Marilyn Medina dissertation

Institute for Clinical Social Work

LATINA ADOLESCENTS’ EXPERIENCE OF SEXUALITY AND EARLY PREGNANCY

A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Institute for Clinical Social Work in Partial Fulfillment for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

By MARILYN MEDINA-PEREZ

Chicago, Illinois March 2012

Copyright © 2012 Marilyn Medina-Pérez

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ABSTRACT This mixed methods study examined the subjective experiences of 35 Latina adolescents, ages 14 – 19, regarding dating, sex, and early pregnancy. Participants completed demographic surveys, the Latino(a) Values Scale (LVS), and the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM), as well as provided narratives during semi-structured interviews. Comparative analyses were employed with quantitative data and grounded theory methods assisted in narrative analysis. Identity and object relations theories informed interpretation of findings. Results did not reveal significant differences between LVS and MEIM scores of participant groups. While the two shared comparable demographic backgrounds, a higher rate of those who were pregnant/parenting was second generation. Participants from both groups received similar parental messages that discouraged dating, promoted sex after marriage, offered limited information about contraception, and warned against early pregnancy. Female sexuality was not perceived as a normative aspect of adolescence. A greater part of participants associated negative outcomes with early motherhood and many who were pregnant/parenting did not consciously plan to become pregnant. However, contraception use was rarely supported by their partners and inconsistently utilized. The most significant discrepancy was revealed in participant descriptions of parent relationships, as those who were pregnant/parenting were more apt to describe negative interactions with both parents than their non-pregnant/parenting counterparts.

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For my mami who provided me with the key to success without even knowing it

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I offer humble thanks to my committee and readers. Joan DiLeonardi, Ph.D., embraced this project with excitement from the very beginning and was my strongest supporter. I am grateful to her for being everything I hoped for and more. Amy Eldridge, Ph.D., welcomed me to ICSW and her contributions assisted me in achieving the educational endeavor that started eight years ago. Ida Roldán, Ph.D., provided insights that were truly invaluable. She has a gift for helping me put to words what I often times only know intuitively. I want to be like her when I grow up. Lynn Bornstein, MSW, and Karen Bloomberg, Ph.D., offered guidance, encouragement, and words of wisdom during this project’s early stages and were integral in developing its framework. ¡Mil Gracias!

This study could not have come to fruition without the participants who so generously shared their time and stories. I am indebted to all of you.

I also extend my sincerest appreciation to those who not only supported me with words of encouragement, but also assisted with recruitment efforts or other aspects of this study: Marisa Wetmore, Socorro Rogers, Joanne Bratta, Ana Molina-Martinez, Gabriela Medina, and Maria Dzien. A part of this project belongs to you.

And finally, to my husband, Jesse, who never failed to encourage, inspire, and motivate me. Words cannot express the depth of my gratitude.

MMP

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page ABSTRACT…….……………………………………………………………................. iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS………………………………………………………….….... v LIST OF TABLES………………..……...……………………………………………… ix FOREWORD………………………………………………..…………………………... xi Chapter I.

INTRODUCTION…………………………………………...………….. 1 Overview of the Problem Formulation of the Problem Definition of Terminology

II.

LITERATURE REVIEW………………………………..…………….... 6 Brief History of Adolescent Pregnancy in the U.S. Psychodynamic Interpretations of Adolescent Pregnancy Overview of Culture in Psychodynamic Theories Common Threads in Latino Culture Synopsis of Acculturation Brief Discussion of Postmodern Conceptualizations of Identity Summation of Ethnic Identity Theoretical and Conceptual Framework Theoretical and Operational Definitions Statement of Assumptions Research Questions

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TABLE OF CONTENTS – Continued

Chapter III.

Page METHODOLOGY…………………………………………….............. 54 Study Design Participant Recruitment Description of Participants Instrumentation Translation Methodology Data Collection Interview Process Data Analysis Member Checking Limitations Statement of Protecting the Rights of Human Subjects

IV.

INTRODUCTION TO THE FINDINGS……………………….…........ 75

V.

QUANTITATIVE FINDINGS…………………………………..…….. 80 Participant Demographics Comparative Analysis of Quantitative Measurements Participant Perceptions of Relationships with Parents

VI.

QUALITATIVE FINDINGS…………………………………...…...... 106 Hard Topics to Discuss Trying to Make Sense of It All Sex Happens Being Pregnant The Calm after the Storm Personal Meanings Hope for Change in the Future

VII.

SUMMARY AND IMPLICATIONS……………….....……………... 134 Summary of Findings Theoretical Implications Implications for Social Work Conclusions and Implications for Future Research

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Appendices A.

PARENTAL CONSENT FORM IN ENGLISH……………..………. 165

B.

PARENTAL CONSENT FORM IN SPANISH……………..……….. 168

C.

INDIVIDUAL CONSENT FORM IN ENGLISH…………...……...... 171

D.

INDIVIDUAL CONSENT FORM IN SPANISH………..………....... 174

E.

DEMOGRAPHIC SURVEYS (ENGLISH AND SPANISH)….…...... 177

F.

LATINO VALUES SCALE SCORING INSTRUCTIONS……..…… 183

G.

LATINO VALUES SCALE IN ENGLISH…………………………... 185

H.

LATINO VALUES SCALE IN SPANISH…………………………... 187

I.

MULTIGROUP ETHNIC IDENTITY MEASURE SCORING INSTRUCTIONS……………………………………………………... 189

J.

MULTIGROUP ETHNIC IDENTITY MEASURE IN ENGLISH…... 192

K.

MULTIGROUP ETHNIC IDENTITY MEASURE IN SPANISH…... 195

L.

RECRUITMENT FLYER ……………..…………………………….. 199

REFERENCES…........……………………………………………………….. 201

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LIST OF TABLES

Table

Page 1.

Age at Time of Interview Divided by Participant Group……………… 82

2.

Pregnant/parenting Participant Age at Time of Pregnancy……………. 82

3.

Year in School Divided by Participant Group…………………………. 83

4.

Free and Reduced Lunch Divided by Participant Group………………. 83

5.

Ethnicity Divided by Participant Group……………………………….. 84

6.

Country of Birth Divided by Participant Group……………………….. 85

7.

Length of Time in the U.S. Divided by Participant Group…………….. 85

8.

Religious Affiliation Divided by Participant Group…………………… 86

9.

Parental History of Non-pregnant/parenting Participant Group……….. 88

10.

Parental History of Pregnant/parenting Participant Group…………….. 89

11.

Biological Parental Marital Status Divided by Participant Group……… 90

12.

Independent Samples T-Test of Latino(a) Values Scale Segregated by Pregnancy Status……………………………………………………….. 93

13.

Independent Samples T-Test of Latino(a) Values Scale Segregated by Participant History of Sexual Activity………………………...……….. 95

14.

Independent Samples T-Test of Latino(a) Values Scale Segregated by Parental Relationship Status………………………………………….… 96

15.

Independent Samples T-Test of Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure Segregated by Pregnancy Status……………………………………….. 98

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LIST OF TABLES - Continued

16.

Independent Samples T-Test of Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure Segregated by Participant History of Sexual Activity………...……….. 99

17.

Independent Samples T-Test of Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure Segregated by Parental Marital Status………………….…………….. 100

18.

Perceptions of Parental Relationships Divided by Participant Group... 105

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FOREWORD

My interest in this research topic was both personal and professional. Throughout childhood, I was encouraged to feel pride in my Latino heritage as well as a sense of responsibility to positively contribute to the Latino community. I strongly identified with these values and, in adulthood, awareness and concern regarding issues facing Latinos became second nature. As a first generation, bilingual Latina reared in an impoverished neighborhood with parents who worked low paying, blue-collar jobs due to their lack of English proficiency and educational and career training, I grew up not only bicultural, but also exposed to challenges associated with poverty and bilingualism. These experiences molded my worldview and I became particularly sensitized to obstacles interfering with the educational and personal success of poor, bicultural, and bilingual individuals. This converged with my personal investment in community development and eventually sparked my interest in the Social Work field. Given my perception of schools as central, critical aspects of communities and potential catalysts for systemic change, the path of School Social Work seemed a natural fit.

It was in my role as a bilingual, Latina School Social Worker that I came into professional contact with Latino children, adolescents, and their parents. Similar to my work with clients from different ethnicities, I became aware that the experiences of Latino clients resonated with my own at times, while at others, they differed dramatically.

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In contrast, however, I noticed that Latino clients tended to be particularly curious regarding my ethnicity and status in marriage and motherhood. While professional training taught me to anticipate client inquiries regarding my personal life, it seemed that my status as a single, childless Latina held important meanings for a number of my Latino clients, particularly when I started working exclusively with adolescents. It was more often than not that my Latino adolescent clients wondered aloud about why I was not a wife and mother. As I grew older, this dynamic persisted with increased concerns regarding motherhood. One Latina student during a group asked, “I heard you weren’t married and I wondered why not. Why do you want to stay a ‘hamona’ (old maid)?

Don’t you want children?” Although well meaning and framed with concern, it implied that being a single, childless woman was an undesirable, pitiful outcome. Another client sadly asked why I did not want to have children when she saw in me the potential to be a very competent mother. Interestingly, I never made any references about my desires (or lack thereof) to have children. What was clear in these and other reactions was that marriage and motherhood held significant meanings for many of my Latino clients, particularly those who were female. Perhaps in my status as single and childless they saw, for themselves, a potential future that was worrisome and unfavorable. I suspect that my marriage to my husband in my late thirties came as a relief to some, although worries continued to be raised about my lack of children.

While marriage and motherhood seemed desired outcomes, albeit unconscious ones, for many Latinas, it also was feared and unwanted. A number of my adolescent clients voiced dismay regarding their peers who became pregnant, believing that they only reinforced negative stereotypes about Latinas. In addition, some who openly

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opposed early pregnancy later became pregnant. Inquiries regarding their intention to become pregnant often revealed their disbelief or bewilderment because they did not consciously plan to become pregnant. This dynamic, in particular, was intriguing because the manifest wishes of these clients did not coincide with the behavior leading to their pregnancies. That is not to say that I did not come into contact with young Latinas who openly reported their desire to become pregnant. However, in my experiences, this was not the majority. It was the majority who did not plan on becoming pregnant that drew my interest.

Along these lines, the noticeably higher percentage of young Latinas who were becoming pregnant evoked interesting, although not unexpected, responses from fellow colleagues, community members, and professionals. It was not uncommon (and still is not) to hear inferences being made about Latino families “accepting� or condoning, in some way, early pregnancies due to traditional cultural values centered on the family.

This assumption first struck me as odd due to my own personal experiences. In my family, early pregnancy was unacceptable, and when several cousins and family friends became pregnant as adolescents, the observable response from adults was to reject and shame. As I considered this, I began to pay close attention to Latino parents’ responses to early pregnancy in my professional practice, thinking that perhaps my family experiences concerning early pregnancy were not typical.

However, this proved untrue. My work with Latino parents, either in family sessions with their children or through monthly parenting groups, repeatedly raised my awareness regarding their fears about teen pregnancy. Most notable were their overwhelming responses to psycho-educational parenting sessions focused on the topic of

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early pregnancy. Year after year, these presentations drew the largest number of Latino parents and became forums where they voiced concerns and disapproval regarding teen pregnancy. These responses, combined with numerous interactions with parents who expressed intense anxieties regarding their daughters becoming pregnant, led me to believe that early pregnancy for young women in the Latino community indeed was unacceptable for many.

This revelation raised more questions than answers. If many in the Latino community do not condone early pregnancy, why do Latina adolescents hold the highest rates of pregnancy and parenting? One would assume that the opposite should hold true.

In Latino culture, marriage and motherhood is revered, and yet, on the other, it is considered one of the worst outcomes for Latinas during adolescence. While this sentiment is echoed among other ethnic groups, the intensity of negative reactions toward teen pregnancy and the attention that is paid to early motherhood among Latinas is perplexing. If so many Latino parents openly admonish teen pregnancy and Latina teens tend to agree with this sentiment, why do early pregnancies continue to be highest among this group? Why does this phenomenon evoke such fear, anxiety, and admonishment for so many Latino families? And, perhaps more importantly, why does this issue seem both adverse yet alluring for Latina teens? It was my hope of gaining insight to these contradictory questions that became the motivating force behind the development of this study.

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CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION Overview of the Problem Adolescent pregnancy has been a recognized national problem since the 1970s (Women’s Health Encyclopedia, 2011). Prior to that time, early pregnancies were not uncommon, but arguably more accepted because many teens were married at the time in which they became pregnant. Some contended that it was the culmination of increased rates of sexual intercourse among adolescents, the decline of marriage among teen parents, as well as social, economic, and political movements evolving in the U.S. during the 1960s and 1970s that propelled adolescent pregnancy to the forefront of national attention (Encyclopedia of Children and Childhood in History and Society, 2008).

Despite pregnancy prevention efforts over the last three decades and a decrease in early pregnancy rates since the 1990s, it is estimated that close to one million adolescent females become pregnant every year in the United States (As-Sanie, Gantt, & Rosenthal, 2004). Studies have closely correlated causes of adolescent pregnancy to environmental and socioeconomic factors such as poverty, abuse, single parent homes, and poor school achievement (Centers for Disease Control, 2011 and National Campaign to Prevent Teen and Unplanned Pregnancy, 2008). Moreover, dismal outcomes have been linked to teen mothers and their children. While adolescent mothers have been found to have high rates

2 of high school drop out and long-term welfare dependence, their children are at higher risk for anxiety, loneliness, low self-esteem, and sadness (Terry-Humen, Manlove, & Moore, 2005). These grim predictions combined with the estimated nine billion dollar costs associated with teen childbearing keep early pregnancy in the national spotlight, to the degree that in 2011, over 200 million dollars of federal funding were specifically dedicated to support programs focusing on teen pregnancy prevention (National Campaign to Prevent Teen and Unplanned Pregnancy, 2011).

Demographic data regarding adolescent pregnancies clearly demonstrate that this phenomenon crosses ethnicities. However, it is estimated that approximately 52% of Latina adolescents become pregnant at least once by the age of 20 in comparison to 50% of African American teens and 19% of White teens (National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy, 2010). In addition, birth rates among Latina teens are higher than any other group and almost double the overall adolescent birth rate (National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy, 2011). Thus, Latinas are the most represented ethnic group in both pregnant and parenting adolescent populations. Studies examining the reasons for this overrepresentation have cited reasons such as poverty and lack of information and/or access to contraception (National Campaign to Prevent Teen and Unplanned Pregnancy, 2011), while others have hypothesized that “family oriented” cultural norms “favoring strong family ties and higher levels of fertility” (Population Resource Center, 2004) are to blame.

Psychodynamic discourse regarding adolescent pregnancy as a whole is sparse when compared to the plethora of literature addressing this very topic in other fields, such as sociology and anthropology. This has led to a limited understanding of adolescent

3 pregnancy, one in which external, environmental factors are emphasized at the exclusion of internal processes. Similarly, there are no known psychodynamically informed studies regarding Latina teen pregnancy, leaving a palpable absence of knowledge regarding the intrapsychic and interpersonal dynamics contributing to the overrepresentation of Latinas in the adolescent pregnancy population. When non-psychodynamic studies have explored individual perspectives of young Latinas regarding sexuality and pregnancy, the focus has remained on manifest, conscious factors leading them to make decisions regarding their sexual behavior (Garcia, 2005). This omission of unconscious processes might be due to a fear that a study of individual meanings attached to adolescent pregnancy will lead to victim blaming (Dean, 1997). That is to say, adolescents who become pregnant will be perceived as suffering from a mental health defect while external factors, such as poverty, which undoubtedly have an impact, are minimized or disregarded. Although a valid concern, it is important to recognize that a true, comprehensive understanding of a phenomenon cannot be derived by viewing only one side or by examining certain factors at the exclusion of others. Indeed it is possible to explore individual meanings while also considering the external, societal contexts in which these meanings are generated.

Formulation of the Problem Because there are no known psychodynamic studies regarding Latina teen pregnancy, there has been minimal, if any, understanding regarding the internal workings of these young women. Therefore, the central purpose of this concurrent mixed study (Creswell, 2009) was to examine Latina adolescents’ understanding, experiences, and

4 behavior as they related to early pregnancy. This investigation, informed by object relations and identity theories, explored both pregnant/parenting and non-pregnant parenting participants’ perceptions regarding dating, adolescent sexuality, pregnancy, male and female gender roles, as well as their experiences of parental relationships. The use of various theories was hoped to aid in understanding and comparing participants’ subjective experiences of aforementioned topics while also providing a framework for comprehending quantitative data collected from scales measuring participants’ level of ethnic identity status and adherence to traditional cultural norms. The reason for converging qualitative and quantitative data was to gain a deeper understanding of factors leading to higher rates of early pregnancy among Latinas (p. 123).

Findings from this study shed light on the internal factors influencing Latina adolescents’ behavior as it relates to early pregnancy. Given that Latinos are the largest and fastest growing population in the United States, it is likely that more individuals from this group will seek out treatment in the future. Clinicians serving this population might find results from this study useful in helping them understand issues these patients face as well as the core cultural values influencing their behavior. Additionally, findings from this study offer a deeper understanding of Latina adolescent pregnancy, which might be useful to prevention efforts designed to avert early pregnancy.

Definition of Terminology For clarification, Latino and Latina will be used throughout this report to refer to individuals with ancestry from Latin American and Spanish speaking Caribbean islands that include Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Dominican Republic. Latino(s) refers to both the

5 general population as well as males from this group, whereas Latina(s) specifically refers to females.

Any discussion regarding Latino culture must first address the inherent problem with the term Latino in and of itself. The label insinuates a homogeneous population when, in fact, it embodies a diverse group of individuals with ethnic ties to Mexico, Central and South America, Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Dominican Republic. Although these regions share ancestry with Spain, including the Spanish language and certain traditional beliefs and values, many differences exist, including, but not limited to, the variation of political beliefs, socioeconomic statuses, overall ideologies, and, of course, individual character types that are represented in this population. Immigration status is another point of divergence given that some Latinos recently immigrated, whereas others were U.S. born and hold a longstanding American family history. Thus, levels of acculturation may differ greatly among individuals in this group, impacting their adherence to traditional cultural beliefs. Because of this potential for variation, Cofresi (2002) cautions us in stating, “It is important to acknowledge the generalizations about cultural difference, although useful contextual tools, reflect at best only partial truths to be discerned in any given patient’s narrative” (p. 436). With this in mind, common beliefs existing among the diverse Latino groups will be acknowledged and discussed throughout this study, however, it is with the understanding that these themes may vary depending on the individual’s native country, generation, immigration status, and overall psychology.

