study are the following: to understand the experiences of code-switching, and to understand the Black professional’s experience of psychological dangers that contribute to the dilemma of using code-switching, and to understand the experiences of working memory that contributes to the decision to engage in code-switching for Black male professionals in the United States.

The Research Question The research question of this study is the following: What is the impact of code-switching on Black male professionals navigating predominately White professional environments? The

14 research question was designed to allow for a qualitative perspective regarding the felt experience of Black male professionals who engage in code-switching. Completing this phenomenological study has allowed the focus to be centered on understanding code-switching as a repeating phenomenon within these participant experiences. This understanding allows our inquiry to analyze this phenomenon and identify trends for how code-switching develops within the Black male culture on an individual level as well as how the practice of code-switching is maintained by Black professional men.

Theoretical and Operational Definitions of Major Concepts Code-switching is the process of giving up core aspects of one’s sense of self to blend in with the dominant culture as a survival method from the psychological dangers in social interactions. It is “the temporary switching on or adjustment of behaviors to optimize the comfort of others in exchange for a desired outcome…,” (McCluney, Durkee, Smith, Robotham, and Lee, 2021, p. 1). Code-switching allows the user to implement a self-management procedure that appears to suspend cultural aspects of himself to adhere to the dominant cultural norms as an internalized and implicit procedure when engaging, behaving, and interacting with others. This temporary suspension is described as a way of making oneself more acceptable to those who are a part of the dominant culture present. Code-switching is often used to make one appear more acceptable to the dominant culture. The goal is to be accepted enough by the in-group to get access to opportunities that allow for upward mobility such as promotions, increased salaries, and other career growth opportunities. Appearing more acceptable also reduces the chances of the Black professional being belittled, denied, rejected, or disenfranchised by the dominant culture, specifically Whiteness according to McCluney et. al (2021).

15 Whiteness is the privilege of selecting what governs and influences the dominant culture while simultaneously having the systemic power to destroy out-group cultural practices. It is “the power of possession and control over redistribution not only of physical and geographical property but also over the bodies of other people and the rights to affective states of being,” (Steele, 2021, p. 394).Whiteness is the cultural use of power and privilege that allow one to alienate those that do not appear to align with the dominant culture’s beliefs and ways of being; this dominating leads to the oppression of out-group members. It is the implicit belief that one is more in control of public and private aspects, entitled to the highest quality of life experience. It is the collection of beliefs which centers on the individual having entitled systemic power; it is the reference to having a stronger collection of power capable of dominating any other entity not associated with Whiteness (Harris, 1993). For the purposes of this paper, Whiteness is separate from simply being racially White and instead focuses on the beliefs and associated supremacy ideology that impacts power dynamics between people.

Oppression is the process for forcibly applying one’s beliefs, customs, ideas, and perspectives, while being able to force the underrepresented cultures to abandon their cultural aspects (Sue, 2010). Oppression is promoting the dominant culture in a way that can minimize the out-group members’ ways of being, making the out-group members constantly aware of the majority culture’s ways of being. It is the belittling and isolation of the out-group members through systemic power held by the dominant culture present. Oppression is maintained through a system of mistreatment that constantly belittles out-group members. It is the use of systemic power to alienate those outside of the dominant culture, especially when considering access to essential resources that allow for access to a higher quality of living such as promotions, salary increases, and other professional growth.

16 Working memory is the ongoing collective experience that influences decision-making and adjustment of self-expression during social interactions with others for an individual. It is “involving the construction of progressively more complex control (or meaning) systems. These control systems are properties of both the person and the environmental context in which they develop. Cognition, action, and emotion are all interrelated products of these control systems,” (Lyson-Ruth, 1991, p. 595). It is the ongoing processing of collective experiences that produce an implicit procedure that guides self-expression for the individual during social interaction. In this study, working memory refers to the collective trauma that stems from the Black ancestral experience of trauma during slavery, that continues to build on this trauma through the brutalization of Black men during the Jim Crow Era, and includes recent victimization of Black men through police brutality, with all these that guiding the Black professional’s adjustment of self-expression in the workplace.

African American (Black) Professionals is defined as male citizens of the United States of America that identify as being of African descent and have an awareness of the brutal slavery of their African ancestors in the United States by White slaveowners. The African American (Black) professionals in this study have graduated from an accredited college or university with at least a bachelor's degree and were currently working in a professional environment in which they were employed to provide professional services and were compensated for these services by their employer. They have an understanding of the concept of being alienated in the context of racial dynamics when Black men are the minority culture present, and understand, as well, the concept of code-switching.

17 Statement of Assumptions Black male professionals experience psychological dangers in social interactions in professional environments and engage in code-switching to maintain acceptance during their professional career. These psychological dangers are connected to racism and Whiteness, that maintains racism, according to Berlin (2011). The Black male professionals are likely to have experienced some internal dilemma about expressing themselves authentically in social interactions, specifically professional environments. It is believed that they will have experienced some sense of being alienated especially when being an ethnic minority in the classroom and professional setting. They are likely to have felt some sense of psychological danger when considering navigating the dominant culture, Whiteness, at some point in their career but may not have vocalized this dislike for fear of ridicule, rejection, or disapproval by peers in the dominant culture as suggested by McCluney et. al (2021).

Many Black professionals may have felt that code-switching requires some sense of denial of an authentic self to navigate social settings in which Whiteness was present and influential according to McCluney et al (2021). It is possible that these Black male professionals have had to navigate some sense of adjusting their mannerisms, voice, and other aspects of themselves to fit within the dominant culture unless they felt fully acceptance by those in the dominant culture. It is likely that this code-switching has contributed to mental and emotional anguish when attempting to navigate upward mobility as suggested by McCluney et al. (2021).

Code-switching was a tool to survive and gain upward mobility while operating as Black male professionals who also hold a Black ancestral experience that operates as a working memory that guides one’s consideration to engage in code-switching.

18 Epistemological Foundation of Project The research orientation is transformative; the research focuses on understanding codeswitching as an internalized experience that must be accessed through deep reflection on the part of the participants. To understand code-switching as a phenomenon requires this research to demarcate a perspective sufficient to encompass the subjective experience of psychological dangers, working memory of an ancestral experience of psychological danger with Whiteness, and to further encompass how these ongoing psychological dangers incite the need for survival as well as how code-switching impacts that survival. Creswell and Creswell (2018) suggested that the transformative approach focuses on understanding a phenomenon through deep reflection that is rooted in the contexts of the research participant’s cultural experience. Because racial code-switching has been a commonly known experience within Black culture, it is likely to have unconscious aspects that must be brought to the conscious awareness, considering the nature of working memory and the implicit procedural use of code-switching, to be fully understood and explored.

This phenomenological study allows for a narration of the participants’ experiences navigating psychological danger while focusing on how code-switching develops from working memory and is continued through the Black professional’s current navigation of psychological danger. The research study required the researcher to engage in deep meaningful reflections with the participants, to get to the heart of why each one uses code-switching individually and how code-switching gets activated in social interactions in professional environments. This approach structured the researcher’s interpretation of the findings and provided an understanding of the commonalities and repeating trends across the participants’ experiences of using code-switching when navigating psychological dangers.

19 Foregrounding It is a beautiful day. You can feel the warmth of the sun, the cool breeze coming gently across your skin as you drive across town, fully engaged in the moment. You look to your left, at the love of your life and feel her warm smile greets you as the two of you venture around the conner to the grocery store. It is just another day like any other. The skies are clear, laughter fills your vehicle, and joy resonates through your entire body. The two of you stop at a local grocery store. She asks to make an additional stop at the hair store next door. You wait briefly as she immediately comes back out, and the two of you continue your day, everything is just like any other summer day. Within two minutes of leaving the parking lot, the two of you are pulled over and a White police officer comes to your love’s side of the car. As graduate students without any criminal record, you have nothing to fear.

After the officer takes your love’s license, he immediately asks for yours. You ask for clarity on the motive of his request, after all, you are not the driver. You ask again, and he raises his voice, now demanding your license. You begin to feel your own rage boil at this unprecedented intrusion. You ask one last time. He raises his voice even louder, you notice his hand slides to his waist, and you see it begin to graze the hilt of his gun. Immediately, you feel the anger inside of you about to burst as you ask, to yourself: is he now threatening my life and the life of my love? Right before your anger explodes, you remember the countless Black lives stolen in these simple interactions.

You are flooded with the overwhelming amount of Black people mourning, the hashtags that carry the names of the victims but not their stories, and all the suffering of Black people, from slavery to this moment. You look into your love’s eyes as she is begging you to be

20 compliant, as everyone is staring at you, now. Terrified and angry, you swallow everything you feel and adjust your voice in a submissive manner, in order to ensure that you and your love survive this encounter. You hand over your license, your voice changed to a more friendly, submissive tone, the way your father and mother taught you to do. The officer takes both licenses and walks away without any explanation, leaving you both in silence and terror.

As he comes back with your love’s license, he questions you both about everywhere you have been as though the grocery store bags do not serve as evidence. He leaves again without a word. Your anxiety is pounding throughout your body and seemingly the vehicle itself. No one says a word. A knock on your side of the car breaks the silence, it is another officer. He states that there has been a simple mistake, and that they have the thief they were looking for. The first officer is now speaking to your love, you feel surrounded despite the second officer’s friendly demeanor. You and your love drive off after being cleared, but you cannot shake the fear, anger, and heaviness on your mind, despite your love’s efforts to console you. You are flooded with thoughts of how close you were to the same tragic fate as many others, except you had the chance to adjust yourself to a more submissive persona. You are home, but you are painfully aware of the truth: Trayvon will never walk again, Mike will never raise his hands again, Eric will never breathe again, Breonna will never sleep again, and George will never see his daughter’s smiling face again. You are not different; you just had a different outcome.

Throughout my community, I have heard the stories of the historical racial injustice and oppression against Black people in America. Rooted in the institution of slavery, oppression has been taught to me as the overwhelming, threatening, systemic injustice against African Americans based on their unchangeable racial identity. This racial oppression has manifested as lynchings, public murders, police brutality, voter suppression, gerrymandering, and various other

21 displays of aggression and hatred towards African American people in the past and in present day. These stories have been recounted to me by my grandfather and various family members.

Constantly experiencing and absorbing this violence has created an extreme terror and overwhelming sense of psychological danger that has produced hypervigilance regarding the physical safety for self and loved ones within the Black community. I experience this and hear my close loved ones discuss these feelings when navigating psychological dangers. Because these psychological dangers are still present and poses ongoing danger, African Americans, me included, have continued this cryptic language as a way of being, in order to maintain their survival; they engage in a cultural and chronic code-switching (Wright, Longbeam, and Alagaraja, 2022).

To better understand the connection between code-switching, psychological dangers, and suffering, I have conducted a phenomenological study that explores the frequency of codeswitching and felt psychological danger amongst Black professional males in the United States and the specific experience of code-switching as a phenomenon amongst Black professional males working in the United States of America. Conducting this study will strengthen the advocacy efforts, a core personal value, for protection against psychological dangers, build empathy for the felt psychological dangers, and understand the emotional distress experienced felt by Black professional males, my people.

As social workers and agents of change, it is our duty to protect, advocate, and empower marginalized communities against systemic injustice that threatens their existence. As a Black professional male, I have felt the same modern day psychological danger and need for codeswitching that so many others feel when seeking upward mobility and social survival.

22 Understanding these dynamics is imperative for increasing both emotional safety and an appreciation for the resilience and creativity of Black culture in America. The purpose of this interpretative phenomenological analytical study is to understand the use of code-switching amongst African American professional males when in social interactions in professional settings.

23 Chapter II

Literature Review Introduction In exploring the impact of code-switching as an implicit procedural process for Black male professionals in predominately White professional environments, this qualitative inquiry explores theoretical approaches that focus on the mechanics of understanding nonverbal communication that offer an implicit meaning that can be used for the Black man’s survival; Black male professionals utilize code-switching to survive psychological danger with White professionals without a verbal discussion of the felt psychological danger. In this literature review, the writer explores the previous works of the infant researchers’, The Boston Study Change Group’s, work on procedural knowing and the implicit ways of being with another person.

Infant developmental concepts of how to be with another are applied here to psychologist Dr. Karlen Lyons-Ruth’s concept of working memory (Lyons-Ruth, 1999). That is, this work references implicit infant developmental ways of being and applies them to adult relationships.

Following, the writer applies Lyons-Ruth’s concept of working memory to the adult relational dynamic between Black male professionals interacting with White professionals in predominately White professional settings; the research specifically looks at the implicit communication and way of being applied through the sociological phenomenon of codeswitching as described by social psychologist Dr. Courtney L. McCluney (McCluney et al., 2019; McCluney et al, 2021). The writer approaches code-switching from the perspective of the Black male professional; acknowledging that code-switching does involve the White

24 professional, for the purposes of this literature review, the writer will focus on the Black male’s perspective. Code-switching is here explored as an instantiation of the implicit way of being with another.

The writer has chosen to explore code-switching via the theoretical approaches of implicit relational knowing and working memory, because these approaches highlight and explore the nonverbal felt experience during interactions that is then internalized by the individual. Implicit relational knowing and working memory focus on how an individual understands and communicates with another person based on nonverbal communication to foster an implicit understanding of the other person and what is permissible when interacting with the other person. Because much of Black culture communicates in a cryptic manner that depends heavily on implicit communication, the working memory and implicit relational knowing allow a concrete perspective for making the implicitly felt experience explicitly understood, especially when applying these theoretical approaches to Black men who engage in code-switching in interactions with White professionals in predominately White professional environments (Du Bois, 1903; Dwyer, 2021; Hannah-Jones, 2021; McCluney et al., 2021). Code-switching has been explored in previous academic works primarily as a sociological experience but not as an intrapsychic experience.

Previous sociological works have detailed the mechanics of how code-switching manifest and appear in social interactions. However, there is little to no insight on how code-switching is experienced by the code-switching Black person. Although previous research from Dr. McCluney mentions that other groups such as Black women, Hispanic men, Hispanic women, and other marginalized communities engage in code-switching, McCluney’s work focuses on how code switching shows up in Black culture, leaving the realm of experience within those

25 communicative events on the outside, on the analytical periphery. Culturally, Black men have been more emotionally restricted, engage in adjusting their self-expression, and therefore rely on implicit communication when compared to their Black female counterparts according to sociologists Dr. Richard Majors and Dr. Janet M. Billson (Majors and Billson, 1993). The value in this exploration is understanding how the intrapsychic phenomenon of feeling, implicit and emotionally felt understanding, builds the perception of safety when navigating psychological danger. The writer understands what code-switching looks like for Black men and now seeks to understand what does code-switching feel like. This phenomenological study seeks to understand the impact of code-switching on the Black male professional navigating interactions with White professionals in predominately White professional spaces.

To best understand and explore code-switching as a phenomenon in the cultural context of Black male professionals, the remainder of this chapter will be organized in the following way: a) working memory and implicit relational knowing, b) Black experience, c) continuous intergenerational danger, d) the art of switching, and e) summary. The listed structure allows for a clear understanding of psychodynamic theory as the foundation for understanding codeswitching, the historical and repeating Black experiences of psychological danger that developed the need to code-switch, the impact of these repeating experiences as a trauma that creates a continuous danger for Black men, the mechanics and intrapsychic pieces of code-switching, and a summary to bring the complex concepts that define and explain code-switching together. Due to the complexity of understanding the implicit nature of code-switching in the cultural milieu of Black culture, it is imperative to grasp this collection of concepts together as a holistic perspective.

26 The relational dyad between two people is an atmosphere of complex patterns in which each person is seeking an understanding of the other person. During the interactions, each person explores the how to be with the other; each interaction sets an understanding of the other individual regarding what is tolerable and needed in order to be with the other person. As each person reflects on the interaction with the other, the intersubjectivity between the two people deepens. Part of this deepening of intersubjectivity is an internalized understanding of the other person that cements into knowledge about the how of being with the other person. The knowledge reflects the descriptive and consciously communicated information about the how of being with the other person as well as the nonconscious material associated with being with the other person such as the other’s nonverbal communication, gestures, and facial expressions that produce a nonverbally expressed meaning (Stern, 1985).

The nonconscious material becomes reflected as an implicit relational knowing in which the individual internalizes how to be with the other person without explicitly discussing what the individual understands about how to be with the other person; the implicit relational knowing reflects what the individual nonconsciously understands about the other, producing a procedural knowledge according to infant developmental psychoanalysts such as Beatrice Bebe, Edward Tronick, Daniel Stern, Karlen Lyons-Ruth, and Dorienne Sorter (Sorter, 1995). The implicit relational knowing develops as nonverbal communication that is repeated within the interaction between the individual and the other person. As the individual internalizes this implicit relational knowing, the individual is able to apply the implicit relational knowing as a procedural way of being with the other person; the repeated aspects of the interactions allow the individual an automatic way of being with the other person that metabolizes for the individual as implicit

27 relational knowing, an unspoken and emotionally felt guidebook for maintaining safety that is passed on between generations Implicit relational knowing originally developed in the context of mother-to-child interactions as a way of explaining the process of the infant learning how to be with the mother as well as the infant implicitly understanding what is communicated from the mother; the infant developmental psychoanalysts mentioned above explored how infants learned the how of being with the mother and how the mother influences the infant’s affect states (Bruschweiler-Stern et al., 2002). When the implicit relational knowledge is repeatedly applied to an adult-to adult relationship, Lyons-Ruth defines the collection of repeated implicit relational knowing as working memory (Lyons-Ruth, 1999). Working memory allows the individual to apply implicit relational knowledge from a collection of experiences that maintains the automatic understanding of how to be with the other person; Lyons-Ruth describes working memory as goal-oriented when applied through implicit relational knowing, especially when considering survival as the individual’s goal.

Because code-switching focuses on the Black man surviving psychological danger, working memory offers an explicit understanding of how the Black professional carries past experiences of navigating interactions with White people from his Black ancestors’ historical experience and how, in the present, the Black professional applies implicit knowing to adjusting his self-expression with the White professional. For this project, Lyons-Ruth’s concept of working memory and Tronick’s concept of implicit relational knowing are being applied to understand particular intrapsychic dimensions in the development of the sociological phenomenon of code-switching, as described by social psychologist, Dr. Courtney McCluney.

These experimental dimensions can be illuminated; within the context of code-switching’s

28 impact on the Black male professionals seeking safety as they navigate psychological dangers in predominately White professional environments.

Working Memory and Implicit Relational Knowing Lyons-Ruth’s concept of working memory reflects the repeated intersubjectivity between the two people in the interaction, exploring the active contributions; these contributions are the actions taken during the interaction that influence how the two people in the interaction understand the how of being with each other. The active contributions produced offer a pattern of being with the other that results in a procedural method of how to be with each other. Because the interaction and active contributions are not explicitly discussed between the two people in the interaction, the two people are each left with an unconscious understanding of the other person (Lyons-Ruth, 1999). The active contributions become the foundation for unconsciously understanding the other person present; as future experiences with each other repeat the same active contributions, the two people are able to identify a pattern of how to navigate the interaction with each other. The pattern then develops a complex understanding of the other present; this results in a procedural way of being with the other person. Lyons-Ruth (1999) refers to this process as being not dynamically unconscious as the understanding of how to be with the other becomes an implicit procedure; Lyons-Ruth referred to this implicit understanding as a procedural understanding that is goal-oriented and adaptive in order to navigate the interaction.

For the Black professional, the unspoken standards set by Whiteness, the history of oppression facilitated by White people, and the threat of losing employment for not adhering to Whiteness are the active contributions.

29 The implicit procedural understanding internalizes the other person in the interaction as a representation that has unspoken requirements for how to be with that individual; the other person as an internalized representation holds rules for how to engage with that individual. The rules for engaging with the other person create a pattern of understanding; as this pattern is experienced repeatedly, it develops into a working memory according to Lyons-Ruth (1999).

Working memory allows the individual to recall an implicit understanding of how to be with the other person that gets automatically activated when interacting with the other person; this working memory recalls the other person’s nonverbal cues, behavioral patterns, mannerisms, affect, and the individual accessing the working memory’s associated feelings when interacting with the other person (Lyons-Ruth, 1999). The working memory then activates the implicit procedural way of navigating the interaction with the other person.

For the Black man, working memory holds a collection of the African slave’s experience with the White slave owner; the African slave’s experience accounts for the White slave owner’s prejudice behaviors against the African slave, White slave owner’s aggressive affect and deadly actions against the African slave, White slave owner’s nonverbal mannerisms when engaging with the African slave, White slave owner’s deadly consequences of not adhering to the White slave owner’s demands, the African slave’s own fear and felt psychological danger when interacting with the White slave owner, the impact the African slave had on the White slave owner’s emotions, and the African slave’s need to engage in adjusting his self-expression to survive the interaction with the White slave owner according to historian Erin Dwyer’s research on African slave’s first-hand accounts of navigating interactions with White slave owners (Dwyer, 2021). Once the African slave was freed, the African slave’s experience of psychological danger with the White slave owner was orally passed on and passed on through

30 written journal entries to each sequential generation of the African’s slave’s family as well as other Black people as a protection method to keep the African slave’s descendants and other Black people safe as they navigate interactions with the White slave owner and anyone like him: his White descendants (Dwyer, 2021).

The African slave and later that person as a freed Black man produced a narrative of how to be with the White slave owners and the dangerous Whiteness; formerly enslaved narratives from writers such as Fredrick Douglas shared insight on how to implicitly navigate the interactions with threatening Whiteness as well as insights on the psychological danger felt when in the presence of this threatening Whiteness according to Dwyer (2021). Because these narratives were not directly discussed with the White slave owners or his White descendants, the suggestions for adjusting self-expression were implicitly thought about and explicitly written about in order to share these strategies for safety and survival with future generations. When applying Lyons-Ruth’s concept of working memory, these formerly enslaved narratives function as a working memory for the Black descendants.

The Black working memory expands the implicit procedural understanding of how to be with Whiteness with each generation’s experience being passed on to the next generation from the African slave to the Black man surviving the Jim Crow Era, the Black man during the Civil Rights Era, the Black man surviving police brutality from White police officers, to the Black professional navigating interactions with the White professional in predominately White professional settings. The generational Black narratives produce an ancestral experience for each future generation as the Black narratives speak on the nonverbal and affective understanding of how to be with the White slave owners and his White descendants that replicate the historical racial power dynamics, creating a Black working memory of psychological danger associated

31 with Whiteness that continues to solicit an implicit adjustment of self-expression for the Black man as a way of protection and survival.

For the Black man, psychological danger is ongoing and repeats through his ancestral experience of this danger from the African slave’s interactions with the White slave owner. As these experiences of psychological danger with Whiteness are passed between generations, the experiences become a collective understanding of danger, a working memory. Working memory is a collection of experiences that provide an ongoing understanding of the relational dynamics between two entities (Lyons-Ruth, 1999). Survival becomes imperative when one constantly experiences psychological and physical danger; the constant threats require those under attack to develop a way to stay safe, a procedural way of being with the other person present.

At the heart of the implicit procedural way of being with the White slave owner and his White descendants, is the affective understanding of the White slave owner and his White descendants. Affective understanding is an implicit relational knowing of the White slave owner and his White descendants, White professionals, for the African slave and his Black descendants, Black professionals. Implicit relational knowing is the collection of mechanics to the procedural way of being with the other. Developmental psychologist Edward Tronick described implicit relational knowing as the changing procedural adjustments and understanding about how to be with another person that highlights the intersubjectivity between the two people in the interaction (Bruschwiler-Stern et al., 2002).

Within the interaction, the dyad between the individual and the other person constantly alters in an effort to form the best fit to accommodate both people present; Tronick refers to the alterations as a moment of meeting that offers feedback for each person as they navigate their

32 intersubjectivity (Bruschwiler-Stern et al., 2002). The feedback collected offers the individual insight on the rules for being with the other until there is a nonverbal mutually understood way of being with each other, called a fittedness according to Bruschwiler-Stern et al. (2002). The dyad between the two people continues to alter and change reflecting the complex patterns of being with each other until a fittedness is reached. The dyad will continue to alter when the fittedness is disrupted, causing a rupture.

Ruptures are the mismatches or breakdowns in the mutual understanding of how to be with each other; as the relationship seeks to reestablish fittedness, Tronick refers to the adjustment process of moving back towards fittedness as repair (Bruschwiler-Stern et al., 2002).

Oscillating between rupture and repair, the individual seeks to develop an in-depth understanding that is composed of complex patterns and cultural contexts of how to be with the other.

Bruschwiler-Stern et al. (2002) described the oscillation between rupture and repair as a process of trying to get closer or further from something with the intention of reducing arousal. The motivation of reducing arousal is a desire to seek safety in which the individual is utilizing the affective understanding of the other to determine how to adjust the individual’s self-expression to survive the interaction with the other person in the dyad. The individual will continue to engage in self-adjustment in order to move towards fittedness with the other in order to survive (Bruschwiler-Stern et al., 2002). The implicit relational knowing is an affective procedural understanding of how to be with another person as a result of complex patterns of ruptures and repairs with the other person that, once repeated through multiple interactions, builds a working memory of how to be with the other person.

This writer is focused not on infants or even dyads, but on Black professional men navigating Whiteness. My research applies Tronick’s interpersonal analysis of implicit relational

33 knowing, applying this concept of procedural knowledge to knowledge that is still knowledge of how to be with other people, but in this case the knowledge is not maintained within the same person, but is instead maintained within a people that identifies as sharing a history. This writer argues that the same power contained in the concepts of procedural knowledge and working memory to offer guidance on to how to be with other people, that this power also works when it is considered as the foundation, for Black professional men, of their generational adjustment of self-expression in the presence of the psychological danger associated with Whiteness. Even the dynamic between the African slave and the White slave owner, the African slave had to understand, implicitly, how to navigate his emotions when in the presence of the White slave owner in order to survive the interaction (Dwyer, 2021). As this adjustment of self-expression strategy was passed down from the African slave’s generation down to the current generation (ancestral experience) of the Black male professional interacting with the White professional, the Black male is able to apply implicit relational knowing through code-switching. Codeswitching is the complex pattern of Black man adjusting himself to make himself appear more aligned with the White professional since the White professional is a part of the dominant culture. The White professional’s culture of Whiteness sets the rules for what is considered acceptable and professional in the interaction according to McCluney et al. (2021). Without speaking explicitly on what these rules are or how these rules are applied from Whiteness, the Black professional and White professional mutually and implicitly understand these rules and therefore these rules govern the professional setting, maintaining professionalism according to standards set by Whiteness.

Whiteness becomes the standard; it becomes the normative unconscious as described by Altman (2000). The normative unconscious is reflective of every aspect of professionalism being

34 rooted in White culture and anything that is different from the standard of Whiteness is rejected and deemed as a disruption and therefore needs to be eliminated, similarly to the dynamic of any emotional expression by the African slave being viewed as opposition to the White slave owner.

Because Whiteness is the majority culture present, the standards and rules are constantly maintained and affirmed in a general fashion, creating a White standard for professionalism that is applied to all cultural groups present. The Black professional, understanding that Whiteness is the standard and wanting to prevent being an outcast or receiving any other psychological danger, implicitly understands that he needs to adjust his self-expression to operate within the rules of Whiteness similar to the African slave adjusting his self-expression to operate within the rules of the White slave owner. The Black professional, in the interaction with the White professional, understands the rules set by Whiteness in order to be considered a professional by his White peers. The Black professional is able to apply his ancestral experience, working memory, of how to implicitly and procedurally be with the White professional. The Black professional is able to conceptualize and implicitly understand the psychological danger associated with behaving outside of the rules set by Whiteness. Therefore, the Black professional adjusts his self-expression to be with the White professional as a way of actively engaging in code-switching.

The Black Experience The gravity of being outside of the majority culture is to be painfully aware that the difference in the expression of Black culture from majority culture can lead to discrimination, destruction, and death according to Stoute (2021). Historically, Black people have been viewed and treated as outcasts, and as outcasts, they have had to be constantly aware of the psychological dangers and social consequences of being different from the majority culture,

35 Whiteness, in the United States. At the core of being the outcast is the terrifying reality that the Black body can be destroyed if the differences from Whiteness cannot be tolerated by those in the majority, White people, according to award-winning author and social justice advocate TaNehisi Coates (Coates, 2012).

To navigate the social and interpersonal tension with Whiteness, Black men have developed skillful mechanisms for expressing Blackness and effectively navigating this tension and threat of danger by means of an implicit adjustment of self-expression. This is a process that stems from the historical experiences of the African slave interacting with the White slave owner. The adjustment of self-expression process as a practice was a collection of adjusted mannerisms, postures, physical expressions, and communication strategies that function on an implicit level, reflecting the African slave’s implicit relational knowing of the White slave owner. The implicit self-adjustment process is a skillful and tactful way of lessening the danger that allowed the African slave and, generations later, the Black professional to effectively maintain safety when interacting with a threatening Whiteness. To best understand the Black cultural context in which psychological danger with Whiteness is experienced, the literature review will reflect on the historical experiences of the Black professional’s ancestral experience (the African slave interacting with the White slave owner, Black man with White men during the Jim Crow Era, Black men with White men during the Civil Rights Era, recent Black men with White police officers, and Black male professionals with White professionals) that function as a working memory as well as how this Black ancestral experience solicits an implicit adjustment of self-expression process when with the threatening Whiteness present.

The Black experience is a story of overcoming opposition that threatens the very existence of Black culture, Black pride and acceptance, and Black safety. Since the arrival of

36 African people in 1619, the Black existence has been under attack, threatened with violence, ostracized as outcasts, and demonized as a burden to those in the majority culture according to award-winning journalist and social justice advocate Nikole Hannah-Jones (Hannah-Jones, 2021). The presence of difference from the White slave owners created a distancing between the White slave owners and the African slaves. The African slaves were tortured, emotionally and mentally ridiculed, and physically threatened, murdered without warrant, and ripped from their families, forced to exist only as a resource for the White slave owner (Hannah-Jones, 2021).

The White slave owner utilized the African slaves to toil the slave owners’ lands, maintain the upkeep of the owner’s house, and serve the owner’s family, increasing the quality of the slave owner’s life at the cost of the African slave. Hannah-Jones revealed that, “Enslaved people were not recognized as human beings but were considered property that could be mortgaged, traded, bought, sold, used as collateral, given as a gift, and disposed of violently,” (Hannah-Jones, 2021, p. 12). Existing only at the discretion of the White slave owner, the African slaves were forced to adhere to every and all demands requested by the slave owner or risk the possibility to being physically tortured, physically attacked, or murdered; these threats of violence were also applied to the African slaves’ family members, meaning that one act of disobedience could result in not only the slave’s death but also the death of his family. The African slave’s life and the life of his family was highly dependent upon his ability to appease and comply with the White slave owner’s demands. The African slaves were subjected to constant psychological danger that often resulted in physical danger; this set the foundation for the Black ancestral experience that serves as the foundation for the Black professional’s working memory of psychological danger associated with Whiteness.

37 The African slaves had to become whatever the slave owner mandated them to be; the slave owner broke down every aspect of the slave: his identity, his family, and any aspect of his identity that did not correlate with the slave owner’s vision and narrative of the slave’s life.