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CHAPTER II

LITERATURE REVIEW Brief History of Adolescent Pregnancy in the U.S. The rate of adolescent pregnancy and childbearing in the United States is higher than most other industrialized countries (Solutions for America, 2003; Centers for Disease Control, 2011; and National Campaign to Prevent Teen and Unplanned Pregnancy, 2010). While identified antecedents to adolescent pregnancy include poor school achievement and drop out, family dysfunction, and risk taking behaviors such as substance abuse (Dean, 1997; Mayden, Castro, & Annitto, 1999), poverty is deemed a powerful predictor given that poor adolescents have higher rates of adolescent pregnancy overall (Mayden, Castro, & Annitto, 1999; Corcoran, Franklin, & Bennett, 2000; The Alan Guttmacher Institute, 2001). Some believe this to be true because adolescents living in poverty may perceive fewer opportunities for educational and economic advancement, therefore, no advantages are associated with delaying parenthood (Corcoran, Franklin, & Bennett, 2000). Teens who drop out of school and live in poverty with parents who have low education levels are perceived to be at particularly high risk (Mayden, et al., 1999). Other poverty related issues increasing the risk for early pregnancy include a general lack of reproductive information due to limited resources and minimal access to contraception.

7 A vicious cycle of economic deprivation pervades early pregnancy given that poverty not only is a causal agent linked to teen pregnancy, but a probable outcome as well. Reports estimate that two out of three families originating from teen pregnancy live in poverty and are dependent on welfare systems for sustainment. Additionally, adolescent mothers are more likely to experience a lifetime of financial dearth due to educational and career limitations often resulting from childcare and economic demands.

While it is clear why poverty increases the risk of early pregnancy, it remains unclear as to the dynamics that differentiate poor adolescents who become pregnant from those who do not. Stern (2002) examined poverty and early pregnancy in Mexico and made this observation: Instead of assuming what the needs of adolescents are in terms of their sexual and reproductive health, we have to get closer to their concrete lives, their beliefs, attitudes and values, their interaction with their parents, peers and partners, their objective opportunities and subjective aspirations, in order to be able to assess their needs and, starting from them and their accumulated knowledge regarding successful policies and programs, gauge what kind of actions could and should be taken in order to improve their sexual and reproductive health.

This statement resonates for research on early pregnancies in the U.S., particularly in regard to the Latino population. Since 2004, Latinas have held the highest teen pregnancy and birth rates in the United States (The National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy, 2008). Prior to this, Latina adolescents became pregnant more often than Whites and less often than African Americans, but had the highest birth rate of all groups combined. Poverty has been cited as a probable reason given that Latinos have higher rates of poverty and high school drop out when compared to White or African American youth (Mayden, Castro, & Annitto, 1999). However, The National Campaign to Prevent Teen and Unplanned Pregnancy (2006) assert that these statistics are “undoubtedly

8 related to the high teen birth rates of Latinos� (p. 3), an argument supported by reports showing that 69% of Latina adolescent mothers who drop out of school identify pregnancy as their reason (The National Campaign to Prevent Teen and Unplanned Pregnancy, 2007).

Lack of information and access to contraception, factors closely linked to poverty, are believed to contribute to higher pregnancy rates among Latina adolescents as well.

Studies demonstrate that while Latinas are less or as likely as their Anglo counterparts to engage in sex (Flanigan, Suellentrop, Whitehead & Smith, 2006), they are less likely to use contraception (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2006). Accordingly, 50% of Latina teens who reported being sexually active did not use a condom during their last sexual encounter (Flanigan, Suellentrop, Whitehead & Smith, 2006). It is possible that lack of access to contraception might contribute to this behavior, however, it is unclear if it is the only explanation. This writer’s experience working with Latina adolescents has demonstrated that lack of reproductive information and access to free clinics is a factor in some instances, while in others, the aforementioned barriers are removed yet the young woman still becomes pregnant. Dean (1997) shared similar observations in her study with African American adolescents, as did Stern (2002) who acknowledged the opportunities some young women linked to early pregnancy: Rarely is it acknowledged that poor women have oftentimes no other option but to become mothers early in their lives, both in order to acquire respect and social status in order to secure their livelihood for their future, linking their life with that of a man. Information on reproductive matters and access to contraception will have little meaning for these women unless opportunities arise for them to envisage a different future.

9 Studies have successfully identified the environmental and manifest factors increasing the likelihood of pregnancy, however, few have examined the subjective, intrapsychic lives of adolescents who grow up in high-risk environments. Research focusing on psychological processes could provide essential information regarding the reasons why adolescents facing similar external situations make different decisions regarding early pregnancy. Given that it is projected that almost one quarter of the adolescent population in the United States will be Latino by 2025 (The National Campaign to Prevent Teen and Unplanned Pregnancy, 2007), it is imperative to fully comprehend all of the factors contributing to high rates among this group.

The following review of literature is organized to provide a contextual framework for understanding Latina adolescents and early pregnancy. An overview of psychodynamic interpretations of adolescent pregnancy and culture are first presented, followed by discussions regarding Latino culture and acculturation. Post-modern conceptualizations of Latina identity then are imparted followed by a synopsis of ethnic identity and a concluding section proffering summaries of identity and object relations theories.

Psychodynamic Interpretations of Adolescent Pregnancy Although few studies have explored adolescent pregnancy from a psychodynamic lens while also examining cultural factors, Dean (1997) took both variables into account in her investigation of adolescent pregnancy in a poor, rural African American community. Using Bowlby’s theories of attachment and Loewald’s theoretical construct of internalization, Dean suggested that there was an “unconscious conspiracy” promoting

10 adolescent pregnancy among some mothers and daughters in her sample. All of the mothers she interviewed explicitly articulated that adolescent pregnancy was undesirable due to economic, social, and moral reasons, however, some implicitly encouraged their daughters to become pregnant. For instance, these mothers openly stated that they believed adolescent pregnancy was an unwanted outcome, but then failed to monitor their daughter’s activities with the opposite sex or they set restrictions on these activities, but did not enforce them. Some also encouraged their daughters to interact with certain boys, but failed to provide information regarding safe sex practices and birth control. Others openly discouraged the use of birth control pills, stating they were dangerous to a woman’s health. Inconsistent messages were sent to daughters regarding pregnancy.

While some mothers explicitly spoke against pregnancy, implicitly, their behavior indicated otherwise (pp. 65-66).

In addition to the mother’s messages, Dean (1997) identified three distinct categories of “internal working models proper,” referring to the adolescent’s perception of attachment styles between herself and her parents. The first two models, termed deprived and competitive, were more highly correlated with early pregnancies than the third model, the mature. In the deprived model, the adolescent felt that both parents were, and had been, emotionally unavailable to her to the degree that she was compelled to compete with others in her life in order to acquire the parental affection and attention she sorely longed for. Relationships in this model were clearly dyadic with blurred boundaries, similar to those in the pre-oedipal stage of development. The line between what belonged to the adolescent and what belonged to others was mixed and convoluted, blending the wishes of the parental object with those of the adolescent (p. 100). The

11 unconscious fantasy motivating early pregnancy in this attachment model related to the dilemma the adolescent faced of longing for yet fearing closeness with the object (mother). On one hand, because the adolescent unconsciously believed that she was not a “good enough” baby and did not deserve the affection she longed for, having a baby was one way to not only provide her mother with a baby worth loving, but also to provide herself with the opportunity to love a baby in a way which she always yearned. On the other hand, because the mother also was perceived to be rejecting or uncaring, the thought of becoming close to her raised feelings of anxiety. Thus, having a baby represented a way for the adolescent daughter to create distance as well as individuate (pp. 158-160).

In a separate paper, Pines (1988) also referred to unresolved preoedipal wishes as a motivator for adolescent pregnancy: Adolescent girls who have experienced a lack of good-enough mothering may use their bodies in an attempt to regain the infantile state of the baby: an illusory search for a lost narcissistic state. In addition, they hope to regain their ideal self in their new baby (p. 236).

According to Pines, developmental tasks of adolescence might reawaken, for some girls, the wish to re-experience contact with their mothers as they once did in the early stages of life. While changes in the adolescent’s body helped her to identify with adulthood, at the same time it allowed her to split off painful emotions, which were then substituted by physical body sensation. Therefore, she was able to use her body to both communicate and seek out fulfillment of unconscious fantasy. This was partly illustrated by girls’ descriptions of sexual contact in which they enjoyed foreplay, but then became “frigid upon penetration.” Physical closeness (caressing, etc.), rather than penetration, seemed to

12 be most desired. In Pines’ view, these adolescent girls engaged in activities leading to pregnancy in order to regain the physical connectedness they once experienced with their mother while in the womb and during infancy. It also offered the possibility of becoming a “good enough” baby worthy of their mother’s affection (p. 237).

Dean (1997) identified a second attachment style as the competitive model. Here, the adolescent perceived emotional deprivation primarily from her mother while feeling more attached to her father. The mother was viewed as critical, harsh, and, often times, as the disciplinarian. The mother also resentfully referred to her adolescent daughter as “daddy’s girl,” a belief that the daughter shared, creating an air of competitiveness between the two for the father’s affections. However, the father, who was the object of desire by both mother and daughter, also was perceived to be unreliable and disloyal in the present day due to his lack of involvement at home, infidelity in marriage, or disappearance. Similar to the Oedipal stage of development, triadic relationships flourished in this model. The unconscious motivation for early pregnancy was twofold.

On one hand, having a baby represented a victory for the adolescent daughter as the father of her baby stood in symbolically for her own father. In having his baby, she won her father over her mother. On the other hand, because the adolescent daughter’s father also was seen to be unreliable, she could give and share a baby with her mother to “atone” for the damage she caused in her victory. In this way, having a baby represented “both victory and atonement” (p. 163).

In the third and last attachment style asserted by Dean, the mature model, the adolescent felt she received what she needed from her mother, and in some cases, her father as well. Relationships were clearly differentiated and where the father was absent

13 or seen in an unfavorable light, the adolescent was able to acknowledge that her relationship was separate from that between her parents. The latter was the point of difference between mature and competitive models. In the mature, having a baby had no place in unconscious fantasy. The adolescent understood that her mother and father possessed both strengths and weaknesses, and was able to identify with their admirable qualities. She comprehended that her parents had a relationship with one another that was separate from the one they shared with her. Therefore, there was no need to have a baby to give and share with the mother in order to attain longed for affection, nor was there a need to compete with the mother to symbolically have the father’s baby (p. 164).

In the two former attachment models, having a baby had a place in the adolescent’s unconscious motivations, increasing the likelihood of early pregnancy. When these motivations interceded with inconsistent messages from the mother, the probability of pregnancy rose significantly (p. 160-161).

Overview of Culture in Psychodynamic Theories Because this study sought to examine phenomena impacting adolescents from a particular cultural group, a brief discussion regarding the place of culture in psychodynamic theory is warranted. Since the early days of Freud, culture’s role in intrapsychic life has been debated. Theorists have agreed that culture impacts the psyche, but how and to what degree have been strongly argued. Traditionalists assign culture a role in the external layer of the unconscious, whereas theorists from the postmodern age assert that culture “colors” the unconscious and, therefore, cannot be seen as existing separately or outside of it (Bonovitz, 2005).

14 Freud (1920) proposed that humans were driven by biological innate drives, specifically, sexual and aggressive instincts representing the individual’s wishes and desires. The structure housing these raw impulses was known as the id. Values from parents and society were internalized during development of the superego, the structure that collided with and placed restrictions on the id. The ego served as the mediator between these two structures. Given that human behavior was informed by the need to gratify id impulses, the superego, informed by parental and societal prohibitions, was destined to be in constant conflict with the id. Culture, as communicated by parents and society, was ascribed a place in the superego, which held the “role of imposing restrictions” on instinctual urges felt by the individual (Freud, 1923). In this way, culture was considered a “necessary tamer” of the instincts (Mattei, 1999). Nonetheless, Freud’s emphasis remained on the primacy of the drives, leaving culture “out there” or of secondary importance and, therefore, regarded as expression of unconscious conflict.

Roland (1996) described Freud’s view as one where culture was de-emphasized and in which “the self-contained individual’s … motivation originated within intrapsychic drives and structures.” In this framework, culture was merely an “agent” for drive gratification or frustration (p. 76).

Similarly, Melanie Klein’s (1946) conception of object relations theory asserted that human behavior was driven by innate impulses, although she differed from Freud in her belief that the motivation of drives was not solely for gratification, but for a more primary aim of object relating. Although Klein’s focus remained on the individual’s constitution, relatedness became a motivator for human behavior. She believed that an internal object world derived from libidinal and aggressive drives existed prior to an

15 infant’s actual interaction with the real world. Psychic life then originated from the drives rather than the external environment.

Klein viewed development as the infant’s ability to be aware and tolerate separateness and difference from the mother. In the first stage of development, known as the paranoid schizoid position, elements in the internal world that were felt to be frustrating or different (“not-me”) were split off from those perceived as being satisfying or similar (“me”) and projected outward onto the external world. This left the environment and its cultural components with the role of taming hated projections in order for the infant to introject them in a modified, less aggressive form (Mattei, 2002).

In Klein’s theory, introjection was the point where external objects and experiences were internalized and became part of the internal object world. “In introjection what is taken in from outside objects becomes part of the person’s self representation … the external object (or aspects of the external object) is taken in and assimilated as part of oneself” (Flanagan, 2002). This provided a framework for understanding how cultural contents became a part of individuals’ view of themselves and others as ethnic beings. Mattei (2002) extended this conceptualization in her relational perspective of culture. She emphasized the role that parents and society held in teaching children about culture and posited that cultural contents provided “symbols” that could be used by individuals in externalizing “both good and bad feelings about the self” (p. 231). Cultural objects, such as national flags, native dishes, music, etc., of which individuals identified were perceived as “psychological pillows” (Volkan, 1988), or as a means to self-expression.

Mattei (2002) stated,

16 Our experiences of, and in relation to, primary caregivers internalized through early childhood lay the foundation for our sense of identity. Moreover, early anxieties about ‘separateness’ color our awareness and perception of ‘difference.’

Our cultural group plays a major role in helping us organize the good and the bad in all of us (p. 232).

In self psychology theory, Kohut (1971) introduced the concept of the “tripolar self” consisting of three “poles”: the grandiose self, the idealized parent imago, and the twinship pole. These poles were not seen to be fixed structures in the psyche, but rather fluid, relational aspects of the self that had lifelong self object needs in order to grow and flourish. Self objects were defined as the individual’s experiences of people and things in the external world that provided mirroring, sources for idealization, and experiences of alikeness (twinship). Self objects were necessary to provide “empathic responses” to each of three poles in order for them to maintain “energy.” Experiences where the environment offered empathic responsiveness led to a sense of cohesion. In this theoretical lens, self objects did not necessarily refer to actual people, but rather to an individual’s experience of people or particular experiences. Failure or lack of self objects led to deficits and subsequent pathology.

In this theoretical lens, internal and external environments were interactive and one was not seen to be more important than the other. Relationships with others maintained their importance as self objects throughout the lifespan. Cultural experiences and content were passed on to individuals via these interactions with the environment and could serve to either provide and/or thwart opportunities for mirroring and idealizing which, in turn, impacted self-cohesion (Mattei, 2002).

17 Regardless of the theory, culture has been recognized as influential in identity development and is worthy of consideration, particularly in this study, which examined perspectives of Latina adolescents. A discussion regarding several common tenets of Latino culture is presented in the following section in order to provide a cultural context for the young women who participated in this study.

Common Threads in Latino Culture Previously mentioned studies endeavoring to examine the variables contributing to the elevated levels of adolescent pregnancy among Latinas (Storin & Flores, 2008; National Campaign to Prevent Teen and Unplanned Pregnancy, 2007; Vexler, 2007) inevitably include descriptions of core Latino cultural values. Common themes have been recognized and articulated, although differences in beliefs among Latino subgroups have been acknowledged as well. Adherence to traditional cultural values varies and, as with any other culture, Latino values are “not a set of rigid prescriptions but by definition ‌ shifting and fluidâ€? (Ayala, 2006). It is in this spirit of considering common themes while also recognizing individual differences that the following is presented.

Because the focus of this study was on experiences and behavior of young Latinas in regard to early pregnancy, understanding their perceptions about sexual development, including dating and sexual behavior, was integral. Gurman (2004) identified particular norms in Latino culture that potentially influenced the sexual behavior of individual members. Machismo and marianismo (gender role scripts), familismo (focus on the family), and religious ties deeply rooted in Catholicism were underscored and are discussed in the following segment.

18

Gender Scripts: Machismo and Marianismo Most intriguing about gender role scripts in Latino culture is that they raised enough interest in the general population that researchers not only investigated their origins and dynamics, but officially termed them as well. Machismo, the stereotyped male role, seemingly has received much of the focus and has become tantamount to oppressive male supremacy (Gil & Vazquez, 1996). Less has been explored regarding what is known to be its counterpart, marianismo. As machismo is the gender script that Latinos are expected to learn and fulfill, marianismo defines the role in which Latinas are expected to adhere. However, to grasp marianismo, one must consider machismo, which can be best understood in context of its historical roots (Bocci, 2006). During the discovery of the Americas by the Spanish, conquistadores arrived with the goal of Christianizing indigenous natives while also hoping to fulfill dreams of fortune and wealth. The image of the Spanish conquistador as a courageous, passionate, strong, and virile knight came to influence the male gender role later established in Latino culture.

Taking into consideration this historical frame, Bocci described machismo as the following: Machismo is characterized by hypervirility, the aggressive masculine behavior that is expected of the Latin American male. One who is macho is admired for his physical strength, bold sexual advances toward women, great sexual prowess, self-confidence, and bravery. Macho men express these characteristics through both their words and their actions (p. 2).

Latino masculinity, in this framework, demands that men command reverence in their interactions with others, both male and female. They are granted unquestioned superiority over females, and any challenge to this position is perceived to be a

19 disrespectful act, dishonoring the very essence of manhood (Cofresi, 2002). Men are required to defend, at any cost, their honor as well as that of their families. In these instances, aggressive behavior is not only accepted, it is expected. Male aggression also extends to sexual advances, making male promiscuity both encouraged and acceptable.

Conversely, a “sensitive side” to machismo exists which encourages males to be providers and protectors of their families, as well as good sons to their parents. The role of a caballero (gentleman) also is emphasized, and chivalry, demonstrated by acts such as opening doors for women, giving up one’s seat, etc., is highly regarded (Gil & Vazquez, 1996).

On the flip side of machismo lies its opposite, marianismo. This stereotyped female role is defined by Cofresi (2002) as the “traditional sexual code of behavior for women” in Latino culture that underscores “chastity before marriage, sexual passivity after marriage, and the subordination of women to men” (p. 435). Latina women are expected to be subservient to men, dependent, obedient, and sentimental. They also should be dutiful daughters who depend on their mothers while catering to the men in their lives. Latinas are expected to sacrifice their needs for their family’s sake and demonstrate emotional strength even in the face of adversity, which extends to the toleration of abuse and infidelity (Cofresi, 2002; Gil & Vazquez, 1996).

The female ideal centered in marianismo is based on the Christian image of the Virgin Mary, which emphasizes emotional resilience, physical purity, and above all, virginity. In the Virgin’s image, Latina’s are expected to renounce all feelings of sexuality prior to marriage and deny sexual pleasure after marriage (Cofresi, 2002). The expression of sexuality by Latinas is accepted only when they are married and motivated

20 by the wish to be attractive to their husbands. Any sexual behavior out of the strictly defined boundaries is perceived as deplorable, creating a distinctive split between the non-sexual female considered to be pure and virginal, and the sexual female who is dirty and corrupt (Cofresi, 2002; Gil & Vazquez, 1996).

The divide in Latina sexuality is reflected in Latino literature, most notably in the legend of “La Llorona” (the weeping woman), which has been passed on to innumerable Latino children over the centuries (Hayes, 2005; Herrera-Sobek, Maria, 2006). Although the details of this tale vary depending on the storyteller’s homeland, the overall theme is the same: a young woman engages in sex, inevitably resulting in pregnancy. Because she chooses to discard her virginity, the child she bears is fated to die, and she, in turn, is doomed to suffer eternally.

A notable depiction of La Llorona is in the version originated in Guerrero, Mexico where La Llorona is a prostitute who, after engaging in sex with various men, becomes pregnant after each encounter, aborts the pregnancies, and discards the fetuses in the Tecpan River. These repeated abortions eventually cause her painful death.

Legend has it that when she arrives in Heaven, God admonishes her behavior, denying her admittance into Heaven until she brings him all of the children that would have been born from her terminated pregnancies. The condemned woman then is clothed in a white dress by angels to symbolize the purity she lost and is cast back down to Earth to retrieve her lost children. Being doomed for all eternity to wander the rivers, she weeps inconsolably in her ill-fated search to find her children. In present day, it is rumored that La Llorona’s cries can be heard in the depths of the night (Hayes, 2005; Van Ostrand, 2009). Customarily, young Latino children are told this tragic tale at an early age as a

21 forewarning to the consequences of misbehavior because it is believed that La Llorona will visit those who have not minded their parents. More notably, however, the legend cautions girls to avoid the temptation of engaging in sex, as it may inevitably lead to a fate of destruction and death (Hayes, 2005).

In essence, Latinas have two choices. “Good” or “decent” women will be mothers, wives, and good daughters, who care for their families and remain in the home, whereas “bad” or “indecent” women “son de la calle,” are from the street, date various men and openly express their sexuality, considered to have powerful control over men.

In this framework, a woman is either destined to be non-sexual or possess a sexuality that is wild, indecent, and has the power to bring men to their downfall (Cofresi, 2002).

The all good or all bad associated with female sexuality understandably evokes anxiety for some Latinas. Garcia (2005) found that Latina adolescents in her study articulated an awareness “of both the potential for pleasure and the threat of danger that their [sexual] desire holds for them.” For these young women, “one of the most risky arenas in which to navigate this pleasure and danger” was among a small, close group of friends with whom they discussed their sexual experiences in an effort to contain information regarding their sexual behavior. Their motive was not to give the impression that they were virgins, but to “manage how their sexual behavior was interpreted by other peers in their community.” These Latinas articulated an understanding of the “delicate negotiation of messages and expectations about appropriate gendered sexual behavior among youth in the neighborhood … and many expressed great concern about ensuring that they avoided being perceived [by peers] as dirty” (Garcia, 2005).

22 In a separate study of the quinceñiera (Latina cotillion), Stewart (2005) observed that Latina adolescents felt judged by cultural standards upholding virginity. They felt discouraged from acting on their sexuality and expressed fear about becoming pregnant because it would “mess up” their chances of being successful in the future. Stewart noted, “There was a sense that they felt their sexuality was out of control and difficult to manage, and that the repercussions for acting out sexually could be disastrous” (p. 128).

In this writer’s experience, anxiety regarding female sexuality is experienced not only by Latina adolescents, but also by their parents. This typically translates into parents being overly restrictive and protective of their daughters as they enter adolescence. Other authors believe this to be true as well. Garcia (2005) described Latina adolescence to be a “period when many young Latinas experience restriction and close monitoring of their movements as their developing bodies announce their emerging sexuality to family members” (p. 6). Another author observed that Latina mothers protected their daughters from the “dangers of sexuality” by drawing from “familiar strategies of restriction they had grown up with; for instance, keeping daughters at home as a way to protect them because home is considered a safe space” (Ayala, 2006).

Leaders of the National Campaign to Prevent Teen and Unplanned Pregnancy’s Latino Initiative identified gender role scripts as a particularly influential force in Latino culture. Although they acknowledged that “double standards” existed in many cultures, they believed them to be “particularly notable” among Latinos (Elkins, 2007). They posited that while girls were taught passivity and chastity, boys were encouraged to be aggressive and virile, particularly as it relates to sex. A case in point is one study that found that 63% of Latino boys and girls reported that adolescent boys received the

23 message that they were expected to have sex (National Campaign to Prevent Teen and Unplanned Pregnancy, 2008).

The power differential inherent in marianismo and machismo also has implications for the use of contraception. In one focus group study, “the idea of discussing sexuality with one’s partner [was] perceived as a threat by the man, and, as such, the topic [was] rarely touched” (Elkins, 2007). In another, Latino community workers reported that Latinos did not use contraception because they did not want “to be viewed as being told what to do by their wives” (p. 2). This sentiment could be associated with national statistics showing that Latino adolescents were less likely than their male counterparts to report condom use at their last sexual contact (National Campaign to Prevent Teen and Unplanned Pregnancy, 2008).

Contradictions in Latino gender scripts abound. For instance, although males are granted superiority over women, they are also regarded as unable “to control their sexual and aggressive behavior,” and are “secretly” seen to be “infantile and therefore unable to withstand internal or external pressure and demands.” In this way, “men are seen as indispensible, but undependable” (Cofresi, 2002).

Garcia (2005) believed messages regarding gender scripts were implicitly and explicitly communicated to Latino adolescents by three sources: family, peer groups, and the social environment. In her estimation, these sources tended to send conflicted messages to females regarding their sexuality. She stated: A dominant contradiction that young women must negotiate is the gendered expectation that young women are to be sexually pure, be responsible for sexual decision making by acting as gatekeepers to sexuality in their interactions with men, and still be penalized for acting on their own sexual desires.

24 Espin (1997) posited that Latina mothers communicated contradictory messages regarding sexuality and gender to their daughters in the form of “half muttered comments, behavior, by example and powerfully in their silences.” Most often, female sexuality was framed “within a discourse of danger, violence, and victimization, pairing the heterosexual aggressiveness of men with the sexual vulnerability of women” (Fine, 1992). Ayala (2006) observed similar behaviors, noting that mothers protected their daughters “from men’s sexuality” through silences combined with “explicit admonitions” such as “keep your legs closed.” These admonitions were often combined with warnings not to depend on men. By and large, two themes emerged from these messages. While Latinas were expected to respect and care for men, they also were taught to be distrustful of males’ “predatory sexuality” (Ayala, 2006). Furthermore, they learned to feel shame regarding their own experience or expression of female sexuality.

Familismo Familismo (familism) refers to the centrality of family. For Latinos, individual development takes place in a context where significant power is granted to not only primary caretakers, but also to extended family members and networks including grandparents, aunts, uncles, cousins, godparents (compadres), and neighbors. It is within the familial context that learning takes place, particularly lessons regarding morals and responsibility (Javier & Yussef, 1995). Values such as “respeto,” emphasizing respect for authority figures and elders, as well as “simpatía,” stressing politeness and amiability, are taught and practiced. Relationships within the family are highly valued, and

25 “personalismo” (warm, affectionate exchanges) is preferable to impersonal and formal interactions.

Because familismo is centered on a principle of interdependence, family needs are perceived to be more important than the needs of any given individual. All decisions are made within the context of the family, meaning that every member has a strong economic, social, and psychological support system “as long as the person remains within the cultural norms” (Roldán, 2007). The emphasis on collective over individual needs holds potential for negative implications, particularly for females who are expected to bear the burden of self-sacrifice. In the Latino family, a Latina’s role is first as mother and then wife. Her individual needs are least important, which has led some to abandon their educational and professional goals in order to maintain family harmony (Cofresi, 2002). On the other hand, because Latinas grow up learning the importance of social networks, some researchers believe that they develop resiliency given that they often feel comfortable reaching out to trusted individuals in times of need. This was demonstrated in one study where Latina adolescents reported that they were not comfortable discussing issues regarding sexuality with their parents, but actively sought out information from friends or other trusted adults including extended relatives/friends and school personnel (Guzman, Arruda & Feria, 2006).

Religion Religion is closely woven in the fabric of Latino culture. Recent reports indicate that approximately 70% of Latinos identify religion as an important aspect of their lives while 45% report attending weekly religious services (Gurman, 2004). Close to 60% of

26 Latinos specifically affiliate with Roman Catholicism, which has been the dominant religion among Latinos given that their earliest Spanish ancestors relied on Catholic dogma to maintain loyalty to the throne. As conquistadores invaded Latin America and the Caribbean, Catholic tenets remained, and in some areas, Catholicism and African religious practices intertwined and evolved into spiritual practices, including santería (Javier & Yussef, 1995).

The emphasis on religion and spirituality has been linked to the moral development of Latinos and some rely on prayer and higher powers (i.e.: saints and spirits) for a “sense of safety and welfare” (p. 85). The reliance on religion and spirituality allows individuals to retain their sense of goodness and morality, even in the face of indiscretions. For example, if individuals behave in an unacceptable manner, they may fault an evil force beyond their control, similar to “ the devil made me do it” or the “devil made it happen to me.” This manner of thinking also is reflected when negative life events (i.e., illness, death, etc.) are blamed on evil spells or curses such as “mal de ojo” (the evil eye). In these instances, santeros, curanderos, espiritistas, and spiritual healers may be called upon to cleanse the individual to ensure that negative forces will be overcome in order to achieve success and happiness (p. 85).

Religion is also evident in common Latino expressions including “Si Dios quiere” (if God wills) and “Que Dios le pague” (May God pay you – for a good service or deed).

Implicit in these phrases is a reliance on higher powers that, for some, has translated into an external locus of control where individuals feel limited control over life events. In this way, they are left to a fate primarily controlled by external, supreme forces (i.e.: God).

27 Gender distinctions in the Catholic Church parallel those in Latino culture.

Traditional gender roles upheld in Catholicism are justified as ordained by God. Men and women are believed to have “distinctly different, divinely inspired traits and roles� viewed as complimentary to one another. While men are seen as providers and protectors, women should be selflessly devoted to their role as servants of the church (Glick, Lameiras, & Rodriguez-Castro, 2002). Because of this, women are not allowed to hold any of the most powerful positions in the church including those of popes, priests, or bishops.

Additionally, Catholic doctrine advocates for sex after marriage and discourages many forms of family planning including contraception, which has been seen to have implications for early pregnancy. Some believe that Latina adolescents are apt to avoid using contraception because of religious teachings, putting them at higher risk for pregnancy as well as sexually transmitted diseases (Gurman, 2004). However, studies have yielded mixed findings as it relates to religion and adolescent sexual behavior.

While some have found that religious beliefs influence the lack of contraception use, others have found religiosity to be a protective factor against pregnancy in that adolescents who are connected with their religion are more likely to delay sexual activity until late adolescence (Mayden, Castro, & Annitto, 1999).

Synopsis of Acculturation Ties to traditional cultural beliefs and norms are influenced by acculturation, referring to the process of integrating a culture different from one’s own. Although generation and language status determine acculturation levels, psychological elements

28 also are involved in the acculturation process. Graves (1967) described psychological acculturation as the changes in attitudes, behavior patterns, norms, habits, values, etc., of individuals when they come into continuous and direct contact with a culture different from their own. In this process, elements from the native culture that are identified with are maintained while desirable aspects of the new culture are also integrated.

Berry and Kim (1998) identified a process of acculturation that included four distinct patterns: integration, assimilation, separation, and marginalization. Integration, also referred to as biculturalism, signifies the maintenance of a native culture while simultaneously participating in a new one. Here, individuals have footing in both cultures and shift their identity between both worlds. This differs from assimilation, where individuals completely abandon their native culture in favor of a strong identification with a new culture. For the assimilated person, aspects of ethnicity different from the mainstream are denied or minimized. The opposite is true in separation, where the individual maintains all aspects of the native culture rather than integrating elements of the new culture. Gil and Vazquez (1996) proposed that this might occur as a regression when the individual feels vulnerable and/or is facing unfamiliar or frightening circumstances. Winnicott’s concept of the transitional object is applied to explain the firm grip some maintain to their traditional cultural beliefs.

According to Gil and Vazquez (1996), the native culture offers comfort to individuals when they face difficulty, namely, when confronted with challenges posed by a culture dissimilar to their own. In other words, as the individual struggles to integrate into a new culture they may become fixated or overly attached to traditional cultural values in order to feel some sense of comfort in a strange, challenging world.

29 The last acculturation type, marginalization, refers to an individual’s complete abandonment of the native culture while minimal or no integration is made into new culture. For marginalized persons, culture has minimal significance.

Studies regarding acculturation have resulted in mixed findings. Some have found that lower levels of acculturation are correlated with higher levels of mental health issues due to lack of knowledge of the host culture and social supports, while others have found that highly acculturated individuals are more likely to internalize negative stereotypes. Still others argue that positive mental health is linked to Latinos who maintain close ties to their native culture, because they remain strongly attached to the traditional values in which they grew up emphasizing a “better family life” (Gamst, Dana, Der-Karabetian, Aragon, Arellano, & Kramer, 2002). Additionally, one study found that acculturated adolescents reported having their first sexual intercourse experience at younger ages than their immigrant counterparts (Reynoso, Felice & Shragg, 1993). These varied outcomes bring to light the many questions that remain regarding biculturalism and its effect on mental health outcomes and overall development.

Brief Discussion of Postmodern Conceptualizations of Identity Una lucha de fronteras/A Struggle of Borders Because I, a mestiza, continually walk out of one culture and into another, because I am in all cultures at the same time, alma entre dos mundos (soul between two worlds), tres, cuatro (three, four), me zumba la cabeza con lo contradictorio (my head spins with contradictions). Estoy norteada por todas las voces que me hablan simultáneamente (I am torn between ways because of the voices that simultaneously speak to me.)

-Gloria Anzaldúa, Borderlands/ La Frontera: The New Mestiza

30 For bicultural individuals, dual and sometimes conflicting, cultural affiliations complicate their sense of identity. Postmodern conceptualizations, including psychoanalytic relational and intersubjective theories, posit that the basis of identity is formed on the concept of a subject who “forms itself in relation to a set of codes, prescriptions, or norms” (Butler, 2005). Identity is conceived only within the context of interaction with others. Here, the view is of a decentered subject who has various, diverse experiences of itself and the world which are subject to changes related to time and space. Identity is recognized as being deeply rooted in social constructs such as race, and as being constantly constructed and deconstructed. The concept of a unitary sense of self, which is static, does not exist. Elliot (1996) described this as an “identity with no guarantees” (p. 98).

Descriptions of selves that are multiple, distinct, and complex convey the Latina experience. In the postmodern view, culture cannot be separated from other parts that make up identity, capturing a Latinas subjective experience of living in two worlds: one that is American and another that is Latina. In both worlds, the Latina identifies, disconnects, and navigates through conflicting social constructs that not only include race, but gender as well.

Foucault correlated identity with what he referred to as power knowledge. This pertained to the manner in which circulations of power generated fields constructed identity. He stated, “There is no power relation without the correlative constitution of a field of knowledge that does presuppose and constitute at the same time power relations” (Foucault, 1977). In this way, the subject, who was socially embedded, was coconstructed and reconstructed through a process mediated by language which was

31 inherently tied to social constructions of power relations that included class, ethnicity, gender, etc. Butler elaborated on this by proposing that gender identities were constructed and formed by language, therefore, preceded language. She (1993) described gender as a sequence of repeated acts performed by the subject based on imposed social constructs that “harden[ed]” and gave the impression of having been there all along when, in fact, “femininity is thus not the product of a choice, but the forcible citation of a norm, one whose complex historicity is indissociable from relations of discipline, regulation, punishment” (p. 232). Butler supported the assertion that sex and gender were in no way “prior” to race and, in fact, proposed that “racializing norms” were closely intertwined with those of gender and sex. She viewed race, like gender and sex, as being constructed rather than the natural occurrences they were thought to be. This is true for Latinas where race and gender are closely linked and, therefore, they cannot be one without the other. The gender specific terms, Latino as male and Latina as female, imply this. A Latina is as much a racial being as she is a gendered being. The two cannot be separated.

Summation of Ethnic Identity The concept of ethnic identity refers to individuals’ identifications with their native culture. It is one component of identity, which reflects how individuals perceive and experience themselves as ethnic/racial beings, and “appears to be formed in early adolescence and continues to develop throughout childhood” (Gamst, Dana, DerKarabetian, Aragon, Arellano, & Kramer, 2002). Phinney (1989) proposed that ethnic identity statuses were achieved based on individuals’ exploration of and commitment to

32 their ethnicity. When individuals were in ethnic exploration, they learned about the details of their culture as well as understood the implications it would have in their lives.

Individuals who achieved ethnic commitment had made meaning of their ethnicity and had determined how they would live in that cultural group. The presence or absence of exploration and commitment determined the level of ethnic status an individual achieved.

The first ethnic identity status, termed diffusion, was considered the least mature. It referred to those who were not interested in learning about their ethnicity, had no sense of pride in their heritage, and lacked a positive sense of belonging to that group. The second, ethnic identity foreclosure, described those who had committed to belonging to an ethnic group, however, the commitment originated from others as little to no effort had been made to become knowledgeable about their ethnicity of their own accord. The commitment that was made was fixed to convictions held by family, friends, etc., rather than individual exploration. Third, known as ethnic identity moratorium, was when individuals were in the process of learning about the history, values, customs, beliefs, etc., of their ethnic group, but were unclear or ambivalent about their level of commitment to that group. The final and most mature of ethnic identity statuses was referred to as ethnic identity achieved. Individuals at this level had learned about their ethnicity and had developed a strong sense of belonging to that group. Achieved status has been significantly correlated with positive mental health outcomes and educational achievement among adolescents (Phinney & Chavira, 1992; Arroyo & Ziggler, 1995), as well as higher levels of self-esteem (Fisher & Lerner, 2004), raising speculation regarding the correlation between ethnic identity and early pregnancy. One known study that examined the relationship between ethnic identity and acculturation found that

33 acculturated Latinos were more likely to have a lower sense of ethnic identity (Cuellar, Nyberg, Maldonado, & Roberts, 1997). Further investigation regarding the relationship between these variables and early pregnancy is warranted given that no such studies have been conducted.