Hannah-Jones (2021) shared that African slaves were forced to deny their African culture, language, customs, and religion or they would be met with public ridicule and dehumanization, life-threatening physical violence, and psychological torture. The seemingly everlasting threat of violence for any act of disobedience suffocated the slave’s environment of any ounce of safety, creating an ongoing psychological danger in which the slave was constantly aware of his mortality and limitations of his existence.

Nothing was his own as everything, his family included, could be forcibly ripped from his grasp, seemingly powerless to protect them. “Enslaved people had no claim to their own children, who could be bought, sold, or traded away from them on auction blocks alongside furniture and cattle, or behind storefronts that advertised NEGROES FOR SALE,” (HannahJones, 2021, pg.12). The African slave existed as a prisoner in various aspects of his life. This psychological suffering also serves as an urgent motivation to develop survival methods for the African slave that led to an implicit procedure for navigating the psychological danger posed by Whiteness.

Despite this tumultuous reality, the African slaves fought back. The African slaves, as a people, engaged in acts of rebellion and resistance. “Enslaved people had always resisted. They broke tools, slowed down their work, and self-emancipated by stealing themselves away. They also did what the White colonists themselves advocated: they took up arms against their oppressors to secure their freedom. White colonists lived in constant fear of insurrections by the enslaved living among them, and with reason: the years leading up to the Revolution were

38 defined by the frequent plotting and carrying out of revolts by enslaved people in the mainland and across the Caribbean,” (Hannah-Jones, 2021, pg.13). Although the African slaves were from various countries across Africa, they were united in the struggle: the fight for existence. Each of the slaves were stolen from their homes, forced to take on the identity of being “Black,” and tormented by the White slave owner. They were united by the diasporic experience of being displaced and bound together by the need to survive. Rebellion was not just an act of disobedience, but an act of resistance according to Hannah-Jones (2021). Rebellion was not just resilient resistance; it was a necessity for survival.

With the growing spirit of rebellion and resistance, the White slave owners feared the now “Black” slaves even more. The threat of slave insurrection terrified the White slave owners as the power would shift significantly; the African slaves outnumbered the slave owners which only validated their fear of the slaves even more according to Hannah-Jones (2021). As the now Black slaves grew stronger in forced kinship, the idea of being bonded through circumstance and struggle, they used every opportunity to stage revolts, disrupt plantation production, and escape to freedom. Many slaves developed cryptic ways of communication to share critical instructions and information regarding the journey to freedom; they hid these messages in a variety of ways, often seemingly unnoticeable to the White slave owner but easily accessible amongst other Black slaves (Hannah-Jones, 2021).

Being already rooted in an oral-oriented culture, much of the cryptic messaging was communicated through storytelling and song, a still commonly practiced communication style within today’s African American culture (Hannah-Jones, 2021). The songs would provide details of escape routes, safe houses, and survival methods against the slave owners that would violently recover escaped slaves. The songs were often sung while working in the brutal heat as a way of

39 subtly passing information, encouraging each other against the day’s hardships, and inspiring hope that freedom was still possible (Hannah-Jones, 2021). Together, these cryptic ways of being produced safety while explaining the possibility of freedom.

Being cryptic became an implicit way of being with the White slave owner as well as being with other Black slaves. Although it was not explicitly discussed, the Black slaves understood that cryptic nature allowed them to be in the presence of the White slave owner while lessening the psychological danger and increasing the sense of unity amongst other Black slaves.

The implicit cryptic nature became a part of the implicit procedure of self-adjustment, hiddenness, with the White slave owner as well as a mutually implicitly understood method for unity with other Black slaves. The implicit cryptic way of being became a key piece of the foundation of the implicit procedure of self-adjustment to survive for the Black slave (Dwyer, 2021); this is also a key part of the ancestral experience for the Black professional. The spirit of rebellion and resistance only grew stronger with every opportunity for freedom, no matter the physical and psychological danger. Black people, as a group, adapted and overcame each threatening tribulation they faced, taking back more and more of their freedom through acts of rebellion and resistance that appeared secretly as cryptic natures and implicit procedural way of being that were both hidden and against the rules set by the White slave owner.

Following the conclusion of the Civil War and the beginning of the nation’s Reconstruction Era, Black people took advantage of every opportunity to embrace their newly earned freedom. They developed businesses, sought out work, and strived to reunite with longlast family members (Hannah-Jones, 2021). Black people held public offices, engaging in local governments, and took active roles in community development all across the country, specifically in the southern part of the country. Black people were able to seek various economic,

40 academic, and professional opportunities that allowed for individual and collective growth as a people. Black communities were thriving and able to explore the full experience of freedom.

However, this newly found freedom was once again threatened with the ushering in of the Jim Crow Era. Hannah-Jones (2021) describes the Jim Crow Era (1865-1965) as a timeframe in which African Americans (Black people) were systemically barred from most social aspects of being an American citizen: voting, holding office, and pursuing career opportunities to increase the Black wealth and wellbeing. The Jim Crow Era lasted 100 years; this was a hundred years of Black people being legally discriminated against, alienated, and outcast or at risk of becoming the victim of physical torture, violence, or murder. The Black community was vulnerable to the ongoing racial hatred still present in the southern culture; they were outcast and persecuted for their difference from White people.

They were forcibly run out of office and legislative spaces; White supremacists, often descendants of White slave owners, violently seized power according to Hannah-Jones (2021).

Now in political power, these policymakers created a collection of laws and policies that racially segregated, alienated, and discriminated against the Black community. The country erupted with unimaginable accounts of violence and aggression against Black people, often resulting in their death and destruction. These legislative changes empowered the White community and attacked the Black community by limiting economic and social access to essential resources such as housing, jobs, and education to only White people, forcing the Black community back into the position of being the outcast; this continued the Black ancestral experience of psychological danger associated with threatening Whiteness that serves as a working memory for the Black professional.

41 When attempting to rebel against these laws, the Black community was met with every act of terrorism possible as a way of forcing the Black community into submission to the White agenda and worldview, the rules set by Whiteness (Altman, 2000). Black people were not allowed to enter the same establishments, use the same public spaces, or community resources such as transportation, schooling, medical services, or grocery stores as White people. Black people were expected to humble themselves in every possible way when in the presence of a White person, no matter the context of the situation according to Hannah-Jones (2021). If there was any indication or suspicion of a Black person disrespecting a White person, the Black person was immediately at risk of public ridicule, physical abduction, or physical violence that often resulted in being murdered publicly.

The Black community was threatened often with the risk of being publicly murdered through lynchings in which the victim would be physically abducted, physically beaten beyond recognition by a mob of White men, hung up in a tree in a public setting, lit on fire while simultaneously suffocating from the hanging, and left to be found by other community members or family members, still strung up and unrecognizable; this was done all without even a due process according to the Equal Justice Initiative (EJI), 2017). The threat of being lynched continued the experience of ongoing psychological danger that resulted in physical danger for the Black man; this continues the working memory of psychological danger associated with Whiteness as well as the consequence for rebelling against Whiteness.

The public lynchings were utilized to terrorize the Black community and continue asserting White dominance; these lynchings were constant throughout the Jim Crow Era. According to The Equal Justice Initiative (2017), these unjust public murders began as early as 1877 and until 1968. For over a century, the Black community had to endure the constant threat

42 of being destroyed without reason and due process or any aid of the legally protected rights of being a citizen of The United States. One of the biggest contributors to the public lynchings was the establishment of the White male domestic terrorist group, the Ku Klux Klan; the Klan, since its inception, persecuted the Black community in every way possible as its membership was composed of former southern Confederate soldiers that held political offices, roles in the police force, and all levels of American society (Hannah-Jones, 2021).

There was not any space that the Black community was safe from scrutiny, ridicule, or physical violence; the psychological danger continued to loom in the very fabric of American society for the Black community. The Black community had to, again, adjust their selfexpression in order to survive the dangers associated with Whiteness; they again had to use an implicit procedural way of being with the dominant White forces. The continued practice of selfadjustment continued the ancestral experience as working memory of how to navigate psychological danger for the Black male as well as continuing to add to the ancestral experience of psychological danger for the Black professional. The psychological danger during the Jim Crow Era did not cease for the Black community.

Despite the over 400 recorded lynchings, the Black community never stopped fighting (EJI, 2017). Harboring the same spirt of rebellion and resistance, the Black community adapted and pressed forward by adjusting even within the danger present; within the years of Jim Crow Era, the Black community rebelled and resisted on every societal front possible in American society. Black pioneers in education established their own education systems, a host of Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs), all over the country to provide spaces for the elevation of the Black community, an operational psychological adaption against the projection of negative affective states from Whiteness (Stoute, 2021); these HBCUs produced

43 numerous Black lawyers, policymakers, doctors, engineers, educators, and societal leaders for every facet of life to obtain a higher quality of life and be equal in their professions as their White counterparts (Hannah-Jones, 2021).

To continue the work of empowering the Black community by teaching other members of the Black community how to adjust themselves in manners that allowed to be viewed as professionals by their White counterparts as well as methods for navigating the psychological dangers, the Black community also produced various advocacy groups such as the National Association of the Advancement of Colored People, Sigma Pi Phi, “The Boule,” and the various Black fraternity and sororities, commonly known as the “Divine 9”: Alpha Phi Alpha Fraternity, Incorporated; Alpha Kappa Alpha Sorority, Incorporated; Kappa Alpha Psi Fraternity, Incorporated; Omega Psi Phi Fraternity, Incorporated; Delta Sigma Theta Sorority, Incorporated; Phi Beta Sigma Fraternity, Incorporated; Zeta Phi Beta Sorority, Incorporated; Sigma Gamma Rho Sorority Incorporated; and Iota Phi Theta Fraternity, Incorporated.

Prominent societal and community leaders, such as Sojourner Truth, Dr. W.E.B. Du Bois, Marcus Garvey, Booker T. Washington, Ida B. Wells, and immeasurable others spoke out against the social injustices that were taking place against the Black community. These leaders inspired a force for change that rippled through society; they inspired members of the Black community to continue the spirits of rebellion and resistance by not accepting the status quo, an operational psychological adaption against the projection of negative affective states from Whiteness (Stoute, 2021).As the community pushed forward, the plethora of Black inventors, musicians, political figures, public figures grew advocacy efforts on every platform including music, academia, politics, and religion. The Black church, often serving as a primary base for spreading the message of resilience, hosted various public gatherings, community discussions,

44 and opportunities for emotional support according to historian and professor Henry Gates Jr. (Gates Jr., 2021).

The Black church offered a communal space to recharge from the mental and emotional exhaustion from navigating the psychological dangers of society. Singing, a communal supportive and rejuvenating experience, allowed the Black community to bond and support each other, maintaining the spirit of rebellion and resistance; this mirrored the same communal singing and bonding done by the Black slaves working in the White slave owner’s field. To survive the Jim Crow Era, Black men continued to practice self-adjustment as the implicit procedure for navigating psychological danger with Whiteness; this continued the working memory of how to navigate psychological danger for the Black man as well as continues the ancestral experience of psychological danger associated with Whiteness for the Black professional. The community was united in this fight, ushering in the Civil Rights Era. Marked remarkably by unified efforts across the country, the Civil Rights Era (19541968) focused on overcoming the social injustices and systemic oppression of the Black community. Utilizing nationally coordinated efforts, the Black community staged protests that caused economic distress for many public entities that forced change regarding obtaining equality for Black citizens. These coordinated efforts included national boycotts, marches, and civil unrest that disrupted the status quo, and forced change, an operational psychological adaptation against the projection of negative affective states from Whiteness (Stoute, 2021). At the heart of the movement was the Black church; the Black church served as a secure base in which Black community members could safely develop their strategies and coordinate their efforts (Eng and Han, 2019). One of the key leaders of the Civil Rights Movement, Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. utilized the Black church to develop the Southern Christian Leadership

45 Conference. The Southern Christian Leadership Conference mobilized a collective church congregation, community members, and the overall Black community members in nationwide non-violent boycotts, sit-ins, marches, and civic engagement that assertively pressed for change according to Hannah-Jones (2021).

The practice of utilizing unity and maintaining an adjustment of self-expression during psychological and physical danger by means of non-violent protests expands on the working memory of implicit procedural methods of how to navigate psychological danger associated with Whiteness as well as an implicit way of how to express one’s anguish without increasing the already present psychological danger for the Black man. The non-violent method of protest functioned as an implicit procedural method for surviving the psychological danger from being outcast for the Black man while maintaining the spirit of rebellion against the Whiteness that continued to bring about the psychological danger. As a unifying procedure, the implicit adjustment of self-expression continued as a tool for the leaders of the Civil Rights Era, continuing the working memory of how to navigate psychological danger brought about by Whiteness. The Black man’s nonviolence aspects that required an implicit adjustment of selfexpression for the Black man implicitly communicates to the White man that the Black man is unrelenting in his demand for change without causing the White man the same psychological and physical danger that the White man causes the Black man. The spirit of rebellion is maintained as the Black man continues to push against the White man’s projection of his own hostility, rage, and aggression onto the Black man; the Black man separates his identity from the White man’s narrative of him without even saying a word but through the Black man’s actions alone. The Black man code-switches in the midst of major psychological and physical danger.

46 The ways in which the Southern Leadership conference and Black church led the Black community to alter the social image of Black into an assertive, eloquently spoken, and equally capable race of people when compared to their White counterparts. The art of changing the negative narrative against the Black community and maintaining an image of Black people being capable in order to maintain the Black community’s right to exist in the presence of White dominance became the foundation for continuing the advancement of the Black community. The temporary shifting of one’s depiction of self was a key tool for demanding change in way that could not be denied as seen with the establishment of the Civil Rights Act of 1965 which legally forbid segregation and direct social injustice against the Black community (Hannah-Jones, 2021). However, White dominance and racism continued to pose psychological danger for the Black community. White supremacy groups continued to physically and politically threaten the Black community for fear of losing power.

Although the Civil Rights Act of 1965 limited the social injustices, it did not rid the country of the racism and prejudice against Black people according to Hannah-Jones (2021); aggressive acts of violence, policy prejudices that target the Black community, and academic injustices still plague the Black community in today’s times as seen with the political attacks on Diversity Equity and Inclusion (DEI) efforts, taking away homes in historically Black neighborhoods through the process of gentrification, professional expectations rooted in White culture, and the innumerable amounts of victimizations of Black lives taken through police brutality: Trayvon Martin, Michael Brown, Eric Gardner, Breonna Taylor, George Floyd, etc.

The Black community continues to fight against injustices which continues to develop an ongoing working memory in which psychological danger is constantly present and associated with Whiteness, especially for the Black man.

47 In professional settings, the ancestral experience of psychological danger associated with Whiteness is active in the Black professional’s mind as a working memory that solicits an implicit survival method for dealing with the psychological danger. The Black professional recalls the adjustment of self-expression process, just as his ancestors did, as an implicit procedural method for surviving the psychological dangers. The implicit process of adjusting self-expression manifests as code-switching for the Black professional as it allows him to survival the psychological danger of being outcast as well as increases his chances for upward mobility in professional settings (McCluney et. al, 2021). Obtaining access to upward mobility opportunities enables the Black professional to better himself and expand his quality of life through code-switching; code-switching becomes an act of rebellion as the self-adjustment process aids in the Black professional’s survival and growth despite the systemic oppression and social injustices against him.

The Black spirit of rebellion and resistance continues through the temporary adjusting of mannerisms and demeanor in order to gain access to the spaces that offer opportunities to evoke systemic change for the Black man. By theorizing that this process of evoking change should be understood as a product of the Black working memory from an ancestral experience of psychological danger associated with Whiteness, my research offers a view on the experimental nuts and bolts of how code-switching is an act of survival against the current and active psychological dangers present while simultaneously maintaining the spirits of rebellion and resistance in the fight for Black existence. The psychological dangers and rules associated with Whiteness maintain the need for the Black professional to engage in the implicit procedural adjustment of self-expression process, code-switching. The psychological dangers and implicit procedural adjustment of self-expression to navigate these dangers is a challenge that works

48 based on the way it is felt throughout generations from the African slave to the present day Black professional.

Continuous Intergenerational Danger From the enslavement of Africans to modern times of Black male professional navigating predominately White professional settings, Black men have had to be aware of the psychological dangers that influence their self-expression and ability to gain essential resources for survival.

The constant awareness of the psychological danger that awaits the Black community such as being viewed as lesser or inadequate in comparison to their White counterparts while still working actively to be successful in the professional environment is a double consciousness as described by Black Philosopher and Sociologist, Dr. W.E.B. Du Bois (Du Bois, 1903). Du Bois explains that the Black double consciousness is a psychological weight in which the Black man has to be constantly aware of the racial politics, historical oppression against the Black man by Whiteness, and historical consequences of physical and psychological danger for going against Whiteness while simultaneously processing how the Black man must politically navigate his goals in order to not only survive interactions with Whiteness but gain upward mobility. The Black man must be attuned to the needs of his White counterparts, despite his White counterparts not reciprocating attunement to him and his needs for safety and success.

The double consciousness involves the Black man holding his rage and frustration with Whiteness by adjusting his mannerisms and how he expresses his emotions in order to be safe; the Black man has to constantly be aware of the racial politics and how to safely make progress towards his goals (Du Bois, 1903). The double consciousness also provides the Black man with an unspoken understanding of how to be with a threatening Whiteness; the concept and teachings

49 of the double consciousness was passed between generations (verbal, music, written works, and observations of elders interacting with threatening Whiteness), as a core concept for Black culture and an essential survival strategy that also reflects on the traumatic experiences for Black men when interacting with Whiteness (Du Bois, 1903; Dwyer, 2021). The majority of the implicit understanding of how to be with the threatening Whiteness comes from the Black man observing the emotional experiences of his elders and implicitly internalizing as well as holding his elder’s experiences as a guide to procedurally navigating Whiteness for himself (Dwyer, 2021; Hirschberger, 2018; Lyons-Ruth, 1999). When my research applies Lyons-Ruth’s concept of working memory to Du Bois’ cultural concept of double consciousness, it adds a new layer to our appreciation of both these contributions to our understanding of how we work as human beings. The repeated experiences of the Black man holding affect states and constantly considering the implicit aspects of the interaction with Whiteness are not merely passed on as literature and essential shared stories but are also passed on between generations as a silent and implicit communication that functions as a working memory of how to be with threatening Whiteness.

Each Black generation is able to utilize the previous generation’s experience with Whiteness as a memory of how to implicitly navigate the interaction. Double consciousness’s focus on implicitly understanding the unspoken politics and dynamics with the threatening Whiteness also highlights Tronick’s concept of implicit relational knowing. The Black man, during each interaction with threatening Whiteness, is able to understand the rules of being with Whiteness; the Black man is able to understand what is implicitly required of him in order to survive the interaction with threatening Whiteness. The constant state of alert that double consciousness, in the context of working memory and implicit relational knowing leaves the

50 Black man with, highlights the ongoing and collective traumatic experience of being with Whiteness and the ever-present psychological danger against the Black man if he does not hold his rage or implicitly adjust his emotional expression in the presence of the threatening Whiteness, validating a need to code-switch. To further explore the impact of this racial trauma for the Black man, the literature review will reflect on the Black professional’s early introduction of threatening Whiteness, development of the need to self-adjust, and motivation as a Black professional to consider code-switching.

Because of the historical oppression and injustice against the Black community, the Black professional has had to learn to survive by means of adjusting himself early in life (Lozada, Catherine, Riley, and Brown, 2021). Early experiences of racism and oppression can begin during academic endeavors in which the Black student is seeking to advance himself to gain upward mobility for the future, creating an internalized representation of Whiteness holding psychological danger that solicits the implicit procedure of adjusting self-expression that was taught to him from his elders as an ancestral experience (Hirschberger, 2018).

The Black student is met with the same psychological danger of being outcast and devalued, if he cannot align himself with the expectations, rules, of the White school staff present; he learns to tailor his emotional expression and demeanor for fear of being viewed as “hostile” or “aggressive” according to the collection of educational sociologists Fantasy Lozada, Tennisha Riley, Evandra Catherine, and Deon Brown (Lozada et al., 2021). It is in this early experience that the Black student learns that there is a lack of empathic understanding of him and the rest of the Black community; he becomes constantly aware of the inconsistencies regarding how others view him, and his self-expression compared to his White counterparts. Lozada et. al (2021) describes this constant awareness of inconsistencies in how the Black student is treated as

51 a form of oppression that influences his identity development and how he socializes with others in the environment. Emotional regulation, but more so, emotion restriction becomes paramount for his survival. Although he feels so much, the Black student must hide so much more.

The academic environment becomes another stage in which the Black student must forego his expressive culture and take on the more emotionally constricting way of being in order to be accepted within the rules set by Whiteness (Altman, 2000); he is painfully aware of the negative stereotypes that could befall him, if he reveals even the smallest amount of emotion that does not align with the majority culture present. The experience of feeling outcast implicitly teaches the Black student that he must temporarily change himself in lure of the psychological dangers that await him otherwise. Being emotionally restrictive and constantly changing his expression can create an emotionally distant and avoidant way of being with his White teachers and peers. Developmental psychologist John Bowlby discussed that the avoidant attachment style is a manner of connection with another in which the individual feels a sense of danger and uncertainty with the other person (Bowlby, 1944); the individual is withdrawn as a means of selfpreservation and protection.

For the Black student, withdrawing his emotions and restricting his emotional expression, allows him to remain safe, he learns to avoid sharing his true feelings in lieu of the potential psychological harm he can incur from the dominant culture present. As the stated adversities and psychological dangers against him grow, the Black student learns that there are little to no resources to support him in the school environment according to educational expert, Dr. Michael J. Dumas (Dumas, 2014). The Black student learns at an early stage that he is alone in his survival with the exception of other Black students suffering with him, just as the African slaves were alone in their fight but united together for their survival. The historical trauma at the school

52 becomes the vehicle for replaying the same oppressive racial dynamics that mirror the African slaves experienced with the White slave owners. My research shows that this is more than historical irony, but it is something that calls for our professional attention due to the mechanics of how the Black student learns that he is alone. The generations may have been silent in the way they adjust to each other as communication, but as with mother and infant, silent communication has ways of showing up that are rich, consequential, and structured.

The constant awareness of the danger of being outcast or attacked for the Black student’s race, becomes a trauma that echoes throughout his entire life. The collection of historians and public health experts on the sociological experiences of Black people, Williams et al. (2019), revealed that the oppressive racism produces negative health outcomes such as increased psychological distress, physical illness and conditions, and shortened life spans compared to White counterparts. The Black student, plagued by the historical and repeating racial oppression, is constantly fighting for survival, carrying the moral wound and pain, a betrayal against him and the explicit agreed upon morals of safety for him within the school setting (Shay, 2014). The Black student was taught that he would be safe at school but experienced the consistent psychological dangers of ridicule and devaluation as inferior, psychologically damaging his sense of self; he is at risk of internalizing the devaluation, creating lasting psychological damage according to educational expert, Dr. Amber Pabon (Pabon, 2017). The cost of the psychological distress and distress-related health conditions threaten the very life of the Black student.

Although he must fight at every stage to protect himself, he must also hide his aggression for fear of attack from the majority culture in power, oppressive White culture; the Black student must operate within the rules set by Whiteness. Even if the Black student is able to survive the present

53 racism and oppression during his early years, he still encounters it in his adulthood according to (Dumas, 2014).

The Black student, now developed into the Black professional, continues to endure suffering; his education and tools for upward mobility cannot shield from these psychological dangers (Williams et al., 2019). The Black professional feels this suffering at every stage of his development and shares in the suffering felt throughout generations.

At every level of income and education, there is still an effect of race, even wealthy Black Americans are statistically less healthy than affluent White people. Health disparities are large and persistent over time. About 220 African-Americans die every day in the United States who would not die if their death rates were similar to those of White people. (SAMHSA Office of Behavioral Equity, 2021, para 7) Despite his income and education, he suffers for his success; to survive is to be quiet but suffer within that silence. To endure these psychological dangers and threats, the Black professional must protect himself. He must do whatever it takes to ensure his survival; he must be aligned with the majority culture, even if for a short time, he must code-switch. Code-switching becomes a necessary and essential tool for him; despite the psychological harm that code-switching may cause him, he is still surviving. He is still alive.

The gravity of constantly needing to survive reflects the Black generational trauma, ancestral experience, that the Black professional carries with him constantly. Fanon (1952) describes the immense psychological damage that can occur for the Black man when carrying the internalized experiences of racialized oppression; this oppression damages his sense of self regarding his own dignity and self-worth, how he conceptualizes his value as a human compared

54 to his socialized value of being the inferior outcast. As the experience of constantly being psychologically and physically attacked for his race keeps the Black man in a continual state of alarm, he feels an unrelenting alertness that never allows the Black man to rest in safety (Stoute, 2021); this never-ending alertness is a learned and identically constant state of alarm, communicated in the patterns his African ancestors endured with the White slave owner.

The collective and ongoing experience of psychological dangers against the Black male is an oppression trauma in which the Black male psychologically suffers throughout each generation (Hardy, 2019). The African slave to the Black professional experiences the moral injury (Shay, 2014) of dehumanization and is made to feel inferior when compared to their White counterpart as part of the rules that keep the power dynamics shifting towards Whiteness. Shay (2014) described moral injury as a deeply felt offense due to a disappointment in expectations of the outcome that was mutually agreed upon. Black professionals expect to be treated as equals when entering into the workplace but experience being outcast and treated as lesser if they cannot adhere to Whiteness just as African slaves expected to be treated as human before being enslaved. The disappointment and trauma of being constantly treated as lesser is passed down between generations. The experiences of each Black generation, ancestral experience as a working memory, passes between generations through oral storytelling regarding the nature of the threatening Whiteness and implicit adjustment of self-expression strategies as a survival technique to increase the likelihood of survival for the next generation (Hirschberger, 2018).

As the sequential Black generation holds the ancestral experience of psychological danger associated with Whiteness, the sequential Black generation also holds the psychological weight of that experience as a trauma, constantly feeling psychologically drained producing an unrelenting generational grief, a racial melancholia (Eng and Han, 2019). The Black sequential

55 generation experiences post-traumatic stress reactions; the oppression trauma becomes allencompassing as the psychological danger is constantly felt, maintaining Whiteness as an internalized representation of psychological and physical danger (Hart, 2021). The Black male is psychologically enslaved again unless he can protect himself against the constant oppression trauma, against the internalization of the dehumanization and devaluation by Whiteness. The Black man must be able to defend against the projection of negative emotions casted onto him by his White counterparts.

Stoute (2021) argued that the Black man develops Black Rage in which the Black man is able to operationalize his affective states into a more socially acceptable adaptation that operates within the rules set by Whiteness; he learns to sublimate his affective states with a more tactful expression. Despite the intense active affective states present, the Black man is able to appear calm which maintains his survival in the interaction with Whiteness while simultaneously protecting himself from internalizing the projections of negative emotions from Whiteness. The Black Rage allows the Black man a sense of resilience as he is able to, more tactfully, navigate the psychological dangers during interaction with Whiteness. As an adaptation for navigating the psychological dangers present, the Black Rage allows the Black man to temporarily adjust his self-expression to navigate the interaction with Whiteness as an implicit procedure from an implicit relational understanding of how to be with the threatening Whiteness based on his Black ancestral experience of oppression trauma that serves as a working memory. The Black Rage empowers the Black man to code-switch.

56 The Art of Switching Code-switching is a tactical and strategic survival method for navigating social interactions with White people in which Black people as well as other Black Indigenous People of Color (BIPOC) perceive that there is psychological danger associated with White people.

Although previous research from Dr. McCluney mentions that other groups such as Black women, Hispanic men, Hispanic women, and other marginalized communities engage in codeswitching, the writer is interested to explain how the cultural reputation that Black men have for being more emotionally restricted may be re-conceived as engagement in adjusting their selfexpression, and therefore may present exceptional opportunities to theorize generational implicit communication when compared to their Black female counterparts (Majors and Billson, 1993).

The value in limiting my research to Black men is that the focus is deeply connected to a group that utilizes implicit communication which can be explicitly conceptualized regarding the need for code-switching to navigate psychological danger. Because predominately White professional settings hold much psychological danger for the Black man regarding self-expression according to McCluney et al. (2021), the writer is limiting this literature review to Black male professionals who code-switch to best understand code-switching as a phenomenon.

When the Black professional engages in code-switching, he is temporarily adjusting his culture for cultural practices that appear to align with the majority culture present (McCluney et al., 2021). As the Black professional engages in this temporary adjustment of self-expression (implicit adjustment of self-expression process), he changes the way he speaks, the way he expresses himself through body language, and the way in which he describes himself. The Black professional’s language and diction mirror the majority culture’s diction and body language as much as possible with the intention of surviving the social interaction with those in the majority

57 culture, Whiteness. The social dyad between the Black professional and White coworkers in the United States displays this tactical temporary adjustment of self-expression.

Dr. Courtney L. McCluney described the process of code-switching as a necessary survival skill that many BIPOC harness to survive the psychological dangers associated with being a racial minority in a workplace dominated by Whiteness (McCluney et al., 2019). She revealed through her extensive research, McCluney et al. (2021) and McCluney et al. (2019), that professionals from marginalized communities, especially Black professionals, utilize codeswitching to increase the likelihood of being accepted by their White counterparts and to be perceived by the White professionals as an equal professional, qualify the Black professional for promotions and opportunities for upward mobility, and gain stronger empathetic connections from White colleagues (McCluney et al., 2021). Dr. McCluney highlighted the various psychological dangers associated with being socially outcast which can severely damage the Black professional’s career trajectory and experience in the workplace if the Black professional does not engage in code-switching.

When Black professionals are a part of the racial minority in their work environment, it is possible that they feel the pressure to code-switch in order to be perceived positively by their White counterparts, especially when desiring to be perceived as an equal professional. Being perceived positively, especially as a professional, can assist in obtaining upward mobility that ultimately allows the Black professional to enhance his life as well as the life of his family members dependent on him.

In order to advance in professional roles, Black people might temporarily replace the tendency to present themselves in a ‘Black’ way by adjusting how they ‘dress, think, act,

58 and express themselves’…to optimize the comfort of the person, group, or institution in exchange for fair treatment, employment opportunities, and quality of service.

(McCluney et. al, 2021, pg. 2) When being negatively evaluated, the opportunities for upward mobility can be severely hindered, especially when a racial bias is present against the Black professional.

Although the Black professional is an equal member of their work environment, it is still likely that he will experience instances of racial bias against him, given the historical turmoil and misalignment of power towards White Americans that hinders the Black professional’s ability to obtain upward mobility (McCluney et al., 2021). The Black professional can be painfully aware of the power dynamics against him as well as his ancestral experience of the destruction of other Black people when speaking up against this ongoing White power dynamic that hinder the Black professional’s opportunities to grow professionally. The Black professional is aware of the racial bias and mistreatment towards him as well as the psychological dangers and consequences that await him if he chooses to speak out against the rules set by Whiteness. The Black professional’s ancestral experience as a working memory is activated, soliciting him to engage in the adjustment of self-expression process, just as his African ancestors did to survive the interaction with the White slave owner. The Black professional implicitly understands the rules set by Whiteness as well as the implicit adjustment of self-expression process needed to survive the interaction with the White professional.