Theoretical and Conceptual Framework Adolescence is the transitional period in every human being’s development bridging childhood to adulthood. Its onset is marked by momentous physical and psychological changes associated with puberty. Sexual and identity development, ego continuity, differentiation, and psychic stability are key tasks associated with adolescence.

Freud (1905) and early theorists focused on the psychosexual changes of this period, assigning primary focus to the “genital zones” in which adolescents shifted sexual urges from their family to their peer group. Psychological detachment from parents and the development of independence occurred as adolescents moved toward mature sexual relationships and friendships, as well as adult responsibilities. However, Erickson viewed psychosexual changes as only one aspect of adolescent development. He believed adolescence encompassed the complex task of identity formation which “incorporates yet transcends the endocrinological revolution of puberty to include social issues” (Kroger, 2004).

34 Identity Formation during Adolescence “I ain’t what I ought to be. I ain’t what I’m going to be, but I’m not what I was.”

-Erik Erikson “When I was a boy of 14, my father was so ignorant I could hardly stand to have the old man around. But when I got to be 21, I was astonished at how much he had learned in 7 years.”

-Mark Twain Erikson’s epigenetic developmental theory asserted that identity developed gradually through constant, bi-directional interactions between individuals and their environments (Erickson, 1950). Erickson did not believe that genetics were determinants of an individual’s identity; rather, he viewed biological factors as being collaborative and interactive with their respective environments. Although Erikson concurred with Freud’s view that development occurred in stages, he added three to adulthood to reflect his conviction that the evolution of human psychology was never complete and unlike Freud, he stressed the role of society and culture in an individual’s growth. For Erikson, each stage of development carried a developmental task or “crisis” that had to be confronted and worked through. These tasks were psychosocially oriented in that they were addressed in the context of social interactions.

In each stage, individuals confronted assigned tasks and mastered associated challenges in order to develop certain skills or virtues that would be useful in the next stage. If tasks were not met or only partially met, individuals either developed too much of a positive skill (maladaptation) or too much of a negative skill (malignancy), which adversely impacted development in future stages (Boeree, 2006).

35 Adolescence was detailed in stage five of Erickson’s (1950) theory. Puberty marked its onset and the late adolescent years designated its end. Achievement of ego identity and avoidance of role confusion were primary tasks identified in this stage. Ego identity was defined as the sense of self an adolescent developed through interpersonal interactions. Skills acquired in previous stages were built upon in order to develop a unified identity that was felt to be meaningful. “The self of childhood … must during adolescence give way to a self derived from yet transcending those foundations – to a new whole greater than the sum of its parts” (Kroger, 2004). If this was achieved, adolescents came to know who they were and how they fit in. A sense of loyalty accompanied this achievement and society was accepted despite its faults and imperfections. A virtue of fidelity evolved, allowing the adolescent to desire not only to contribute, but also to assist in the improvement of society overall. “It is ultimately to affirm and be affirmed by a social order that identity aspires” (Kroger, 2004).

Erikson (1950) underscored the importance of culture at this stage given that adolescents looked to adults and their environment to find a world of which they could hold in high regard. If the latter did not occur, adolescents would lack necessary adult figures to emulate and they would not desire to be a part of society resulting in identity impairment. This then adversely impacted the subsequent developmental stage.

Erikson emphasized society’s role in providing rites of passage in order to mark adolescents’ movement from childhood to adulthood. In Erikson’s estimation, rites of passage encouraged adolescents to give up their role in the dependent, powerless period of youth in favor of an independent, powerful role in adulthood (Boeree, 2006).

36 While adolescents who achieved the task of ego identity entered adulthood with confidence and a sense of purpose, ones who achieved too much ego identity developed a maladaptation of fanaticism, holding tightly onto convictions, making them intolerant of ideas and people different from themselves. On the other hand, if the task of ego identity was not achieved, adolescents emerged with an insecure and confused sense of who they were and their role in society causing what Erikson termed as an “identity crisis.” A malignancy could potentially develop as society and the need for an identity were repudiated. Here, the adolescent’s identity “fused” with certain groups, making it unclear where the group ended and the adolescent began (Erickson, 1968). Many who developed this type of identity confusion engaged in risky and/or destructive activities because it was better to be identified as a bad or negative person than to not be recognized at all (Boeree, 2006). Erickson (1968) acknowledged both good and bad elements in an individual’s identity, stating, “Every person’s psychosocial identity … contains a hierarchy of positive and negative elements, the latter resulting from the fact that throughout his childhood the growing human being is presented with evil prototypes as well as with ideal ones” (p. 303).

According to Erickson, identity development for adolescents of color in the U.S. was further complicated by the impact of factors such as racism. While adolescents of color experienced the aforementioned anxieties, tensions, etc., associated with identity development, they also faced pressures and obstacles imposed by mainstream society.

Erickson asserted that “the individual belonging to an oppressed and exploited minority, which was aware of the dominant cultural ideals but prevented from emulating them, is apt to fuse the negative images held up to him by the dominant majority with the negative

37 identity cultivated in his own group” (p. 303). Adolescents of color then potentially identified with negative stereotypes of their cultural group, internalizing feelings of selfhatred, also referred to as internalized racism.

Peter Blos (1967) addressed the issue of identity, although referring to it as character, and believed that “character formation” was at the center of adolescent developmental tasks. He posited that adolescents must resolve four challenges in order to develop the character structure necessary to become a psychologically healthy adult (Kroger, 2004).

The first challenge identified by Blos (1962) was the second individuation phase in which the adolescent must let go of the internalized parental representations and early object ties sustained throughout childhood in order to establish an identity that was autonomous and mature. Blos modeled this phase after Mahler’s stage of separation individuation in the preoedipal stages, believing that detachment from internalized childhood representations enabled adolescents to establish romantic relationships outside of the family. Therefore, peer group interactions during this phase were critical.

While the adolescent turns to the contemporary horde … to extract those contact supplies without which individuation cannot be realized. The group permits identifications as role tryouts without any permanent commitment, as well as interactional experimentation as severance actions from childhood dependencies, rather than as preludes to any new and permanent, personal and intimate relationship. Furthermore, the group shares and thus alleviates individual guilt feelings that accompany the emancipation from childhood dependencies, prohibitions, and loyalties (Blos, 1967).

Individuation for adolescents thus was defined as the ability to take responsibility for oneself rather holding others, primarily caretakers, accountable. This could not occur without the involvement of peers who served as substitutes for family members and

38 assisted adolescents in defining their identity. Adolescents who were able to shed childhood ties could engage in “new, extra-familial romantic attachments” (Kroger, 2004), while those who did not were prone to becoming involved in romantic relationships which “merely substitute[d] the original infantile attachment with a new love object, leaving the quality of the attachment unaltered” (p. 60).

Because individuation required surrendering internalized childhood objects, feelings of loss and mourning were inevitable. Regression was necessary for the adolescent to adapt to psychic restructuring and was used in the service of development (Blos, 1979). Kroger (2004) noted that “it is only during adolescence that regression can serve a normative developmental function” because it served to assist the adolescent in coping with fears and anxieties associated with the loss of childhood attachments.

Regressive behaviors observed during this phase included a return to “action” versus “passivity,” idealization, and merger states (p. 61).

The second challenge underscored by Blos (1962) was the reworking and mastering of childhood trauma. Adolescents must face and re-experience previous psychic injuries in order to resolve rather than defend against them. The goal was to find ways of effectively coping with past traumas in order to attain successful ego integration.

Failure to do so likely led to psychopathology, while mastery built self-confidence.

Ego continuity was the third identified challenge and its basis was a sense of personal history. Adolescents needed to feel as if they had a past from which they evolved. A sense of past, present, and future had to emerge for them to come away from this phase feeling “whole,” rather than as if something was missing, which resulted when the past was denied (Kroger, 2004).

39 The final challenge during adolescence was that of sexual identity wherein the reactivation of childhood Oedipal issues became forefront. In Blos’ estimation, however, the resurgence of Oedipal issues during adolescence was merely a continuation of a process that was “suspended” during latency. It was during adolescence that the conflicts were resolved and finally completed to establish a sense of sexual identity and heterosexual interests (Kroger, 2004). This challenge corresponded with Freud’s genital stage of psychosexual development, where the primary focus centered on the adolescent’s seeking of sexual relationships outside of the family structure. For Blos, the resolution of this task, as well as the three previously challenges, led to the formation and stabilization of identity at the end of adolescence.

Apter (1990) also identified a primary task of adolescence to be identity achievement, describing it as “a clarification of the range of what we might become, a set of self-references by which we can make sense of our responses, and justify our decisions and goals” (p. 109). Yet, she also considered the process to be different for females, noting: A girl, however, is likely to define her self in relation to others, and to assess personal meaning and success largely in terms of her ability to remain connected to others and to fulfill the demands others make upon her … She defines herself in terms of how she is with other, not in “objective” or autonomous terms (p. 5).

Apter asserted that females did not fully separate themselves from their mothers, as males did in the course of their development. This made female individuation more complicated because of the challenge of establishing a sense of self that was separate from the mother. Although the individuation process and capacities related to it were

40 acquired within the family, Apter believed “the dynamic push towards individuation and ego development comes primarily from the mother” during a female’s adolescence (p. 6) and emphasized the role of the mother in enabling and understanding the individuation process for her daughter. Daughters looked to their mothers to understand, confirm, and validate their developing identity and, according to Apter, when daughters could not receive understanding from their mother, they turned to someone else to do the job (p. 112). The “someone else,” in many cases, was the father. Daughters who “turned away” from their mothers, in Apter’s view, did this in defense of the identities that they wanted understood and validated. They looked to other people for this validation when their mothers were too “rigid” in their idea of how the daughters should be (p. 115).

Apter stated, “…there are the highly exacting needs of the adolescent, who wants the mother to watch and appreciate, but not misunderstand, to watch and see and understand, but not to intrude, to allow individuality, to be enthusiastic and confident about growth and maturity, yet not to let go, not to forget, and above all not to abandon” (p. 147).

These conceptualizations of identity underscore the normal, developmental tasks associated with adolescence, but raise questions regarding how this is complicated for Latinas who also are faced with expectations from a mainstream society that may, to varying degrees, differ from their native culture. The language, customs, and values Latina adolescents are taught by their families can potentially collide with the world they experience when they step out of their homes. In this way, certain aspects of a Latina’s identity, including gender, culture, and socioeconomic status can become particularly prominent as she confronts the task of identity formation during adolescence.

41 Object Relations Theory Although little attention has been paid to psychodynamic factors influencing the higher number of pregnancies among Latina adolescents, Klein’s conceptualization of projection and introjection may be useful in understanding how these young women learn and take in aspects of their culture, including beliefs about gender roles, and how or if these internalizations then come to affect their sexual behavior. Female sexuality is tightly bound with contradictions in Latino culture leaving one to wonder how Latina adolescents who are already grappling with issues of development, biculturality, and in many cases, bilingualism, make sense of the all good/all bad split inherent in the Latina female image, and how that then comes to influence their sexual behavior.

In the late 1920s, Klein asserted a theory consisting of an elaborate concept of internal objects in which object relating was the primary motivator of drives rather than drive gratification. In her estimation, libidinal and aggressive drives were inherent in the individual and were, from the beginning, object oriented (Mitchell, 1981).

Klein placed particular emphasis on the years that were least addressed in Freud’s theories; those in the pre-oedipal period. Through her clinical work, she came to believe that the infant possessed a complex mental life rooted in unconscious phantasy and that the internal objects that filled the infant’s phantasy life were born of inherent life and death instincts that possessed “priori images” of the phantasied objects leading to their gratification. In this way, Klein’s viewpoint regarding drives differed from Freud (Greenberg & Mitchell, 1983). While Freud’s drives sought gratification (release of discharge) and objects were important insofar as they could provide gratification, Klein’s drives possessed intrinsic representations of the object that were known before the infant

42 interacted with actual, external objects as described in the following statement: “My contention is that the infant has from the beginning of post-natal life a relation to the mother … which is imbued with the fundamental elements of an object relation” (Klein, 1952). From this perspective, the drives continued to be a bodily force, but for Klein, the body was used by the drives as a means of expression for the primary aim of object relating.

Klein’s view of early development specified two distinct “positions” rather than phases of development (Greenberg & Mitchell, 1983). The first, seen to occur in the beginning half of the infant’s first year, came to be known as the paranoid schizoid position. Klein suggested that from birth, the infant faced inherent life and death instincts that were intrinsically object-driven. While the life instinct was experienced as loving impulses, the death instinct was experienced as those that were hated.

Klein’s belief was that the infant’s phantasy world consisted of fragmented part objects experienced as separate from one another. According to Klein (1946), “ … object relations exist from the beginning of life, the first object being the mother’s breast which is split into a good (gratifying) and bad (frustrating) breast; this splitting results in a division between love and hate” (p. 99). The split between the good and bad breast was the infant’s first object relationship and through the cyclical process of projection and introjection, the infant began to develop the framework of its internal object relationship pattern that would inform relationships in later life. Through the process of splitting, the mother was experienced as a breast (part object) that was either satisfying or frustrating.

In phantasy, the infant split the mother’s breast and loving impulses were projected onto the good, satisfying breast while its hateful impulses were projected onto the bad and

43 frustrating one. The infant experienced its hate as sadistic and destructive, a threat to its very existence. To ward off what Klein referred to as fears of annihilation, the infant projected its sadistic, hateful impulses outward onto external objects. In this way, hatred was projected out in order to protect the good internalized object from the destructive impulses of the bad object (Klein, 1946). However, with a portion of hatred projected onto external objects, the infant then experienced hateful, destructive impulses coming from outside, and in order to protect from an impending attack, the infant introjected the bad back into itself in an attempt to control it.

A parallel process occurred with loving impulses, which became central in establishing a secure ego for the infant. As hatred was projected and introjected, loving impulses were as well and there was an “appearance and disappearance of the external good object” (Hinshelwood, 1989). It was the role of the external object to reinforce projected love and to organize experiences that could then be introjected by the infant.

This enabled the infant to introject a good object that “gives a capacity for holding things together internally to give the primary sense of self” (p. 161). In addition, the presence of internalized good objects prevented an overabundance of bad objects that induced overwhelming anxiety for the infant.

Klein expounded on the process of introjection and brought recognition to the role of the external environment. Contrary to popular belief, Klein acknowledged the role of the external environment, as she believed external objects played a critical role in “modifying and transforming the inherent images created by the infant” (Greenberg & Mitchell, 1983). In essence, if the infant received containment of hatred and reinforcement of love from the external object (assumed to be the mother) it was able to

44 introject those experiences, which later helped to integrate the internal (phantasy) world, even in moments of frustration. Moreover, in the reinforcement of love and modification of aggression from the external object, the infant eventually was able to perceive the mother as a whole object, a mixture of both good and bad. This then enabled the infant to move into the next phase of development, which Klein coined as the depressive position; the next phase of development.

Klein (1946) characterized the paranoid schizoid position as a time where the infant utilized defenses including splitting, projective identification, idealization, and omnipotence. Because the infant lacked a cohesive, integrated ego, it often experienced a “tendency towards integration alternating with a tendency towards disintegration, a failing into bits” (p. 4). For this reason, the infant’s ego in the paranoid schizoid position was primarily focused on managing persecutory anxiety and fears of annihilation.

As one mode of defense, splitting offered the infant a means of warding off overwhelming persecutory anxieties by experiencing the good breast as separate from the bad. The good breast then could be idealized and utilized to protect the infant from anxiety and fear. Idealization, therefore, was a product of splitting and served as a primitive means of maintaining the presence of goodness in the face of destructive impulses (Hinshelwood, 1989).

Klein (1946) also offered detailed depictions regarding attacks that the infant’s destructive impulses imposed on good objects. Although attacks were initially targeted towards the good breast, they eventually became “generalized” to other part objects of the mother’s body and took on both an “oral and anal/urethral character.” In what she referred to as the “oral impulse,” the infant experienced phantasies of “robbing” the

45 mother of her goodness by “sucking dry, biting up, and scooping out” (p. 8).

Additionally, there were anal and urethral impulses that rid themselves of harmful elements by expelling them “into the mother” (p. 8). The concept of these phantasied attacks on the mother led Klein to what she termed as projective identification.

In projective identification, the infant projected bad parts of the ego out of itself and “into” the mother. This was done with the intent of injuring, controlling, and taking possession of the object. Klein stated, “In so far as the mother comes to contain the bad parts of the self, she is not felt to be a separate individual but is felt to be the bad self” (p.

8). Klein, like Freud, believed that projections of part of the ego into internal and external objects inevitably resulted in the ego’s impoverishment because elements of the self were disavowed. Klein emphasized that although projective identification and the other aforementioned defenses occurred in phantasy, if used in excess, the infant’s ego could be considerably weakened. In this weakened state, the infant lacked defenses encouraging reality testing, leaving it at the mercy of its phantasied world which it then came to feel as reality.

However, if the infant utilized projective identifications that, in turn, were contained and modified by a good external object, the infant developed strong good objects that effectively warded off and/or survived attacks by bad objects. This lessened the need for a separation between good and bad, decreasing the space between the two.

This development was seen to be an indicator of the next phase, the depressive position (Klein, 1935).

In the depressive position, the infant developed the capacity to see the mother as a whole object. According to Klein (1940), “The loss of the loved object takes place

46 during that phase of development in which the ego makes the transition from partial to total incorporation of the object” (p. 266). The infant no longer perceived only part objects; it was able to see the object in its entirety. The infant developed an understanding that it only had one mother who both satisfied and frustrated. This acknowledgment occurred in both phantasy and reality. Moreover, the infant came to realize that when it attacked part objects in phantasy, it was attacking the mother that it loved as a whole. The horror and anxiety surrounding this realization was known as “depressive anxiety” (p. 267). Here, the idealized, perfect mother no longer existed and the infant phantasized about what could have happened to her. This process of phantasy led the infant to feel concern, remorse, and responsibility regarding the damage that it possibly inflicted upon its mother, who became a representation of both good and bad.

Whereas the primary anxiety in the paranoid schizoid position was persecutory in nature and involved the fear of loss of one’s self, the depressive position evoked anxiety regarding one’s destructive impulses toward others and focused on fear of loss of the object (Greenberg & Mitchell, 1983).

According to Klein, as the infant worked through anxieties regarding its aggressive impulses toward the object, it feared being left alone as a result of its own destructive capacities, and felt not only guilt, but also remorse. The infant then sought to repair the perfect mother that it believed it destroyed by engaging in omnipotent phantasies of restoration and reparative behavior. However, the infant eventually abandoned these phantasies as it came to terms with the fact that the mother that it loved was the same one that it hated (Greenberg & Mitchell, 1983). This process evoked a mourning process for the infant in relation to what was felt to have died “inside”

47 (Hinshelwood, 1989). In this way, Klein’s view of the infant’s mourning was inspired

by Freud’s writings on mourning and melancholia. For Klein (1940), the work of mourning was a central concept in the depressive position and she believed that that this first experience of loss would be triggered “whenever grief is experienced later in life” (p. 344).

The role of external objects was again emphasized in the infant’s work of mourning. As Freud viewed mourning as a process where the lost object was introjected and identified with, Klein posited that the mourning infant not only “reincorporated” into itself the lost idealized object, but also internalized its real, external good objects (parents), so that there was a direct correlation between the “death” of the idealized internal and external object (Hinshelwood, 1989). The working through of this mourning process led to a new relation with the mother in that she came to be seen as a whole object. The infant developed an understanding that the mother was a separate person in her own right, one who was separate from the infant’s ego. This achievement allowed the infant to know that “objects come and go in spite of it,” thus better able to manage separations (p. 141).

Another hallmark of the depressive position was the infant’s new capacity to love another, not only for purposes of gratification, but for whom the individual was as a separate, unique being. The infant could tolerate ambivalence which allowed love to be sustained, even when feelings of frustration and hate were present.

As with the paranoid schizoid position, there were defenses attributed to the depressive position. Because the primary work of the depressive position was that of mourning, defenses could be utilized to manage the pain of loss and feelings of guilt.

48 Klein (1935) identified the first defense as the “paranoid defence” (p. 274). A “defensive retreat” from the depressive position occurred, and there was a regression to the paranoid schizoid position. Once again, objects were split and good and bad were separated from one another. This encouraged an avoidance of feelings triggered by loss, and offered protection from depressive anxieties (Hinshelwood, 1989).

The second defense was the manic defense in which minimization occurred in regard to the importance of the object. Klein (1935) indicated that there was a denial of good objects and “also of the dangers with which it is menaced from its bad objects and id” (p. 277). In this process, internal reality was completely denied and depressive anxieties could be avoided.

Klein believed that the paranoid-schizoid and depressive positions were psychological organizations that informed individuals’ experience of themselves and others. All individuals were born into the paranoid schizoid position, and if development proceeded uninterrupted, progression into the depressive position would follow which later led to mature object relations. However, Klein’s decision to utilize the word “positions” rather than development reflected her conviction that an individual does not abandon the paranoid schizoid position when the depressive position has been reached.

Rather, one learns to successfully move back and forth between the two (Ogden, 1986).

The paranoid schizoid and depressive positions were central in Klein’s development and personality theory. In her view, all individuals moved between the two positions in normal development. Personality was, in essence, structured around the manner and extent to which the individual utilized defenses attributed to each position. It was Klein’s contention that even normal, mature individuals demonstrated some level of

49 pathology in that they experienced conflict between their internal objects and utilized defenses to ward off anxieties related to the two positions (Ogden, 1986). However, for some, specific defenses dominated the personality resulting in fixations in certain positions.

Through this lens, it can be assumed that projections and introjections are utilized during adolescence in order to gain a sense of identity. Treacher (2000) stated, “Emotional maturity is gained through identification and knowledge of one’s similarity and differences from others. In this account, difference is conceptualized as threatening, destabilizing and unwelcome. It has to be defended against at all costs.” This presents a challenge, indeed, for bicultural adolescents who feel similar in one environment, namely home, yet different in another. They may struggle in determining what is dangerous or threatening, which can include cultural aspects of themselves. The focus of differentiation and autonomy in American culture also opposes the interdependence emphasized in Latino values, creating potential for a perceived difference in which Latina teens may feel the need to repudiate. These issues, combined with the contradicting messages Latinas receive in regard to gender roles, present a daunting challenge.

Conflicting messages place Latina adolescents in a precarious position, making them vulnerable to internalizing all good or all bad objects and potentially leading to the excessive use of defenses that ultimately deplete or weaken their identity. Garcia-Bahne (1977) described this less than optimistic prospect for Latina girls in the following: The ‘good,’ socially acceptable woman, it follows, embodies the qualities of the Virgin: purity, selflessness, mysticism, and respectfulness. The ‘bad,’ unacceptable woman is viewed suspiciously, actually demonstrates more independence, assertiveness and is more socially mobile, moving toward selfdetermining behavior … The notion of an absolute split can invade a Latina’s

50 response to sexuality, her definition of femininity, her treatment of appearance, and her view of herself. If there is no middle ground between virgin and whore, then Latina girls ‌ cannot feel sensual without feeling dirty. [They] cannot be attractive without assuming the iniquity of the man who would be attracted. This concept burdens many ‌ with undeserved guilt while excusing the male from any and all responsibility. The model of virgin/whore defines femininity as intrinsically perilous. A set of extremes leaves no room for individual determination. Becoming a woman is reduced to assuming a role which permits little variance (p. 41).

Speculation is thus raised regarding if and how Latina adolescents come to terms with themselves as ethnic, gendered, and sexualized beings. Understanding the internalization of cultural messages regarding female sexuality becomes particularly salient when considering the factors contributing to high rates of early pregnancy among Latinas.

Theoretical and Operational Definitions Definitions of terminology utilized throughout this study are the following: Culture: The system of values, beliefs, customs, and attitudes shared by a group of people, which is implicitly and explicitly communicated from one generation to the next, influencing perceptions of individuals in the group.

Object Relations: The unconscious, affectively charged projections and introjections of aspects of self and others which inform our experiences of self and others as detailed

by Melanie Klein and other object relation theorists (Chodorow, 1996).

Latinas: Individuals who identify their ethnicity as being Latina, Hispanic, or specifically from any Spanish-speaking countries in Latin America, Puerto Rico, Dominican Republic, or Cuba.

51 Pregnant/Parenting adolescent: Individuals currently enrolled in high school who are currently pregnant or parenting.

Non-pregnant/parenting adolescent: Individuals currently enrolled in high school who are not currently pregnant or parenting.

Statement of Assumptions The following assumptions informed this study: 1.

Human psychology is influenced by both internal, intrapsychic experience as well as actual, lived experience.

2.

Klein’s object relations theory, including modes of defense, offers one approach of understanding how external experiences, such as culture, are taken in and made part of an internal object world.

3.

Parents internalize their perceptions of culture, which they in turn pass on to their children. This experience of culture then becomes a part of the child’s internal object relations.

4.

Individuals have unresolved emotional issues and are not always aware of the motivating factors underlying their behavior.

5.

Cultural messages influence an individual’s sense of identity and behavior.

6.

While Erickson’s identity theory provides a framework for understanding the developmental challenges posed to adolescents, it is assumed that post-modern definitions of identity also apply in that identity is seen to be always changing, shifting, and variable.

52 7.

The narratives of participants in this study would provide insight into their parent relationships, dating, and sexual behavior. This data would then reveal themes that could be useful in understanding what factors influence(d) their behavior leading, or not leading to, early pregnancy.

8.

The responses of participants on demographic surveys and other quantitative measures consisting of the Latino Values Scale and the Multiethnic Identity Measure would assess participants’ adherence to traditional Latino norms and level of ethnic identity. These findings could be utilized in making comparisons between pregnant/parenting and non-pregnant/parenting participants and identifying differences as well as similarities.

9.

The researcher’s Latina background, as well as her training in systems theory and psychodynamic theories, informed how this study was organized, facilitated, analyzed, and interpreted.

Research Questions The overarching question for this study was: • What are the factors influencing Latina adolescents’ behavior as it relates to early pregnancy?

A second inquiry related to the primary research question was: • What are patterns or themes that transpire from participants’ responses on demographic surveys and during interviews, and, what, if any, are similarities and/or differences between pregnant/parenting and non-pregnant parenting participant groups?

53

The following statistical hypotheses were tested utilizing the Latino Values Scale and the Multi-group Ethnic Identity Measure: • Pregnant/parenting participants will have higher scores on the Latino Values Scale than their non-pregnant parenting counterparts indicating a stronger adherence to traditional Latino cultural norms. • Pregnant/parenting participants will have lower scores than their nonpregnant/parenting counterparts on the Multi-group Ethnic Identity Measure, suggesting lower ethnic identity statuses.

54

CHAPTER III

METHODOLOGY Study Design This study utilized mixed methods methodology, which combines qualitative and quantitative procedures to gather and analyze data (Tashakkhori & Teddlie, 2003).

Mixed method studies seek to “use multiple approaches in answering research questions, rather than constraining researchers’ choices” (Johnson & Onweuegbuzie, 2004).

Quantitative data strengthen qualitative findings, while qualitative data add and enhance meaning to quantitative figures. It was hoped that utilization of both methodologies in this study would add insights that might be overlooked or missing if only one method was used (Tashakkhori & Teddlie, 2003).

Quantitative and qualitative procedures were employed simultaneously during interviews to gather data. At the start of scheduled interviews, participants provided written responses on three different surveys. The first was a demographic form designed to collect information such as age, grade level, country of origin, educational goals, etc.

Two standardized instruments, the MEIM and the LVS, were then provided to participants to assess their level of ethnic identity and adherence to traditional Latino values. Demographic forms and two surveys were offered to participants in English and Spanish. They chose the language in which they were most comfortable.

55 Following participants’ completion of surveys, qualitative data were gathered through semi-structured interviews. The qualitative component was critical for this study because it is recommended when a researcher seeks to understand an individual’s experience with a particular phenomenon in which little is known (Strauss & Corbin, 1998), such as the psychodynamic factors contributing to Latina early pregnancy.

Qualitative research allows exploration of the “intricate details about phenomena such as feelings, thought processes, and emotions that are difficult to extract through more conventional research methods” (p. 11), making it both suitable and useful for this study’s topic.

Qualitative data were collected according to procedures outlined in grounded theory where the goal is to generate theory that evolves from the data (p. 12). In grounded theory, the researcher does not start with a hypothesis unless it is with the hope of expanding on existing theory. This type of research begins with a general topic of study and it is from the data that theoretical concepts are developed. Strauss and Corbin (1998) described grounded theory as both a scientific and artistic process, stating: It is a science in the sense of maintaining a certain degree of rigor and by grounding analysis in data. Creativity manifests itself in the ability of researchers to aptly name categories, ask stimulating questions, make comparisons, and extract an innovative, integrated, realistic scheme from masses of unorganized raw data.

The ultimate aim of grounded theory is to detail and illustrate concepts derived from participants’ narratives. All aspects of data collected during the research process are considered relevant, including the researcher’s observations and responses. The theoretical constructs drawn from the data evolve from interpretations formed by both the researcher and participants.

56

Participant Recruitment Participants for this study were recruited in several ways. The original research proposal limited eligibility to young women between the ages of 14 to 19 who identified themselves as Latina and who also were enrolled in school. Pregnant/parenting candidates, as well as those who were not pregnant/parenting, meeting the aforementioned criteria were invited to participate.

Because parental consent was required for participants who were under the age of 18, initial recruitment efforts were geared toward Latino parent groups. The researcher contacted three colleagues at Chicago suburban high schools that held monthly Latino parent group meetings to determine their willingness to participate. All three professionals enthusiastically offered their assistance and scheduled times for the researcher to attend evening Latino Parent Group meetings where the following information regarding the study was provided: •

Overview of Latina teen pregnancy

•

Description of the study and research questions

•

Participant eligibility criteria

•

Parent permission requirement

•

Voluntary participant consent requirement

•

Overview of confidentiality

Presentations were conducted in Spanish given that monthly parents meetings at each school typically were held in Spanish. Some parents opted to attend meetings with their daughters. Those interested in participating in the study were asked to meet with the

57 researcher at the conclusion of meetings for further information. The response of parents, as well as their daughters, was overwhelmingly positive. At one parent meeting in particular, close to 60 families attended and many of non-pregnant participants were recruited through this session.

Parents who provided consent and whose daughters met eligibility criteria were provided with detailed information regarding the study as outlined on consent forms, which were offered in English and Spanish. Parents were asked to sign consent forms in their preferred language and were informed that although they were providing consent, their daughter held the right to refuse. The study was explained to potential participants who attended meetings with their parents, and if they provided consent, forms were signed and times and locations arranged for interviews. For those who did not attend with their parents, phone contact was made with them at a later date at which time the study was explained. It was made clear to all candidates that they were not obligated to participate. It was only when they expressed interest that consent forms were signed and interviews scheduled.

High school counselors also recruited participants by handing out flyers describing the study to potential candidates. Those who were interested informed the counselor who then contacted the researcher to schedule informational meetings. The researcher met with interested candidates to provide details regarding the study. Those who were eligible and remained interested in participating at the conclusion of informational meetings signed individual consent forms. Their contact information was obtained and they were asked language preferences of their parents. The researcher later contacted parent(s) in order to explain the study. If verbal consent was given, a

58 permission form was sent home for a written signature. Once the parent permission form was returned to the researcher, the potential participant was contacted and if they remained interested in participating, interview locations and times were scheduled.

During this process, several participants eagerly volunteered. In fact, some signed up twice: once during Latino Parent Group meetings and again upon hearing about the study through their school counselor. Initially, it was the researcher’s belief that the motivation behind their eagerness to participate was associated with the $25 gift card offered to those who came in for interviews (they did not need to complete the interview in order to receive the gift card). However, one counselor countered this sentiment in reporting that a number of young women expressed interest in participating in the study before the gift card information was publicized.

Pregnant/parenting participants also were recruited through their participation in an evening teen pregnancy/parenting program held in the northwest suburbs of Chicago.

The researcher outlined details of the study during one session of this program. Those interested in participating were asked to meet with the researcher at the meeting’s conclusion. At that time, the study was explained in detail and, if interested candidates met eligibility and provided consent, parents were contacted. Once parent and individual permission forms were signed and returned to the researcher, participant interviews were scheduled.

Purposive sampling was the primary method used in this study. It is utilized in research when participants are selected because they possess specific characteristic(s) relevant to the subject being studied (Patton, 1990), making it appropriate for this particular research topic. While purposive sampling was employed, snowball sampling

59 also was utilized when participants identified other candidates (p. 176). This occurred at varying times with several participants, particularly those who were non-pregnant/parenting. These participants asked for permission to invite friends who met eligibility criteria. The potential candidate then was given a flyer and a form describing the study, as well as the researcher’s contact information. In order to maintain privacy and to ensure that candidates did not experience any level of coercion, those identified through snowball sampling were required to initiate contact with the researcher. If and when contact was made, candidates were informally screened to determine if they met eligibility and if they did, the study was explained in detail. Those expressing interest were provided with individual as well as parental consent forms that needed to be signed prior to the scheduling of interviews.

Snowball sampling resulted in a few non-pregnant/parenting candidates soliciting information about the study after hearing about the project from peers. Through this process, two potential candidates disclosed they had been pregnant in the past, but terminated the pregnancies. Both were given the aforementioned information and forms, however, neither returned. Their reason(s) for not participating remains conjecture.

However, it is possible that these young women declined due to anxieties associated with discussing their own curtailed pregnancy experiences, which potentially triggered difficult feelings.

In order to safeguard against potential participants feeling pressured by parents, counselors, or peers to partake in interviews, the researcher called participants the day prior to scheduled interviews to remind them that they could opt out of the study if they so chose. Two candidates withdrew from the study as a result of these second calls.

60 Both were pregnant/parenting. The remainder expressed continued interest and subsequently participated in scheduled interviews.

In order to attain saturation, the desired sample size was approximately 24 in the original research proposal. Strauss & Corbin (2007) defined saturation as the point where all concepts are well defined and explained, but cautioned the researcher from reaching this point too early. Saturation denotes not only development of categories, but the understanding of variations, properties, dimensions, and relationships within and among these categories as well. Although it is understood that full saturation may never be reached as concepts can always be further studied, the researcher must reach an understanding of concepts that go well beyond the surface. Initially, a sample size of approximately 24 was thought to offer a good probability that ample data would be attained to sufficiently explain concepts that surfaced. However, as explained in the upcoming section, a sample total of 35 was required before reaching saturation.

Description of Participants A total of 35 female participants were recruited for this study. All identified as Latina, were between the ages of 14 – 19, and enrolled in school. Twenty-one participants reported being non-pregnant/parenting, while 14 were pregnant/parenting.

Although not a requirement of the study, all non-pregnant/parenting participants reported that they never had been pregnant. As part of the consent process, all participants agreed to complete surveys and to have their interviews audio taped. In addition, all but one participant agreed to participate in follow up interviews if the need arose.

61 Instrumentation Interviews were one component of data collection. An audio tape recorder and field notes journal were utilized during all interviews, which were held in the participants’ language of choice. In addition, three instruments were used to gather quantitative data. This included a survey designed to collect demographic information regarding participants as well two measurement tools: the Latino (a) Value Scale (LVS) and the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Scale (MEIM).

The Latino(a) Values Scale (LVS) Participants’ adherence to Latino values was assessed through utilization of the LVS, a 35-item instrument designed to address four dimensions of traditional cultural values including cultural pride, familism (familismo) congeniality (símpatia), and spiritualism (espiritismo). Statements such as “One must preserve one’s cultural heritage” were scored on a four (4) point Likert scale with end points of four (strongly agree) and one (strongly disagree). To determine scores, 14 identified items first were reverse scored and then all 35 items were added for a total score which, in turn, was divided by 35 to obtain a scale score. Subscale totals were attained by adding identified items for each subscale and then dividing them by the total number of items. Higher scores indicated a higher adherence to Latino(a) cultural values.

The total score on the LVS has demonstrated acceptable reliability across three studies, with coefficient alphas of .88 and .85, and a two-week test-retest reliability of .78. Concurrent validity also has been indicated as Latino Values Scale scores have been positively related to those on measures of Mexican-oriented acculturation and self-

62 reported values adherence. The LVS total score as well as the Cultural Pride and Familismo subscales have been recommended for use in research studies (Kim, Soliz, Orellana, & Alamilla, 2006).

The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Scale (MEIM) Participants’ ethnic identity status was measured using the MEIM which is a 12-item instrument designed to assess several ethnic identity constructs including ethnic identity search (5 items), affirmation, belonging, and commitment to an ethnic group (7 items). Items consisting of statements such as “I feel a strong attachment towards my own ethnic group� were scored on a five (5) point Likert scale with five (5) representing strongly agree, three (3) neutral, and one (1) strongly disagree. In addition, participants provided responses to three additional questions inquiring about ethnic labels for themselves as well as their parents. The use of these labels is recommended primarily for categorization (Roberts, Phinney, Masse, Chen, Roberts, & Romero, 1999).

Scales were scored by using the preferred method, which determined the mean of the 12 items for a total score. The subscales of Ethnic Identity Search (five items) and Belonging, Affirmation, and Commitment (seven items) were scored in a similar manner.

Higher total scores suggested higher ethnic achievement statuses, indicating stronger feelings, preferences, and participation towards the native ethnic group (Umana-Taylor & Fine, 2004).

Various studies have utilized the MEIM and it has shown reliability with alphas above .80 across ethnicities and ages. The validity of the MEIM has been demonstrated through its association with variables related to ethnic identity (Phinney, 1992). It should

63 be noted that while reliability and validity were established for the English version of the MEIM, the author had not used the Spanish version; therefore, no data existed regarding its statistical significance.