To mitigate the psychological dangers present, as well as the potential for losing essential opportunities for upward mobility, the Black professional will engage in codeswitching. As a survival method, code-switching gives him the appearance of being more similar

59 to the dominant White culture and therefore marks him as less of an outcast. The Black professional is painfully aware that code-switching will assist him in appearing more like his White co-workers and that this similarity will likely aid the Black professional in being accepted and therefore gaining access to essential resources for upward mobility. There is a significant amount of psychological weight on the Black professional to align with the dominant White culture present, especially when the Black professional is competing for promotions and other professional opportunities against other White coworkers. The Black professional must operate within the rules set by Whiteness.

To gain social acceptance from the dominant White culture, the Black professional will engage in code-switching. He denies his personal and cultural self-expression (McCluney et. al, 2019). The Black professional changes his diction, changes his demeanor, changes how he expresses himself through body language, changes his tone of voice and vocal inflections, changes his speech pattern and dialect, changes the way in which he dresses, changes his topic of choice when socializing with White coworkers, changes his gestures, and changes his discussion of recreational activities and interests in order to appear more aligned with his White coworkers.

Every aspect of self-expression, in the context of socializing with his White colleagues, can be subject to change in order to survive the interaction.

Indeed White men’s values and norms come to define the occupations that they hold including their interests and hobbies (eg. Golfing), standards of appearance and dress, dialect and style of speech, and the prevalence of specific names (e.g. John) for individuals in professional spaces. Individuals from underrepresented groups may feel pressure to adjust their self-presentation in adherence to these norms so that they may

60 access professional spaces and be conceived as a professional. (McCluney et. al, 2021, pg. 2) The Black professional’s need to survive and lofty awareness of the racial differences and threat of being outcast or barred from upward mobility become pressure to assimilate to the dominant White culture present. Code-switching becomes his tool for regaining access to professional opportunities for upward mobility as well as increasing psychological safety.

However, this temporary adjustment of self-expression and switching of cultures does come as a significant psychological cost that can profoundly damage the Black professional’s connection with himself and with others in the Black community according to McCluney et al.

(2021). When the Black professional engages in code-switching, he is exchanging his worldview, cultural perspective, and way of being in order to assimilate to the dominant White culture that surrounds him. McCluney et al. (2021) suggested that Black professionals experience significant psychological distress when engaging in code-switching. The Black professional is painfully aware of the negative and psychologically harmful stereotypes associated with his cultural expression; to mitigate the risk of being associated with these stereotypes, the Black professional engages in code-switching. The negative stereotypes used against the Black professional function as a projection in which the White professionals cast difficult emotions regarding racial dynamics with the outcast onto the Black professional.

Psychoanalyst Thomas Ogden described projection as the process of splitting off negative emotions and feelings that are difficult for the individual to hold. The individual then casts the negative emotions onto another person in order to get rid of the negative emotions (Ogden, 2018). Splitting off the negative emotions and casting them onto another allows the projecting

61 person to separate from the feelings and attack them directly by way of attacking the other that is now holding these negative emotions. Projection becomes a way for the individual who is doing the projecting to combat the negative feelings but at the cost of the receiver of the projection’s psychological safety. When considering the dynamics between the White and Black professionals, it is likely that the use of negative stereotypes allows the White professional to project negative feelings onto the Black professional to rid the White professional of these feelings just as the White slave owner projected his negative feelings onto the African slave before attacking the African slave. The White professional can then combat these feelings by attacking the Black professional through alienation, making the Black professional an outcast in the workplace, subject to exclusion from upward mobility, and other means of expressing frustration and anger (McCluney et al., 2021). Simultaneously, feelings of safety and empowerment get split off from the Black professional and cast onto the White professional present; the White professional is perceived to have in-group membership and therefore holds both power and safety, unconscious normative process in which Whiteness sets the rules for being accepted as a professional. The Black professional implicitly understands that Whiteness holds the power and therefore sets the rules for professionalism.

To best reduce the risk of being barred or outcast by the White professionals, the Black professional takes on the interests and priorities of the White professionals. Doing this allows the Black professional to appear as similar as possible with his White counterparts, making him less of an outcast, less of a threat; the Black professional is operating within the rules set by Whiteness. Taking a vested interest in the White professionals’ interests, another aspect of the implicit adjustment of self-expression allows the Black professional to solicit a stronger empathic connection from the White professional, reducing the chance of being outcast while

62 simultaneously allowing the Black professional in-group membership: access to essential resources such as promotions, upward mobility, and growth opportunities (McCluney et. al, 2021). It can appear that the cost of in-group membership and temporary White acceptance is the Black male professional’s willingness to temporarily deny himself and take on the White culture that surrounds him. However, this cost of code-switching is not without significant psychological risk and suffering.

McCluney et al. (2021) mentioned that this temporary adjustment of self-expression and switching of culture comes at a great cost to the Black professional’s psyche regarding his connection with himself and his connections to others in the Black community. When the Black professional trades his culture for the majority culture around him, he is foregoing his cultural values and interests, a core part of himself. In his denial of himself, he experiences a significant amount of psychological distress according to McCluney et al. (2021). Engaging in codeswitching requires the user to be vigilant about understanding and applying the majority cultural values, the rules set by Whiteness; the level of vigilance can feel intense as the user can feel pressure to accurately apply the majority culture’s values as well as meet the majority culture’s expectations in each social interaction. Each interaction can feel like a minefield as the codeswitching Black professional feels as though he must make the appropriate choice for navigating the interaction otherwise, he could be outcast. For Black professionals, this immense pressure can lead to intense feelings of sadness, lesser quality of life, and intense feelings of pressure to constantly deny himself according to McCluney et. al (2019).

The constant engagement in code-switching can become a psychological weight that mirrors the same physical and psychological toll felt by the African slaves when performing for the White slave owner and operating solely within the rules set by the White slave owner. The

63 Black professional’s connection with himself can become damaged as he denies himself as well as his relationships with others that share his cultural background. The Black professional experiences the risk of losing himself as well as losing the support of other Black people in the professional space, an essential social resource, making the cost of code-switching unimaginable.

Although code-switching can be a necessary and calculated risk for the Black professional, there is not a complete uniformed acceptance of code-switching as a practice by all Black people. As a result, the code-switching Black professional can be rejected by other Black people for foregoing his culture according to McCluney et. al (2019).

The Black professional can feel a sense of guilt and shame when being accused of betraying the general Black culture for the White culture; it is possible that the code-switching Black professional can also be shamed by other members of the Black community who do not agree with the use of code-switching. The denial of his culture for White culture can be perceived by other Black people as a rejection of Black culture and a prioritization of White culture, making White culture more important and valuable than Black culture (McCluney et al., 2021). Within this context, the code-switching Black professional can be viewed as betraying his culture, therefore questioning his commitment to Black culture by observing other Black people, creating an emotional distancing between the Black professional and the observing Black people.

Code-switching is an essential tool for navigating the psychological danger for the Black professional but not without its own mental and social costs. The psychological dangers and rules associated with Whiteness maintain the need for the Black professional to engage in the implicit procedural self-adjustment process of code-switching. The psychological dangers and implicit procedural adjustment of self-expression to navigate these dangers is a challenge felt throughout generations from the African slave to the present day Black professional.

64 The Black professional’s implicit procedure of temporarily adjusting himself is seen in his ancestral experience of the African slave’s temporarily adjusting himself to survive with the White slave owner. The collective experiences of being the outcast since slavery functions as a working memory for the Black professional in which being the outcast poses significant psychological danger as well as a reminder that the Black professional must use the implicit procedural method of temporarily adjusting his self-expression, code-switching, in order to survive interactions with a psychologically dangerous Whiteness. Code-switching is taking an active role in survival in which the Black professional is able to level the social playing field with White professionals by gaining access to essential resources for upward mobility, redefining Blackness, as well as redefining what it means to exist in the United States of America as a Black people, specifically a Black professional.

Procedural Way of Being As an essential tool for the Black man, code-switching is an implicit procedural temporary adjustment of self-expression and switching of cultures in order to survive interactions with a threatening Whiteness and the associated psychological dangers that stand against the Black man. The threat of being outcast is a constant psychological danger that stems from the abuse of African slaves by the hands of White slave owners as a Black ancestral experience that forms a working memory for the Black professional. For the African slaves, the very expression of emotion or natural and genuine expression of anguish led to the physical destruction of the Black body, creating a narrative that the Black body and mind would always be under the threat of an oppressive and dangerous majority culture, oppression trauma for the African slaves and their descendants, the Black male professionals.

65 Solely as a means of survival, the African slaves withheld their emotions and temporarily adjusted themselves in the presence of the threatening White slave owners, reflecting an implicit relational knowing of how to be with the White slave owner. The process of temporarily adjusting themselves gave way to a protective and cryptic way of being that was shared between generations, an implicit procedural way of surviving interactions with the White slave owner.

The African slaves, later Black men in the United States, were bonded by adversity and united in survival. The practice of temporarily adjusting oneself continued to grow as a primary implicit procedural survival method for the Black community, especially during the Jim Crow Era, Civil Rights Era, and currently for Black male professionals navigating interactions with Whiteness in professional settings. The Black spirit of rebellion and resistance as well as the operationalization of withheld affective states during interactions with Whiteness, Black Rage, has continued throughout generations of the Black community and now manifests as code-switching, a way to take back power in the dynamics with an oppressive White culture threatening to outcast and oppress the Black community.

Code-switching is an essential tool for the Black male professional navigating interactions with a threatening Whiteness in professional settings in which the Black professional adjusts his self-expression to appear more in alignment with the dominant culture present as a way of the Black male professional operating within the rules set by Whiteness. Despite the psychological distress that maintaining and constantly engaging in this temporary switching of cultures can cause, the ability of the Black male professional to align with the majority culture continues to ensure his survival when navigating professional settings. Code-switching provides the Black male professional an opportunity to endure the historical and traumatic psychological dangers in the workplace by making himself more like the dominant culture, Whiteness, as well

66 as lessening the likelihood of being outcast. The temporary switching becomes a difficult and necessary way of surviving the dominant White culture while protecting Black lives from being apathetically outcast as the enemy. Code-switching, within the scope of Black Rage, is the modern-day spirit of rebellion and resistance as it allows the Black male professional a way to navigate the threat of being different from their White counterparts while still gaining access to upward mobility that can be used to maintain Black culture. Code-switching continues to protect against the psychological dangers present; to code-switch is to survive.

67

Chapter III

Methodology Introduction This interpretive phenomenological analysis (IPA) centered on the process outlined by Smith, Flowers, and Larking (2022) explores the impact of code-switching on Black male professionals navigating predominantly White professional environments. Psychological danger, a commonly felt experience by African American males in predominately White professional settings as described by McCluney et al. (2021), is an overwhelming encounter in which Black males feel as though their ability to gain essential resources to sustain themselves and their families is threatened. When engaging with dominant cultural norms decided by Whiteness, they feel alienated as an outsider of the majority culture; the experience of being alienated creates a sense of danger that threatens the psychological wellbeing of these Black male professionals.

To survive this psychological danger, the Black male professionals alter their communication methods, behaviors, and body language to adjust to the cultural norms of the majority culture; they engage in code-switching according to McCluney et. al (2021). Codeswitching as a survival method for navigating psychological danger, has been a useful procedural approach that centered on the working memory of Black ancestral experience of trauma at the hands of Whiteness that connects to an implicit procedure or adjusting the self-expression for current Black professionals. Code-switching is adjusting the self-expression of essential affective states when navigating psychological dangers. The ancestral African slaves’ experience of the White slave owner set the foundation of the implicit procedure, code-switching, for navigating

68 interactions when psychological danger is present. The slave owners threatened the physical and psychological wellbeing of the African slaves (Hannah-Jones, 2021); this fear was passed on verbally and implicitly between generations, creating a working memory and an implicit way of being with the White slave owner as well as other threatening entities. The implicit procedure of adjusting the Black man’s self-expression developed into code-switching as a way of navigating the psychological dangers present in society, specifically professional settings.

To further explore code-switching as a phenomenon, this study investigated the experience of these Black male professionals regarding how they engage in code-switching as well as how code-switching influences their sense of self-expression of affective states. This IPA focuses on how code-switching is activated and the effects of code-switching on the professional’s ability to gain the essential resources for upward mobility and safety. The research question is: What is the impact of code-switching on Black male professionals when navigating predominately White professional spaces?

Gaining the understanding of these experiences will further social justice efforts regarding gaining insight on the needs of Black male professionals regarding safety when navigating predominately White professional spaces in the United States of America. This knowledge will also assist in furthering the effectiveness for identifying the felt psychological dangers for Black male professionals as well as understanding cultural considerations for embracing authenticity in professional environments. The study utilized one recorded virtual semi-structured individual interview with each of the 16 participants from an interpretive phenomenological perspective. The research investigated the threatening experiences, psychological danger, that have provoked the need for code-switching. Each interview was

69 transcribed for analysis to best understand code-switching as a phenomenon; field notes were also taken to ensure accuracy of the participants’ experience.

The recorded semi-structured interview asked the research question and research sub questions that will be later listed in this chapter. Member checking was done via email or a second recorded interview based on the participant’s preference to ensure that the results are as accurate as possible regarding the participants’ experiences. This chapter will also address (a) the rationale for the current research design, (b) rationale for research method, (c) research sample, (d) research plan, (e) data collection, (f) ethical considerations, (g) limitations, and (h) role of the background of the researcher.

Rationale and Research Approach Code-switching, in the context of African American communities, is a cultural phenomenon that has been associated with a need for survival. Code-switching as an implicit practice of temporarily adjusting self-expression of affective states and temporary switching of cultures, can be seen across generations. This crossing of generations is seen here as reflecting a working memory of navigating danger that stems from the Black ancestral traumatic experience of slavery by the White slave owner. The present ongoing threat of psychological dangers evoked by Whiteness, against Black men, continues to build on the Black working memory of psychological danger and the need for Black men to use an implicit procedure for navigating these dangers is widely experienced by African American professional males today according to McCluney et al. (2021). However, this experience is often discussed in a cryptic manner that depends, mainly, on an implicit understanding of the phenomenon. Code-switching is an unconscious, but not dynamically unconscious process as it uses an implicit procedure for being

70 with Whiteness. Although a common occurrence, there is limited literature on how this phenomenon is explicitly experienced by the users.

Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) focuses on understanding how a phenomenon takes place as well as how users experience it (Smith, Flowers, and Larkin, 2022).

Phenomenology also enables the researcher to investigate the phenomenon holistically; the researcher can gain an in-depth understanding of the participants’ experiences, how the phenomenon is activated, the environments that lead to the activation, and how the participants make sense of their experience when engaging in this phenomenon. Understanding the meaning of code-switching for African American male professionals will aid in providing an explicit understanding of a historically implicit and cryptic process. IPA allows the researcher to deeply understand the participants’ experience, the development of the phenomenon, and the cultural aspects that have maintained the practice through generations.

Through this qualitative study, the researcher understood the African American male professionals’ use of code-switching while navigating their predominately White professional environment. The interpretative analysis views this phenomenon of code-switching as a comprehensive unit that the researcher used to make sense of the phenomenon (Smith, Flowers, and Larkin, 2022). Due to the implicit and cryptic nature of code-switching in the African American male context, this approach kept the meaning within the African American male context as well as consider the intergenerational traumas that have influenced the need for codeswitching. IPA provides a template for understanding the participants’ experience and constructing a meaning that can be generalized to other users’ need to practice code-switching according to Flowers, Smith, and Larkin (2022). This study utilized IPA with a transformative perspective.

71 The transformative perspective centers on understanding the phenomenon within the context of oppression of the participants according to Creswell and Creswell (2018).

Transformative perspectives also focus on understanding the meaning behind the participants’ experience and understanding how social oppression of Black men influences how this phenomenon is experienced within African American culture. Within this perspective, the researcher focused on gaining a narrative understanding of the participants’ experience utilizing the phenomenon as well as the psychological dangers that evoke the phenomenon, and the Black working memory that impacts the phenomenon, to produce a holistic understanding as suggested

by Creswell and Creswell (2018).

The researcher utilizes this approach to explore how the African American male professionals experience psychological dangers in their professional environments; the researcher will seek understanding on how code-switching has been taught to the professionals and gets activated in the presence of dominant culture that include psychological dangers, Whiteness. To best explore this experience, the researcher engaged in semi-structured interviews as suggested by Creswell and Creswell (2018). Semi-structured interviews are the primary method for gaining insight on the participants’ experience with the phenomenon; semi-structured interviews allow the participants to share their experience in their words without being overly influenced by the researcher. The sample included exclusively African American male professionals in the United States of America.

Research Sample The participants in the study are cis-gendered African American (Black) male professionals that are actively working in their field. The writer sought out ten participants but

72 obtained 16 qualified participants. The 16 participants are citizens of the United States of America during the time of the study and through its completion. Each of the participants has at least a bachelor’s degree, signifying their status as a college graduate as suggested by Dunn (2019). Having these specific criteria allows for the study to have congruence amongst the members and limit the possible variables that can challenge homogeneity between the participants. The participants have an awareness of African American history in the United States and awareness of oppression by means of slavery in the United States of America. The researcher asked the participants to self-report on whether or not they have an awareness of African American (Black) history in the United States of America during the initial screening process. The age range for the participants accounted for the group of Black male professionals most likely to engage in code-switching (professionals under age 50) as suggested by Dunn (2019). The millennial generation aligns with this suggestion and was used as part of the inclusion criteria. The inclusion criteria were listed as the following: 1. Cis-gender adult male (28-43 years old) 2. Identifies as Black/African American 3. Identifies as having an exposure to African American history in the USA 4. Actively practicing as a professional role with at least a bachelor’s degree 5. Agree to multiple virtual recorded interviews The exclusion criteria for the study will be the following: 1.

Non-cisgender male identifying professionals

2.

Males not identifying as a professional

3.

Professionals without an education of African American History in the USA

73 4.

Professionals not identifying as Black/African American

5.

Professionals outside of the age range of 28-43 years old

Research Plan The research study follows the guidelines for an IPA as directed by Smith, Flowers, and Larkin (2022). The phenomenological approach with the transformative perspective allows the researcher to gain a deep understanding of the participants’ experience of code-switching as a cultural phenomenon. The research investigated Black, African American, male professionals’ experience of using code-switching as well as the psychological dangers and Black working memory that have influenced the need to engage in code-switching. The researcher engaged in recruitment efforts by means of contacting potential participants through online professional networking groups that are connected through social media, specifically Facebook and GroupMe. The researcher created a recruitment flyer as suggested by Creswell and Creswell (2018). Recruitment took place through snowballing since the researcher has access to a large pool of diverse potential participants. The recruitment flyer is also found in Appendix A Recruitment Flyer.

After the recruitment flyer was distributed in these virtual professional networking communities with the approval of the networking administrators, the researcher met with the potential participants to review the criteria and continue on to the informed consent process in which the researcher read the consent form in its entirety to each participant, if the potential participant had met the inclusion criteria. The researcher had the participants complete the consent form virtually and scheduled the first round of interviewing. The interviews were recorded and took place virtually via the Zoom application to obtain an accurate transcript and

74 understanding of the participants’ experience. The researcher conducted the semi-structured interview to obtain a meaningful understanding of each participant’s experience engaging in code-switching. The interview questions guide is in Appendix E. If any of the participants had wished to discontinue, they would have been able to be excused from the study without risk of consequence. If any participants had become overwhelmed or distressed during the study, they would have been referred to an appropriate therapist, otherwise the study continued to the analysis phase.

The researcher analyzed each interview for thematic formulation; the researcher used axial coding to deduce patterns, codes, and themes within each participant’s experience. The researcher utilized the ATLAS.ti program to complete the coding process. After each individual interview was coded and processed, the researcher conducted a holistic review to develop conclusive themes. Following, the researcher applied psychoanalytic theory to the findings to deduce meaning and further the data analysis process as described by Smith, Flowers, and Larkin (2022). After the completion of the analysis, the researcher contacted the participants for a verification on the accuracy in transcription and interpretation of their interview as member checking. Creswell and Creswell (2018) suggested that member checking is an effective way to ensure the accuracy and validity of the findings. The research plan was completed in the below order: 1.

Began recruitment process for participants through the professional networking groups

2.

Completed the screening process based on inclusion criteria

3.

Administered the informed consent and completed the initial interview for the participant

4.

Completed field notes and transcription for the interview

75 1. Analyzed the findings from the initial semi-structured interview utilizing axil coding 2. Repeated steps three through five for the remaining 15 participants 3. Analyzed overall collected data using axil coding to deduce themes 4. Completed member checking with each individual participant 5. Revised findings as needed based on member checking results 6. Reported conclusive findings and share with participants as requested Data Collection Understanding the complex experiences of the Black male professionals was essential to this research study. To best understand the depth of their experiences and use of code-switching, the researcher engaged in virtual recorded 45-60 minute semi-structured interviews with each participant individually. The researched offered 60-90 minute interviews, but the participants denied needing additional time after the 60 minute mark. Utilizing the semi-structured interview allowed the participants to share their experiences authentically without influence from the researcher. As the interviews were conducted, the researcher recorded the session and completed a transcription of each interview through the Zoom application. Creswell and Creswell (2018) suggested that transcriptions allow for an effective and accurate record of the interview that are used for analysis later in the research process. Having this transcription and recording allowed the researcher a reference when completing the coding and applying the psychodynamic lens to understand the participants’ experience.

During the 45–60-minute semi-structured interviews, the researcher asked questions focused on how the participants have experienced code-switching, learned about code-switching, learned communication methods within the culture that maintain the use of code-switching,

76 developed perceptions of psychological danger in the social environment, and how codeswitching impacts their Black/African American identity. The interview questions inquired about the participants’ connection to Black history in America and its connection to oppression; understanding this connection assisted in investigating the development of psychological danger in the social environment. The research interview questions were used to gain insight on the experience, motivation, and application of code-switching as a phenomenon for Black male professionals. The interview questions are found in Appendix E Interview Questions. The interview questions inquired about the following: how the participants were introduced to codeswitching, the nature of psychological dangers in the workplace, the ancestral experience that impacts code-switching, and the impact of code-switching on their sense of safety after using code-switching.

Following the completion of the transcription, the researcher continued to update field notes that were taken throughout the entirety of the research study and detailed the researcher’s experience and additional details of the observations of the participants made during each interview. Creswell and Creswell (2018) mentioned that maintaining field notes allow the researcher to maintain a record of additional observations that can add value to understanding the context of the participants’ comments during the interview. The field notes also assisted the researcher when engaging in bracketing during the analysis process to ensure the greatest accuracy of the participants’ experience. The researcher served as the primary instrument in this research study and the transcriptions as well as the field notes assisted in obtaining the best description of the participants’ narrative.

77

Data Analysis Data analysis followed the 8-step process as outlined by Smith, Larkin, and Flowers (2022); they list their axial coding process as the following: 1.

Develop code labels for raw data

2.

Assign code labels to appropriate data material

3.

Compile the list of developed codes from data

4.

Reduce collection of codes to create themes

5.

Group themes to form ideas

6.

Assign these themes to 3 categories: expected themes, surprise themes, and unusual themes

7.

Move these categorized themes into a concept map to highlight “flow of ideas”

8.

Construct narrative for each of the categorized themes and formed ideas to suggest overall understanding of the collected data Axial coding was used to identify unique themes within each participant’s experience.

After collecting the data from the interview and transcription, the researcher utilized the ATLAS.ti program to analyze the transcription. The researcher developed in vivo codes and concept codes based on the material expressed by each participant individually. Saldaña (2016) suggested that in vivo coding allows the researcher to code the participant’s experience through the actual language used by the participant to effectively understand the experience. The researcher identified repetitions of specific language in the transcription that highlight a specific concept. Each participant’s transcript was processed in this manner.

78 The researcher utilized concept coding to identify core concepts in each participant’s experience to gain insight into the core aspects that build the participant’s use of code-switching and how he navigates the psychological dangers that evoke the need for code-switching. Saldaña (2016) suggested that concept coding assists the researcher in highlighting repeating patterns that focus on specific ideas about the experience. Utilizing this coding process for each transcription empowered the researcher to identify the frequency of concepts and phrases that take place in each individual participant’s experience; these concepts and phrases hold significant meaning and value for understanding how the participants understand code-switching, its usage, and decisions for navigating the environmental factors that lead to psychological danger.

Concluding the in vivo and concept coding of each individual transcript, the researcher utilized axial coding to develop common themes shared between the transcriptions. The shared themes were utilized to deduce a more generalizable understanding of the participants’ collective experience of code-switching as a phenomenon. Smith, Flowers, and Larkin (2022) asserted that utilizing coding for each participant’s transcription assists the researcher in developing an in depth understanding of the analyzed material while also producing a generalizable understanding once all the transcripts are compared as a collective. The researcher analyzed the frequency of the in vivo codes and concept codes throughout the participants’ transcripts as a collective to deduce generalizable themes.

The themes were utilized to produce conclusive statements about the phenomenon of code-switching. To answer the research question: What is the impact of code-switching on Black male professionals navigating predominantly White professional spaces? The researcher then utilized the previously described psychoanalytic lens to understand the deeper meaning of the conclusive statements. Following, the researcher will then deduce a holistic understanding of

79 code-switching as a phenomenon. When this understanding is completed, the researcher will share the holistic findings with each of the participants individually to ensure the accuracy and authenticity of the findings, completing the member checking process. Smith, Flowers, and Larkin (2022) mentioned that the member checking process is essential for ensuring the validity of the researcher’s understanding of the participants’ experience. Completing member checking ensures that the participants’ accounts were effectively and accurately described by the researcher.

Ethical Considerations Although the research study is a significant contributor to understanding the complexities surrounding code-switching, there are risks associated with participating in this study. One of the major risks is the potential for the participants to become aware of emotionally damaging past experiences, especially experiences involving oppression or psychological danger. The study requests that the participants recall memories that can cause potential psychological harm due to the nature of the memories. Although psychological harm is not the intention of the researcher or the research study, it is a risk that needs to be acknowledged and considered when engaging in this study. To increase the greatest possibility of emotional and psychological safety, each participant was made aware of this risk during the informed consent process. Participants were also made aware of their ability to terminate their participation at any moment without consequence. The researcher offered the participants the opportunity to connect with an outside mental health professional for psychological support, if needed; this referral process was also explained to the participants during the informed consent.

80 The second ethical consideration is maintaining the privacy and confidentiality of participants’ identities. Although the study took place virtually and in a natural setting for the participant, potential lack of confidentiality is still a risk. The recordings and transcripts have the participant’s name which is identifiable data and can link the participant’s identity to the research findings, especially in a qualitative study with a limited number of participants. Also, the participant responses could be heard by others when conducting an interview in a virtual format whether in the participant’s location or in the researcher’s location. To combat this risk of a lack of confidentiality, each participant was notified of this risk during the informed consent process; they were also reminded that they could terminate their participation at any time without risk of consequence. The researcher asked the participant for a pseudonym when recording the interview and compiling the transcript. Doing this added an additional level of protection for the participants.

Additionally, the recordings, transcripts, field notes, and informed consents are be held in a confidential electronic medical record system (EMR), Simple Practice, to provide the highest level of security. The researcher also disposed of all material following the completion of the study, to protect each participant’s information outside of the copies on the EMR; those were disposed of within the legal limitations of maintaining research information. The researcher also verified that each participant is in a secure place, meaning that they are alone and agree to maintain confidentiality. The researcher verified confidentiality in his location as well before beginning the interview. The stated safeguards were to address the ethical considerations associated with this study.

81 Issues of Trustworthiness, Dependability, Credibility, and Transferability Qualitative research holds trustworthiness, dependability, credibility, and transferability as core considerations when conducting research. Creswell and Creswell (2018) suggested that these concepts are essential for a quality study; they also suggested that trustworthiness can be achieved through authentic and transparent reporting of findings. To maintain the highest level of trustworthiness, the researcher maintained a record of transcripts as described in the previous section and utilized the language of the participants to authentically represent the participants’ experience. The researcher utilized the field notes and transcriptions to reflect the participants’ precise language when describing their experience with code-switching.

Dependability and credibility focus on the researcher’s ability to provide valid and authentic findings that are consistent with the actual recorded findings. Creswell and Creswell (2018) mentioned that triangulation is an effective method for ensuring the dependability and credibility of the study. Triangulation assists in maintaining the validity of the findings by comparing the multiple sources of record-keeping to ensure an accurate account of the participants’ experience (Creswell and Creswell, 2018). The researcher utilized triangulation and member checking to ensure that an accurate account of the findings is consistent with the transcripts and recorded interviews. The researcher also utilized an external coder to serve as a secondary source for ensuring the accuracy of the findings with the transcribed material. The researcher utilized the findings from this external coder to maintain the dependability and credibility of the researcher’s findings. The member checking was utilized to maintain the accuracy of the researcher’s findings as well; the participants, individually, were able to verify the accuracy of the findings with their narrative of code-switching during the member checking process.

82 Transferability refers to the researcher’s ability to be generalized to the population within the scope of the study’s limitations. Smith, Flowers, and Larkin (2022) asserted that IPA has the goal of making the findings generalizable for the researched population. The researcher utilized axial coding to ensure that the findings are holistic and inclusive of each participant’s experience. Additionally, the researcher utilized an outside reader to assist in ensuring the transferability of the findings. An outside reader provides a culturally considerate perspective as a neural entity to assist in the objective interpretation of the findings. Together, these approaches and best practices assisted the researcher in maintaining trustworthiness, dependability, credibility, and transferability when completing this research study.

Limitations and Delimitations The findings and results of this study were limited to the participants’ experience of racial dynamics in the United States between Black men and White men as well as the associated Black ancestral experience of slavery of Africans by White slave owners. All participants identified as African American male professionals with a specific connection to the historical oppression that took place in the United States of America against African slaves; this is significant, because it is speaking to a select group of individuals that were influenced by the Atlantic slave trade and were forcibly brought to the United States. Although many groups have historic connections to the Atlantic slave trade within the context of Pan-Africanism, this study was limited to the group that was brought to the United States, specifically. It does not include the various cultures in the Caribbean or United Kingdom that may have connections to the Atlantic slave trade and codeswitching practices.

83 Another limitation is that the study focuses on the experience of cis-gender Black males, it does not account for valuable and insightful differences in experience that could arise for African American transgender males living in the United States. Their experience is extremely valuable, but the researcher will not be able to account for this experience to maintain internal validity and consistency amongst the participant population. It is possible that African American transgender males could experience a higher level of psychological danger given the additional social and physical threats against the transgender community in the United States and within African American culture in the United States. The researcher also acknowledges that the results were limited to the experience of African American males, not inclusive of African American female professionals.

The researcher acknowledges the historical and present psychological oppression and physical danger against African American women in the United States. Although African American men and women may share similar experiences, there is likely to be a difference in experience based on gender due to the additional challenges and prejudice against African American women in the United States. The researcher was not able to include this unique narrative to maintain internal validity and consistency within the participant population. Future research should be done to account for the experiences of African American transgender male professionals, African American female professionals, and African American transgender female professionals to get a holistic understanding of code-switching as a cultural phenomenon.