Translation Methodology Throughout this study, verbal and written communication with participants and parents were offered in both English and Spanish. Parents preferred their presentations to be held exclusively in Spanish while informational meetings for participants were held in English and Spanish, due to participants’ mixed language choices. All recruitment forms and collection instruments also were made available in both languages in order to accommodate language preferences.

The researcher initially developed all recruitment and consent documents in English. Documents then were submitted to a native Spanish speaking professional who held a Masters degree and was educated in both Spanish and English. This individual consulted with the researcher to confirm meanings of terminology prior to translation.

Documents were translated to capture English meanings while also being grammatically and stylistically correct in Spanish. Translated documents were checked for spelling prior to being returned to the researcher who back translated Spanish documents into English. If meanings in English back translated versions were found to be incorrect, necessary revisions were made in Spanish as documents were translated once more. The final Spanish translation underwent a last check for grammar and spelling by the researcher prior to finalizing it for use.

While a Spanish version of the MEIM was provided by its author, no Spanish

64 translation was available for the LVS. The researcher obtained permission from the author to translate the LVS prior to giving it to a Masters level, certified Spanish teacher for translation. The scale then was translated as closely as possible to capture English meanings while also being grammatically and stylistically correct in Spanish. This proved to be challenging with some statements on the LVS given that they were sayings or proverbs well understood in English, but confusing or awkward when translated into Spanish. Two particular items presented with this difficulty: “A woman is considered the backbone of the family” and “One does not need to trust a higher being.” In the former, “backbone” implies a dual meaning of fortitude in English, whereas in Spanish “backbone” typically only refers to a person’s physical back or spinal cord. Thus, the translator, after consulting with the researcher for meaning clarification, opted for a symbolic translation of the phrase. The latter item using “higher being” also was not commonly understood in Spanish without a reference to God, therefore, the translated modified Spanish statement read: “One does not need to trust a higher being, such as God.” After the aforementioned problem items were addressed, the Spanish version of the LVS was returned to the researcher, who consulted with three native Spanish speakers to assure statements were understandable prior to back translating the scale into English. If meanings in the back translated version were found to be incorrect or had not been fully captured, necessary revisions were made as the documents were translated once more into Spanish by the researcher. The final Spanish translation underwent a last check for grammar and spelling by the researcher before it was finalized for use.

65 Data Collection Participants attended scheduled meetings with the researcher in which they first completed the demographic form, the MEIM, and the LVS. Face-to-face interviews with the researcher were then held which ranged in length from 30 minutes to one hour depending on the time participants required to respond to questions. Interviews with pregnant/parenting participants typically were longer due to added inquiry regarding their pregnancy experiences.

All participants were given the choice of holding interviews at their home, the researcher’s office, or at their respective schools and, interestingly, most requested to meet at their schools. The content of interviews, which included participants disclosing information regarding their dating and sexual beliefs and behavior, seemed to influence participants’ interview location preferences. Privacy and confidentiality, particularly as it related to their parents, was tantamount for many. Transportation also was an issue, as many participants were dependent on others for transportation. Parents provided transportation for four non-pregnant/parenting participants who opted to interview at the researcher’s office. The remaining interviews were held at participants’ respective schools or, for some pregnant/parenting participants, at the school in which they attended an evening parenting program. All interviews were audio taped and later transcribed. In addition, all, but one participant, consented to participating in follow up interviews to provide further thoughts if needed. However, as discussed in a subsequent section on member checking, only a few attended follow-up interviews.

66 Interview Process Interviews were held over a 4-month period during the spring of 2010.

Participants were asked their language preference at the start of interviews, but were told that they could switch languages at any point and the researcher would follow their lead.

The majority of interviews were held in English (28) and the remaining in Spanish (7).

While the researcher anticipated that bilingual participants would switch languages throughout the interview, this was not the case. All participants spoke the same language they identified as their preference, with minimal variation. Only one non-pregnant/parenting participant changed languages a few times throughout the interview. What was more typical was for some participants to occasionally use a word or phrase in another language to clarify or emphasize a point regarding an idea they described. Interestingly, only one interview held in Spanish was with a pregnant/parenting participant. The remainders were with those who were nonpregnant/parenting.

While a few interviews were held at the researcher’s office, most interviews were conducted at participants’ respective schools. This proved to be both advantageous and challenging. On one hand, interviews were easier to arrange because participants met with the researcher in a private office at their school during the school day, eliminating issues related to transportation. On the other hand, the researcher was at the mercy of participants’ class schedules and availability of office space. This caused the interview process to take on a whirlwind feeling where the researcher constantly shifted her schedule to accommodate participant availability and office space accessibility.

67 Interviews with pregnant-parenting participants presented with additional dynamics. The researcher initially foresaw difficulty with this group due to potential problems with childcare and possibility of ambivalence and/or discomfort associated with discussing their pregnancies. Canceled and/or missed interviews were anticipated, however, this was not the case the majority of the time. While pregnant/parenting participants were more likely to call to reschedule interviews, once they consented to participate in the study, the majority followed through despite obstacles they faced. For example, one participant canceled two interviews, but initiated several calls to the researcher to reschedule a time that finally worked for her. Another pregnant/parenting participant failed to attend classes on the day of her scheduled interview, but showed up at school exclusively to participate in the study. However, because school staff had informed the researcher of the participant’s absence at school during the day, the researcher, who assumed the participant would not attend, was not present for the interview. The participant called the researcher to inform her that she indeed had shown up for the interview and rescheduled another appointment in which both the participant and researcher attended. In these instances and others, it was clearly evident that these young women desired to tell their stories. It also could be argued that rescheduled interviews represented the chaotic nature of these participants’ lives as they attempted to balance adolescence with responsibilities associated with motherhood.

Participant interviews began with the researcher reviewing the purpose of the study, explaining confidentiality, and reminding participants that they could stop at any point without repercussions. Participants were given the opportunity to ask questions and then asked for their language preference for the interview.

68 It became apparent to the researcher during the first two interviews that participants were anxious when the audiotape began recording. For this reason, the following were added to subsequent interviews to assist participants in adjusting to the recorder before being asked more in-depth questions: •

What is your age?

•

Where were you born?

•

What languages do you speak?

•

Do you receive free and reduced lunch?

•

Are you involved in extracurricular activities?

•

What are your future goals?

•

What do your parents want for you in the future?

•

Do your parents support the goals you have for yourself?

The researcher then initiated open-ended questions consisting of the following: •

Fifty-two percent of Latinas become pregnant by the age 20. Tell me what you make of this.

•

Tell me about your family when you were growing up.

•

Tell me about your relationships with your parents now.

•

What messages did they give you about dating?

•

What messages did they give you about sex?

•

In one study, Latino teens reported that parents sent different messages to their sons and daughters about having sex. Tell me your thoughts about this.

69 •

What messages did your parents give you about early pregnancy?

•

For pregnancy/parenting participants: Tell me about your pregnancy experience.

Some participants were very amenable and talked openly about their experiences.

One non-pregnant/parenting participant who eagerly shared her story commented at the end that she was grateful she participated because it was the first time she “talked with someone” about her experiences and found it a relief to “get things off [her] chest.” This sentiment was shared by several participants, especially those who were pregnant/parenting. Others were more reserved, particularly regarding questions pertaining to their dating and sexual behavior. It goes without saying that each interview was unique in its progression. Although participants could stop at any point, all completed interviews with no breaks and received a $25 gift card for their participation in this study.

Data Analysis SPSS software was used to conduct statistical analyses for the quantitative data collected in this study. Demographic variables were coded and assigned values in SPSS in order to run frequencies. Total and subscale scores from the two standardized instruments were compared against one another and t-tests were utilized to contrast means between LVS and MEIM scores of pregnant/parenting and non-pregnant parenting participants to determine if statistical differences existed.

Qualitative data were collected through interviews and analyzed according to coding procedures designated in grounded theory (Strauss & Corbin, 1998). The goal of

70 this methodology is to generate theory that is grounded in observed data and builds rather than tests theory. In grounded theory analysis, the researcher utilizes open, axial, and selective coding to label general categories and identify themes and relationships. This was the process utilized in this study to organize and analyze qualitative data.

Open coding was first employed to break down data by lines and ideas in order to delineate categories and subcategories. Memoing was utilized at this level to highlight the researcher’s thoughts and ideas and to assist in identifying areas that required further consideration (p. 101-102).

Subsequently, axial coding was employed to further break down data by establishing relationships between categories. Strauss and Corbin (1998) posited that in this level of coding the researcher “looks at how the categories link” based on the concept that is represented by the category (p. 124).

Selective coding followed and established “storylines” in the research based on central themes that emerged. The first step in this coding process was “integration” where categories were arranged around identified central themes (pp. 143-148).

Theoretical schemes were then established by examining explanatory relationships between categories. The theories were refined by “trimming off excess” (discarding data that did not contribute to the understanding of the phenomenon being studied) and “filling in poorly developed categories” (gathering more data to fill in the gaps).

Theoretical saturation occurred when no new properties or dimensions resulted from the data. Theories later were confirmed by asking participants to react to the themes that emerged through member checking (pp. 158-160).

71 Member Checking Rubin & Babbie (2005) described member checking as the process where the researcher asks participants “to confirm or disconfirm the accuracy of the research observations and interpretations” (p. 464). For purposes of member checking in this study, six participants, three non-pregnant parenting and three pregnant-parenting, were invited to attend second interviews conducted shortly after their first interviews. These participants represented a range in ages as well as in their responses to interview questions. However, only three participants (two non-pregnant parenting and one pregnant/parenting) attended scheduled second interviews at which time they were provided with a summary of interview narratives including overarching themes identified by the researcher. Two participants (one pregnant/parenting, the other pregnant/parenting) clarified information regarding their descriptions of parent relationships, and all three agreed with identified themes. The pregnant/parenting participant provided additional comments in regard to her intent in becoming pregnant, stating, “I didn’t think I wanted to get pregnant, but when I read this and think about it now, it makes me wonder. Like I knew how to prevent it, but I didn’t do it. Hmm … it’s funny, isn’t it?.” This participant also elaborated on the theme of desiring a better relationship for her child than the one offered to her by her parents.

The reason(s) why some participants invited for second interviews did not attend remains open for speculation. While practical problems, such as scheduling for those who were seen in schools (some were asked to attend during lunch hours or a Study Hall) and child care difficulty (for those who were pregnant/parenting) were plausible explanations, it also was possible that questions raised during interviews evoked difficult

72 and/or painful feelings for participants, particularly when asked to describe relationships with family members. In addition, the palpable discomfort some experienced while discussing topics such as sex also could have contributed to their hesitance in returning for second interviews. For pregnant/parenting participants, discussing reactions to their pregnancies potentially triggered memories of a painful period in their lives of which they did not wish to be reminded during a second interview. Despite the reason, it was clear that discussing topics related to dating, sex, and early pregnancy held meaning for participants, as detailed later in Chapter VI.

Limitations Weaknesses of this study included the small sample size and geographic homogeneity represented by participants who were exclusively from northwest Chicago suburbs. Study results, therefore, cannot be generalized to a larger population.

Additionally, baseline data regarding pregnant/parenting participants prior to their pregnancy were not collected. This had implications because it could be argued that participants’ views changed or were modified due to their pregnancy/parenting experience. In addition, caregivers’ viewpoints were not included, thus, information regarding relationships and communication with primary caretakers was based solely on participants’ recollections and perceptions. History of sexual abuse also was not directly investigated even though it has been implicated in previous research as a possible factor in the predictability of early pregnancy (Franklin & Corcoran, 2000). Although two pregnant/parenting participants initiated discussion regarding a past abuse history (refer to Chapter VI for details), this was not a variable directly examined in this study.

73 Therefore, conclusions cannot be drawn without further investigation.

Lastly, the researcher’s personal and professional experiences as a Latina unarguably influenced her approach and interactions with participants during the research process. These experiences might have enhanced or detracted participants’ responses to interview questions and may have biased how data were organized and how meanings were drawn from findings of this study.

Statement on Protecting the Rights of Human Subjects Before beginning this study, the Institute for Clinical Social Work’s Institutional Review Board reviewed and approved the research to assure that no ethical violations occurred inadvertently. Participation in this study was strictly voluntary and with parental permission (see appendix). Participants were informed of the purpose and extent of the study and signed consent forms if they were interested. Participants under the age of 18 also provided consent forms signed by their parents. All identifying information related to participants was held in the strictest confidence. Because interviews were taped, they were later transcribed. Taped material was destroyed after one year to further insure the protection of participants.

Participants were informed of potential risks associated with this study, including the possibility of negative emotional reactions in response to experiences recounted during the interview process and, for those who were pregnant/parenting, the potential for stirring up family issues related to their pregnancies. A debriefing period to process negative reactions with the researcher was offered at the end of interviews. In addition, all participants were provided with referrals for counseling agencies they could contact in

74 the future, if the need for therapy arose. A number of participants also inquired about resources regarding reproductive health and contraception information, and were referred to school counseling staff for details regarding public health departments and agencies in their local areas.

75

CHAPTER IV

INTRODUCTION TO THE FINDINGS

The findings for this study were drawn from narratives and written responses provided by 35 Latina adolescent participants. Twenty-one participants were not pregnant/parenting and had never been pregnant, while 14 were pregnant/parenting. Of the latter group, eight were pregnant and the remaining six were parents rearing children ranging from four months to two years of age.

While each participant had her own unique story to tell, several themes surfaced from the collective group, which are discussed in upcoming chapters. The disaggregation of data allowed comparisons to be made between non-pregnant/parenting and pregnant/parenting groups. Findings are arranged into two chapters. The first, Chapter V, presents quantitative results while Chapter VI provides an overview of qualitative data.

Chapter V commences with a presentation of data collected through demographic forms, supplying descriptive information regarding participants. Although slight differences in the demographics of the two participant groups were revealed, similarities were most common.

76 A statistical analysis of the Latino (a) Values Scales (LVS) and the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measures (MEIM) follows, but reveal no statistical differences between the two groups. However, two additional comparative analyses yielded statistically significant differences. The first compared scores between participants that were or had been sexually active, including non-pregnant/parenting participants, and those that were virgins. This unveiled one statistical difference on the LVS where sexually active participants reported less cultural pride than those who were virgins, perhaps suggesting that those from the former group might be more susceptible to seeking approval and/or intimacy in sexual relationships to compensate for negative feelings associated to their native culture. However, due to lack of empirical evidence on other scale scores to corroborate this finding, any conclusions that are drawn remain speculative.

In the second analysis, scores of participants whose biological parents remained together were compared to those whose parents were separated. This analysis yielded statistically significant differences on the LVS-Total and Subscale Scores suggesting that participants whose parents were no longer together tended to adhere less to traditional Latino values, perhaps due to their belief that their parents’ separation violated Latino cultural norms centering on family.

Chapter V concludes with a section describing participant perceptions of parent relationships. These narratives revealed the most compelling difference between the two groups in this study: pregnant/parenting participants were more inclined than their nonpregnant/parenting counterparts to negatively view their relationships with both parents.

The discussion of qualitative findings occurs in Chapter VI where seven main categories capture themes that emerged from collective narratives. The first, Hard Topics

77 to Discuss, describes participants’ experiences discussing dating, sex, and contraception with their parents. Almost all participants described feeling uneasy talking about these topics with their parents and were acutely aware of the discomfort their parents experienced broaching these subjects as well. Although the greater part of participants had dating rules assigned to them by their parents, many did not fully follow them.

Conversations associated with sex were delegated to mothers for the most part, and in many instances, the information about sex and contraception conveyed to participants was incomplete, inconsistent, or non-existent. Participants’ parents also expressed, verbally and non-verbally, their disapproval of early pregnancy. Parents often utilized examples of family members who became teen mothers as examples to reinforce their cautionary messages. The lack of information, negative messages, and warnings imparted to many participants regarding their budding sexual development made it clear that it was not considered a normal, healthy aspect of adolescence.

The second category, Trying to Make Sense of It All, details participants’ beliefs regarding sex, contraception, and teen pregnancy. Overwhelmingly, participants believed in having sex only in the context of a meaningful relationship with the use of contraception. However, many lacked information regarding birth control options and accessibility, and/or feared that their parents would become aware of their contraception use. Although all participants acknowledged early pregnancy as a common problem among Latinas, some defended against this knowledge by believing that only certain kinds of girls, ones who were unlike them, became pregnant.

The third category, Sex Happens, describes experiences of participants who were or had been sexually active, and includes their reports of contraception use. Most

78 participants expressed general ideas about having sex, such as, “It [having sex] has to be with the right guy,” but struggled to define these concepts in more detailed terms (i.e., definition of the right guy). Many grappled to articulate the reasons they had sex, and frequently described being led by their partners, although not necessarily aggressively, into having sex. Participants’ sexual partners typically initiated sex, but rarely pursued the use of contraception. Some actively discouraged or refused to utilize contraception (mainly condoms), leaving participants with the primary responsibility of obtaining birth control and insisting upon its use. A considerable number of pregnant/parenting participants initially utilized some form of contraception, but became careless or stopped its use altogether as their relationships progressed.

Themes unique to those with pregnancy experiences are covered in categories four through seven. The fourth category, Getting Pregnant, details the process pregnant/parenting participants’ underwent during their pregnancies. Most described not planning to become pregnant, although their behavior, in regard to taking precautions against pregnancy, did not support these intentions. A small percentage (2/14; 14.3%) of participants reported purposely becoming pregnant, although they could not fully articulate reasons for this desire. However, it was striking that these participants disclosed histories of sexual abuse, raising speculation regarding the role of abusive histories in early pregnancies. For the majority who did not intend to become pregnant, initial news of being pregnant triggered intense feelings of anxiety, fear, anger, and/or sadness. The first disclosure of their pregnancies generally occurred with their partners and then proceeded to parents. In divulging the news to parents, some participants relied

79 upon one parent, generally the mother, to serve as a buffer against negative reactions of the other parent or family members.

The Calm After the Storm is the fifth category and depicts the lessening of intense parental and family reactions as participants’ pregnancies progressed. By the time many participants’ babies were born, parents had become more supportive and accepting.

Chapter VI concludes with the sixth and seventh categories, Personal Meanings and Hope for Change in the Future. Personal Meanings extrapolates the unconscious meanings participants attached to their pregnancies, which typically served reparative or compensative functions. The final category, Hope for Change in the Future, closes the chapter, and portrays participants’ wishes for different, more hopeful future outcomes for their children.