The Role and Background of the Researcher The researcher identifies as an African American cisgender male professional in the United States of America within the age range of the participant population. The researcher also

84 identifies as someone who has utilized code-switching to navigate psychological dangers in the presence of Whiteness in professional environments. The researcher has a vested interest in understanding this phenomenon as a cultural phenomenon and has experienced the phenomenon as a user and observer.

The intended goal of this study is to understand the experience, manifestation, and psychological dangers associated with being outcast, and the implicit procedural mechanics of code-switching. Although the researcher has a similar background to the participants, the researcher will remain objective and utilize practices such as bracketing to stay as objective as possible as suggested by Smith, Flowers, and Larkin (2022). The similarity and cultural sensitivity will assist in providing a unique and emotionally safe environment for the participants, given the cryptic and protective stance associated with using code-switching.

There is a cultural hiddenness and sensitivity that bonds the users together that is implicitly understood; being an in-group member will assist in maintaining an emotionally safe environment in which the participants can authentically and accurately detail their experience with code-switching. This emotional safety and cultural sensitivity are imperative to understanding the participants’ experience, the sociohistorical factors that influence the development of psychological dangers, and the protection offered by code-switching within the African American male professional population in the United States of America. The role and background of the researcher will add an additional psychological safety when considering the fraternal bond within African American male professionals when discussing cryptic and. protective cultural phenomena such as code-switching.

85 Chapter IV

Results Introduction The research study sought to understand the impact of code-switching on Black male professionals navigating predominately White professional environments. Code-switching, in the context of Black male professionals, is the temporary altering of behaviors, mannerisms, demeanors, dialect, speech, and overall self-expression when in predominately White environments. The researcher collected first-hand experiences of 16 Black male professional males that self-identified as actively working in predominately White professional spaces and their navigation of code-switching. The study also investigated how code-switching impacted the Black male professionals’ navigation of their professional environments as well as the Black professionals’ sense of authentic self-expression when navigating the predominately White workplace.

The chapter shares all 16 participant demographics first. Then the chapter discusses the first five participants’ experiences in explicit detail to display the depth of the interviews and will incorporate the other 11 participants’ experience when discussing the themes found based on all 16 participants’ experience. The writer intentionally chose to use this structure, because this allows an intimate insight into what code-switching feels like while still managing the wide variety of collected data considering there are 16 participants. The writer selected the in-depth five participant experiences listed based on sequential order. The chapter will be structured in the following manner: a) participant demographics for all 16 participants and b) each of the five participants’ biographies and code-switching experience. The rest of the chapter will be

86 structured in the following: c) remaining participant biographies, d) themes, e) codes and themes, and f) summary.

Patient Demographics The 16 research participants self-identified as cis-gender African American (Black) professional males with at least a bachelor’s degree and currently working in a professional capacity. The participants also self-identified as being within the millennial generation (ages 2843 years old) and currently living in the United States. They had an awareness of Black history in the United States which includes an awareness of the oppression and enslavement of African people by White slave owners as well as the sequential oppression against Black people by White people. The participants also identified having a prior understanding of code-switching as a cultural practice in the Black community. Regarding age, the youngest participant was 28 years old, and the oldest participant was 43 years old. The most frequent age was 35 years old. The average participant age was 35 years old. Figure 1 displays the distribution of ages amongst the participants.

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Geographically, the participants currently reside in various parts of the United States; the East Coast (VA, MD, RI, and DC), the South (NC, AL, FL, and GA), the West Coast (CA), and the Midwest (IN) were included in the population. The East Coast made up 31%, the South made up 44%, the West Coast made up 19%, and the Midwest made up 6% of the population. When asked about their original location of residence (where the participant was born and raised), the participant population included the East Coast, South, and West Coast and the African country of Ghana. The Midwest was not included in the original state of residence. Regarding the original state of residence, the distribution was the following: East Coast (25%), South (56%), West Coast (13%), and Ghana (6%). Figure 2 displays the distribution of locations amongst the participants, accounting for the original locations and current locations.

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As professionals, the participants work in various career fields including higher education, government, military, marketing, technology, human resources, physical therapy, management, and social work. The distribution of these career fields was the following: higher education (13%), government (6%), military (6%), marketing (6%), technology (6%), human resources (6%), physical therapy (6%), management (6%), and social work (38%). Figure 3 expresses the distribution of career fields.

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The participants had at least a bachelor’s degree from a four-year institution and working in a professional setting. Figure 4 displays the distribution of degrees amongst the participants.

The degree range for this population ranged from bachelor’s degree to doctorate degree. Master’s degree was the most frequent degree held by the participant population. Figure 4 also accounted for participants actively enrolled in classes and the associated degree level.

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Voltron Biography Voltron is a 41-year-old African American (Black) cis-gender man working in higher education. He was born and raised in the South of the United States until he moved to the Midwest after graduating from his undergraduate program. He was obtaining his PhD in higher education and has a master’s degree in higher education. Voltron shared that he grew up in the “deep” South and identified having an awareness of code-switching prior to this study. He identified having an awareness of an “in-depth” knowledge of Black history and the racial dynamics between Black people and White people. Voltron also noted that he joined a

91 historically Black fraternity during his undergraduate time that advocates for advancing social justice, especially for People of Color.

Code-switching Experience When asked about his meaning of code-switching, Voltron described code-switching as “...having to dim down your own culture, the authentic Black person, authentic Black male that you are. To succumb to the White dominant area around you, whether it be at work, school, church, or any different atmosphere or social structure.” He shared that he “picks up on” the racial and power dynamics and chooses to code-switch in the workplace to advance in his career.

When I say dominant, I mean you the only Black male in the room. You're the only person that identifies as Black in the room. Because there may be somebody in the room who is Black, who may not identify as Black or a Person of Color, but you are being pretty much overshadowed by a culture that's not yours in these different environments, so you have to code-switch and adapt to that environment, so that you're able to get your point across or to move forward.

Voltron continued to say that he had been engaging in code-switching prior to hearing the term but knew that he had been code-switching once he heard the term. He reflected on how he adjusted his music preference, as an example, to fit in during a workout session.

I'm from the South. I realized I've been doing it all my life. Code-switching was not even taught to me until I got in college. So, me being from a rural town, that’s about 80-20, 80% Caucasian, 20% African American. I didn't realize it, but I noticed I talked about certain things, listened to certain things in different environments, different cultures, especially in school. For example, when we [were] working out in the morning, the music

92 that was, quote, unquote, R and B, or hip hop or music that our generation at the time identified was country and rock. Though I'm liking the music, I really didn't realize until probably late 30s, I was literally code-switching and surviving in environments, whether I wanted to, switching back and forth.

Voltron emphasized that code-switching was common for him and that he often did not realize how long and how much he had been code-switching. This speaks to how much code-switching is an automatic process and occurs without thought.

When you sit down to have a conversation, like we having, a dialog right now that we're having, particularly for this matter, then you'll realize you've been doing it. You just do it directly every day, it would do nothing to you. But if you sat down with somebody and start diving deep into this term, what that means, then you would eventually realize that you've been doing it all the time. Same thing happened with me. I didn't realize I have been code-switching all my life...

Voltron shared that he felt that he needed to adjust his self-expression with his White counterparts in order to fit in his environment; he depicted a tension between emotionally being aware of a feeling of needing to survive and taking actions that help him to survive.

Not that I felt like I need to survive, but that you are technically surviving in a culture that's not your own. So indirectly, you're making subliminal changes to fit into the environment. When I say fit, I don't mean to fit in per se, but to more so go with the flow.

He described needing to fit in as necessary adjustments that did not feel authentic in nature but necessary in order to avoid consequences in the workplace.

93 It's almost like you're putting on a superhero mask when not at home. I am, I don't know, at home, I'm Voltron. At work, I'm Captain America, because I'm not showing my true, authentic self. I'm just getting a job done and getting along with everybody. I may not give a damn about anybody at my job, but to them, they won't know. I got my face mask on. But then, when I clock out and I leave for the day, I could be myself. I can cut on my Chief Keef, I cut on my R and B, I cut on my Davies and be authentically who I am without worrying about any ramifications.

Voltron described needing to code-switch in order to fit in, and he described his awareness of the racial differences with his White counterparts as well as the unspoken tension from being different than his White counterparts.

I'm giving you a good visual. I mean, we're dinosaurs at Jurassic Park. They not like us.

Kendric Lamar say they not like us. So basically, you sit up here in a damn cage and they looking at you like you're an exhibit at amusement park, because they don't know what to do with you. They don't know how to interpret who you are. They don't know how to relate to your culture.

He continued to describe the importance of knowing how to code-switch as well as his observations of what happens when Black people do not code-switch.

I'm used to it. I'm used to being the only Black male in the classroom. I'm used to being one of the few Black males at school. So me, I kind of have a cultural, social, I mean, culturally social butterfly type personality. I can get along with anybody, but I know what my stopping point is. A lot of times you'll meet people and they don't know how to codeswitch or per se, interact with everybody, due to some type of racial experience, due to

94 something somebody told them do, somebody only being around people that look like them. So, when they get in a different environment, they don't know how to react. So, they choose to go into their shells and remain quiet. Me, you put me in the room full of people that don't look like me. Oh, am I? Oh, I kee-kee that. Oh, it's showtime. Oh, it's time to go in. You want a show? I'm give you a whole show with the popcorn, um, popcorn and the coke to go with it, because you already curious about who I am. So, I might as well give you a full show and use your resources and use your tools and use whatever you're gonna give somebody else who's not afraid to talk.

When asked about how he learned to code-switch, Voltron shared that he learned it primarily from observing older Black people around him until he was in a graduate class and the term was explicitly described on an intellectual level without discussing the emotional experience associated with code-switching. He also shared that his understanding of code-switching evolved over the course of his career.

Code-switching was learned in higher education, getting my master's degree. So it was talking about like Black males being in a cultural survival mode, learning how to navigate in dominant White spaces. That was the first way of being introduced to me.

And then as I became a doctoral student, I got deep into it with looking at critical race theory and the principles of it and how racism is normal, and technically you are in a survival mode when you're dealing with the dominant race. So my definition of codeswitching evolved over time. You know the first definition I gave you, I was like in my 20s. I'm now 41, a doctoral candidate. What I say about code-switching, what I see every day will continue to evolve.

95 Voltron continued to emphasize the importance of code-switching and understanding the unspoken pressure to adjust to the dominant White culture as well as the consequences for not code-switching.

You pretty much had to either learn it or sink or swim…Like, it is you get with the program, or you get left behind. The jobs, you get left behind the resources. You know, they always talk about the Have or Have Nots, you gonna end up being a Have Not? You gonna be sent out here as a brother who cannot move in random environments? Let's go first, you could be a professional Black man and don't navigate, you trying to figure out why your job is the same, or why you feel like you're in a glass ceiling, because you don't know how to get along with everybody you can get along with.

Voltron described being able to “pick up on” when his Black peers would code-switch at work as well.

Voltron also explained that he is aware of the historical racial oppression against Black people when navigating his choice to code-switch as well as how code-switching gives him the opportunity to display himself as different from the negative racial stereotypes. He shared that he takes on a responsibility to show himself different from the negative stereotypes as a way of encouraging younger Black men under him that they do not have to adhere to negative stereotypes against Black men.

Black men in this school, I am one of the four of us, so I'm the teacher, the uncle, the damn custodian, the damn everything to these kids, because they're not used to Black males. They used to seeing us getting popped and shot up and cut up on Fox 59 news. So, when they come around to see a brother that's really giving back to him, that's relatable.

96 That's relatable to their music and their culture and their way. They draw to me on the positives of that, they come to me. You're able to mentor them. The concept is, some of your teachers, maybe of other races, may get slightly jealous because they can't relate because they're saying they're trying to read books about my culture. I don't have to read books about my culture. I don't have to read books about the over eight or 10 of my kids who will identify as African American or Person of Color. I see these kids in the community.

When discussing the historical oppression of Black people by White people and its impact on his decision to code-switch, Voltron shared that the mechanics of code-switching are the following: the Black man himself, the racial power difference between Black people and White people, and the Black man’s ability to adjust his self-expression. He shared that the impact of racial tension between Black people and White people are clear to him without having an explicit conversation with his White counterparts.

It's simple. The mechanics is you. You're a Black man born in a White man's world. You got to figure out how to survive. I don't have no other blunt way to say it. When you talk about code-switch, especially. They never asked you about, how do you relate to the Hispanic culture? How do you relate to the African American culture? I relate to the Black culture? Code-switching is always built around them, how do you survive in the space of Caucasian people? Therefore, meaning what everything around us is pretty much White, unless we make our own space for ourselves.

Voltron shared that engaging in code-switching comes with a feeling of urgency emotionally.

97 Oh, shit. Let me go say something that they'll like, or let me go say something that may get them going, or bubbly to either get me in rooms or places where people making moves, or let me go, quote, unquote, be related to their culture, so that I can take care of myself, take care of my family, provide…moving it, moving in higher positions where I know good and well, it's not a lot of us.

Voltron identified a connection between code-switching at work and his ability to provide for his family. He shared that code-switching has become a necessary tool that has become a part of his usual routine and has a habitual aspect that does not require him to think about code-switching or when to code-switch.

Can't even recall the [last] time. Honestly, I do it so much when you do something that you normally do every day, you don't even remember it. It's almost like work. When work is your passion, you don't look at time anymore.

Voltron continued to explain his feelings towards code-switching being necessary.

It's not going anywhere, if anything, it's getting worse. I mean, you look at it the current politics, the current positions of different political parties with news and social media and the subliminal messages out there, it ain't getting no better. It's getting worse. And I can't remember the man's name, he said that the best way to hide anything from a Black man is to hide in a book. So, we choose not to learn socially to navigate these spaces, we will continue to be left behind. Okay, how many degrees you got? I don't care what's your parents last name if you don't know how to move around these different spaces, you will get left behind. And please believe those four stories around you are, in many cases, intentional.

98 Voltron explained that code-switching is necessary to gain upward mobility and noted that he saw other Black professionals code-switch in order to advance in their career.

That are successful, sure, those that are hitting their target goals and going above and beyond in their career endeavors. Yeah, they're definitely code-switching. I know many many wealthy families, African Americans, when they with the boys or the guys, we act like guys, but they'll tell you, only on their job. It's a White man's world. You gotta do what you gotta do. You gotta navigate, get through. Whoop, whoop. Go, shake hands, go have a cigar. Go some bourbon at the golf course with the people who make a decision so that you can advance yourself.

As a tool, Voltron stated that code-switching is beneficial to his career advancement and navigation of predominately White professional spaces. “You're able to get through the mass race that's affecting pretty much everything, and from the creation of civilization here to this present age.” Voltron also emphasized that code-switching offers a sense of tactical moving through the politics of the workplace. …maneuvers you from traps that the dominant race may be trying to place on you, that they trying to run a plan over your head or set you up for failure. You able to identify with and able to tap in and move, move in and out of the situation.

He continued to emphasize the benefits of code-switching as preparation for navigating the politics of the workplace.

You can, in many cases, in my opinion, move up, advance further yourself. Benefits we didn't talk about, is you're able. You're more prone to knowing when things are racist and when things are not. You know the indirect and direct messages that are being placed

99 around you, that people are trying to skate around you, and you're just more culturally prepared if you don't know how to navigate these White spaces. I mean shit, all jobs are ran, in pretty much, White spaces, unless it's a Black owned company. So, at the end of the day, I mean, you want to get to a C-suite on a White company, you pretty much know how to navigate some of the White spaces, unless you about to be an entrepreneur of your own.

Voltron also reemphasized how dominant White culture is in the workplace and how he “picks up on” Whiteness’ impact on the workplace norms.

Just being around them, in and passing and going and seeing how they operate, seeing how people operate around their job and how people operate in their homes is key.

Everybody can't be out as themselves in both places. And based on your HR rules, you may be set up where you can't do that. So even if you don't want a quote, unquote code switch, hell, half your HR policy is going to make you code switch. And you may like shorts and sandals, but damn it, at K through 12 at your Township, you can't wear shorts in sandals unless you damn PE teacher, I just code-switched. I want to keep a job. I just switched my culture or who I am, just to come to work at this employer.

When reflecting on his final thoughts on code-switching, Voltron cautioned that codeswitching will continue to be needed when navigating predominately White professional environments.

If you look at current history, as the elders say, history repeats itself. History is continuing to repeat itself right now, if you go back to colonization, what 17, 1715, right now, so much shit the people, Black people, had to do to survive, is starting to show,

100 reappear right now. You may not necessarily be locked in chains or damn shackles to survive, but you still have making different maneuvers right now to damn survive…First of all, we in America. We ain't supposed to be here. We came over here in shackles and shit, and we was in Africa doing our own thing. But, you know, we got brought over here in Jamestown, and then start having our own civilizations, having to some to succumb to a White presence, a White faith, a White religion, a White way of life. We had all these things in Africa and Egypt.

He continued to caution that even current workplace and societal politics will continue to solicit the need to code-switch. Voltron also emphasized the need for Black people to come together in order to survive.

Being around their own people get more in touch with their culture, learning what is itself or what is not. Learning how to you know what the continuous shifts in our political arena right now, defunding education, defunding higher ed, Black people started to come together on more and more accord on what we got to do to move our race forward, as opposed to before this [attitude of] I don't give a damn about Black people. I got my picket fence and my Tesla car, to hell with you, but with this current president, it's making us come back together.

Semaj Participant Biography Semaj is a 38-year-old African American (Black) cis-gender man working in the government sector. He was born and raised in the South of the United States until he moved to the East coast after his military service. Semaj obtained a master’s degree in social work. Semaj

101 shared that he grew up in the “deep” South and identified having an awareness of code-switching prior to this study. He identified having an awareness of an “in-depth” knowledge of Black history and the racial dynamics between Black people and White people.

Code-switching Experience Semaj began the interview by defining code-switching with a focus on it being connected to survival, specifically surviving in the workplace, adjusting and utilizing code-switching, in order to advance his career while maintaining his employment and livelihood for his family. …being adaptable and survival, where it's just kind of like, you know, you just got to do what you got to do to survive. You got to do what you got to do to get ahead… And one of the things is that's part of our survival. I feel like it's and for us, it's Black people, especially, we have to, like, mimic our areas to certain places to survive. And that's what code-switching means to me. It's just that, that ability to be adaptable, but to also survive in a situation and doesn’t mimic our surroundings.

Semaj continued to explain his need to survive.

And so in order to thrive in a capitalistic society, an ultra-capitalistic society, you have to provide and you have to, you have to give a part of yourself, and a part of yourself is working, and that working is that survivability, you know, it's whether it's a little bit or a lot, you know, it just depends on how much you want to survive, you know, or how much you feel like you're threatened by not working. That's what you have to do. You work so and in a part of that, and especially if you want to, if you feel like you have to provide for your family, if you feel like you have to provide, and I just say, not just your like, your you know, close family, as far as your wife and kids and things of that nature, or your

102 spouse, but or your partner, but also like your family, like your intermediate family, like your parents, your brothers and sisters, cousins, things of that nature, to be able to help them survive, and also your community as well too, to improve your community.

He then explained the cultural differences and what he “picks up on” in the workplace when in a predominately Black worksite, Hampton, versus a predominately White worksite, Richmond, that influences his decision to code-switch.

[At a White worksite] You have to be more on your p's and q's, you're not it doesn't feel like family. You know, when you walk through the halls, you know, if I walk through the halls I speak in Hampton, you get friendly. Hey, what's going on? How's it going? What's up? What you know good. You know all those things stay blessed. You know, all those colloquial wisdoms that you know as Black people, we give to each other right to keep check on each other, where we're like, Hey, you all right, everything good, you know. Or I could say, like, you know, you keep keeping on right, and somebody knows what the heck I'm talking about, right? Or I could, or I could be in there, and I just started singing the gospel song, right? And then, like, somebody knows what I'm talking about, even though I don't go to church that often, someone will know what I'm talking about, right?

They'll sing it, or we'll be, like, in there, mess around, like, yeah, you know, like we ran around, but like, you go to Richmond, it's not like that, you know, like, you could tell the minorities are generally upset about whatever's going on. Well, I'll say we're upset, but you know, like we're it's more like whispers, right? I wait. But the best way my wife puts it is, she calls it like Nazi Germany, like when, like when you people used to tell on each other...

103 As Semaj reflected on the differences between the environments, he shared that code-switching also allows for a sense of mimicry of the dominant culture. That nasally, oh, boy, you know, like, I don't get that. You get that in certain places. And that's a part of that code-switching, where you're making fun of the environment, you're making fun.

When expounding on his introduction to code-switching, Semaj mentioned that he learned it primarily through observing and listening to older Black people’s experience of caution and concern when navigating interactions with Whiteness, especially his parents’ experience. …like anything is you watch your family, you kind of watch your family. And while my dad was a bit more vocal, my mom was a bit quieter… also growing up it’s not going to be said out, right, it’s not that you're going to be told, Hey, don't play with them, White folks, you know, or you know, you could talk to him, but you know, or don't trust them, you know, or you're, you know. Like my dad, again, my dad had worked in corporate situations, and he was always trying to unionize down south. And one of the things he always says, like, cover your ass, you know, like write things down or he’ll tell me things like the pen is mightier than the sword and stuff like that. And he teaches me how to, like cover myself.

Semaj also shared how he learned about the racial tension between Black people and White people in academic and professional settings from older Black teachers in addition to his father as preparation for navigating racial differences.

I lived in a predominantly Black neighborhood, so I had Black culture, but I never went to like, school at a, like, a predominantly Black school, until that time. And that was like

104 a culture shock. And then they teach you too, like, they taught you how to navigate things without telling you like, they taught you how to like navigate things by that time, because they didn't want their kids going to, you know, a mixed school, which is what we went to a mixed Middle School, and not be ready for that. Because you also look at those teachers [at the Black school] were teachers from, like FAMU. Those teachers were teachers who are my dad's age, my dad and my grandma, and my dad and my aunt were the first school to integrate, or were in the first classes to integrate in that town. You know what I mean?

Like, so, like, so they know what it was like to go from predominantly Black to all a mixed school and so, yeah, they got us ready for that. And then by the time I got to middle school, it was half and half. Yeah, at my middle school, it was half and half, but I was still in more predominantly White classes, and so I would get in trouble for stuff.

Like I was telling you I got in trouble in sixth grade, like I got written up like 90 something times in sixth grade alone, and it was for stupid shit, like not having my pencil, or, you know, talking, or I finished my work first, and then my teacher would write me up for talking, you know, which is, you know, I understand disruptive, but like, there were kids doing the same thing, so my dad was always at the school, always advocating for me and shit like that. And so yeah, like, all those things in the lessons that my dad, like, kind of taught me.

As Semaj further explained his introduction to code-switching, he shared that he had been engaging in code-switching prior to hearing the actual term.

No, not explicitly. You know, it's interesting about that. I don't think it was until like, my late 20s that I actually understood the actual concept of code-switching, yeah, or even, say, the early 30s, because now I'm like, 38 years old, so I don't think I actually got a

105 formal introduction to code-switching. Man, I don't even know when I heard the term. I just either, you just kind of hear it and you're like, yeah, yeah, yeah. That's what that is, you know. Okay, I've been doing that shit the whole fucking time, you know.

When asked about how he engages in code-switching, Semaj shared that he uses a more formal way of speaking that does not align with the “real” him.

And I fucking hate leadership. I despise leadership, and it's weird, because I'm above them technically, but I don't like telling them, but it's, you know, it's that, oh, hey, Mr. Johnson. Oh, hey. It's this and that, as opposed to, you know, and I refer to people by their title, you know, as opposed to their first name as well, too. So that's another thing as well. No, it's that lack of familiarity, more of that formalities, those fake formalities, as opposed to the familiarity… But like, let's be real. Like, a lot of this stuff is based off of a hierarchy that's full of shit, where you have people who are above you who actually aren't as smart as you are knowledgeable as you on things, and you know you have to fake smile on their face to make it. You have to or not, even if you have to fake it, like you don't have to fake it. But if sometimes you don't, even when you do, even if you want to, you may not get as far.

Semaj continued to explain the need to code-switch and the internal struggle of navigating the choice to code-switch.

If I want to become an Executive leader, I would need the recommendations of an Executive leader, right? Like, who's going to hire me over somebody else that another leader already gave their recommendation to? You know what I mean? So you have to play their game. You have to fucking, my wife calls it eating ass. Like she says, You

106 gotta, you gotta eat the ass. You gotta eat the ass. And it's like, it is so true, you gotta eat ass to, like, get ahead sometimes, not always, not always, but a lot of times you do gotta eat ass. Or if you don't, you know, you gonna get shit on, you know? And it's like, I don't know. It's, it's, it's a weird way and that's the way the system set up. So that's why I say about being fake, is that a lot of it is about being fake, and sometimes you have to do things or say things or be a certain way that doesn't even fucking jel with your inner self as a person, or your morals and your values…

Semaj continued by sharing that there is an emotional cost to code-switching. He described the emotional toil as a loss.

Unfortunately, we are still in that system where we feel like we have to give everything to get ahead, to get what we need. And so you have to kill a bit of yourself too, and you have to be fake.

He continued to explain that code-switching does not feel like a choice but a necessary action despite the emotional discomfort that may follow. “I need to do this. But you kind of feel like, I will say dirty afterwards, sometimes, not always, you know, just depending on what it was, right.”

When asked about the benefits of code-switching, Semaj shared that it allows him to have access to a higher quality of life professionally.

It's status, status and comfort. It’s all it really and truly is, is, and I say physical comfort more so than mental comfort, because being adaptable has kept me in well, yeah, well, status and comfort. So actually, I'll start with status, status in the lines of capitalism,

107 where you know, again, because you're able to code-switch, because you're able to be adaptable, that you can have a certain status.

Semaj also highlighted the negative impacts of code-switching as well. He described being viewed and feeling as though he was being a “sell-out” for code-switching.

I guess the best way to put it is a sellout, right? You know, best term is like you're selling out, right? Like, that's been a term in the Black community for a long time as about selling out, where you sold yourself to, you know, you're at the crossroads and the devil capitalism, the being that capitalistic above everyone. We are a holistic group. You know people, but when you code-switch, ultimately, you're like, hey, alright, I need to survive.

I need to put myself. Me is more important than we at this particular time, the me of who I need to be is more important of the we of who we are or who I am as a culture. You know, you're putting your that individualist over your culture. And so it can cause you mental [distress] if you care, right? You know, if you care about it, right?

Semaj continued to explain this emotional turmoil as a sense of guilt for contributing to adhere to the dominant cultural norms.

There’s a different Black when you're a kid and you get your hand slapped, versus guilt versus shame and all those things, like, where you get put back in line, we're taught at an early age to get in line, the total line, because we're taught that how dangerous, especially for Black people, are taught how dangerous it has been for us to get out of line, even though that can cause you that mental anguish because you don't agree with it, you just don't agree and all the way up to the corporate setting. Even as you get older, you know, you stuff it down, you push it down more and more. But it's like it caused you that mental

108 anguish. You like, Man, fuck man. Like, could I've done things differently, and you see that a lot with older people, right? Like older people always say, Well, you know, I wish I would have done this, or I wish I would have done that, because they're going through that mental anguish where they may wish they would have lived their lives differently, where they could have spent more time with family, which is not a part of that corporate setting, right, or spending more time on vacation, where you're taking more time for the we, the us, the community, to live life, as opposed to feeding the machine. And so we have a lot of mental anguish because of that.

Dierks Participant Biography Dierks is a 28-year-old African American (Black) cis-gender man working in marketing.

He was born, raised, and continues to reside in the South of the United. He has a bachelor’s degree and works in a corporate marketing role. Dierks shared that he grew up in the South and identified having an awareness of code-switching prior to this study. He identified having an awareness of an “in-depth” knowledge of Black history and the racial dynamics between Black people and White people.

Code-switching Experience Dierks discussed code-switching and emphasized adjustment as a part of his definition.

It means shifting out like how I should be, act or express myself, depending on who is around me, especially when I'm predominantly White, professional spaces, it is not about being fake. It's about making sure I'm heard, respected and not misjudged. It can also be

109 like a small stop, stop my tone, in meeting or avoiding certain slangs or big changes on how I dress or wear else.

He continued to expand his definition by highlighting Black history as the context for his choice to code-switch.

Well, learning Black history like, gives me context and clarity, I understand now that those meetings is isn't like just a personal behavior, is a hysteria. It’s like historical response to systems exclusion from the resonance to the Civil Rights Movement and all of that, and Black people have had to, like navigate White, dominant, dominated spaces with care, knowing that it's not just we are trying to fit in is that we are surviving and succeeding in a system that weren't you for us. The system was not built for us.

He shared that he is aware of the racial differences in the workplace and how the workplace relationships between Black people and White people are impacted by the historical oppression of Black people by White people.

They weren't just uncomfortable with like, me being Black, like, kind that, all those kind of vibes they were. They were more comfortable with their own people. So, I was, I was very, very, like, very, very careful in what I said in my contribution and like towards the meeting that we had. So, I was just very careful so I wouldn't get discriminated.

Dierks explained that he chose to code-switch as a way of ensuring he was not being misunderstood by his White counterparts.

I was always trying to be professional. Like, to avoid being like, being discriminated like, first, I don't resort to other people all those times, we like finding a sense of like we need in those moments. I think the same pressure to pursue it [shared goal], and I also I

110 can relax, speak more freely and feel understood without having to explain. But depending on memories, you monitor what I say.

Dierks continued to explain how he code-switches, by highlighting how he adjusts himself.

And also, when I'm code-switching, I'm spending mental energy like editing myself. If you get editing myself, that energy will be used for creative thinking, problem solving or building relationship. It creates, like a psychological background, affects how really I can contribute.

However, Dierks also discussed experiencing a mental and emotional toll when engaging in code-switching.

It shows adaptability and like intelligence, but it's bittersweet, because I shouldn't like have to be like skilled and hiding who I am to succeed…when it comes to codeswitching, I would see it as shifting how I thought, behave, or even how I express my emotions, like to fit in in a workplace culture that isn't made with my identity in my mind.

When considering how to express himself authentically, Dierks cautioned that he must be careful and shared an experience of not being accepted when he chose not to code-switch with his White counterparts.

I once gave a presentation where I let my natural speech pattern come true, just being myself, the feedback I got was that I came up as a too casual, you understand me, even though my content was solid, it was a wakeup call that I'm held to a different standard than some of my colleagues...

111 Dierks continued by explaining that his education helped him to understand how to navigate this unspoken “different standard” that he was being held to by his White counterparts. He shared that he utilized Black history as context for the need to code-switch.

My education really helped me a lot, like really helped me a lot for me to realize this isn't just about the workplace attitude, start to survive like and assimilation, like learning about resistance and expression in duress us. History really helped me recognize that switching is part of a long pattern of us navigating systems not made for us.

When discussing his experience of navigating Whiteness, Dierks shared having a sense of caution and awareness of the historical oppression of Black people by White people when navigating the present interaction with a White counterpart.

As a Black man, working in marketing in a healthcare company, I also find myself like I just seen, the way I speak, carry myself, and even express idea, depending on who is in the room, in predominantly like White professional settings, there is this unspoken pressure to like to sound professional, which often translate to sounding less like myself.