80

CHAPTER V

QUANTITATIVE FINDINGS Participant Demographics Participant Age, Year in School and Future Educational Plans Participants’ ages ranged from 14 to 19, with a mean of 16.2. When broken into groups, the mean age for the non-pregnant/parenting group was 15.62, while the pregnant/parenting group was 17.07 (see Table 1). However, when the age of those who were pregnant/parenting was calculated according to how old they were when they became pregnant, the mean adjusted to 16.07 (see Table 2). Fifteen and sixteen were the most represented ages among the non-pregnant/parenting group, with six girls (28.6%) in each age category. Among pregnant/parenting participants, eight (57.1%) were 17 years old; making it the most represented age for this group.

The year in school of participants from combined groups was distributed almost equally among grade classifications. Although one participant was in eighth grade, eight were freshman; eight, sophomores; nine, juniors; and nine, seniors. However, freshmen (8/21; 38.1%) were the most represented group among non-pregnant/parenting participants, while juniors (6/14; 42.9%) were the most represented among the pregnant/parenting (see Table 3). In regard to future plans, the majority of nonpregnant/parenting (20/20; 95.2%) and pregnant/parenting participants (13/14; 92.9%)

81 expressed hopes to attend college and felt supported by their parents in achieving these goals.

Participant Free and Reduced Lunch Eligibility In Illinois, students from families living in poverty are eligible to receive free and reduced lunch in school. Eligibility is determined by household size and income. Those who meet the 130% federal poverty guideline qualify for free lunch and those at the 185% federal poverty guideline qualify for reduced lunch (ISBE, 2010).

Free and reduced lunch status was utilized to establish socioeconomic statuses of participants in this study. This information was obtained by asking participants if they received free and reduced lunch during the most recent school year. The greater part (85.7%) of participants from both participant groups reported receiving free and reduced lunch (see Table 4 for details), indicating that the majority of participants came from families meeting the federal government’s poverty guidelines.

82 Table 1. Age at Time of Interview Divided by Participant Group Frequency Distributions Non-pregnant parenting (N=21) Pregnant/parenting (N=14) Non-pregnant/parenting

Pregnant/parenting

Age 14 15 16 17 18 Total

Frequency 4 6 6 4 1 21

Percentage 19.0 28.6 28.6 19.0 4.8 4.8

15 16 17 18 19 Total

1 2 8 1 2 14

7.1 14.3 57.1 7.1 14.3 100.00

Table 2. Pregnant/parenting Participant Age at Time of Pregnancy Frequency Distributions (N=14) Pregnant/parenting

Age 14 15 16 17 18 Total

Frequency 1 3 6 2 2 14

Percentage 7.1 21.4 42.9 14.3 14.3 100.00

83 Table 3. Year in School Divided by Participant Group Frequency Distributions Non-pregnant parenting (N=21) Pregnant/parenting (N=14) Non-pregnant/parenting

Pregnant/parenting

Year in School 8th grade Freshman Sophomore Junior Senior Total

Frequency 1 8 5 3 4 21

Percentage 4.8 38.1 23.8 14.3 19.0 100.00

Sophomore Junior Senior Total

3 6 5 14

21.4 42.9 35.7 100.00

Table 4. Free and Reduced Lunch Divided by Participant Group Frequency Distributions Non-pregnant parenting (N=21) Pregnant/parenting (N=14) Non-pregnant/parenting

Pregnant/parenting

Free & Reduced Lunch Receiving Not Receiving Total

Frequency 18 3 21

Percentage 85.7 14.3 100.0

Receiving Not Receiving Total

12 2 14

85.7 14.3 100.0

84 Ethnicity, Country of Birth, and Time Lived in the United States The majority of participants (21/21; 100% of the non-pregnant/parenting and 12/14; 85.7% of the pregnant/parenting) were Mexican descendents. Of the two pregnant/parenting participants who were not Mexican-American, one identified as Puerto Rican, while the other was El Salvadorian (see Table 5).

Over half (11/21; 52.4%) of the non-pregnant/parenting group was U.S. born whereas the remaining (10/21; 46.7%) was born in Mexico. A higher percentage (10/14; 71.4%) of pregnant/parenting participants were U.S. born and the remaining (4/14; 28.6%) was born in Mexico (see Table 6).

The length of time participants lived in the United States paralleled birth country percentages, with 60% (21/35) of participants having resided in the U.S. for their entire lives. Among those who were Mexican born, the majority lived in the U.S. for more than five years (see Table 7 for details).

Table 5. Ethnicity Divided by Participant Group Frequency Distributions Non-pregnant parenting (N=21) Pregnant/parenting (N=14) Non-pregnant/parenting Pregnant/parenting

Ethnicity Mexican Total

Frequency 21 21

Percentage 100.0 100.0

Mexican Puerto Rican El Salvadorian Total

12 1 1 14

85.7 7.15 7.15 100.0

85 Table 6. Country of Birth Divided by Participant Group Frequency Distributions Non-pregnant parenting (N=21) Pregnant/parenting (N=14) Non-pregnant/parenting

Pregnant/parenting

Country of Birth United States Mexico Total

Frequency 11 10 21

Percentage 52.4 47.6 100.0

United States Mexico Total

10 4 14

71.4 28.6 100.0

Table 7. Length of Time in the U.S. Divided by Participant Group Frequency Distributions Non-pregnant parenting (N=21) Pregnant/parenting (N=14) Non-pregnant/parenting

Pregnant/parenting

Years in the U.S. U.S. born 10 yrs. or more 5-9 yrs Less than 5 yrs.

Total

Frequency 11 3 3 4 21

Percentage 52.4 14.3 14.3 19.0 100.0

U.S. born 10 yrs. or more 5-9 yrs Less than 5 yrs.

Total

10 2 1 1 14

71.4 14.3 7.1 7.1 100.0

86 Participant Religious Affiliation The overwhelming majority of non-pregnant/parenting (18/21; 85%) and pregnant/parenting (13/14; 71.4%) participants identified their religious affiliation to be Catholic. Those from both groups who were not Catholic associated with non-denominational Christianity (see Table 8).

Table 8. Religious Affiliation Divided by Participant Group Frequency Distributions Non-pregnant parenting (N=21) Pregnant/parenting (N=14) Non-pregnant/parenting

Pregnant/parenting

Religion Catholic Christian Total

Frequency 18 3 21

Percentage 85.7 14.3 100.0

Catholic Christian Total

13 1 14

71.4 28.6 100.0

Parental History Sixteen (76.2%) mothers of the non-pregnant/parenting group never graduated high school, while one (4.8%) held only a high school diploma, one (4.8%) attended some college, and three (14.3%) held bachelors degrees. A comparable percentage (16/21; 76.2%) of fathers from the same group never graduated high school, two (9.5%) only graduated from high school, one (4.8%) attended some college, and one (4.8%) held a bachelors degree. One father was excluded from the data because the participant did not know his level of education (see Table 9 for details).

87 While fewer (7/14; 50%) mothers of pregnant/parenting participants never graduated high school in comparison to their non-pregnant/parenting counterparts, none held bachelors degrees (see table 10 for details). A similar pattern emerged with fathers of pregnant/parenting participants where only eight (57.25%) did not complete high school or have a GED, but none held bachelor’s degrees. One mother and two fathers were excluded from the data because participants reported not knowing their levels of education (see Table 10 for details).

Fathers of non-pregnant/parenting participants (19/21; 90.5%) lived in the United States for10years or more compared to a slightly smaller percentage (16/21; 76.2%) of mothers from this same group. One father was excluded from this data because the participant did not know how long he lived in the U.S. Among the pregnant/parenting participant group, the percentage of fathers who were U.S. born or lived in the U.S. for10years or more (12/14; 85.7%) was equivalent to that of mothers (see Table 10 for details).

88 Table 9. Parental History of Non-pregnant/parenting group Frequency Distributions (N=21) Items Mother’s Education Level

Descriptor 8 grade or less Some high school High School graduate Some college Bachelors degree Total

Frequency 11 5 1 1 3 21

Percentage 52.4 23.8 4.8 4.8 14.3 100.0

Father’s Education Level

8th grade or less Some high school High School graduate Some college Bachelors degree Don’t know Total

8 8 2 1 1 1 21

38.1 38.1 9.5 4.8 4.8 4.8 100.0

Mother’s Length of Time in U.S.

10 years or more 5-9 years Less than 5 years Total

16 3 2 21

76.2 14.3 9.5 100.0

Father’s Length of Time in U.S.

10 years or more 5-9 years Don’t know Total

19 1 1 21

90.5 4.8 4.8 100.0

th

89 Table 10. Parental History of Pregnant/parenting group Frequency Distributions (N=14) Items Mother’s Education Level

Descriptor 8 grade or less Some high school High School graduate GED Some college Don’t know Total

Frequency 5 2 2 2 2 1 14

Percentage 35.7 14.3 14.3 14.3 14.3 7.1 100.0

Father’s Education Level

8th grade or less Some high school High School graduate GED Some college Don’t know Total

4 4 2 1 1 2 14

28.6 28.6 14.3 7.1 7.1 14.3 100.0

Mother’s Length of Time in U.S.

U.S. born 10 years or more 5-9 years Total

1 11 2 14

7.1 78.6 14.3 100.0

Father’s Length of Time in U.S.

U.S. born 10 years or more 5-9 years Total

1 11 2 14

7.1 78.6 14.3 100.0

th

90 Parental Marital Status and Household Composition Thirteen (61.9%) non-pregnant/parenting participants reported that their biological parents were in a married or committed relationship, which was slightly higher than the eight (57.1%) from the pregnant/parenting group. Therefore, a few more (6/14; 42.9%) pregnant/parenting participants had parents who were divorced or separated than their non-pregnant/parenting counterparts (8/21; 38.1%; see Table 11).

While participants from both groups whose parents were married lived with both parents, those from split families resided in households with varied compositions. Of the non-pregnant/parenting participants with split parents, four (19%) resided with their mothers and new partners (second husbands or boyfriends) and the other four lived with their mother alone. Two (14.3%) pregnant/parenting participants from divorced families lived with only their mothers, while one (7.1) lived with her mother and step-father, one with only her father, one with her father and step-mother, and one with her maternal grandmother (see Table 12 for details).

Table 11. Biological Parent Marital Status Divided by Participant Group Frequency Distributions Non-pregnant parenting (N=21) Pregnant/parenting (N=14) Non-pregnant/parenting

Married and/or together Separated/Divorced Total

Frequency 13 8 21

Percentage 61.9 38.1 100.0

Pregnant/parenting

Married and/or together Separated/Divorced Total

8 6 14

57.1 42.9 100.0

91 Comparative Analysis of Quantitative Assessments Two formal measurements were administered to participants in order to gather additional quantitative data. Total scale and subscale scores of both instruments were compared to determine differences between participant groups (non-pregnant/parenting and pregnant/parenting). Two additional analyses were added to contrast scale scores between subsequent groups: 1. Participants who had been sexually active, including those who were non-pregnant/parenting, with those who were virgins 2. Participants whose biological parents were together with those whose parents were separated. Scores with values of .05 or less (<.05) signified statistical difference. The following sections reveal the results.

Latino (a) Values Scale (LVS) The Latino(a) Values Scale (LVS) was administered to assess participants’ adherence to traditional Latino values. Participants utilized a four-point Likert scale (1Strongly Disagree; 2-Disagree; 3-Agree; 4-Strongly Agree) to indicate their level of agreement to value statements. Higher total scores indicated stronger levels of adherence to traditional Latino values. In addition to LVS-Total Scores, two subscales scores were used for comparison between participant groups. The Cultural Pride subscale was measured with the following items: • • • • • • •

One does not need to follow one’s cultural customs.

One does not need to be loyal to one’s cultural origin.

One’s bond with one’s cultural group must be very strong.

One must preserve one’s cultural heritage.

One should never lose one’s language of origin.

One should work to preserve the language of one’s ethnic group.

One does not need to practice one’s cultural celebrations.

92 • • •

One does not need to maintain one’s cultural traditions.

One does not need to preserve the customs of one’s cultural background.

One must be proud of one’s cultural group.

In a previous study where the LVS was compared to a self-esteem measure, “an unexpected significant relation” was found with LVS-Total and LVS-Cultural Pride subscale scores suggesting “that the two LVS scores partially reflect one’s positive feelings about themselves that are associated with adhering with Latino/a values” (Kim, Soliz, Orellana, Alamilla, in press).

In addition to the LVS-Cultural Pride subscale, the LVS-Familismo subscale was measured by responses to the following items: • • • • •

A man must provide for his family financially.

One should never bring shame upon one’s family.

A mother must keep the family unified.

A woman is considered the backbone of the family.

A woman must be a source of strength for her family.

The first comparative analysis of the LVS did not yield a statistically significant difference between the LVS-Total Scores of the non-pregnant/parenting participant group (M=2.89, SD=.273) and those of the pregnant/parenting group (M=2.77, SD=.239), t(33) = 1.24 p > .05, CI(95%) -.071-.294. Similarly, no statistical differences were evident on LVS subscales as shown on Table 12.

93 Table 12. Independent Samples T-Test of Latino(a) Values Scale Segregated by Pregnancy Status Independent Samples T-Test Between Latino(a) Values Scale Scores (N=35; 21 Non-pregnant; 14 pregnant/parenting) Scale/Subscale

Group

LVS Total Score

Nonpregnant/ parenting

SD

t

2.89

.273

1.24

33

.224

95% Confidence Interval -.071-.294

Pregnant/ parenting

2.77

.239

Nonpregnant/ parenting

3.02

.443

1.65

33

.109

-.055-.531

Pregnant/ parenting

2.78

.375

LVS Familismo - NonSubscale pregnant/ parenting

2.78

.423

-.500 33

.620

-.385-.233

Pregnant/ parenting

2.85

.466

LVS Cultural Pride-Subscale

Mean

df

Sig. (2-tail)

94 In the second analysis, participants were grouped by whether or not they had ever been sexually active (Have been sexually active N=18; Virgin N=17). Although Table 13 illustrates that there was no statistical difference between the LVS-Total Scores and Familismo subscale scores of the two groups, one emerged on the LVS-Cultural Pride subscale. Among these participant subscale scores, there was a statistically significant difference between those who had been sexually active (M=2.78, SD=.365) and those who remained virgins (M=3.08, SD=.447), t(33)= -2.17, p< .05, CI(95%) -.579, -.018.

Given that a previous study correlated the Cultural Pride subscale score with self-esteem, this finding potentially suggests that sexually active participants experienced less cultural pride and associated self-esteem; therefore, they were more inclined to seek approval and/or intimacy from a sexual relationship. However, this premise should be taken with caution given that in the LVS Total Score, which was correlated with self-esteem measures in a previous study as well (Kim, Soliz, Orellana, Alamilla, in press), did not reveal a significant difference, leaving the statistical difference on the Cultural Pride subscale to stand alone. Because of this and the fact that MEIM results were statistically insignificant (refer to the following section for details), the subscale finding should merely serve as point of interest and suggest an area for further investigation.

95 Table 13. Independent Samples T-Test of Latino(a) Values Scale Segregated by Participant History of Sexual Activity Independent Samples T-Test Between Latino(a) Values Scale Scores (N=35; 18 Have been Sexually Active; 17 Virgin) Scale/Subscale LVS Total Score

LVS Cultural Pride-Subscale

LVS FamilismoSubscale

Group

Mean

SD

Have been 2.76 Sexually Active

.216

Virgin

2.92

.287

Have been 2.78 Sexually Active

.365

Virgin

3.08

.447

Have been 2.82 Sexually Active

.427

Virgin

.458

2.80

t

df

-1.83 33

.075

95% Confidence Interval -.332-.017

-2.17 33

.037*

-.579- -.018

.148

.883

-.282-.326

33

Sig. (2-tail)

The third analysis grouped participants by their biological parentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; relationship status (Together N=21; Separated N=14). A comparative analysis yielded statistically significant differences between the LVS-Total Scores of those whose parents remained together (M=2.96, SD=.233) and those whose parents were separated (M=2.67, SD=.203), t(33)= 3.82, p< .05, CI(95%) .136-.448. Significant differences were noted on the two LVS-Subscale scores as well (see Table 14 for details), indicating that participants whose parents remained together adhered more closely to traditional Latino values, including familismo, and held higher levels of cultural pride than those whose

96 parents were separated. This suggests that those with separated parents rejected or were less invested in traditional Latino values, perhaps because the dissolution of their parent’s relationship represented a rupture in the very values that emphasized family togetherness.

Table 14. Independent Samples T-Test of Latino(a) Values Scale Segregated by Parental Relationship Status Independent Samples T-Test Between Latino(a) Values Scale Scores (N=35; 21 Participants’ Parents Remain Together; 14 Participants’ Parents are Separated ) Scale/Subscale LVS Total Score

LVS Cultural Pride-Subscale

LVS FamilismoSubscale

Group

Mean

SD

t 3.82

33

.001*

95% Confidence Interval .136-.448

2.40

33

.022*

.051-.615

2.72

33

.010*

.095-.657

Together

2.96

.233

Separated

2.67

.203

Together

3.06

.430

Separated

2.72

.351

Together

2.96

.440

Separated

2.58

.327

df

Sig. (2-tail)

97 Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM) The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM) was the second scale administered in this study and assessed participants’ ethnic identity status. Similar to the LVS, higher scores on the MEIM suggested higher ethnic identity status. Participants responded to items by using a five point Likert scale (1-Strongly Disagree; 2-Disagree; 3Neutral; 4- Agree; 5-Strongly Agree) indicating their level of agreement with each statement. Two subscales were included in addition to the Total Score. The first, Ethnic Identity Search, was assessed in the following items: • • • • •

I have spent time trying to find out more about my ethnic group, such as its history, traditions, and customs.

I am active in organizations or social groups that include mostly members of my own ethnic group.

I think a lot about how my life will be affected by my ethnic group membership.

In order to learn more about my ethnic background, I have often talked to other people about my ethnic group.

I participate in cultural practices of my own group, such as special food, music, or customs.

The second subscale, Affirmation, Belonging, and Commitment, was measured by responses to the following: • • • • • • •

I have a clear sense of my ethnic background and what it means for me.

I am happy that I am a member of the group I belong to.

I have a strong sense of belonging to my own ethnic group.

I understand pretty well what my ethnic group membership means to me I have a lot of pride in my ethnic group.

I feel a strong attachment towards my own ethnic group.

I feel good about my cultural or ethnic background.

As illustrated in Table 15, there were no statistically significant differences found between the MEIM Total and Subscale Scores of non-pregnant/parenting and parent/pregnant participants. The same held true when participant groups were

98 segregated by whether or not they had been sexually active (see Table 16 for details). In order to coincide with LVS results, a difference was anticipated on the Affirmation, Belonging, and Commitment subscale, given that it included items relating to cultural pride. However, this was not case, therefore, previously mentioned LVS findings should be taken with caution. Table 17 illustrates results from a final analysis in which there was no statistically significant finding when groups were compared by their biological parentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s relationship status.