For example, in a leadership meeting, I have fought myself, double checking my tone, avoiding culture, like cultural expression, and choosing what helped me, just to make sure I'm not misunderstood or stereotyped. But outside of work, I speak differently, even with more ease, humor and authenticity that reflects who I truly am. That shift is something I have carried for years without always naming it like in school. Switching, this experience like, make me realize how promoting this is for like, many Black men across industries, is not just about language, about it's not just about language, it's about navigating like, identity, like perceptions and survival in the workplace. That is what

112 inspired me to like ,center my dedication on this very topic, like to document and update the real story of Black men who live in this dual reality every day.

He continued to explain how survival impacts his choice to code-switch.

It means doing what is necessary to be accepted or taking like just to avoid being stereotyped. Example, like angry or unprofessional to urbans, like for example, like, for example, now many professionals code-switch as Black [men], like survivor strategy, not because they don't value their authentic service, but because they know, because they know that being too Black in certain spaces can hurt their images, like sometimes limit their opportunities, or even cause them, and the way of protecting your career and reputation and also and for you so survival needs adaptive language, appearance or behavior, like just to protect yourself from bias or discrimination and to succeed in the system where your full identity might not be welcome, just to avoid bias.

Dierks continued to share that code-switching as a survival tool can be mastered.

Yeah, I would say, when we say someone has mastered like, code-switching means like they have developed a high level of skill and controlling how they shift between different ways of speaking, behaving and also presenting themselves depending on the person, without losing who they are. For example, you know how to switch your turn like what stories or body language when you are in a leadership meeting, then switch back when you are with your peer, like or in a more comfortable space, like when you are with your like, your friends. You can do that like, smoothly and effectively. Like knowing who you will, like where you are, like different like, location that you are, like the people around you. Like, for instance, for instance, now you can go from talking casually with a Black

113 coworker and like to present it to a board of mostly White executives without losing a beat.

Dierks asserted that code-switching is different than simply changing your tone.

I would say, like, changing my tone just for me to like, not to be like, biased in whatsoever I might say. So I'll just like, I'll just use that, just for me like, to fit in that opportunity and that space and that particular time. So, when Black men were codeswitching, like with White people, rooted in survival, get me? Rooted in survival, and kind of stuff like that. So that might still happen, but it's usually about connecting through shared culture, not hiding identity. Many people switch back to be more authentic voice when around that fears when sometimes, like in reverse or code-switch, for example, when I speak with White colleague, I'm often monitoring my lot to make sure I'm not seeing too aggressive. You understand me or unpolished, but with Black colleagues, I can let my guard down. We can do speak in a region like we both understand ourselves, and I do not have to, like, extend myself. That switch isn't just about language. It's about safety and belonging. That's what I can say. It's about safety and belonging.

Dierks revealed that he learned to code-switch from listening to older Black people’s stories and experience of needing to code-switch.

I still remember being told stories about old Blacks, old Black men who had to switch it up every day at their job just to avoid trouble or to be taken seriously. For example, my uncle toned down, like toned down this natural speech when meeting like with clients so they wouldn't be judging at all at work. I've also heard similar, similar stories from the

114 people talking about putting on masks, like putting on masks or changing their voices to fit, imitate, imitating, or presenting with mostly White leadership. These stories made me like realize cross region is talking less about choice and more about navigating a system that not designed for our survival.

Bruce Participant Biography Bruce is a 43-year-old African American (Black) cis-gender man working in social work.

He was born, raised, and continues to reside in the South of the United. He has a master’s degree in social work and works as a clinician. Bruce shared that he grew up in the South and identified having an awareness of code-switching prior to this study. He identified having an awareness of an “in-depth” knowledge of Black history and the racial dynamics between Black people and White people.

Code-switching Experience Bruce shared that his definition of code-switching was connected to adjusting himself to meet the norms associated with White (European) culture.

Code-switching, to me, means being a minority, Black male for me specifically, but being a minority where a person feels they have to tailor to European culture to advance or fit in or not be a threat in society, and then in dominant mainstream. Everyone say White mainstream.

When discussing “White mainstream” and how White norms guide what is considered professional, Bruce shared feeling and unspoken pressure to adhere to Whiteness.

115 So White mainstream, to me, is like a safe way of polisher minimizing, speaking in a calm, smaller manner. I read a research study many years ago that it was stated that as black men advanced in was it advanced in professional culture that voices get smaller, and that's what come to my mind, too. Like where you don't you present was like domineering, like a contradiction, like domineering, but if you appear to do the same you are considered a threat, or being called a threat, or a cultural thread. To me, that's what White mainstream is kind of like an oxymoron, like, do the collar shirt fit in? Do this, do that, yet still never be accepted.

When discussing how code-switching was introduced to him, Bruce shared that he had been engaging in code-switching prior to hearing the actual term.

It was, it was second nature to me. It was just it, living it every day. I was like, wow, someone defining it from an educational perspective, like, Man, this is what I'm doing now. This is why I feel like all the time I go through, so it just hit home for me.

However, once he understood the term, he shared that he made a conscious decision to not codeswitch as much as possible, especially in honor of his late father’s experience navigating Whiteness.

I never code switch in class because to me, I thought about those like my father rest in peace… Worked at Parker 70 years of his life, right? He worked there to help his mom, and he could not go through the front. You remember how Blacks couldn’t go to the front? And he still served chicken in the bag, and he went from all of that to growing up to his older age, where he ended up being able to go to the front right and being able to do that. So, my point is his spirit, with that experience that I knew at home, is what kept

116 me motivated. It's like, I'm not gonna be scared of these guys here, like they're above me.

You're not going to physically touch me. You're not going to do anything to bother me.

I'm not scared of you. I'm in this classroom to be everything. I'm a represent. I'mma lead when I drive home feeling that peace that I'm really bringing my intellect. I'm really bringing what makes me uniquely Bruce and speaking up for them Black boys that could not speak in that class. Them Black cousins of mine that did not go to school, that I know what they dealt with, the barbers that dealt with stuff. So, I like, I'm going to speak up.

Bruce shared that he wanted to be the most authentic version of himself when navigating predominately White professional spaces since he was in graduate school as a way of combating negative stereotypes against Black men and boys.

Hey, I'm gonna be excellent. Like, what I'm gonna do is irritate you. I'm gonna show you that when you leave this graduate program, you're gonna remember Bruce, and you're gonna remember like that, the guy that had a cool hat and Adidas hat. I thought it was a drug dealer. Whatever I'm thinking about him is super small. He got a master’s like me, right? So I'm gonna make sure that no matter what you claim you have seen it, you have seen in these years, somebody like me, no matter what you try to assume that has what you have. So yeah, so with me, it made me more driven. I felt. If I, if I minimize myself, my it would have been like, like, selling out to my soul, so to speak, selling out to like, what a social worker is.

However, Bruce did acknowledge that he had engaged in code-switching even after learning the term but made a decision to not code-switch after graduating from his undergraduate program. He shared that he only code-switches in a manner that does not limit his authenticity.

117 I would say that unfortunate society, we in, especially minorities, that we do have to code-switch often. And what I mean is, well, it says thin line. I mean, like, far as like, Okay, if you're going to a certain thing, and let's say you wear a suit, right? You wear whatever. But the part of me that always fights to never lose with a cultural part of me so still, like, I would never go all in. So I'm proud to say that, like, what I mean is, like, rarely lose my authenticity or my perspective. So, I always battle to make sure that's not never lost… I felt that was naturally having to, for the most part, all of us as minorities, what things we are doing to be a part my right, but then still keeping our culture intact by our, you know, the Black Student Unions, fraternities, other things that we would do, don't even answer that, but yeah, that was where I really had that in tune, a lot like, especially a predominantly White school, 30,000 and it's only 12% of you that's Black.

So, like, every day, having a classroom full of White students…

As Bruce continued to reflect on his experience, he shared that he learned to code-switch from his parents.

I said my parents, because, you know my father, my mom's still around. She's 65 now, as my dad was definitely old school, coming from the old school, fields and sharecropping.

So it'd be, it'll always be this thing of, don't embarrass us, you know, like when you're in public, even with voices. I remember, like, being at a KW restaurant, and I remember one of my dad and parents’ favorite place that we would go to, and there was something in the food. Mike, it was like insect or something, you know, something that could have made it a news thing, or soon and all that. And I just remember the biggest thing I see that see, even now, that hit me then I see now, especially with White America versus us, is being assertive. And what I mean is, like, my parents minimizing it, like in a restaurant,

118 like, like the restaurant, like they're wrong. They're wrong for something they did not do in the food, but minimizing it, about not trying to try, like negotiation reach a certain level, about how should we honor this, not just free food, but what else should be done right? And thinking about what I know that we learn naturally about White parents, how it will always put out, like they will speak up, they will make a scene, they will address their concern to be heard. So, code-switching was a natural part of my upbringing, is what I'm saying, like, especially my dad.

When discussing the benefits of code-switching, Bruce shared that code-switching was beneficial earlier in his career, but he prioritizes authenticity currently to honor his father.

I think someone said that too, like when someone passed, you hear that voice more, louder now, right? And with him, I want to keep him proud. Mike, right? So for me, it's like, Dad, all the stuff you went through it gave me strength, like, I'm not gonna be intimidated by White America or setting, I mean, because you dealt with worse than I dealt with, you know, maybe being called the N-word and having to walk away, you know, stuff like that. So, it's like my father's strength I feel resonates in me like, like I can handle it. I can, I can do it, do it among my people, and do it on my own. Then I also had, I had three nephews, Raykwan, Tayshaun, and Jawan. And Tayshaun goes to Fayetteville State, Mike, and he's pursuing social work based on feeling. He's been watching Uncle Bruce and His words, His Word. And it's like, especially with their names, because sometimes their names are stereotype. I heard people do that raw, you know, that's the name that get the stereotype, Jawan. And I'm like, I'm proud of my sister for not switching that. Like, I'm gonna name them what I want. Those are my sons and it's like, they're my biggest influence, right? So what I mean like, like Tayshaun texts me now, it's

119 funny text while we're doing this, and it's like knowing they look up to me and to me, like, Uncle could show them how to dress like this, how to do that, but Uncle showing them how you can stay true to yourself and be intelligent and still. So, they give me the strength like I need, his lot too, like that, knowing that literally hearing me and listening, looking at me and looking at and then the Black males, right then the young Black boys that I had the honor to serve with therapy...

Eric Patient Biography Eric is a 30-year-old African American (Black) cis-gender man working in human resources. He was born, raised, and continues to reside in the South of the United. He has a bachelor’s degree and works in a corporate human resource role. Eric shared that he grew up in the South and identified having an awareness of code-switching prior to this study. He identified having an awareness of an “in-depth” knowledge of Black history and the racial dynamics between Black people and White people.

Code-switching Experience When asked about his definition of code-switching, he described it as having a connection to surviving in a predominately White professional setting. Eric also discussed the differences in his sense of comfort with his Black coworkers versus his White coworkers as well as how his comfort in the workplace was challenged when interacting with White leadership.

Eric specifically highlighted needing to be cautious about his self-expression with the White leadership.

120 Code-switching is a kind of survival skill. It's not just about changing how I speak. It's about modifying my whole presence depending on who is in, who is in the room.

Because as a Black man working as HR within the corporate finance, I constantly adjust how I express myself based on the company culture and the people I'm speaking to. It is the kind of difference between saying I feel disrespected and saying don't feel seen or supported in this environment… Now I will say when I'm talking with other Black employees during one on ones, I can speak freely. I can use cultural familiar, like familiar presence, because we talk to them and feel more openly about our shared experiences.

But when I'm presenting to executive leadership or handling sensitive issues involving a senior director, I have to switch. [I] get more measured for facial expression, [needing to] become neutral, even my vocabulary changes. I do it just to ensure I'm persistent and also professional calm and maybe credible, because I know I won't get like the benefit of doubt otherwise.

Eric shared that he had been engaging in code-switching prior to knowing the actual term.

I was introduced to code-switching before I even knew what it was. First, I started with simple instructions [such as], don't speak like that, don't like, don't speak like that in school, like, [be] all straightened up when we are around White people. Like my parents, like, were teaching me early on how to protect myself from being misunderstood, but my real awareness of it, like came in my HR job, I was leading a training session on inclusive practice, so I was kind of excited, and spoke passionately, sharing my stories about how buyers affected candidates of Color. After the session, a White colleague pulled me aside and said, you might want to, like, tone it down a bit. Some people felt maybe you were a little too intense, according to him [White colleague], but I was shocked. I thought I was

121 being clear and impactful, but it made, it made me realize that how I naturally communicate will be seen as threatening to him [White colleague]. So that's when I became very intentional about switching.

Eric also shared experiencing conflicting feelings when engaging in code-switching and reflected on a specific instance of using code-switching at work when supporting a Black coworker who was upset about prejudice against her as a Black woman.

Honestly, it felt bittersweet, I must say., Like, on one hand, I felt proud that I was able to de-escalate the situation and take the analyst’s interest. But on the other hand, I felt like I had to, like, suppress the good of our [Black] voices to be heard [by White coworkers].

So, it's frustrating, like knowing that I can only advocate effectively when I edit myself, and sometimes I walk out of meetings feeling like I've been performing. And also, I feel tired, not from the work itself, but from the emotional labor of constantly adjusting who I am. And also, code-switching gives me access, but doesn't give me peace, though, I must say that it gives me access, but it doesn't give me peace though… like it wouldn't like, make me to be who I truly am. I have to, like, edit myself, like going through all those processes. They are kind of a bit stressful, all this kind of struggle.

As he reflected on his feelings when code-switching, Eric also shared that he learned codeswitching through observing older Black people and their experience engaging in codeswitching. He described a specific interaction with an older Black male coworker.

And I remember one summer during college, I attended his [Black coworker] office at lunch, he was cracking jokes, using slangs, being his full self in the office while he was with me, but as soon as we walked into a meeting, he shifted [code-switched]. His voice

122 changed. He used formal language, and he even acted differently. So, after the meeting, I asked him why he acted like that, so differently. He said because I'm one of one in that room. You got me, that they [White coworkers] already expect, like they already expect me to slip up. So, if I speak their language, [I] give them no reason to question my professionalism. So that was my first real introduction to code-switching as a protective strategy.

When discussing racial dynamics between Black professionals and White professionals in the workplace, Eric expressed feeling as though there are “unspoken norms” that highlight Whiteness and pressure Black professionals to adhere to Whiteness.

I'll put that way, my experience of Whiteness in my workplace, it feels like it's a time that everything else gets measured against [me]. [It] is the unspoken norms from how the meeting I run is resolved to what kinds of communications [are made]. So [for example], I raised an issue about buyers in a hiring process, and it was dismissed until a White, until a White colleague said the same thing in a different tone, then suddenly it became a priority. So, because that is the power of Whiteness, it often determines whose voice gets ahead and whose doesn't. So, I navigate it carefully, but I never forgot, never forget…

Eric continued by expressing the challenge of being authentic, and he identified key factors that contribute to his ability to feel comfortable and to be authentic when navigating Whiteness and the workplace. He explained the connection between psychological safety and being authentic.

Firstly, representation matters. When I see other Black professionals in leadership, in leadership roles, particularly other Blacks, other Black men. It is seen now to me that there is room to grow, and that I'm not the exception in the room, and I'm part of the

123 standard. Secondly, it takes psychological safety. Takes psychological safety, and I want to be able to, like, speak honestly, especially around issues of race, equity or bias, without having to soften my words of fear being labeled too sensitive or divisive. Belonging means like. I don't have to constantly be measured [and evaluated] by, you know [Whiteness], checking on how I'm being perceived, just to feel safe itself, for example.

He also shared the difficulty of navigating how to adjust himself and be authentic when engaging in code-switching. Eric described the benefits and challenges when code-switching.

I will say, like, professionally, like, yes, because it [code-switching] opens doors. It opens doors like, it allows me to climb the ladder and sit at decision making tables. Tell me a lot, like [code-switching] tells me [how to] diffuse conflict. Be like, be seen as a safe HR partner. But the downside is, downside is, that sometimes it forces me to hide parts of myself. I'm often the only black man in a meeting and I have to be extra cautious about how I, how I shoot [and provide] criticisms [to coworkers] so people's emotional strength [would not be wounded] and sometimes [this adjustment] disconnected [me] from my authentic self.

Remaining Participant Biographies Valerian Valerian is a 28-year-old African American (Black) cis-gender man working in technology. He was born, raised, and continues to reside in the South of the United States. He has a bachelor’s degree and works in a corporate technology company. Valerian shared that he grew up in the South and identified having an awareness of code-switching prior to this study.

He identified having an awareness of an “in-depth” knowledge of Black history and the racial

124 dynamics between Black people and White people. Valerian shared that he engaged in codeswitching before he learned the actual term. He shared that he learned to code-switch from observing his mother. Valerian shared that he grew up being authentic in his home environment.

He shared that his parents encouraged him to have pride in his Black culture as well as expressed that his parents and close family members emphasized the need to adjust himself to be considered professional.

Ceith Ceith is a 37-year-old African American (Black) cis-gender man working in higher education. He was born and raised in the South of the United States. He has a doctorate degree and teaches at a local university. He shared that he recently moved to the East Coast for the university teaching position and had been working in the South prior to the move; he also worked in various social work roles prior to teaching. Ceith shared that he grew up in the South and identified having an awareness of code-switching prior to this study. He identified having an awareness of an “in-depth” knowledge of Black history and the racial dynamics between Black people and White people from attending a Historically Black College University (HBCU) in the South. Ceith explained that he grew up with his grandmother as his primary caregiver.

He explained that he engaged in code-switching as early as elementary school, and he explained that he had not learned the actual term prior to engaging in code-switching. He shared that he learned to code-switch from observing his grandmother, and he learned from stories told by his professors during his time at the HBCU. Ceith shared that he grew up being authentic in his home environment; he described being authentic at home as not adjusting his dialect and speaking causally and freely without filtering his self-expression in any way. Ceith explained that he could be passionate and emphatic as he pleased. He shared that his family and HBCU

125 community encouraged him to have pride in his Black culture as well as expressed that his grandmother, professional mentors, and HBCU community emphasized the need to adjust himself to be considered professional.

Bob Bob is a 30-year-old African American (Black) cis-gender man working in physical therapy. He was born, raised, and continues to reside in the South of the United States. He has a bachelor’s degree and expressed that he is currently working in a physical therapy corporate setting. Bob shared that he grew up in the South and identified having an awareness of codeswitching prior to this study. He identified having an awareness of and knowledge of Black history and the racial dynamics between Black people and White people. Bob shared that he grew up with his parents and primarily learned to code-switch from older Black co-workers and watching prominent Black professionals such former President Barack Obama and former Vice President Kamala Harris. He shared that he initially heard the term three years ago. Bob expressed having pride in his Black culture. He noted that he also did not know that his parents code-switched until he learned the term. He shared that he made the intentional choice to “strategically” code-switch at work. Bob also shared an awareness of racism against Black people by White people that influenced his decision to code-switch.

Yasuke Yasuke is a 33-year-old African American (Black) cis-gender man working in social work. He was born and raised on the East Coast of the United States. He has a master’s degree in social work and has worked in various social work roles. He shared that he grew up on the East Coast and identified having an awareness of code-switching prior to this study. He identified

126 having an awareness of an “in-depth” knowledge of Black history and the racial dynamics between Black people and White people. Yasuke shared that he grew up with his biological parents as his primary caregivers.

He explained that he engaged in code-switching as early as elementary school, and he explained that he had not learned the actual term prior to engaging in code-switching. He shared that he learned to code-switch from observing his parents, coaches when playing tennis, and he learned from predominately Black television shows. Yasuke explained that he was very aware of racism and microaggressions against Black people during his childhood years and adulthood.

Yasuke shared that he grew up being authentic in his home environment. He shared that his coaches and parents encouraged him to have pride in his Black culture as well as expressed that his parents, coaches, and older Black coworkers emphasized the need to adjust himself to be considered professional.

John John is a 35-year-old African American (Black) cis-gender man working in marketing.

He was born and raised on the West Coast of the United States. He has a bachelor’s degree and works currently in marketing on the West Coast. He shared that he grew up on the West Coast and identified having an awareness of code-switching prior to this study. He identified having an awareness of an “in-depth” knowledge of Black history and the racial dynamics between Black people and White people from his parents who taught him about Black history in great detail, since they both attended HBCUs. John shared that he grew up with his biological parents as his primary caregivers.

127 He explained that he engaged in code-switching as early as elementary school, and he explained that he had learned the actual term prior to engaging in code-switching from his parents. He shared that he learned to code-switch from observing his parents and listening to his parents’ stories. John explained that he was very aware of racism and microaggressions against Black people during his childhood years and adulthood. John shared that he grew up being authentic in his home environment. He shared that his parents encouraged him to have pride in his Black culture as well as expressed that his parents emphasized the need to adjust himself to be considered professional.

Jamar Jamar is a 37-year-old African American (Black) cis-gender man working in social work.

He was born, raised, and resides in the East Coast of the United States. He has a master’s degree in social work and works currently in a clinical role. Jamar shared that he has worked in various social roles across the country. He shared that he grew up on the East Coast and identified having an awareness of code-switching prior to this study. He identified having an awareness of an “indepth” knowledge of Black history and the racial dynamics between Black people and White people from his HBCU. Jamar shared that he grew up in foster care and identified his grandmother as his primary caregiver.

He explained that he engaged in code-switching during his undergraduate program but has built his career on authenticity and “being as authentic as possible” in each professional setting. Jamar explained that he had learned the actual term after engaging in code-switching. He shared that he learned the concept of code-switching from conversations with his Black coworkers, community members, and professors in his academic program. Jamar explained that he was very aware of racism and microaggressions against Black people. He shared that he grew

128 up being authentic in his home environment. He shared that his grandmother and community members encouraged him to have pride in his Black culture. He expressed that his professors emphasized the need to adjust himself to be considered professional, but Jamar declined to incorporate code-switching in his approach to professionalism and instead prioritized authenticity.

CD CD is a 35-year-old African American (Black) cis-gender man working in social work.

He was born and raised on the East Coast of the United States. He has a master’s degree in social work and works currently in a social work role on the East Coast. CD has worked in multiple social work roles in the East Coast prior to his current role. He shared that he grew up on the East Coast and identified having an awareness of code-switching prior to this study. He identified having an awareness of and knowledge of Black history and the racial dynamics between Black people and White people. CD shared that he grew up with his biological mother as his primary caregiver.

He explained that he engaged in code-switching as early as high school, and he explained that he had been engaging in code-switching prior to learning the term. CD explained that he learned the term in his academic program while attending his university. He shared that he learned to code-switch from observing his mother and listening to his current supervisor’s, who attended an HBCU, stories of caution about needing to adjusting himself. CD explained that he was very aware of racism and microaggressions against Black people. CD shared that he grew up being authentic in his home environment. He shared that his mother encouraged him to have pride in his Black culture as well as expressed that his mother and current supervisor emphasized the need to adjust himself to be considered professional.

129 Luke Luke is a 33-year-old African American (Black) cis-gender man working in social work.

He was born and raised on the East Coast of the United States. He has a master’s degree in social work and works currently in a social work role in the South. He shared that he grew up on the East Coast and identified having an awareness of code-switching prior to this study. He identified having an awareness of an “in-depth” knowledge of Black history and the racial dynamics between Black people and White people during his undergraduate program. He also mentioned that he studied African culture and connection to Black history during his study abroad in West Africa. Luke shared that he grew up with his biological parents as his primary caregivers.

He explained that he engaged in code-switching as early as middle school, and he explained that he had been engaging in code-switching prior to having learned the actual term.

Luke shared that he did not learn the term until his undergraduate program during an “African American literature class.” He shared that he learned to code-switch from observing his grandmother, older Black community members, listening to his father’s teachings about adjusting himself, and listening to his grandmother’s stories of navigating Whiteness in the South. Luke explained that he was very aware of racism and microaggressions against Black people during his adulthood and experienced racism directly during his undergraduate program.

Luke shared that he grew up being authentic in his home environment. He shared that his parents and grandmother encouraged him to have pride in his Black culture as well as expressed that his grandmother emphasized the need to adjust himself to be considered professional.

130 Williams Williams is a 35-year-old African American (Black) cis-gender man working in management. He was born and raised in the African country of Ghana. 3 He has a bachelor’s degree and works currently in a corporate management role on the West Coast. He shared that he grew up in Ghana and identified having an awareness of code-switching prior to this study. He identified having an awareness of and knowledge of Black history and the racial dynamics between Black people and White people. Williams shared that he grew up with his biological parents as his primary caregivers.

He explained that he observed people adjusting themselves based on who was around as early as elementary school, and he explained that he had learned the actual term prior to Williams’ directly engaging in code-switching from his White mentor in his workplace. He shared that he learned to code-switch from observing his mentor and listening to his mentor’s stories of caution about how to navigate the professional environment. Williams explained that he was aware of racism against Black people during his but denied experiencing it directly.

Williams shared that he grew up being authentic in his home environment. He shared that his mentor encouraged him to have pride in his Black culture as well as expressed that his mentor emphasized the need to adjust himself to be considered professional.

Corey Corey is a 43-year-old African American (Black) cis-gender man working in social work.

He was born and raised on the West Coast of the United States. He has a doctorate degree and Although Williams was born in Ghana, he meets the inclusion criteria and identifies as a Black male professional and experiences the workplace as a Black man. He shared that he is regarded by his White counterparts as a Black man in his professional environment. His participation serves as reminder that experiencing the predominantly White workplace is not a monolithic experience for all Black professionals.

3

131 works currently in a social work role on the West Coast. Corey also identified having served in the military prior to his social work role. He shared that he grew up on the West Coast and identified having an awareness of code-switching prior to this study. He identified having an awareness of an “in-depth” knowledge of Black history and the racial dynamics between Black people and White people. Corey shared that he grew up with his biological parents as his primary caregivers.

He explained that he engaged in code-switching in his high school years but observed code-switching as early as five years old from his grandmother. Corey explained that he had learned the actual term prior to him directly engaging in code-switching; he learned codeswitching from observing his grandmother at an early age, listening to his father’s stories of caution, and watching predominately Black television shows. He shared that he learned to codeswitch from listening to older Black supervisors as well as their stories of caution. Corey explained that he was very aware of racism and microaggressions against Black people. Corey shared that he grew up being authentic in his home environment. He shared that his parents encouraged him to have pride in his Black culture as well as expressed that his father and Black male supervisor in the military emphasized the need to adjust himself to be considered professional. Corey explained that he prioritizes authenticity when having to code-switch. He emphasized the importance of being himself authentically rather than engaging in codeswitching as much as he had earlier in his career. Authenticity is at the core of how he expresses himself in professional settings now that he is in a position of leadership and authority.

Gabe Gabe is a 34-year-old African American (Black) cis-gender man working in the military.

He was born and raised in the South of the United States. He has a bachelor’s degree and is

132 actively working on his master’s degree in social work. Gabe is currently stationed and working in a leadership position in the military in the South. Gabe also identified having served in the military for his entire career. He shared that he grew up in the South and identified having an awareness of code-switching prior to this study. He identified having an awareness of an “indepth” knowledge of Black history and the racial dynamics between Black people and White people as well as the racism against Black people in the form of microaggressions; he learned Black history and the oppression against Black people by White people from his HBCU. He also shared that he became a member of a historically Black fraternity while in his undergraduate program and remains active in it as well; his fraternity advocates for advancing social justice, especially for People of Color. Gabe shared that he grew up with his biological parents as his primary caregivers.

He explained that he engaged in code-switching early in his high school years. Gabe explained that he had been engaging in code-switching prior to learning the actual term. He learned code-switching from observing his parents, stories of caution from his professors at his HBCU, stories of caution from his Black male supervisor who was a 3-star general in the military at the time, and watching predominately Black television shows. Gabe shared that he grew up being authentic in his home environment. He shared that his parents and HBCU community encouraged him to have pride in his Black culture as well as expressed that his parents, HBCU professors, and Black male 3-star general in the military emphasized the need to adjust himself to be considered professional.

133 Themes Adjusting for Professional Survival The writer chose the name of this theme when reflecting on the participants’ emphasis on the adjusting aspect of code-switching when navigating their workplaces. The participants emphasized adjusting as a major aspect of code-switching as well as their “survival.” The writer noticed that the participants utilized “survival” as needing to maintain employment, income, opportunities for professional advancement in order maintain their families, their support for their communities, and themselves when navigating the psychological danger in the workplace.

The “survival” was limited to professional settings which inspired the writer to name the theme as adjusting for professional survival. Adjusting for professional survival is meant to depict the urgency and pressure the participants felt regarding maintaining their employment as well as the adjustment it takes to maintain their employment.

Adjusting for professional survival is the notion that the participants felt that they needed to change their mannerisms, demeanor, dialect, and self-expression in order to adhere to the dominant culture present, Whiteness. Multiple participants (Voltron, Semaj, Dierks, Bruce, Eric, Valerian, Ceith, Bob, Yasuke, John, CD, Luke, Williams, Corey, and Gabe) mentioned that adjusting their self-expression through code-switching allowed them access to professional advancement and a greater sense of psychological safety in the workplace. The participants described keeping their employment and being positively perceived by their White counterparts, especially supervisors, as motivators for code-switching. The Black male professionals of this study also identified avoiding being alienated and avoiding encountering racism as additional motivations for using code-switching as a survival method. The participants discussed surviving

134 the workplace as a need to maintain employment to support themselves, their families, and community.

Adjusting for professional survival also describes the participants’ experience of implicitly understanding and feeling pressured to “assimilate” to White culture in order to be perceived as professional. Multiple participants explained that they felt that they needed to adjust their self-expression in order to advance or secure professional opportunities. When asked about how not adjusting would impact their career, the participants mentioned either losing advancement opportunities directly, observing others lose these career opportunities, or not being able to ever advance, making adjusting their self-expression feel essential when navigating predominantly White professional environments.

Voltron explained that code-switching was needed in order to navigate his professional environment. He felt that adjusting his self-expression kept him in alignment with White priorities in the workplace; therefore he became less of a threat to Whiteness. The psychological danger of losing employment, negatively impacting his family’s financial wellbeing, is lessened by engaging in code-switching for Voltron. “…you have to code-switch and adapt to that environment so you’re able to get your point across.” Semaj also shared this emphasis on the need to code-switch in order to survive. His survival encompassed not becoming a psychological threat to Whiteness. Semaj felt that he needed to adhere to Whiteness in the workplace in order to maintain his career and avoid being outcast by his White counterparts that influenced his employment and career trajectory. Semaj asserted that being adjustable is essential for surviving as a Black male professional.

135 For us, it's Black people, especially, we have to, like, mimic our areas to certain places to survive. And that's what code switching means to me…that ability to be adaptable, but to also survive in a situation and mimic our surroundings.

Dierks also emphasized the need to adjust himself to advance in his workplace.

This isn't just about the workplace attitude, [it is about a] start to survival like and assimilation, like learning about resistance and expression [despite the oppression] that duressed us [Black people]. [Black] history really helped me recognize that switching is part of a long pattern of us navigating systems not made for us.

Bruce also shared feeling the pressure to adapt in predominately White environments, especially as a Black man. “Adapting, doing what we got to do, to adapt right, in certain situations…unfortunate society, we in, especially minorities, that we do have to code-switch often.”

The theme of adapting to survive continued through the sequential participant interviews as well. Eric shared that code-switching helps to “open doors” and “get access” that otherwise would not be granted to him when he is willing to adapt his self-expression.

It opens doors like, it allows me to climb the ladder and sit at decision making tables… I have to be extra cautious about how I shoot [provide] criticisms [to others], so it is emotional strength and sometimes it’s disconnected from my authentic self.

Valerian explained that he also experienced code-switching as a meaningful survival method. “…code-switching might cause you [to have] influence and help me like, move up to like, move up the ladder… the strategy for survival, but also a reminder of like space, like spaces we still

136 don't only belong to.” Ceith provided that he also felt pressure to code-switch in order to advance in the early part of his career.

I kind of felt like it had to be done to gain access to resources or I have to appeal to this person, because I have to deal with them at the professional level, or they are the people who are going to write my, uh, evaluations up, or whatever, you know what I'm saying.

Bob’s experience also highlighted the importance of adapting in predominately White professional spaces. “I'm easily adaptable. So, I try anywhere I find myself, I easily find myself to fit in as much. I'm able to look at the rules and regulations that that is being used there, so I can easily navigate through.” Yasuke cautioned that the code-switching is “the default” and needed in order to navigate the workplace. “…the default is the code-switch, and to be as close to Whiteness, so that, like, you're safe… I feel like, in every decision I make, I'm like…what implications will [this] have for me and my family?” John explained that code-switching, as a strategy, helps him to advance and gain acceptance in the workplace. “Switching has helped me to advance in my career by presenting myself in a way that's attractive to employers and clients… I've been able to build a strong professional network and secure job opportunities.” CD discussed that he was taught and experienced that Black people have to code-switch in order to advance in their career while White colleagues are able to be more freely and authentically without a fear and awareness of consequences since the White counterpart is a part of the dominant culture. “...predominantly, you predominantly Black and Brown folks use it. White folks don't have the quote, unquote code-switch. And we kind of code-switch to, kind of like, go up the ladder.”

Luke also contributed to the theme by explaining the pressure he felt to code-switch in his career until he became self-employed.

137 “I almost always code-switch. It was like, you want this job, right? You better go ahead and talk like these folks... So you need to make sure you are fitting in with this. So, like, I, most of the time, always code-switch.”

Williams continued the theme as well when he discussed the importance of code-switching as an adaptive strategy. “…adapting to standards, sometimes to feel needed, to feel some necessity, to gain some credibility. You know, which and those things are actually the key reason about codeswitching and literally existing in several corporate environments.” Corey also explained that code-switching was useful in helping him navigate the workplace when he did choose to codeswitch.

Code-switching for me…it just basically survived by trying to have certain goals that I want to get to, and I want nobody to bother me, so I do what I have to do… not talking, not speaking, not sharing, my opinion…

Gabe also experienced code-switching as necessity earlier in his career. “…in my professional setting, it's almost a necessity, if, and I hate to say that, but it's almost a necessity… put you on a level field, right? But it's not going to use the acceptance that you might think…”

Navigating Whiteness in Professionalism The writer chose the name of this theme by focusing on the participants frequent use of the term “navigate” when describing their strategic movement through the workplace and any psychological danger associated with the workplace. The writer observed that the participants’ experiences depicted their workplaces as having twists and turns when describing the psychological dangers of risking employment and being outcast through microaggressions, systemic barriers to career advancement, and social rejection in the workplace. The writer also

138 made note of Luke’s description of Whiteness as a system which aligned with the writer’s definition. When combining the participants’ use of navigating and Luke’s description of Whiteness as a system, especially in the context of professional standards in their workplaces, the writer was inspired to name the theme navigating Whiteness in professionalism.

Navigating Whiteness in professionalism is a theme that depicts the uncertainty and psychological danger of losing employment, denied career opportunities, and professional outcast felt by participants (Voltron, Semaj, Dierks, Bruce, Eric, Valerian, Ceith, Yasuke, John, Jamar, CD, Luke, Williams, Corey, and Gabe) when navigating Whiteness. The theme also highlights the participants’ need for caution when navigating interactions with Whiteness in the workplace as well as the communicated caution from parents, older Black coworkers, and Black community members about navigating interactions with White counterparts in which racism can be present. Navigating Whiteness in professionalism also conveys the participants’ discussion of being vigilant when navigating Whiteness and how the historical oppression of Black people by White people can be repeated in the present when the Black male professional is navigating Whiteness in the predominately White professional environment.

The theme highlights the perceived judgment that the participants felt in the workplace by their White counterparts when the Black professionals expressed themselves authentically or considered being authentic in the workplace. The Black professionals were aware of the danger of being outcast professionally if they could not align themselves with Whiteness. Whiteness, as the dominant culture, held strong influence over the participants' careers and professional stability. The participant’s professional stability would be threatened if the Black professionals were outcast by the White professionals, especially White professionals that decided or influenced career advancement. The participants described being professionally outcast as being

139 barred from promotions, being fired, and being socially excluded within the workplace. The theme includes the participants’ concerns about differences in expectations for Black professionals than White professionals. The Black professionals explained that the standards and expectations for professionalism did not include Black cultural self -expressions such as emphatic speech when being passionate, Black cultural references when giving examples, or body language that communicates passion.

The Black professionals shared that they felt that these cultural expressions were evaluated by their White counterparts as being “too intense.” The participants felt that these judgements of being “too intense” hindered their career advancement during evaluations by their White counterparts. Valerian specifically highlighted this theme with his experience of having to be aware of his body language when speaking to his executives.

When I'm presenting to executive leadership or handling sensitive issues involving a senior director, I have to switch…get more measured for facial expression, become neutral, even my vocabulary changes. I do it just to ensure I'm persistent and also professionally calm and maybe credible, because I know I won't get like, the benefit of doubt otherwise.

Ceith also highlighted the caution of not being completely authentic during his early interactions with a White supervisor who was criticizing his fellow Black intern for her dialect. Ceith shared that the White supervisor mocked the way the Black female intern spoke, and Ceith explained feeling powerless to challenge the White supervisor for fear that the White supervisor would professionally lash out on him by means of unjust administrative action or removing him from the practicum.

140 And so I wonder what you would think about me if, um, if you actually heard me talking to like, friends or family or whatever… I wasn't being my full, authentic self, and I allowed this woman, one to say these things and get away with it...

Yasuke explained that there can also be significant consequences for not considering how his White colleagues.

Don't make White people uncomfortable, or else they'll have drastic consequences [for you as a Black professional]... like, it's talking to from the principal, versus like, oh, like, I might be fired from my job, which is something that that I've had to learn…

John also shared feeling a sense of risk and psychological danger if he cannot adhere to the White standard. He highlighted the consequences such as being professionally outcast as well as racism by means of microaggressions such as passive aggressive jokes that mock Black culture and further professionally isolates the Black professional who does not adhere to Whiteness. John’s sense of racism also included systemic barriers specifically targeting Black professionals in which the Black professionals are not able to advance in their careers or lose employment at the workplace.

We are Black, so sometimes, most of the things we do, people don't really like, they are not really content. They still see it. Maybe there is just a little mistake. Maybe you just dress on sometimes, maybe the way you dressed, just a little bit mistake in your dressing, you'll still see it and still complain about it, even if they are not complaining to you, you'll face a kind of mocking sometimes, if you're not able to do it like them, even if it's just a little bit different between yours and theirs, you still face that kind of, that kind of, this

141 mocking, because you are Black and they are White, so it's just something that causes racism sometimes.

Jamar expressed that he has experienced a difference in expectations as well that microaggressions by means of passive aggressive stares and targeting language in workplace policies that limit expression of Black culture in the workplace. The microaggressions in the workplace policies also include consequences for not adhering to company norms that are rooted solely in Whiteness. The microaggressions implicitly communicate that the Black professionals are not welcomed nor will be tolerated if they cannot adhere to Whiteness.

They're very shallow, shallow policies, and they're only rules, rules made by me, but not for thee, right? So you'll, you'll see people making these rules in the same institutions, and not all, not all, but even in when you call talk about White supremacy, they do it all the time. They make these rules for the goose, the gander doesn't follow the same rules.

They have a different set of rules.

CD shared feeling a sense of hypervigilance when navigating the workplace. “… keep a space that's safe and comfortable for people where I don't feel offended, they don't feel offended, or am I getting like, you know, emailed a call from HR, kind of thing…I go about my business …I'm hypervigilant.”

Luke discussed the challenges of navigating a dominating Whiteness.

It’s not hard to be Black. It's hard to be Black in a system created for White folks, like, it's hard to be Black when racism is functioning… it's only the systems that are created, like Whiteness, White supremacy and racism, that actually make it difficult for us.

142 Williams also acknowledged that Whiteness sets the standards for professionalism and that he must adjust to these standards to be perceived as professional We casually consider what is professional, yeah, you know, for instance, a certain, you know, communication style, speech, you know, patterns, even the dress code that I said the other time, dress code, they are actually rooted in dominant culture, that's what I actually feel. I remember these things about Whiteness.

The theme also appeared across Corey’s experience as he explained the caution of being aware of what he said as a Black professional “..if you say something to a certain person, and they might take it the wrong way, this, that other or, you know, you don't know what they can do to your career…” Gabe highlighted a felt sense of pressure to adhere to the dominant culture and consequences for not adhering to Whiteness. He also highlighted the pressure of having to simply endure the microaggressions from his White counterparts, so he does not upset them if he were to call out the microaggressions, causing them to lash out on him by using their professional connections to damage his career trajectory. “Micro, microaggressions, jokes… you feel as though you really can't be yourself, because it might be looked at a certain type of way, right, but you feel like you might have to talk a certain type of way.”

“Be Authentic as Possible” The writer chose the name of this theme when noticing the participants’ emphasis on authenticity, especially as a priority when in positions of authority. The participants expressed strong desire to be authentic when expressing themselves in the workplace. However, there was often an internal struggle between this desire and the automatic process of needing to codeswitch in order to feel emotionally and psychologically safe within the workplace. The theme’s

143 name is meant to highlight this struggle as well as the tension between what feels right for the participants and what feels permissible. The theme’s name is meant to highlight the tension between the participants’ desire to be themselves and the challenge of overcoming the automatic nature of code-switching; it is then a challenge of figuring out who can they be as Black professionals and the cost associated with this choice. When Jamar utilized the phrase of “be authentic as possible” as a description, the writer was inspired to use his quote as the name for the theme.

“Be authentic as possible” conveys the participants’ challenges of maintaining authenticity when navigating predominantly White professional environments. The theme accounts for the participants’ (Voltron, Semaj, Dierks, Bruce, Eric, Valerian, Ceith, Bob, Yasuke, John, Jamar, CD, Luke, Williams, Corey, and Gabe) dilemma of how to express themselves as they navigate the pressure to assimilate to the Whiteness in the workplace. The theme also expresses the participants’ desire to be themselves as authentically as possible, even when deciding to code-switch. “Be authentic as possible” highlights the emotional toil of codeswitching and the challenge of navigating how much authenticity is possible for the Black professional in the workplace. “Be authentic as possible” also describes the participants’ description of “losing a piece of yourself” when engaging in code-switching. The theme encompasses the participants’ challenge of navigating authentic self-expression when navigating Whiteness; this theme also highlights the participants’ discussion about prioritizing being authentic even at the cost of losing professional opportunities.

Valerian specifically highlighted a desire for the workplace to value his authentic and culturally grounded self-expression.

144 While code-switching is a necessary tool, I also hold hope for environments that don’t require it to the same extent. I think many of us are looking toward futures where authenticity and cultural expression aren't penalized in professional contexts but embraced and understood as valuable…code-switching often requires a separation of self who I am at work vs. who I am with my community. That kind of emotional compartmentalization has long-term effects on well-being and identity, and I think it's important to name that as part of the cost.

Ceith explained his experience and challenge of navigating authenticity in his professionalism.

I think this is like a survivor, survival mechanism. It's all about survival, and you get wrapped up into it so much that you get to this place where you think you made it and you lost it. You know, I'm saying, like you lost identity, you lost self, and you have to go back and try to rediscover [yourself] or you are conflicted with who you are as a person…

Bob explained that he limits his code-switching to a non-emotional level of adjustment and works to be himself as authentically as possible. “I just need to do it in a way that is not going to be an effect on me. But I still need to be myself. So, it's just a little, a little change at the moment.”

Yasuke discussed the challenges of deciding whether to be authentic or to code-switch.

I put on this, like, White person smile, and was like, how are you doing, and whatever, and I just, it's like, exhausting, because, like, in my head, like, outwardly I'm smiling, and really, I'm like, hating this. So, because it feels exhausting, it feels unnatural. And it's like a mask that I'm putting on, so that I think of it like insurance, like, like you don't need it

145 until you need it. And so, what I'm conveying is that, like I'm safe, or like, I'm making you more comfortable. So that's, so that like, you'll leave me alone, or like, , I'll be able to ask for something later. It's very, like, very much for me, like, it's very much at work, at least, it's very contract, contractual, because that's how I think of it. Be nice to this person, because you never know, like, if meaning to ask for something later. And I'll put on my best White person voice, or like my White guy voice, and I'll smile, I'll offer to help. But it really, I'm like, I can care less. I just want to make this money. I go home.

John depicted the difficulty of deciding how to express himself when considering authenticity. “I feel like I'm faking something like, you know, both switching can be exhausting… constantly switching between different languages, behaviors and cultural norms… performing differentials, and it can be hard to keep track of which me I'm supposed to be.” Jamar explained that he prioritizes authenticity as a core of his professionalism even if it causes him to lose opportunities while gaining others. “I think authenticity, for me, has gotten me different places. I'm not like to go along, get along type. And I think people appreciate that. I've lost a lot of opportunities, and I've gained a lot of opportunities that way.”

CD also emphasized how he works to incorporate authenticity into his navigation of the workplace.

I do what I have to do in the intercession early, but I try, I try to be my true, authentic self without having to close with as much, because it's sometimes, it is exhausting, but I'm still mindful of it.

Luke discussed that he was able to be more authentic once reaching a certain level in his career.

146 I honestly try to avoid Whiteness like the plague, honestly. So, like, I don't know if I was in a White space, like, if an organization reached out, like a college or something reached out and was like, hey, we want you to come. I now, I have my own spin on it. Though it's like, I'm not gonna come in and be like, Yo, what's popping. But I still bring my own unique flair to my work. Now it should like my office, my authenticity shows up now, whereas before, it was more like I was being just this, like stereotypical, like I was trying to be like, Yeah, you know, kind of that tight ass kind of, I don't even know how to really explain it, but now I'm more like, Yo, if they asking for me, they're gonna get me in my authentic like, they're gonna get me living my truth. Like, hey, if you don't like the way I'm talking, dressing, whatever like, to get somebody else to do it. Because I'm in a position now where I can say, No, I'm good…

Williams also shared that he feels authentic when code-switching by limiting his code-switching to the adaptation and not allowing for an emotional toll. “…it doesn't have to be emotional.

Yeah, it doesn't have to be. There's no emotional cost, because it's just a normal and right way to code-switch when the time, like at some appropriate time to code- switch.”

Corey explained the importance of being himself and being in a position in his career to prioritize authenticity.

I kind of like put myself in a position now where you know, if I don't like the way I feel, if I don't like the way what I'm doing or how they treat me, I could just leave if I feel like I'm happy, or I can't just be myself, of course, in a professional manner, or my thoughts are not valued, then I just leave.

147 Gabe’s experience also supported the importance of authenticity and reaching a certain level in his career to prioritize authenticity.

I think that authenticity, authenticity always, you know, prevails, right? It does, but at the same time, you got to get to that point. You got to get to that point, right? If you coming out the gate, you know what I mean, if I'm coming out the gate being unapologetically, you know what I mean? That might mean too much.

Responsibility to the Culture The writer chose the name of the theme after noticing the participants in positions of authority’s consistent emphasis on maintaining their employment and positions to be able to care for their families, community members, and younger Black professionals. The participants mentioned an awareness of needing to maintain their positions and the positive impact their presence has on others; they prioritized being able to make a positive impact financially and socially even at the risk of continuing to be exposed to psychological danger in the workplace.

The participants were willing to prioritize being able to being able to make impact over their over psychological and emotional wellbeing. The writer also noticed that Corey described a need to “protect the culture” from being interpreted and warped by those “outside of the culture.” The writer understood the participants’ prioritizing others over their discomfort and frustration as a responsibility. When Voltron highlighted that culture is strongly tied to the people that carry the culture, the writer combined Voltron’s notion and the participants’ sense of responsibility to create the theme’s name as responsibility to the culture.

Responsibility to the culture depicts the participants (Voltron, Semaj, Dierks, Bruce, Ceith, Yasuke, Jamar, Luke, Corey, and Gabe) felt sense of duty to gain and maintain higher

148 positions in their careers in order to assist the younger Black professionals in obtaining career advancement without having to sacrifice the younger Black professionals’ sense of authenticity.

Responsibility to the culture depicts the participants’ felt sense of responsibility to care for and be “an example” for the younger Black professionals in the workplace regarding encouraging authenticity; this theme discusses the participants’ desire to help and assist their Black community’s navigation of Whiteness regarding encouraging authenticity in the workplace.

Responsibility to the culture also highlights the participants’ navigation of the workplace and their overall career can impact their community. The theme also reflects the participants’ sense of duty and responsibility to their families to financially provide and maintain their employment which they state is a motivation to continue code-switching in their current role. Responsibility to the culture encompasses the participants’ feelings of obligation to also “protect” Black culture by maintaining a sense of authenticity while navigating Whiteness in the workplace. The theme also highlights the participants’ awareness of conflicting emotions about code-switching and how those conflicting emotions can maintain a sense of Whiteness when adhering to the dominant culture.

Valerian shared his experience of desiring to help a younger Black colleague not feeling pressured to assimilate to Whiteness.

I feel a solidarity, and I know the pressure they are under, and I respect that, I think it’s a reminder that we still have to do all these things to be seen as competent or safe. I also remember being in a meeting like with a younger colleague when he was like watching someone [code-switch], I knew exactly what he was doing, and I wish he didn't have to.

Ceith expressed feelings a sense of responsibility and desire to assist younger Black professionals feel empowered to express themselves authentically.

149 So, what's most value to me is being able to assist other people who may not traditionally have those access to resources, to say, hey, man, you can do this, and you don't have to look or present in like this to be in this space.

Ceith also discussed feeling a sense of responsibility and pressure to be a representation of Black culture when navigating predominately White professional environments early in his career as well.

But it's a reflection on us as a department or as a university or as Black people…because of the history. And my professors, also being Black, were familiar with that history it… was like, hey, look, don't make us look bad.

Yasuke explained that he prioritizes his family’s wellbeing over his own exhaustion when navigating Whiteness.

Like, with my relationship with Whiteness, it's been exhausting journey, and I'm still gonna have to deal with it like, I think about it like as a parent, like I have a daughter and I have a son who I'm like, I think I just don't. It brings a different layer to it, because do what you ever like, do what you want to me, but like, if you come from my kids, like, it's just it, there's a whole level of fear and helplessness, but also, like, of what I'm looking for, oh, like strength, because I want to be this, like, I want to be a particular person, like for my kids. I want my kids to have a better future than me or my wife.

Jamar emphasizes his sense of responsibility to serve his community within his professional expertise.

I stand on, being an urban professional in every realm I go… urban professionals are those that deal with vulnerable population, vulnerable populations within inner cities,

150 those that grew up with certain backgrounds, certain demographics, that are unique to the urban experience… They want to know how much you care. There's that, a big care element in working with urban populations, that a lot of folks in the dominant society tend to go a little more on a numeric route… Basically, where they're going by numbers.

And we need quotas. That's what you call the quote, quotas and the urban professional doesn't, they go for the more care element of working with people...

Luke shared feeling a sense of responsibility to his Black community when he pressed on to continue graduate college despite experiencing overt racism. He emphasized feeling responsibility to graduate due to the level of support from his community.

But I think my community was the biggest thing. Like, if I didn't have those three other Black men there that, like, I knew I had to have my back, like I absolutely would have left, I wouldn't have made it through the first semester of college.

Luke also shared that he felt a sense of responsibility to support other Black people and how he explained his emphasis of providing support to Black clients as a clinician. “I was like, that is exactly why we have to support ourselves like we have to support each other… we're gonna do our thing at the end of the day…I'm like, Issa Rae. I'm rooting for everybody Black.” Corey expressed a desire and sense of responsibility to protect Black culture and maintain its integrity from Whiteness.

I think it was more protective of our culture, compared to how it is now, where we just let everybody in our culture…we were more aware of our culture and what it is and we kind of gate keep it a little bit more compared to how it is now, where, you know, this is, you know, in the era of the internet, where anybody can get access to it…they [White people]

151 don't understand our culture…they still don’t understand that they might take it a different way. And you know, you just gotta protect the culture.

Corey also highlighted his sense of responsibility to assist his younger Black subordinates about “playing the game” and the challenges that come with navigating Whiteness in the professional environment.

I'm a supervisor, is like this, my status quo kind of, is like the young, especially Black male and Black females, who are my coworkers, who just getting into the game. It's just, I'm at the age now where, you know, I’m a little bit more, have a little bit more experience, not as, not specifically smarts, but just from the world, so to speak. As you know, this is by default, as a motor. It, basically what it is now is, is making sure that they know, kind of like what the game is now, just like how somebody taught me the game when I was 19, 20, 21 years old…

Gabe discussed and emphasized the importance of holding his leadership position in order to assist the younger generation of Black professionals.

I know how deep seated racism is…I don't look at code-switching in terms of, you know, trying to assimilate the culture of looking at it more is, you know, maintaining kind of my position…in order to help the next generation, help the next young [Black] person that's coming up the you know, they might want to do what, what I'm doing in the military, or whether it's military, whether it's just, you know, you know, just be successful in life, you know…

152 “Playing the Game” The writer chose the name of this theme when considering the participants’ consistent references of having to urgently understand the implicit communication about the rules of navigating interactions with Whiteness in professional settings. The participants spoke in great detail about having to implicit understand the higher expectations for Black professionals in the workplaces as taught to them by older Black professionals. The writer noticed that the participants described this difference in standards through colloquialisms such as “getting along to get along” and a more modern phrase of “playing the game.” When Corey expressed that he was taught to code-switch from an older Black supervisor as “playing the game” without the supervisor using actual term code-switching, the writer was inspired to name the theme “playing the game.”

“Playing the Game” accounts for the participants’ (Voltron, Semaj, Dierks, Bruce, Eric, Valerian, Ceith, Bob, Yasuke, John, Jamar, CD, Luke, Williams, Corey, and Gabe) implicit and emotionally felt understanding of the rules for navigating being a professional and how these rules are connected to Whiteness. The theme also includes how the participants were taught and learned to code-switch as well as the implicit rules that govern how the “game” operates regarding professional environment dynamics and workplace relationships between Black male professionals and White professionals. “Playing the Game” also highlights the implicit communication between the participants and older Black community members, mentors, parents, and family members about navigating the professional environment. The theme also depicts the participants feelings of pressure to assimilate to Whiteness when navigating the professional environment; this theme also accounts for the cultural and generational versions of this phrase such as “getting along to get along,” “get along to go along,” and “you just have to know” that

153 highlight the pressure to implicitly understand the rules for being considered professional and how race impacts the expectations associated with those rules. “Playing the game” also covers the participants’ making sense of the unspoken challenges of navigating the predominately White professional environments.

Valerian shared that he was taught the differences in expectations and the pressure to be “twice as good” when compared to his White counterparts early on from one of his Black teachers in high school.

One of my Black teachers told me, you are going to have to be twice a good and speak twice as well, just to be validated as [Black] people and that message stuck with me. I, like he taught me to be excellent…

Ceith explained the pressure he felt to assimilate to Whiteness as a Black male in social work before obtaining his higher education position.

Damn, I'm the only one, or I'm one of the only ones.. And if you're one of the only ones, then you have to kind of see, like, there's a comparison thing to where it's like, damn, they code-switching, or they're playing a game. I don't know if I'm willing to play that game. You know, I'm saying so. So when I'm saying them, it's like anyone that's within a professional setting, sometimes it's it doesn't matter the gender or race or ethnicity…

Ceith continued to explain the challenges of navigating “playing the game” and how it impacts his sense of authenticity.

I did that early on with this, but like, in graduate school, thinking that I need, needed to play the game, and then it's like, damn, like, is that a game that I really want to play? Do I really want to sacrifice who I am and what's the endgame? You know, I'm saying, like,

154 what's the reward for it? It's like, damn, like, What? What? What may mean something to other people, that's it had, it held, it has no value to me.

Bob explained that he learned about code-switching and it’s “necessity” to navigating his professional environment from an older Black colleague.

I heard it from…a Black someone who I was a little bit older than me, actually, so, and the person was like, talking about code-switching… I wish to learn. So I just tried to find out about the word code-switching. I was jazzed up to learn more about the Black history also, and to know more about the world position and to know how to cope with it, how to adapt with it.

Yasuke discussed the caution and urgency of understanding the power dynamics associated with Whiteness when navigating his professional environment.

Don't let the White People talk about you, because then the White staff or the White people, because then that has like, more consequences. Black people, like, when we talk about each other, it's just like, that person's annoying, but like, they're one of us. But if White person talks about you, it's like, oh, like, that person doesn't belong in this company or whatever. And so and then, and because of their power and privilege, that person, like that small like whisperings and gossip and stuff that could lead to that person not having a job, or it could lead to or like, depending on what it is like, it could lead to death, because I was thinking about this like earlier or not, like during the school year.

I’m a lot more like, I'm nice to everyone, but nicer to White ones, because in my mind, like they can lynch me in a career sense, like they can destroy my career If they like..

155 John explained that his parents taught him to code-switch and the societal differences between Black professionals and White professionals.

So through these conversations and experiences, I learned to code-switch effectively, like I learned code-switching, effectively adapting in the different situation and environment.

So it's a skill that served me well in my personal and professional life. But it’s also that I wish I didn't have to do it, I wish society was more accepting and inclusive of diverse cultures and identities…

Jamar shared that he has to have an awareness of the power and relationship dynamics with the other professionals, Black professionals and White professionals, presents this awareness as a “situational awareness” and make decisions accordingly.

I call it the chess board. What kind of places, what kind of pieces is on this chessboard?

Who am I on this chessboard? Am I king, or am I pawn? Am I the rook? Am I making lateral moves? Am I the queen? You know, I'm saying, do I have space to do everything, and who are they on that Trust Board? Is this the CEO of this company? What kind of CEO is this person, or, you know, who, who's in cahoots with each other?... You just got to really recognize who, where you are on a chess board.

CD expressed the importance of knowing how to “play the game” during his high school years during a conflict with a White teacher when feeling disrespected by the White teacher. “So, it all worked out. I knew how to play the game. That's where this comes in. No, I knew how to play the game, and I got what I needed.” Luke shared being able to pick up on the unspoken expectations that are different between Black people and White people during his time as a college athlete.

156 I just knew that, like, the expectations are there. It's kind of one of them things that you just kind of feel, I don't know. It's just in your bones. You just know that, like we like when you walk in a White space and everybody look at you, nobody is saying, Oh, wow, Black person just walked in. But you can feel it. You can kind of feel it in the air, type of situation. So, I think I just knew from like, college experiences, what you see on TV, you know, in the stories and stuff.

Williams explained that he implicitly understood that he needs to code-switch in his professional environment in order to gain credibility with his executive leadership.

To gain credibility, you know, which is the key reason to, you know, to code-switch all those things are, that's my experience about Whiteness, you know, adapting to standards, sometimes to feel needed, to feel some necessity, to gain some credibility.

Corey explained that he was taught to “play the game” by an older Black supervisor in the military when Corey was speaking to a White counterpart.

I remember my Black, other supervisor. He said, he said, man, you gotta play the game.

And I was like, what you mean? Like, man, you gotta play the game. He's like, You can't talk to him… you gotta play the game… I was confused because I didn't know what, what the game was, to be honest with you…he said, you can't do that, and I just gotta play the game. So he didn't say code-switching. He says, you just play the game.

Gabe highlighted the automatic nature of code-switching as a way of navigating Whiteness and the need to assimilate at some level in order to advance.

It was, it was normal operating procedures, right? It was normal operating procedures. It was, hey, this is, this is what you got to do in order to, you know, get along, to go along,

157 right? Yeah. Again, like I said, I almost feel like now that we're talking about it, you know, it is. It's ingrained in our culture. It's almost like, you know, if you want to be successful, there's some level of assimilating that you have to do, you know, so it's all around.

The Black professionals’ experiences of code-switching exemplified the previously described themes. Although the themes highlight shared commonalities amongst the participants, the shared experiences are not monolithic or the same. Code-switching is associated with career advancement and maintenance but not without risk. Depending on the individual’s introduction to code-switching and emotional connection to Black history, there can be an emotional cost as seen with the participants of this study. To best highlight which participants encompassed the themes, Table 1 displays which participants were included in each stated themes as a way of clearly displaying the Black professionals’ experiences.

158 Table 1 Participants Involvement in Themes Names Voltron Semaj Dierks Bruce Eric Valerian Ceith Bob Yasuke John Jamar CD Luke Williams Corey Gabe

Adjusting for Survival TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE

Navigating Whiteness in Professionalism TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE

"Be Authentic as Possible" TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE

Responsibility to the Culture TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE FALSE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE FALSE TRUE TRUE

"Playing the Game" TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE TRUE

Note. This table demonstrates which participant’s experiences were included in each theme.

“True” is reflects that the participant’s experience was included in the correlating theme. “False” reflects that the participant was not included in the theme. All 16 participants were included in the table.

Figure 5 displays the participant’s level of intensity code-switch and their ability to be authentic when expressing themselves in the workplace. The figure accounts for all 16 participants’ experiences. Some participants (Voltron, Semaj, Dierks, Valerian, Eric, Ceith, Yasuke, John, Jamar, CD, Luke, Corey, and Gabe) were included on multiple levels of intensity

159 to highlight the growth towards authenticity as they gained more confidence throughout their career.

160 Themes and Codes Adjusting for Professional Survival and Survival Adjusting for professional survival was the theme that highlighted the participants’ use of code-switching as a survival method for navigating predominately White professional spaces.

The theme also depicted the participants’ felt sense of urgency when experiencing the challenges of navigating Whiteness; the theme emphasized the participants’ feeling pressured to adapt and adjust themselves to Whiteness when navigating professionalism. The theme also accounted for the participants’ need to gain a sense of psychological safety in the workplace through codeswitching. The participants also highlighted a connection between adjusting through codeswitching as a survival method and professional advancement. To capture this experience, the writer utilized the code, survival. The writer made note of each time the participants explained feeling a need to survive the workplace, survive relationships between Black professionals and White professionals, survive through code-switching, and survive Whiteness. The code survival was used to capture the participants’ choice and consideration of adjusting their self-expression when navigating predominantly White professional environments. Survival was found across all 16 participants’ experience and was coded 415 times.

Navigating Whiteness in Professionalism and Judgement Navigating Whiteness in professionalism was the theme that depicted the participants’ awareness of racial differences and treatment of Black professionals when compared to White professionals. The theme accounted for the participants’ awareness of Whiteness and how Whiteness and psychological danger can be connected. Navigating Whiteness in professionalism also included the warnings from parents, family members, coworkers and community members’

161 warnings about the consequences and challenges of navigating Whiteness as a Black professional.

The theme also accounted for the participants being aware of how the historical oppression of Black people by White people can happen in the present workplace and how the Black professional stayed vigilant in preventing being oppressed by White counterparts in the professional environment. To capture this theme, the writer utilized the code, judgement.

Judgement captured the participants feeling judged, misunderstood, and alienated by White professionals when navigating the professional environment. The code, judgement, captured the participants’ felt sense of psychological danger in the predominately White professional environments. Judgement was found across all 16 participants’ experiences and was coded 279 times.

“Be Authentic as Possible” and Authenticity “Be authentic as possible” emphasized the participants’ experience of navigating authenticity and adjusting themselves during code-switching. The theme explores how participants experienced a sense of “losing” themselves and their identity when navigating codeswitching with Whiteness. “Be authentic as possible” also depicts the participants’ decisions to prioritize being authentic while navigating the workplace as well as their awareness of how Black history impacts their decision to express themselves authentically. The theme also accounts for the participants’ discussion of the “cost” of code-switching regarding “losing a part” of themselves the longer they engaged in code-switching. The code, authenticity, captured the participants’ experience and emphasis on being authentic in the workplace. Authenticity also accounted for the moments in which the participants contemplated how to be authentic and the

162 associated decisions they made to be or not to express themselves authentically. The code, authenticity, was found across all 16 participants’ experiences and was coded 233 times.

Responsibility to the Culture and Responsibility Responsibility to the culture encompasses the participants’ sense of duty to provide for their families regarding maintaining their sense of employment; code-switching was mentioned as a tool for maintaining employment. The theme also accounts for the participants’ sense of duty to advance in their careers in order to hold positions of authority in which they could assist younger Black professionals navigating Whiteness while empowering the younger Black professionals to maintain their sense of authenticity. Responsibility to the culture also depicted the participants’ desire to “protect” Black culture from being diluted by Whiteness when navigating the workplace. The theme also included the participants’ felt responsibility to care for the younger Black professionals and aid the younger Black professionals in their career development. To capture these moments, the writer utilized the code, responsibility.

Responsibility highlighted the participants’ awareness of how they could impact their families, communities, and younger Black coworkers directly through providing financial stability through employment for families, emotional support for authenticity, and intentional support for career advancement. Responsibility was found across 10 participant experiences and was coded 52 times.

“Playing the Game” and Implicit Communication “Playing the Game” was the theme to depict the participants’ experience of implicitly understanding the rules set by Whiteness that influence expectations of being labeled as professional in the workplace; this theme also accounts for how the rules govern the

163 predominately White workplace. The theme also includes the participants’ implicit communication about how racial dynamics and differences between Black professionals and White professionals impact the workplace and the Black professionals’ navigation of the workplace. The theme also accounts for the participants' implicit learning of code-switching from observing parents, stories of caution from older Black community members and coworkers, and observations from predominantly Black television shows that discussed navigating professionalism. “Playing the game” emphasized the pressure the participants felt regarding deciding to or not to code-switch as well as the “ramifications” that come with that decision. To best capture the participants’ experience, the writer used the code implicit communication.

Implicit communication as a code was used to highlight each time a participant shared having knowledge of something by means of indirect expression of an idea without explicitly stating the idea or concept. Implicit communication highlighted the participants’ experiences of knowing about a concept or an idea in a way that highlights an emotional understanding without an explicit discussion with another person about the idea or concept. The code, implicit communication, focused on the emotional understanding of an interaction without an explicit dialogue about the events of the interaction; it was a code that focused on nonverbal ways of understanding, learning, and knowing a concept during an interaction without a verbal dialogue.

Implicit communication also highlighted the participants’ observations and internalized understanding of relationship dynamics, expectations from their White counterparts, and rules for being with their White professional counterparts. Implicit communication was found across all 16 interviews and coded 542 times.

When comparing the frequency of the themes based on the frequency of the associated codes, the participants emphasized that code-switching is strongly connected to implicitly

164 understanding the dynamics between Black professionals and White professionals. The majority of the participants’ experience focused on learning implicitly from older Black people, assessing the level of psychological danger from Whiteness implicitly, and adjusting their self-expression implicitly as a nonconscious procedure. Once there was a strong understanding of the nonconscious dynamics in the workplace, the Black professional then prioritized adjusting himself to professionally survive and be less of a threat to Whiteness as seen with the second most frequent code being survival. Following professional survival being put in place, the Black professional then focused on what psychological dangers were still present as seen with judgment being the third most frequent code. The Black professional assessed for psychological danger through microaggressions and overt threats of being outcast by his White counterparts.

As the Black professional completed his assessment of psychological danger, he was then faced with the dilemma of how to be authentic in the workplace, given the level of psychological danger. The Black professional was faced with the challenge of figuring out how much of himself he could be in the workplace as seen with the fourth most frequent code being authenticity. Finally, he had to consider how maintaining his employment impacted his family, community, and younger Black professionals that looked up to him as an example. The Black professional then accounted for how code-switching or an authentic self-expression would impact others as seen with responsibility being the final code. Figure 6 depicts the frequency of the codes when compared to each other.

165

Collective Member Checking Summary The following summary reflects a collection of the multiple individual member checking emails that each participant individually verified as accurate of their experience of codeswitching in predominately White professional spaces. The summary was constructed in second person to reflect the conversation and tone given when emailing the participants. The second person style is also meant to reflect the direct conversation between the writer and the participants. The summary is as follows: Code-switching is an essential survival method in which you have to alter the way you express yourself, mannerisms, interests, and inflection in order to survive in predominantly White professional spaces. It is an automatic process that tends to feel secondnature in the actual moment. Once repeated over time, you can begin to be aware of how a

166 situation may trigger you to code-switch and be intentional with how you choose to code-switch when navigating an upcoming interaction in a predominately White space. In the moment, it is still difficult to challenge code-switching as an automatic process. The automatic nature causes you to think about the past historical oppression against Black people while holding the present dilemma of how to navigate the present interaction with the White professional. In the present moment, you feel an increased awareness of how the choice to code-switch in the moment can become a loss of power, self, and autonomy, mirroring the same loss the African ancestors felt when navigating interactions with the White slave owner.

Code-switching was taught through direct observation, stories from others, observed Black television shows, and literature. It is a costly emotional process that feels disingenuous exhausting, and as though you are losing yourself and stirs up conflicting feelings about maintaining authenticity and can seem as a necessity to survive, earlier in your career but less necessary as you mature in your career in which you have a stronger position of authority. The emotional toil can be lessened if code-switching is kept to a non-emotionally felt level. It is mainly a survival skill due to navigating the emotionally felt and often unspoken adversities that feel like psychological dangers that often connect to past historical challenges against People of Color, considerably Black people.

Code-switching does not feel authentic, but it can feel necessary, at least at the beginning of your career, until you reach a place in which you do not have to be dependent on it to get in the door. However, once reaching a position of authority in your career your focus is on maintaining as much authenticity as possible and really only code-switch to be in rooms to make opportunities for the younger generation and others, especially other Black males. Codeswitching encompasses the awareness of the racial differences and the historical danger that can

167 still be at play in the present. Code-switching is also a strategy that helps you to advance in your career while also assisting you in providing for your family but not at the willingness to completely lose your authenticity just for an opportunity.

There is an internal negotiation to engage in code-switching. There are conflicting emotions about engaging in code-switching but ultimately it feels like a useful strategy that brings up feelings of ambivalence when needed, but you work to not need to codeswitch by maximizing authenticity. Code-switching becomes a matter of productivity, just with a cost if you can manage it. It does not seem as though the cost is worth it once you reach a position of authority in your career and you use your authenticity primarily to make room for younger Black professionals while still using code-switching mainly as a strategy to stay in rooms in which decisions are being made. Code-switching, in its productivity, helps you to maintain access to a sense of authority within the workplace but you limit it primarily to a linguistic context and do not sacrifice your authenticity.

168 Chapter V

Discussion Introduction The research focused on answering the question: what is the impact of code-switching on Black male professionals navigating predominately White professional environments. The writer utilized the experiences of 16 Black professionals who shared their emotional experiences engaging in code-switching and how code-switching impacted their self-expression and navigation of Whiteness. The results of the research reveal that code-switching assists in professional advancement and differs in emotional cost and emotional labor when actively engaging in code-switching. The results highlight that code-switching when shared between generations supports and fosters a sense of unity amongst Black professionals. The Black professionals’ need for code-switching decreases as they gained positions of authority and became more confident, creating a sense of authenticity. The results also discovered that Black professionals are highly attuned to the implicit dynamics between them and White professionals, creating a consistent sense of caution for navigating Whiteness. The chapter continues to expand on these results in the following manner: a) findings, b) discussion, and c) recommendations.

Findings The participants’ interviews uncovered that code-switching as an adaptation of the Black professional’s self-expression, occurred automatically and without conscious thought. Codeswitching was an in-the-moment embodiment of psychological danger with Whiteness that mirrored a similar psychological danger felt by the Black professionals’ African slave ancestors.

The participants explained that code-switching was taught to them and modeled by older Black

169 professionals as a strategy for surviving Whiteness in the workplace. Code-switching was viewed as an essential practice that was implicitly emphasized repeatedly to the point where it became automatic and procedural. Despite the emotional exhaustion and burdensome labor, code-switching was still perceived as an essential method for survival. The participants described this survival as enabling them to maintain employment, obtain career advancement, and avoid social rejection in the workplace. For the Black professionals, code-switching became urgent for maintaining psychological safety while simultaneously advancing in their career as they gained acceptance from their White counterparts. However, the participants’ decision to code-switch was not uniform across all participants. Their experiences suggest that code-switching occurs on a spectrum. The more secure the participants felt in themselves, the less they had to focus on submitting to Whiteness.

Fifteen of the participants (Voltron, Semaj, Dierks, Bruce, Eric, Valerian, Ceith, Bob, Yasuke, John, CD, Luke, Williams, Corey, and Gabe) discussed that code-switching was connected to surviving in the workplace, the depth in which they felt the need to code-switch varied considerably. The younger professionals that ranged from 28-33 years old (Dierks, Eric, Valerian, Bob, Yasuke), with the exception of Luke felt the pressure to code-switch on a deep emotional level in which code-switching felt necessary; these participants shared feeling as though they did not have a choice but to code-switch in order to survive their professional environments, obtain promotions, and maintain their employment. Yasuke, 33-year-old school social worker, shared feeling the need to code-switch strongly in order to prevent upsetting the White professionals around him; he described the White professional’s power as being able to “lynch” him “destroy” his career completely if he upset them. Luke, 33-year-old licensed clinical social worker in his own private practice, shared similar experiences as his younger professional

170 peers but shared that he no longer has to adhere to that level of pressure since working for himself and expressed that “writing my own checks” empowers him to prioritize being authentic over code-switching. This was consistent with the other remaining participants.

The middle participants that ranged from ages 34-37 years old with the exception of Williams and Jamar (Gabe, John, CD, and Ceith) shared similar perspectives that were consistent with Luke’s navigation of code-switching. The middle participants shared that they engaged in code-switching early in their careers but decided to limit code-switching as much as possible since obtaining a position of authority or leadership in their respective workplaces. Gabe, 34year-old military leadership professional and current Master of Social Work student, specifically noted that he code-switched early in his career to get acceptance and to “get along to get along” with his White colleagues and superiors until he was promoted to his current leadership role. He expressed that he chooses not to code-switch as much as possible since being in leadership, because it “doesn’t actually get you the acceptance you think” from his White colleagues. Ceith, 37-year-old university professor teaching social work, also explained that he only code-switched earlier on in his career and since being in his teaching position, he does not “play the game” anymore and prioritizes “being as authentic as possible,” especially since he interacts with younger Black professionals.

However, Williams, a 35-year-old management professional originally from Ghana who started code-switching in 2023, shared that he chooses to code-switch intentionally. He described it as a skill that he seeks to become an expert at after being mentored by his White colleague; Williams described code-switching as a “necessary” skill that he seeks to constantly get better at since “it really helps me” interact with business partners and clients. Jamar expressed a different experience from his middle participant peers and Williams. Jamar, a 35-year-old travel social

171 worker and former foster care youth, explained that he does not engage in code-switching at all.

He noted specific instances at his HBCU when he only engaged in code-switching after feeling as though his Black professors were frustrated with Jamar for not taking up the practice of codeswitching. Jamar expressed that he distances himself from code-switching and describes it as “cowardly” and “playing the spook at the door” when watching other Black professionals codeswitch. Jamar exclaimed that as a former foster youth, he was “not scared of failing” even if that meant losing career opportunities and emphasized to “be authentic as possible” when navigating professionalism.

The older participants that ranged from 38-43 years old (Semaj, Voltron, Bruce, and Corey) also emphasized the importance of prioritizing authenticity over engaging in codeswitching. The participants expressed that they each limit how much they code-switch to only necessary situations where promotion or other major goals are on the line. The older participants and Ceith emphasized that code-switching was not as beneficial once reaching a “certain level in your career” and that code-switching was only good to assist them in “getting the door but not enough to keep them” in the room. The older participants and Ceith emphasized that “playing the game” is costly but one still has to “play” just limit the “play” as much as possible so the Black professional can maintain his position of authority. Corey noted that he only engages in codeswitch to “protect his privacy.”

The participants’ focus on survival through code-switching is consistent with the theme of adjusting for professional survival. The Black professionals’ experience highlighted the urgency in which they felt the need to code-switch in the professional environment. Yasuke’s fear of being “lynched in a career sense” speaks to him feeling as though his entire professional existence could be destroyed if he did not adhere to Whiteness. The use of the term “lynching”

172 links to the African slave experience, mirroring the experience of constant oppression and destruction by the White slave owner if they did not conform. Although the Black professional’s order of how to be is not explicitly stated in the workplace, it is emotionally felt and internalized as rules for survival. These rules for survival are more subtle than the rules for the African slaves, but both are deeply rooted in survival. Code-switching is survival. The psychological danger felt by the Black professionals displayed the challenge of navigating interactions with Whiteness. The participants felt that they had to be sensitive and submissive to be psychologically safe in the workplace. Yasuke speaks to the ambivalence of code-switching: feeling disempowered by code-switching, desiring continued emotional safety and advancement, grieving the loss of self, and struggling with the frustration of being required to code-switch.

This speaks to the loss of choice and autonomy. They do not choose to code-switch; they must code-switch.

Luke described his experience as being “hard to be Black in a system created for White folks.” This demand for conformity/adherence through code-switching requires attentiveness to Whiteness. The participants urgently needed to be attentive to the rules of Whiteness, no matter how the participants had to adjust themselves. The participants depicted the adjustment as a tension and a struggle of perceiving what version of themselves is permissible within Whiteness as a system. The Black professionals had to understand the rules of Whiteness as well as the associated costs and labor on the participants to stay within these constrictions. The participants described this as a “navigation,” highlighting the twisting, contortions, and stretching taken place internally. This navigation is consistent with the themes of navigating Whiteness in professionalism and “playing the game.” As the participants reflected on their Black essence while meeting White demands, their emotional toil and emotional toll became clearer. The

173 impact and depth at which the participants labored and felt a “loss of self,” was the cost of codeswitching for success and survival.

The older participants used code-switching less frequently but when they did, they felt the “loss of self” more intensely. While the younger professionals used code-switching more frequently, it made them feel helpless. As the older professionals developed confidence in their professional position, they felt less of a need to code-switch, using their own vernacular. They felt that they could bring more of their own vernacular. Professional standing and authority status appeared to be significant factors in how and when the Black professionals negotiated with themselves about how to code-switch. There was less of a threat that thrust them into codeswitching. The participants’ eventual decision to consciously stop code-switching once reaching a position of authority suggested that there can be a sense of freedom or at least a sense of autonomy. Ceith described this decision as having to “really think about not code-switching” to find a sense of “what feels right.” The decision to consciously stop code-switching reveals an inner fight for freedom. Automatically obeying the rules of Whiteness was no longer necessary.

It bought them a sense of freedom in their self-expression. While this mirrors how the African slaves fought the White slave owner by running, rebelling, and escaping to freedom, the current rebellion is more subtle.

The participants differed in their ability to obtain this freedom based on their attunement outward, towards Whiteness. Once this attunement was achieved, they were able to turn inward to assess “what felt right.” They could then think about themselves and how they felt. The emotional loss and struggle of grappling with the loss continued as long as the Black professional focused on the way to be White. This is similar to the African slave continuing to toil in the fields without rest while under the White slave owner’s constant watch. All of the

174 participants described feeling an emotional burden when engaging in code-switching except Williams. Bob acknowledged that there can be an emotional toll but did not describe it like the other participants regarding level of intensity to code-switch. Although Williams described the emotional burden and cost as “losing myself” and “losing my identity” when engaging in codeswitching, he denied having experienced emotional toil or an emotional cost when codeswitching. Williams, who recently learned code-switching since being in his corporate environment, grew up in the African country of Ghana. He shared that “…it's just a normal and right way to code-switch when the time, like at some appropriate time to code-switch. So, I don't think it has to be emotional before you.” Williams reasoned that you can separate the adjustment process from the feeling of “losing yourself” as described by all of the other participants.

Williams also shared that he is aware of Black history but does not think about race at work; this means that he is not constantly considering the racial dynamics and associated historical oppression while in the workplace which contrast sharply with 15 of the participants who discussed being constantly aware of Whiteness and the historical oppression of Black people, especially those who had connections directly or indirectly to HBCUs (Ceith, John, Jamar, and Gabe).

When comparing the differences in perception of the emotional cost of code-switching between Bob and Williams, who both learned code-switching recently and not prior to entering into the workplace, there are differences in how each of these two participants were taught to code-switch and in their cultural position entering into the workplace. Bob was born and raised on the West Coast and learned to code-switch from an older Black coworker. Bob also explained that he then did his own research on the internet about Black history and its connection to codeswitching. Bob disclosed that he learned how to adapt and cope with code-switching as he

175 learned about its connection to Black history. Bob also shared that he was able to realize that he had seen others around him code-switch in his personal life growing up once he understood how to code-switch. Bob’s experience is similar to the other 14 participants who learned to codeswitch from an older Black person (coworker, parent, or community member), understood its connection to Black history and the historical oppression of Black people by White people, observed code-switching done by another Black person (parent or community member) during childhood, experienced racism from a White person, and feels that that there is an emotional cost associated with code-switching. Williams, however, was born in Ghana, only learned about code-switching from a White mentor, denies experiencing racism from a White person, and denies believing that code-switching has an emotional cost. Although each participant expressed differing depths at which they felt the emotional toil and cost of code-switching, with the exception of Williams, there was a uniform narrative of feeling an emotional burden.

The participants’ emphasis on the work they had to put in when in the workplace is consistent with the themes of adjusting for professional survival, navigating Whiteness in professionalism, and “playing the game.” The participants struggled with wishing to be accepted: do I want to be accepted and who am I now from paying the emotional cost. Their ambivalence seems to reflect the themes of “playing the game” and “be authentic as possible.” The participants had to implicitly understand how the rules govern the workplace and how Whiteness as a system impacts their career opportunities. The Black professionals had to implicitly understand that a “loss of self and a loss of identity” was the cost to be within the system of Whiteness. The cost of success is a loss of self until the Black professional develops the decision to turn inward and be himself. The turn inward and decision to be authentic is in alignment with the theme of “be authentic as possible.” The participants who made the decision to be authentic

176 had to fight the automatic nature of code-switching, going back to operating within the system of Whiteness. The fight with the automatic nature of code-switching highlights the tension between the body’s procedural response to adhere to Whiteness and the Black professional’s conscious choice to be authentic. The authentic Black professional is not just fighting against adhering to Whiteness; he is also fighting against his body’s response to Whiteness. Making the choice not to code-switch is a separation of the psyche in which conscious thought separates from automatic procedure. The Black professional, in his desire to be authentic, must fight against the adherence to Whiteness that was taught to him from older Black professionals.

Fifteen of the participants explained that they were taught to code-switch by older Black professionals, with Williams being the exception. Williams shared having a unique experience of being taught to code-switch by a White mentor and denied having experienced racism. However, the other 15 participants identified experiencing racism indirectly through microaggressions or directly by means of physical violence and were taught to code-switch from a Black person.

There are connections between the Black professional’s introduction to code-switching and feeling an emotional toil and toll from code-switching. These connections to suggest the following: the way in which code-switching is introduced, by means of being taught, influences how the Black professional internalized what code-switching meant to them. There are connections between the Black professional’s level of emotional toll of code-switching and connection to Black history, including the racial oppression of Black people by White people.

Having a strong emotional or direct connection with Black history influenced how the Black professional conceptualized whether or not there is an emotional cost and labor to codeswitching. The teachings about this emotional cost and emotional labor revealed that there is a protective relationship between the older Black professionals and the participants. It is

177 manifested as a unity in which the older Black professionals seek to support and mentor the participants.

Participants (Voltron, Semaj, Dierks, Bruce, Eric, Valerian, Ceith, Yasuke, John, Jamar, CD, Luke, Corey, and Gabe) who had strong emotional connections with Black history also shared being taught Black history, code-switching, and coping with code-switching by older Black professionals as a way of staying psychologically safe in the workplace. They explained that the older Black professionals wanted to ensure that the participants had the tools to navigate the danger associated with Whiteness. John explained that his HBCU alum parents wanted him “to be prepared” for navigating the professional environment. Eric also shared that his uncle working in human resources taught him to code-switch and how to navigate the professional environment as Eric prepared to enter into his career field. The teachings from the older Black professionals were described as having a sense of urgency and intensity that stayed with the participants throughout their careers. Valerian, Yasuke and Ceith shared that older Black teachers had emphasized caution and shared their own experiences of a psychologically dangerous Whiteness as a means of preparing the participants for the workplace. Some participants (Voltron, Ceith, Corey, and Gabe) even became mentors for younger Black professionals through their positions of authority. These participants used their positions of authority to make room for younger Black professionals to have career advancement while maintaining authenticity.

The participants’ experience of being prepared for navigating Whiteness and their experience of older Black professionals’ desire to protect them, is in alignment with the theme of responsibility to the culture. The participants explained that the older Black professionals felt a strong desire to ensure the participants’ professional survival. The older Black professionals had

178 a strong emotional connection with the participants and vested interest in urgently making sure the participants were safe. The implicit teachings were meant to stay with the participants and guide them as a way of preserving the participants. The older Black professionals’ commitment to the participants reveals how the older Black professionals took responsibility for the participants’ wellbeing and ability to navigate the workplace, validating the theme of responsibility to the culture.

The participants’, in positions of authority, decision to pass on this protection to their younger Black subordinates speaks to the communal aspect of protecting each other. Corey discussed this desire to protect younger Black professionals as “making sure they’re good,” and Gabe discussed this making sure they “had everything they need to be successful.” Voltron expressed his willingness to be “everything to these kids.” The commitment to protecting each other between the Black professionals is similar and more subtle to how the African slaves develop familial bonds as a means of survival. This is the fictive kinship described by sociologist Charles Isben and Patricia Klobus (Ibsen and Klobus, 1972). There was a shared sense of needing the other person to survive in order for all to make it through the danger from Whiteness for both the Black professionals and African slaves. There is a shared sense of safety between the Black professionals in which they can safely be themselves authentically.

The movement towards authenticity was significant as all participants desired to be authentic. Jamar, was even willing to lose career opportunities to maintain his authenticity and referenced Black history as part of his motivation to maintain his authenticity. However, the participants differed in how they felt authenticity was possible for them. When comparing the participants’ level of education, for the majority of the participants (Voltron, Semaj, Dierks, Bruce, Eric, Valerian, Ceith, John, Jamar, CD, Luke, Corey, and Gabe) there was also a

179 connection between the Black professional’s sense of confidence for expressing himself authentically and the level of education he possessed. Each of these participants aligned with the notion that having a high degree assisted with having more confidence in authentic selfexpression. The participants who also had a bachelor’s degree as their highest level of education (Dierks, Eric, Valerian) felt the need to code-switch the most. John, as an exception, has a bachelor’s degree, but had a strong connection to Black History taught to him by his parents who are HBCU alums. John’s parents taught him “in-depth” details of Black history as well as how Black people have been resilient against oppression by Whiteness; it is likely that this understanding and internalization contributed to John’s stronger confidence in authentic expression when compared to his bachelor’s degree level peers.

Bob and Williams were also exceptions. Bob learned about code-switching and how to cope with code-switching only two years ago. Although he feels an emotional cost when codeswitching, it is not at the same intensity level as his bachelor level peers. His peers have been learning and have been code-switching longer. Williams, as an exception, had also recently learned about code-switching. However, he learned it from a White mentor unlike the other participants who learned code-switching from older Black people. Williams also identified that his version of code-switching did not have an emotional toll, suggesting that code-switching is more of an intellectual experience for him. Williams’ learning from a White mentor, more emotional distance with Black history, and expending less consideration on the racial dynamics in the workplace, lowered his level of intensity to need to code-switch.

The participants with higher levels of degrees (Voltron, Semaj, Bruce, Ceith, Jamar, CD, Luke, Corey, and Gabe) felt a stronger sense of confidence expressing themselves authentically.

These same participants also shared obtaining a level in their career, advanced degree, position

180 of authority or both, in which their sense of urgency to code-switch lessened, especially over time. The participants felt more confident in their professional ability and prioritized authenticity. As their confidence increased, so did their authenticity. As the participants' experience of autonomy expanded (leadership positions, self-employment, or obtaining an advanced degree), the need to code-switch transitioned to a stronger focus on authentic selfexpression with the exception of Yasuke. Yasuke has an advanced degree but is not in a position of authority in which he feels a sense of autonomy in his workplace. He also shared more about the suffering during Black history and the associated psychological danger from Whiteness as a focal point during his interview. When coupled with this position and feeling an immense sense of responsibility for providing for his family, his need to code-switch is at a higher intensity and urgency than his advanced degree peers. As mentioned earlier, there is still a struggle to combat the automatic nature of code-switching. However, the Black professionals who are able to consciously challenge the need to code-switch display their fight to “be authentic as possible.”

These participants are able to understand the implicit dynamics of navigating Whiteness and still choose to prioritize authentic self-expression.

The participants (Voltron, Semaj, Dierks, Bruce, Eric, Valerian, Ceith, Yasuke, John, Jamar, CD, Luke, Corey, and Gabe), with strong connections to Black history also discussed implicitly knowing how to navigate the unspoken expectations about professionalism, how to navigate Whiteness, how to “play the game,” and how Whiteness sets the rules for professionalism in the workplace. These participants expressed that the older Black professionals emphasized being watchful and mindful about how to conduct themselves with their White counterparts. Corey explained that he was told “you have to play the game” and pick up on the rules for operating within Whiteness. CD described the mindfulness as a “hypervigilance” in

181 which he is always “watching how White people move in the space.” CD emphasized caution and sensitivity when navigating interactions with Whiteness. Yasuke discussed this as a caution of “not making White people upset.” The Black professionals’ understanding of the implicit dynamics also includes the emotional cost, emotional loss, and emotional labor to be with Whiteness as described earlier in this section. The participants’ discussion of implicit dynamics and focus on caution aligns with the theme of “playing the game.” The participants must hold the vast and ever-changing implicit aspects of Whiteness while simultaneously negotiating how to express themselves. The participants held a significant amount of implicit understanding regarding their outside focus. They negotiated an immense number of conflicting desires of safety and authenticity internally as they decided how to express themselves.

Discussion Theoretical Application Code-switching is an implicit adjustment of self-expression in which the majority of Black professionals in this study altered their self-expression in order to appear in accordance with the dominant culture present, Whiteness, in the workplace with the intent of increasing psychological safety and professional advancement. The majority of participants shared that their decision to code-switch was directly connected to and influenced by their observations of parents, older Black community members, and Black coworkers, stories of caution when navigating Whiteness, and discussions about racial dynamics in the workplace. Some participants also explained that they observed how to code-switch and its connection to psychological safety and professional advancement from popular Black television shows and movies such as The Fresh Prince of Belair, Martin, and Sorry to Bother You. These sources and teachers of code-switching act as a foundation for the Black professionals developing an

182 understanding of professionalism in predominately White work environments. The shared experiences, stories, and observations act as a foundation for the Black professionals’ working memory.

Lyons-Ruth (1999) discussed working memory as the collection of recurring patterns of interaction between an individual and another person that implicitly allows the individual to emotionally understand how to navigate the interaction with the other person while maintaining psychological safety. Working memory holds the previous emotional experiences from the past that were gained through implicit communication and uses them as a guide for navigating present interactions; the individual is not consciously aware of how the implicit communication is being applied in the present interaction. For the Black professionals in this study, the internalized past lessons and observations about code-switching served as a working memory that set the foundation presently for how the Black professionals navigated Whiteness in the workplace. The participants expressed that they did not consciously know what code-switching was prior to learning about it in an academic setting but realized they had been code-switching prior to learning the term. The participants described code-switching as an automatic process in which many participants did not realize when they were code-switching. This automatic action is reflective of it emanating from the part of the brain that holds emotional memory and procedural activity without thought.

Corey described code-switching as “automatic” while others (Voltron, Semaj, Dierks, Eric, Valerian, Ceith, Yasuke, John, Luke, Corey, and Gabe) described it as a regular part of their life and “normal” as well as “doing it so often you don’t think about it.” The participants shared a uniform experience of code-switching feeling automatic and that code-switching only discontinued with a conscious effort to not code-switch. When they reflected on how they

183 learned to code-switch, all of the participants discussed they understood it without direct explicit conversations; even when discussions around code-switching took place, it was a description of the details of the interaction between the older Black person and White professional but not an explicit conversation about the emotion. The participants explained that they “picked up on” the emotion behind the experience through observing body language, tone changes, and inflection as the older Black people shared their past experiences with code-switching and psychological danger when interacting with Whiteness. The participants, as listeners, internalized the feelings they gleaned from the older Black person’s experience as an emotional meaning that suggests that there is danger associated with not adhering to Whiteness. The participants carried this gleaned emotional meaning as part of the implicit relational knowing when navigating interactions with their White counterparts in the workplace. The emotional impact of psychological danger from the older Black person’s experience also informs the participant’s working memory as well. This focus on holding the implicit dynamics is consistent with the theme of “playing the game” which focuses on understanding the unspoken dynamics of interacting with Whiteness.

Code-switching was taught nonverbally but through action demonstrated without words to support the non-symbolic action and has become an integrated part of the participants’ navigation of professionalism and Whiteness as a dominant culture. Code-switching is an automatic and procedural way of navigating the workplace based on past experiences of Whiteness told from older Black people reflecting an ancestral experience used as a working memory. This working memory also holds a greater depth when connecting the participants’ individual working memory to Black history. The participants individually developed a working

184 memory from how they learned to code-switch; it deepened when the participants associated code-switching with Black history (Dwyer, 2021; Lyons-Ruth, 1999).

Black history holds the collective experiences of various Black ancestral experiences of a threatening Whiteness when understanding the holistic, but not monolithic, interactions with Whiteness. Whiteness is a psychological threat that oppressed Black people from the African slave with the White slave owner, the Black man with the White man during Jim Crow, Black man with the White man during the Civil Rights Era, and currently the Black professional with the White professional. All of the participants except Williams, highlighted having an awareness of Black history that impacted their decision to code-switch or not when navigating Whiteness.

Voltron, Semaj, Ceith, Corey, and Gabe directly mentioned that Black history, specifically the oppression of Black people by White people, made them aware of how important it was to have a position of authority to help the younger generation of Black professionals. The desire to support younger professionals is in alignment with the theme responsibility to the culture.

Bruce and Ceith exclaimed that they chose to stop code-switching, because it felt “degrading” to themselves once they reached a position of authority and reflected on Black history. They felt that continuing to code-switch invalidated the struggle and suffering that their Black ancestors (Bruce’s father and Ceith’s grandmother) endured just to be acknowledged.

Their resolve to be themselves is an application of the theme “be authentic as possible.” Black history was a resource that enabled the participants to reflect on how they chose to express themselves. As the participants reflected, they held onto different aspects of Black history based on their self-confidence. Yasuke focused outward on Whiteness. His reference to his fear that “upsetting White people” because they could “lynch him in a career sense,” references the horrific history of lynching of Black from slavery to even the present day. Yasuke is highlighting

185 his fear of not adhering to Whiteness and the stories of consequences passed down to him from older Black people connecting all the way back to African slaves. The historical oppression of Black people by White people is a cultural oppression trauma as described by Hardy (2019) that emotionally and implicitly stayed with the Black male professionals of this study who have a strong connection to Black history. Other participants (Semaj, Dierks, Eric Valerian, and Yasuke) described code-switching as a way of leveling the power imbalance and a cryptic way of taking back power, a “form of resistance,” referencing how Black people have advanced through revolts during slavery, escaping slavery through the cryptic Underground Railroad, and current protests against social injustices such as the national protest of the murder of George Floyd.

When exploring the mechanics of how the Black professionals in this study adjust their dialect, demeanor, topics of conversations, and overall self-expression, the mechanics reflect the Black professionals' nonconscious action understanding of what is needed in order to safely navigate interactions with their White counterparts. This navigation aligns with the themes navigating Whiteness in professionalism and “playing the game.” The implicit understanding of these mechanics reflect an implicit relational knowing as described by Bruschweiler-Stern et al.

(2002). Tronick described implicit relational knowing as an individual’s implicit understanding of the mechanics of an interaction, consequences of not meeting the shared understanding of how to be with the other person, and how to have the individual’s emotional needs met by the other person. The mechanics of the interaction also get internalized by the individual as a set of rules.

Implicit relational knowing reflects a procedural way of being with the other person; the individual does not have to think about how to navigate interactions as the nonconscious or nonconscious understanding gets applied automatically as procedural knowing according to The

186 Boston Study Change Group (Sorter, 1995). For the Black professionals, the adapting and adjusting of self-expression reflected their implicit relational knowing of how to be with White professional and what is required to have psychological safety with the White professional.

Implicit relational knowing was reflected in the Black professionals’ internalized rules for navigating Whiteness in a predominately White professional environment. The Black professionals’ understanding of the rules highlights Altman (2000)’s normative unconscious in which societal standards are based on Whiteness. The Black professionals’ awareness of these White standards align with the themes navigating Whiteness in professionalism and “playing the game.”

The Black professionals’ navigation of the rules, avoidance of Whiteness, and avoidance of going against Whiteness evokes Wallin (2007)’s notion of a secondary attachment strategy.

Such a secondary attachment strategy is due to a failure of the White professional’s ability to meet the Black professionals’ need for acceptance during authentic expression; secondary attachment may also reflect the Black professionals’ protection against constant rejection for not adhering to Whiteness (Altman, 2000; McCluney et al., 2021; Wallin, 2007). Avoidance is a secondary attachment strategy instead of a primary attachment, because it is limited to navigating the workplace. It is a situational piloting of the workplace in order to keep psychological safety.

Such action speaks to the participants’ feelings of caution when in the workplace and when communicating with White counterparts.

The participants felt differently when engaging with Black coworkers; they articulated feelings of freedom, unity, and safety. This held true even when the participants had a superficial but welcoming relationship with the Black coworker. Voltron, Valerian, Eric, Luke, and Gabe specifically discussed feeling a stronger sense of comfort and peace with their Black colleagues.

187 The assumption of similarity in Black cultural expression between the participants and the Black coworkers formed an unspoken unity and brotherhood. Brotherhood allows for secure attachment styles to form, and the Black professionals and Black coworkers were able to mutually rely on each other for safety. The mutual relance for safety highlights a secure attachment as described

by Bowlby (1944). Joint reliance with Black coworkers paralleled the participants’ ability to rely on their Black parents and community members who gave the participants messages of caution to keep them safe in the workplace. The brotherhood as a whole also functions as a secure base.

The use of brotherhood as a secure base is an application of responsibility to the culture.

Eng & Han (2019) explains that a secure base is space and opportunity for the individual to emotionally refuel as the individual prepares to navigate the oppression in the external world.

A secure base, then is an opportunity for the individual to express emotions authentically while feeling emotionally safe. It is an oasis for piecing together the “loss of self” while enabling the individual to feel a sense of community. The communal bonds display a fictive kinship (Ibsen and Klobus, 1972) in which the Black professionals and Black coworkers feel a mutual sense of family with each other via a shared challenge of surviving in the workplace. The shared sense of danger depicts a sense of linked fate as described by sociologist Ellis Monk (Monk, 2020). Monk (2020) explains that linked fate is when members of a group perceive the same danger and that consequences for one will also be consequences for all. Monk published his work on linked fate after the murder of George Floyd and how the Black community globally felt a shared sense of danger. The murder of Floyd was the same murder of other Black men who died before him: Trayvon Martin, Mike Brown, Philando Castillo, Eric Gardner, and countless others. The threat of destruction was felt throughout the whole Black community as the question rang out: am I next? The brotherhood between the Black professionals and Black coworkers solicits mutual

188 support, encouragement, and safety when expressing frustration; this brotherhood assisted in making the workplace survivable. The current brotherhood parallels subtly with how the African slaves bonded together to survive. In this way, the brotherhood shows up as feeling essential for surviving within the dominant culture.

Altman (2000) explained that society operates based on cultural expectations set by White standards due to Whiteness being the dominant culture in the United States; this dominance comes from a systemic and historical oppression that elevates Whiteness and its priorities (Hannah-Jones, 2021; McCluney et al., 2021; Hart, 2021). When applying this concept to the Black professionals of this study’s experience, the rules were expectations of professionalism that reflected Whiteness. Altman (2000) suggested that White cultural standards govern the way society operates since Whiteness is the dominant culture. When considering the workplace, McCluney et al. (2021) explained how White standards set the priorities and values.

Indeed White men’s values and norms come to define the occupations that they hold including their interest and hobbies (e.g. golfing), standards of appearance and dress, dialect and style of speech, and the prevalence of specific names (e.g. John) for individuals in professional spaces. Individuals from underrepresented groups may feel pressure to adjust their self-presentation in adherence to these norms so that they may access professional spaces and be conceived as a professional. (McCluney et al., 2021, pg 2) Black professionals’ implementing code-switching automatically may be seen to reflect a procedural knowing regarding navigating the predominately White workplace. The Black professionals were able to draw on their teachings and observations of code-switching from the past experiences of Black ancestors through direct and indirect storytelling as well as their

189 understanding of Black history. The past experiences and understandings of Black history served as a working memory for the Black professionals through generational stories, or familial experiences, or Black history studies.

As the Black professionals held the psychological weight of constantly and repeatedly adjusting their self-expression when in the presence of Whiteness, code-switching took an emotional toil for the participants, except Williams, in which they were aware of both the past oppression against Black people forced to adhere to Whiteness and their present dilemma of having to adhere to Whiteness presently in the workplace. Eric described this emotionally exhausting and painful awareness as double consciousness (Du Bois, 1903) when navigating the workplace. Semaj described the dilemma as “knowing you have to eat shit” in order to be able to advance in the workplace and “get things done.” As the emotional experience of having to be emotionally exhausted became consistent, the majority of the participants internalized this emotional cost as a rule for being with Whiteness. The emotionally exhausting experience of constantly adjusting continued throughout the Black professionals’ career affirming that the need to code-switch is a rule for navigating the Black professional’s predominately White workplace.

The need to constantly adjust self-expression is an implicit model that stems from the teachings of the older Black professionals as working memory (Fosshage, 2004; Lyons-Ruth, 1999). The working memory from the older Black people also includes the oppression of Black people by White people as oppression trauma (Hardy, 2019). Because the stories of oppression are traumatic, the implicit model of needing to constantly adjust self-expression when navigating Whiteness is difficult to challenge or diminish, resulting in code-switching existing as an automatic process. According to Fosshage (2004), implicit processes associated with trauma are not able to be destroyed, which causes the implicit model to occur automatically.

190 Code-switching’s automatic nature as a response to oppression trauma speaks to the depths at which the need to adjust self-expression was felt for the participants. The automatic nature of code-switching spoke to how deeply adjusting self-expression is felt in the body. Codeswitching was an embodiment of needing to adjust for professional survival, and the automatic nature was a response that the participants did not have to consciously think about. Codeswitching was rooted in them. Because code-switching happened automatically, it prevented the participants’ choice to be authentic. Authentic expression becomes a luxury that the participants could not afford as they had to be so attuned outward to Whiteness that there was little capacity to turn inward. The Black professionals could not hear their own voice, because they had to be attuned to Whiteness to be psychologically safe, just as their African slave ancestors had to be attuned to the White slave owner’s expectations for rules for how the African slave gets to exist.

The Black professionals were constantly aware of how outwardly focused on Whiteness they have to be in order to professionally survive and feel how this focus requires them to give up themselves regarding how they get to show up. Ceith described this as “losing your sense of self, losing your identity.” This is a loss at the core of how the Black professionals are and a deep disconnect with their inner world and “what feels right.” The dilemma of code-switching becomes a question of how much of himself the Black professional has to give up just for the basics of surviving without being able to breathe a word about the loss. Semaj described this loss as “you have to eat ass” just to accomplish the most basic tasks in the workplace.

The Black professionals’ continuous loss of self and their painful awareness of having to give up themselves for success and safety metabolizes as ongoing and unresolved grief; this grief stems from continuous psychological danger that limits how the Black professionals express themselves. The psychological danger has been felt across generations and appeared for them as

191 unrelenting. The external possibilities for complete peace seem impossible. Although the danger can be felt as less severe once the Black professionals choose to be authentic, they still have to navigate the system of Whiteness. The dominant culture is still woven into the fabric of American society; there is no external escape from the system. Even after gaining confidence and an internal resolve in how to be themselves fully, the Black professionals still have to sift through the difference in systemic power. Professional confidence equips the Black professional to fight against losing himself. Unfortunately, it does not change the history of oppression, microaggressions against him, or discrimination against Blackness. They have to still live under the overbearing Whiteness and all the hatred for Blackness that still exists. Eng & Han (2019) describe this unresolved grief as racial melancholia. The Black professional cannot change his position in society as a Black man, and therefore he is still subjected to all the turmoil directed against Blackness. However, he is able to withstand the attacks from Whiteness that seek to destroy his Blackness. He is able to focus on himself and continue reflecting inward as a preservation of his Blackness.

It is not until the Black professional has the capacity to reflect on how he wants to present or express himself that he can begin to challenge the automatic nature of code-switching. The communal support from other Black professionals, specifically those focused on authentic selfexpression, allows space for the Black professional to rebuild himself. As he rebuilds himself, he is able to build his capacity to reflect inward. The Black professional has to find a way to change his focus inward on “what feels right” instead of remaining focused outward on how he must portray himself in order to stay within the rules for navigating Whiteness (Altman, 2000; Safran, 2017). Safran (2017) describes the move from focusing outward to focusing inward to prioritize “what feels right” as authenticity. Authenticity is a movement of the Black professional to

192 prioritize aligning his actions with his own inner morals and beliefs; it is a movement towards cohesion between the Black professional’s outward actions and internal feelings, creating a sense of integrity (Safran, 2017). To reach authenticity, the Black professional has to be willing to be countercultural and stand outside of the expected way of adhering to the dominant culture as well as “diminish” or reduce the old implicit model of constantly adjusting his self-expression to conform to Whiteness. The Black professional has to be willing to challenge the current nonconscious expected way of conforming to Whiteness and prioritize actions that are consistent with his inner feelings of what is “right” to him (Safran, 2017).

The sense of “what feels right” is the process of bringing together the various true selves as described by Fairfield (2001). Fairfield (2001) explains that the true self is not a single inherent being but an evolution of “what feels right” over time based on where the individual is in his life; it is a reflection of how the individual grows to understand his inner feelings as he develops over his lifetime. For the Black professionals of this study, the movement towards authenticity reflects a turn inward which prioritizes “what feels right” as well as a reflective capacity to “diminish” and deactivate the old implicit model of needing to constantly adhere to Whiteness (Fosshage, 2004; Safran 2017). The Black professional is able to build the reflective capacity about how he wants to authentically express himself as he learns a new implicit model which happens when he reaches a position of authority or chooses to work for himself. The positions of authority or working for themselves allowed the participants to experience an ability to navigate Whiteness while being authentic; this new model of authenticity becomes an adaptation and “evolving” of code-switching.

This new model of implicitly being authentic diminishes the old implicit model, allowing the Black professional to express himself authentically in predominately White professional

193 environments (Fosshage, 2004). The new implicit model of being authentic allows the participants to align their actions with “what feels right” internally, creating a sense of integrity (Safran, 2017). The sense of integrity is a cohesion of the multiple true selves that have developed over time as the individual turns inward (Safran, 2017; Taylor, 1989; Taylor, 1992). The multiple true selves is a development from Winnicott’s one inherent true self; the plural true selves account for growth and how “what feels right” develops as external interactions influence internal priorities (Safran, 2017; Taylor, 1989; Taylor, 1992). For the Black professionals of this study, the differing levels of authentic expression displays a development of implicitly turning inward and focusing on their internal priorities, especially as the participants entered into positions of authority. The participants in positions of authority described the decision to cling to authenticity as a rejection to following the rules for being with Whiteness.

This reflects their turn inward towards “what feels right” instead of outward and continuing to conform towards Whiteness. Jamar described this decision as “being authentic as possible” even if this decision has caused him to “lose opportunities” to advance in his career.

The Black professionals in positions of authority referenced their desire to increase the ability of their younger Black subordinates to be authentic, and this creates a new implicit model replacing the older model of needing to code-switch. This is the power of changing the narrative of being a Black professional that the participants spoke to, changing the workplace dynamics from the inside. Although Whiteness is still present, the older Black professionals in positions of authority offer protection which fosters a secure attachment for the younger Black professionals, giving them a sense of strength. This strength contributes to a felt secure base as described by Eng & Han (2019). Authentic expression in positions of authority functions as a new implicit model that helps to deactivate the old model of needing to code-switch as a working memory

194 from the ancestral experience. Authenticity, then, can allow for an update to working memory in which new context is derived from the older Black professionals' change in code-switching to prioritizing authenticity. This process of moving towards authenticity is literally a giving of context within which code-switching evolves for the Black professional, especially as an affective terrain.

The Black professionals’ decision to cleave to authenticity and distancing themselves from Whiteness is an avoidance of Whiteness; it is reflecting an avoidant attachment as described by Bowlby (1944). The avoidant attachment style is when the individual does not feel a sense of psychological or emotional safety with the other person and therefore avoids the other person in order to establish or maintain psychological safety. The Black professionals, with the exception of Bob and Williams, described feeling conflicting emotions about interacting with Whiteness in which they expressed a desire to distance themselves from Whiteness in order to maintain psychological safety. Luke felt a strong need to distance himself strongly and stated that “…I honestly try to avoid Whiteness like the plague, honestly.” However, not all of the participants reached a level of reflective capacity to be authentic.

Where the old implicit model of adjusting self-expression to adhere to Whiteness continues automatically, it is not diminished, creating a struggle of how to express himself without “losing” himself. The Black professionals who were not able to obtain authenticity struggled with the challenge of how to live. This is their challenge of deciding to code-switch and be disingenuous or be authentic and risking psychological danger under the old implicit model (Fosshage 2004; McCluney et al., 2021). The Black professionals of this study work diligently to navigate the tumultuous Whiteness in which they are painfully aware of the

195 historical oppression of Black people by White people and the present psychological danger in the workplace that is not explicit but implicitly felt constantly.

Implications The Black professionals’ experience of code-switching revealed the challenges associated with navigating automatic ways of living that hinder choices for truly being authentic. The challenges brought on by automatic processes involving attunement, emanate from the need for caution when considering the following question: How does the environment impact selfexpression? The participants’ experience is a reminder of how impactful the environment is on how people see themselves. Black history, oppression trauma, unity, and passive alignment with racism that maintains racial inequality, as tolerable racism (Hunt, Folberg and Ryan, 2021), directly influenced what felt permissible for the Black professionals. Psychologists Jennifer Hunt, Abigail Folberg, and Carey Ryan described tolerable racism as a passive adherence to racism that continues systems of racial injustice. For Black professionals, the pressure to conform to Whiteness promotes tolerable racism.

Contemplating conformity and authenticity is a means of holding the past through working memory and the future desires for peace and genuine self-expression. Working to make active decisions in the present to have that future, is a reminder to deeply consider how much is being placed on the psyche. This also prompts consideration of how much suffering, grieving, and breaking occurs internally. The participants’ need for survival cues us to bear in mind what is implicitly being asked of the individual in order to be with the other, especially when the other has the systemic power in the relationship. The Black professionals’ resolve of turning inward is an encouragement to never give up the fight to exist and allows for a repossession of self that is healing once the individual focus on “what feels right.” Authenticity provides strength that

196 supersedes even the vilest psychological attacks, which makes doing “what feels right” essential for truly surviving.

For clinical practice, the research highlights the power clinicians may access for clients when they clients to identify automatic processes that do not align with the clients’ goals for selfexpression. Clinicians can help clients identify what leads to and maintains the automatic process that goes against the clients’ goals. Once the process is identified, clinicians can help the clients move the process from a nonconscious place to a conscious awareness. This is done through helping clients to reflect on their experiences with the process and consider “what feels right.”

Clinicians can support clients in building the capacity to reflect on their automatic processes and how the clients felt afterwards, to help the clients regain the ability to consciously choose how to live. This empowers clients to consider what past experiences are guiding the clients’ decisions as well as what environmental factors are maintaining this detrimental way of living. Clinicians can aid clients in moving towards authenticity as the clients release the focus on external foci: relationship expectations from others, gender expectations, cultural expectations, and unspoken expectations in the workplace. The research is a framework for clinicians to enable clients to live genuinely as who they want to be, not just who they have to be.

Recommendations The research study was limited to the experiences of cis-gendered Black men within the millennial generation who are currently working in predominantly White professional environments. The study examined the emotional challenges around needing to adjust selfexpression in order to navigate Whiteness as a dominant culture in the workplace. The study understood there needs to be an emphasis on accepting differences in self-expression and an acceptance of authentic expression of cultures outside of Whiteness in order to build

197 psychological safety. The study also gleaned that there needs to be a strong consideration for how interactions and communication are implicitly understood when working with Black professionals, especially when an interaction involves racial dynamics that can reflect a power difference, mirroring the historical oppression of Black people by White people. The research study also gained evidence that there is not a monolithic experience of Blackness as well as not a monolithic Black experience of code-switching or Whiteness when engaging in code-switching.

For future studies, the researcher would recommend that the impact of code-switching on cis-gendered Black professional women be conducted. Similar to Black men, Black women have also experienced racial oppression and have experienced code-switching. However, there is a difference in emotional self-expression between Black men and Black women in which Black women are less likely to withhold their authentic expression of emotion according to Majors and Billson (1993). The researcher would be curious as to how this foundation of being more emotionally expressive would impact the Black female professional’s navigation of codeswitching. The researcher would also recommend investigating the impact of code-switching on other BIPOC communities that engage in code-switching, especially other BIPOC communities that have been historically oppressed by Whiteness. The researcher would suggest investigating how code-switching manifests for transgender professionals as well. Because of the nature of physically changing self-expression associated with the transition process, the researcher would be curious how code-switching impacts transgender communities, especially when an intersectionality of identifying as part of the BIPOC community adds possible additional risk factors for psychological danger considering the political and racial implications of being a member of both of these communities.

198 Conclusion Code-switching is a challenging application that is not monolithically experienced amongst Black professionals and therefore holds conflicting emotional associations within the culture. As a survival method for navigating psychologically dangerous Whiteness, codeswitching is commonly understood as a way of maintaining employment and obtaining career advancement. However, as an experience, code-switching can cause the Black professional to become aware of the historical oppression of Black people by White people and how the professional’s decision to code-switch can reflect a complacency to adhere to Whiteness. This increased awareness can cause internal conflicts within the Black professional in which he feels conflicting emotions of needing to survive and needing to rebel against Whiteness by “being authentic as possible” in order not to “lose himself.” The Black professional implicitly picks up on the rules for navigating Whiteness in the workplace and procedurally engages in codeswitching.

Code-switching is commonly described as an automatic process in which the adjusting of self-expression is implicit and reflects the lessons internalized from older Black people and Black history about navigating Whiteness, the consequences of not adhering to Whiteness and strategies for advancing and surviving Whiteness as a working memory. As a strategy, codeswitching can be a cryptic way of leveling the power difference with White counterparts by assisting the Black professional in being attractive enough to Whiteness to advance professionally. Once code-switching as a strategy “opens the door” for the Black professional and he is able to have a position of authority, the Black professional can express himself more authentically and resist the automatic need to code-switch; he no longer has to “play the game.”

Positions of authority can also be obtained through self-employment and entrepreneurship in

199 which the Black professional is able to “write his own checks” as well as have an autonomy and sense of psychological safety to be himself authentically. Code-switching is complex in nature, not monolithic in the experience it produces, and conflicting in its implementation for Black male professionals navigating predominantly White professional environments. Code-switching's impact is that it increases the Black professional’s awareness of how much he is focused outward and what is needed to increase his “reflective capacity” (Safran, 2017) to overcome the automatic nature of code-switching so that he can turn inward towards “what feels right” as he chooses how to express himself authentically in predominately White professional environments.

200

Appendix A Recruitment Flyer

201

202

Appendix B Script for Telephone Pre-Screening Interview

203 Script and Questions for Pre-Screening Interview Following a potential participant contacting the writer to express interest, the writer will engage the potential participant in the following pre-screening script: “Greetings, my name is Michael Whiteside, LCSW. I am a doctoral student at the Institute for Clinical Social Work. Thank you for following up and your interest in potentially participating in this research study. The purpose of this research study is to understand the experiences of African American (Black) male professionals who use code-switching. The study would explore how Black male professionals present themselves in predominately White professional spaces.

The intent is to learn about how code-switching impacts how Black men express themselves in these professional settings. Based on this description, does this still interest you?

[If no is the response] Not a problem at all. Thank you for your time and enjoy your day.

[If yes is the response] Thank you and I’ll now ask you just a few questions confirming some demographic questions that meet the eligibility criteria. All of your responses will be kept confidential.

1) Do you identify as a cis-gender male between the ages of 28-43 years old?

2) Do you identify racially as Black/African American?

3) Do you have an awareness of Black history in the USA? 4) Are you currently working in a professional setting and have at least a bachelor’s degree?

5) Do you agree to participate in two separate recorded virtual interviews via zoom?

Thank you for agreeing to answer these questions. The two recorded interviews will be approximately 60-90 minutes each to best understand your experience with code-switching.

During the first interview, I will ask questions about your experience with code-switching regarding how did you learn about it, how it is used, and the effects of code-switching on interactions you have with your White co-workers. The second interview will be used to ensure that I have processed your responses as accurate as possible and expand my understanding of your responses.

Do you have any concerns about anything that will be discussed? I understand that this information could be emotionally triggering. Do you have any questions for me?

Could you summarize the study back to me to confirm that everything is clear to you?

Do you feel comfortable reflecting on your experiences with code-switching?

204 Great, thank you again for your participation. Let’s schedule our next meeting to review the informed consent in detail, and we will complete the first interview following the informed consent process. We can complete the first interview immediately following the informed consent process or schedule a separate interview time, it is totally up to you. Thank you again and we will talk soon.”

205

Appendix C Script for Informed Consent

206 Script for Informed Consent Following the pre-screening interview, once the participant confirms his eligibility, the writer will engage the participant in the informed consent process utilizing the script listed below: “Hello, it is good to see you. Before we begin with any recorded interviews, I want to review the informed consent process. I have emailed you the informed consent to your email as well. The informed consent will outline the purpose of the study, benefits of the study, the way your responses will be collected, any possible risks for participation, and how the study response will be kept confidential. We will also read through the consent form together aloud before signing it.

As a reminder there is no financial requirement for participation. There is a $10 gift card that will be awarded at the end of the study, but you are welcome to terminate at any moment without consequences. The gift card will be awarded regardless so that this no pressure. Let’s review the consent form now with specific attention to the purpose, benefits, methods for collection, risks, and confidentiality.

[We will review the informed consent in its entirety.]

Could you summarize the study back to me to confirm that everything is clear to you?

Thank you again for your participation thus far and let’s have you sign the consent if you are comfortable continuing. Once signed, we will move onto the first interview questions unless you would like to schedule the first recorded interview on a separate day. What is best for you?”

207

Appendix D Informed Consent

208 Leave box empty - For office use only

DO NOT DELETE BOX Institute for Clinical Social Work Research Information and Consent for Participation is Social Behavioral Research Code-switching through It All I,_____________________________________, acting for myself, agree to take part in the research entitled Code-switching through It All This work will be carried out by Michael Whiteside, LCSW under the supervision of Lynne Tylke, PhD, LCSW. This work is being conducted under the auspices of the Institute for Clinical Social Work; At St. Augustine College, 1345 W. Argyle St., Chicago, IL 60640; (773)935-6500.

Purpose The purpose of this phenomenological research study is to understand the experiences of African American (Black) male professionals who use code-switching. The study would explore how Black male professionals present themselves in predominately White professional spaces; this study explores how Black professionals express themselves when with White professionals. The intent is to learn about how code-switching impacts how Black men express themselves in these professional settings as an ideal result of the study.

Procedures used in the study and duration The researcher will conduct two recorded 60–90-minute semi-structured virtual interviews via Zoom per participant to obtain a meaningful understanding of each participant’s experience engaging in code-switching. The researcher will analyze each interview through axial coding to deduce patterns, codes, and themes within each participant’s experience. The researcher will utilize the ATLAS.ti program to complete the coding process. After each individual interview has been coded and processed, the researcher will conduct a holistic review to develop conclusive themes. Participants will receive a $10 gift card upon the completion of the study unless participant desires to discontinue for whatever reason prior. Gift cards will still be given at termination in this scenario.

Benefits The main benefits to the participant are the opportunity to freely express oneself as the participant reflects on his experience as well as the emotional release that can come with sharing one’s story. For the society as a whole exploring how Black male professionals who are

209 engaging in the racial adjustment process of code-switching will allow for a deeper perspective on how Black professional men express their identity, navigate obtaining psychological safety, and how code-switching can be invoked in social interactions, especially in professional settings.

Costs There is no financial cost to the participant as the research interviews will be done virtually via zoom in which the participant can be in a physical setting of his choosing. The zoom links for interviews will be provided by the researcher. The only cost is the participant’s time of 60-90 minutes per interview. Interviews will be scheduled at a mutually beneficial time between the participant and researcher with the priority given to the participant’s convenience.

Possible Risks and/or Side Effects Although unlikely, the major risk is the potential for the participant to become aware of emotionally damaging past experiences, especially experiences involving oppression or psychological danger. The study requests that the participant recall memories that can cause potential psychological harm due to the nature of the memories. Although psychological harm is not the intention of the researcher or the research study, it is a risk that needs to be acknowledged and considered when engaging in this study. To increase the greatest possibility of emotional and psychological safety, each participant will be made aware of this risk during the informed consent process. Participants will also be made aware of their ability to terminate their participation at any moment without consequence. The researcher will also offer the participants the opportunity to connect with an outside mental health professional for psychological support, if needed.

Privacy and Confidentiality The researcher will also ask the participant for a pseudonym when recording the interview and compiling the transcript. Doing this will add an additional level of protection for the participants.

Additionally, the recordings, transcripts, field notes, and informed consents will be held in a confidential electronic medical record system (EMR), Simple Practice, to provide the highest level of security. The researcher will also dispose of all material following the completion of the study, to protect each participant’s information outside of the copies on the EMR; those will be disposed of within the legal limitations of maintaining research information. The researcher will also verify that each participant is in a secure place, meaning that they are alone and agree to maintain confidentiality. The researcher will verify confidentiality in his location as well before beginning the interview.

Subject Assurances By signing this consent form, you agree to take part in this study. You have not given up any of your rights or released this institution from responsibility for carelessness.

You may cancel my consent and refuse to continue in this study at any time without penalty or loss of benefits. Your relationship with the staff of ICSW will not be affected in any way, now or in the future, if you refuse to take part, or if you begin the study and then withdraw.

210 If you have any questions about the research methods, you can contact Michael Whiteside, LCSW at 703-596-2670/mwhiteside@reclaimingroyalty.net or Lynne Tylke, PhD, LCSW. at 312-560-9204/ lynnetylke@gmail.com.

If you have any questions about your rights as a research subject, you may contact Dr. John Ridings, Chair of Institutional Review Board; the Institute for Clinical Social Work; At St. Augustine College, 1345 W. Argyle St., Chicago, IL 60640; (773)935-6500.; irbchair@icsw.edu.

Signatures For the Participant I have read this consent form and I agree to take part in this study as it is explained in this consent form: Participant Name (please print): ___________________________________ Participant Signature:__________________________________________ Date: _____________ 1. Would you like a summary of the results of this study?

Yes: ____ No: ____ For the Primary Researcher I certify that I have explained the research to _________________________ and believe that they understand and that they have agreed to participate freely. I agree to answer any additional questions when they arise during the research or afterward.

Researcher Name (please print): ___________________________________ Researcher Signature:__________________________________________ Date: _____________

211

Appendix E Interview Questions

212 Interview Questions Following the completion of the meeting to discuss the informed consent, the writer will engage the participant in the first recorded semi-structured interview. During the interview, the writer will ask the following questions: 1) What does code-switching mean to you?

2) Tell me how you were introduced to code-switching?

3) Who introduced you to code-switching and how they did it?

4) Have you ever code-switched and tell me about the first time using it?

5) Do you currently use code-switching/ can you paint the picture of the situation?

6) How did it feel to code-switch?

7) What was accomplished by code-switching?

8) Did code-switching benefit you?

If at any point the participant wants to stop and terminate, the participant will be free to do so without any consequence. Although unlikely, if a referral for a mental health provider is needed, the writer will assist in getting the participant connected to a clinician of their choice through the list provided.

213

Appendix F Mental Health Resources

214 Mental Health Resources Psychology Today https://www.psychologytoday.com/us Grow Therapy Find a Therapist | Grow Therapy | Therapy Covered by Insurance Headway Find Therapists Covered by Your Insurance | Headway Limelight Recovery https://limelightrecovery.com/services

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