Table 15. Independent Samples T-Test of Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure Segregated by Pregnancy Status Independent Samples T-Test Between Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (N=35; 21 Non-pregnant; 14 pregnant/parenting) Scale/Subscale MEIM Total Score

MEIM Ethnic Identity Search Subscale

MEIM Commitment Subscale

Group

Mean

SD

t .187

33

.853

95% Confidence Interval -.484-.582

.544

33

.590

-.469-.812

-.110 33

.913

-.591-.530

Nonpregnant/ parenting

3.95

.875

Pregnant/ parenting

3.91

.536

Nonpregnant/ parenting

3.48

.966

Pregnant/ parenting

3.31

.825

Nonpregnant/ parenting

4.30

.951

Pregnant/ parenting

4.33

.477

df

Sig. (2-tail)

99 Table 16. Independent Samples T-Test of Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure Segregated by Participant History of Sexual Activity Independent Samples T-Test Between Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure Scores (N=35; 18 Have been Sexually Active; 17 Virgin) Scale/Subscale

SD

t

Have been 4.01 Sexually Active

.547

.626

33

.536

95% Confidence Interval -.360-.680

Virgin

3.85

.928

MEIM Ethnic Have been 3.46 Identity Search - Sexually Subscale Active

.875

.329

33

.744

-.528-.732

.726

33

.473

-.350-.740

MEIM Total Score

Group

Virgin MEIM Commitment Subscale

Mean

3.36

.957

Have been 4.40 Sexually Active

.462

Virgin

1.03

4.21

df

Sig. (2-tail)

100 Table 17. Independent Samples T-Test of Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure Segregated by Parental Relationship Status Independent Samples T-Test Between Multigroup Ethnic Identity Scores (N=35; 21 Participants’ Parents Remain Together; 14 Participants’ Parents are Separated ) Scale/Subscale MEIM Total Score

Group

Mean

SD

t 2.02

33

.051

95% Confidence Interval -.002-1.00

1.91

33

.064

-.034-1.18

1.73

33

.093

-.079-.994

Together

4.14

.771

Separated

3.63

.624

MEIM Ethnic Together Identity Search Subscale Separated

3.64

.831

3.07

.926

MEIM Commitment Subscale

Together

4.49

.873

Separated

4.03

.560

df

Sig. (2-tail)

Participant Perceptions of Relationships with Parents This category presents an overview of participant perceptions of their relationships with both parents. While not initially intended to be an aspect of quantitative findings, participants’ narrative statements were organized, for the sake of data analysis, into several general descriptor groups, which eventually evolved into four main categories. Two Masters level professionals with over five years of experience

101 working with adolescents assisted in assuring the accuracy and consistency of the coding process, which is detailed in the following section.

Coding Process Descriptions of parent relationships initially were separated by parent and combined with others that had similar descriptors, leading to several broad groupings.

These were further broken down and gradually evolved into the following four key relationship categories: supportive, amicable, conflictual, and distant.

Supportive relationships were designated when participants perceived parents as approachable and encouraging. Allowances were made for descriptions of occasional conflicts or disagreements between participant and parent, given that challenges to parental authority were considered part of the developmental process for this age group.

However, it was required that the participant feel encouraged and supported by the parent overall.

For me, my mom is like my mother and father and because of that, she has a lot of influence on me and I respect her and I always listen to the advice she gives me because she tells me in words, but also shows me in how she acts to me … she uses examples, she doesn’t tell me, ‘Don’t do that,’ instead she asks me, ‘Is that what you want?’ We get along well, we treat each other like friends. More like friends, like confidantes, too, we get along, we talk about almost everything. I tell her what happens in school and she tells me about work and we talk about options we have in solving problems … when I’m sick she takes care of me and I take care of her when she’s sick.

Me and my mom, we’re good. We play around and we have a good relationship.

Well she’s home all the time. She stays home and takes care of my brother. I feel comfortable talking with her about just stuff. Personal stuff, you know?

102 Support also was evident in those relationships designated as amicable, although to a lesser degree. These relationships were described as friendly by and large, but deficient in intimate discussions or the sharing of personal information between participant and parent. Participants often depicted these relationships as being positive, but lacking in depth. Nonetheless, they experienced a general sense of respect and caring toward the parent.

We don’t really talk. He’s always working. I only see him on Sundays and when he gets home at 11. He works two jobs. It’s always been like that. I’m okay with it. I trust him a lot like and he’s almost like my mom. I’m closer to my mom. I wouldn’t talk to my dad about some personal things. Like we don’t talk about all kinds of stuff, but we get along pretty good. He’s like an old school, Mexican type of guy. There’s just stuff we don’t talk about, because he’s dad, I guess.

Like, talk to your mother about your girl problems and stuff. When my brother’s older he’ll be the one to come and talk to my dad.

Yeah, he’s there, but I usually just go to my mom. I don’t know why. I mean we’re pretty close, but I don’t know, I just don’t really talk with him a lot. When we do talk we talk about when he was younger and all that, so he tells me stories.

Conversely, conflictual relationships were assigned when participants described feelings of mistrust or of being judged, and/or lack of support by a parent in several areas.

These relationships included depictions of interactions between parents and participants that were fraught with disagreements and conflict. Although participants expressed feelings of attachment to the parent, there was a general sense that the parent was perceived as adversarial or judgmental toward the participant more often than not.

Me and my mom we’re friends and everything, but I don’t tell her everything that happens. Or everything in my life. I just tell her some stuff. Because she’s not the type of person that if you tell her something [about boys] she’ll start off on something else different and judge me. So, I’d rather not tell her, I just keep it to myself. She’s always been judgmental about everything.

103 My relationship with my mom, it’s good. We talk, but I get SO nervous to talk to her. Because I have a boyfriend, I get so nervous talking to her about stuff. Like one time I was about to move out because we had so much drama with each other.

She always made it seem like everything was my fault. Me and my little sister fought all the time and stuff. We even fought today. And I don’t know, my mom is just there. But I still love her, just like SO much you know you always got to love your mom. But then I just can’t tell her so many things because she will be like, ‘it’s your fault,’ you know?

The final category, distant, was designated for those relationships that were described as being void of interactions or ruptured due to conflicts and/or abuse. The primary criterion for this designation was the participant describing chronic feelings of detachment toward the parent and an overall sense that he/she was unsupportive. The difference between conflictual and distant relationships was the level of support the participant felt toward the parent. The former depicted the participant’s experience of some level of support from the parent regarding certain aspects of the participant’s life, whereas, in the latter, minimal or no support was perceived.

My father, he’s alright. He’s just there. I don’t know. I guess my mom and me are more connected than him and I are. He’s more with my brothers. I guess I’m used to it since in my family the guys chill with each other and then the girls with the girls. I just don’t really talk to him at all.

I don’t talk to my mom. It’s because when I tell her something, she goes and tells my dad. I don’t talk to my dad like that. They [parents] are not together anymore, something happened and now they’re separated. Sometimes I hate her [mother].

All relationships were coded based on the quality of the relationship as perceived by the participant versus the amount of time spent with the parent. This most often was the case in situations where participants came from separated or divorced families and spent limited time with non-custodial parents, but perceived their relationships with them as being supportive nonetheless, due to their positive interactions. Correspondingly, distant relationships occasionally were designated in circumstances when parents

104 physically lived with participants, but shared minimal or no positive interactions with them.

Comparative Analysis Results Of the 35 participants that were interviewed, 17 (48.6%) described supportive and/or amicable relationships with both parents; 10 (28.6%) described supportive and/or amicable relationships with one parent, while eight (22.8%) described conflictual and/or distant relationships with both parents. For a few, positive descriptions of parental relationships were not necessarily dependent on whether their parents were still together.

In these cases, parents no longer shared a relationship as a couple, but, nonetheless, participants continued to hold both parents in positive regard. However, the majority who described positive relationships with their parents also indicated that their parents remained together, either in marriage or a long-term relationship. Parents who were in unmarried, longstanding relationships had been together since the participantâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s birth, although they never legally married.

Of the 10 participants who identified supportive and/or amicable relationships with only one parent, four (40%) came from families where the parents remained together, while the remaining six (60%) had parents who were separated/divorced. The eight who described conflictive and/or distant relationships with both parents were equally divided in regard to their parents relationship status: four (50%) had parents who remained together while the other four (50%) were separated/divorced.

Responses between non-pregnant/parenting and pregnant/parenting participants revealed a distinct difference. Of the 17 participants who held both parents in positive

105 regard (supportive and amicable relationships), 14 (82.4%) were non-pregnant/parenting, while the remaining three (17.6%) were from the pregnant/parenting group. Six (60%) non-pregnant/parenting participants and four (40%) pregnant/parenting participants made up the group that described supportive and/or amicable relationships with only one parent, while one (12.5%) non-pregnant/parenting participant and seven (87.5%) of those who were pregnant/parenting described conflictive and/or distant relationships with both parents (see Table 18). Thus, non-pregnant/parenting participants in this study were more likely to hold both parents in positive regard, whereas the pregnant/parenting participants were more apt to describe both parental relationships as being conflictual and/or distant.

Table 18. Perceptions of Parental Relationships Divided by Participant Group Participants Combined (N=35) Holds Both Parents in Positive Regard

Non-pregnant/parenting Pregnant/parenting Total

Frequency 14 3 17

Percentage 82.4 17.6 100.0

Holds One Parent in Positive Regard

Non-pregnant/parenting Pregnant/parenting Total

6 4 10

60.0 40.0 100.0

Holds Both Parents in Negative Regard

Non-pregnant/parenting Pregnant/parenting Total

1 7 8

12.5 87.5 100.0

106

CHAPTER VI

QUALITATIVE FINDINGS This chapter presents qualitative findings derived from all participantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; narratives, given that both groups described similar experiences in regard to the messages they received concerning dating, sex, early pregnancy, and gender roles. The most significant discrepancy between the two groups pertained to their parental relationships, as detailed in the previous section.

Although every participantâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s experience was distinctive, shaped by relationships, general life experiences, and the meaning(s) she attached to them, several common themes emerged that resulted in the following seven categories. These categories and their related properties are detailed in upcoming sections. The first three describe narratives of combined groups, while the remaining four capture those unique to those in the pregnant/parenting group.

Hard Topics to Discuss In this category, an overview of participantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; responses regarding the messages they received from their parents regarding dating relationships, sex, and pregnancy is provided. For participants, dating and sex were difficult subjects to broach with parents.

Many described experiencing embarrassment, anxiety, and overall discomfort engaging

107 in these discussions with their parents, although these feelings transferred to conversations with other adults and peers as well. The closer the dialogue moved toward sex, the more likely it was that feelings of discomfort would arise. The nature of relationships between participants and parents also influenced the level of uneasiness associated with these topics, particularly when parental interactions were marked by conflict and/or emotional unavailability.

Dating Woes Topics pertaining to dating and sex most often were relegated to mothers primarily due to likeness in gender. A great number of participants described dating and sex “talks” as being a mother’s “responsibility” given her status as a woman. Participants believed their parents viewed mothers as better equipped to cover the aforementioned topics because they could offer what was frequently described as a “woman’s point of view.” Participants felt that parents held fathers responsible for addressing these topics with sons, although in a few cases, particularly when parents were separated or divorced, fathers took more active roles in holding these discussions with their daughters.

Regardless of who held the responsibility for addressing topics related to dating and/or sex, most participants reported having rules set by their parents detailing guidelines regarding their dating behavior. There was a general understanding among participants that parents felt the need to impose dating restrictions because participants were female and more vulnerable to negative outcomes and/or victimization (refer to the property titled “Sex as having the Potential for Disastrous Outcomes” for more details).

108 The most common tenet in dating rules for participants regarded the age in which they were allowed to start dating, ranging from age 15 to a few who reported that their parents expected them to refrain from dating until they were out of high school or reached adulthood. In addition to a specified age, some participants were assigned other rules that included bringing boyfriends home to meet parents for their approval or only being allowed to go on “group” dates where they had to be accompanied by family or friends. Interestingly, while many participants voiced understanding regarding the necessity of dating rules, some did not agree with them, believing that they were too strict, unrealistic, or unreasonable.

My parents didn’t talk to me a lot about dating; they just told me that they didn’t want me to have a boyfriend now. Not until I was 20. (Laughs.) I’m like, yeah, right. I was like eventually I’m going to have one before I’m 20 because, you know, that’s like impossible.

Participants who perceived rules as overly restrictive found themselves in precarious positions where they felt forced to choose between acting on their desires to date and hiding it from their parents, or not dating at all. For many in this group, dating secretly occurred more often than not.

During my entire teenage years until I started rebelling, I could maybe go out an hour around the apartment building where I lived, that’s about it. That was my whole weekend time, an hour outside. My dad said, ‘No talking to boys, no LOOKING at boys.’ The first thing that was always mentioned was, ‘You cannot have a boyfriend until you’re 25.’ (Laughs.) Yeah, and then my first boyfriend ended up being when I was maybe 12 or 13.

This participant perceived her father’s severe response to her interest in the opposite sex as unrealistic and responded with the opposite extreme by dating at the early age of 12. However, as told in the following section, even those who did not have strict dating sanctions struggled to disclose their dating interests and behavior to their parents.

109 Keeping it a Secret A few younger participants, typically 14 or 15, never dated, while the majority reported having been in a romantic relationship at some point. While a few participants dated openly, the majority acknowledged withholding this information from either one or both parents for varied reasons. Some participants felt the need to protect their parents from the knowledge that they were growing up and becoming interested in romantic relationships. They believed that their parents wanted them to remain [non-sexual] “little girls” who were not interested in the opposite sex or capable of experiencing sexual feelings. This led participants to hide information regarding their dating and/or sexual behavior from their parents in an effort to avoid disappointing or hurting them: I didn’t want her [mother] to think of me as like growing up on her and then have her think about it. I didn’t want her to get sad that her daughter is growing up and stuff. So I tried to make it seem like, ‘Oh no, I’m not doing that, I’m a good girl,’ you know?

Some participants who had dated also believed that their parents attached negative meanings to dating, associating it to the possibility of participants having sex and/or becoming pregnant. They had a sense that their parents would judge them in some way.

I kind of trust my mom. I kind of do, but then I don’t because she thinks the worst of me if I tell her something, so it’s like, ‘I guess I can’t tell you anything else or you’re going to think bad about me.’ She tells me, ‘You can trust me with anything,’ but the way she acts towards me, I think that if I tell her something serious she will blow up. She would get mad.

I don’t feel comfortable talking about boyfriends or things like that with my mom.

I don’t feel comfortable because I don’t know how to start a conversation about that. I don’t know what to say, I prefer to talk with my friends. My parents are afraid that I’ll get pregnant. They’re afraid that if I date, the guy won’t respect me, they’re afraid that I’ll make a mistake.

110 These participants clearly perceived their parents as viewing dating as a dangerous behavior linked to sex and/or pregnancy, rather than a healthy aspect of adolescent development. Participants’ romantic interests were equated with parent disapproval and many hid their dating behavior from their parents in order to avoid judgment and possible rejection.

Messages Regarding the Three-Letter Word Although the conversations parents held with participants regarding sex varied, it was notable that many participants recalled receiving some type of message from their parents regarding sex, indicating that the majority of parents made an attempt(s) to address the topic. For a few, however, sex and contraception were never mentioned. In these households, any talk about sex was off limits, leaving participants uninformed regarding dating and sex unless they sought out information from other sources.

For many participants, however, the topic of sex and/or contraception was mentioned, although, most typically, one aspect was referred to while the other was absent. For example, a parent might make references to sex, but then left out any information regarding contraception or vice versa. This also was seen with a few parents who told participants to use protection if they had sex, however, never spoke any further about sex.

Overwhelmingly, messages conveyed to participants regarding sex held the theme to delay having sex until marriage. The importance of maintaining virginity most commonly was emphasized in conjunction with religious teachings (“Abstinence is what is taught in the church”) or in correlation with value statements such as, “Respect

111 yourself” and “Don’t be stupid.” However, conversations explaining these broad statements in any detail rarely occurred, keeping them open for participants’ interpretation. Parents seemed to make generalized, ambiguous statements assuming that participants would know what they meant without having more detailed conversations to elaborate or clarify their meanings. Participants who received these messages understood that their parent(s) opposed any expression of sexual interest or behavior as evidenced in the following participant’s statement: The main things [my mother said] are like don’t get pregnant, don’t do sex … She would really disagree with it. She didn’t really talk about us having sex or anything. She didn’t talk about that.

Along similar lines, some parents’ approach in discussing sex was to forewarn their daughters about boys who were predatory and sexually impulsive. Participants who received the aforementioned messages heard statements such as, “Don’t let a guy touch you,” “They only want to have sex with you and then will leave,” and “Guys only want sex.” Here, the purpose seemed to make participants leery of sexual encounters because they were vulnerable to being victimized by males.

My mom actually talks to me about it [sex] all the time. She’s always saying to be careful and that guys mostly just want sex and stuff.

My mom gives me good advice and tells me not to let a guy touch my body and stuff. Some guys only want sex and then they’ll leave you.

My mom doesn’t prohibit us from having boyfriends, but we always have to be careful of who we like and how the boy is. Like we shouldn’t go, for example, to parties and things like that where guys offer us drinks. My mom says not to do that, that we should only go out, but like innocently. She says that if we don’t, that a lot of boys take advantage of situations like that.

112 A few participants discussed having ongoing, detailed conversations, primarily with their mothers, regarding sex. These conversations often coincided with sex education curricula in schools, which participants’ mothers utilized in order to initiate topics related to sex. Themes in these discussions primarily focused on abstinence and possible consequences of having sex, such as pregnancy and sexually transmitted diseases.

Interestingly, conversations regarding relationships as a whole, such as what healthy relationships entail, how participants would know when they were ready to be in a relationship, etc., were rarely discussed. Conversations about sex typically focused on it as a physical act burdened by an overwhelming potential for negative outcomes, such as committing a sin against God, transmitting a disease, becoming pregnant, or possible victimization as further detailed in the following section.

Sex as having the Potential for Catastrophic Outcomes I don’t want to have sex because for one, I don’t want to be an embarrassment for my mom. I don’t want people to talk, people will talk anyways, like good or bad things, and since in my church, we’re Christians, it’s a belief that you shouldn’t get pregnant before marriage. You should maintain being a virgin.

I don’t feel like I’m ready to have sex. I don’t know, I’m scared. I’m scared of getting pregnant.

I haven’t had sex. Until now I’ve been scared. I know that there is protection you can use, but I’ve thought about it and I don’t want to make a mistake. I’m too young for that and I don’t feel prepared to get pregnant. I’m not for that anyway, for having sex all the time, like some other people. Because I’m afraid of disappointing my mother, it’s a fear I think about every day. I don’t want to disappoint her and I don’t feel ready to have sex.

113 Sex as a normalized concept did not exist for many participants. Messages regarding sex either were not spoken of or were directly linked to destructive consequences that included shame on the self or family, sexually transmitted diseases, pregnancy, or victimization. Many participants were aware of their parents’ discomfort in addressing dating and sex, and the absence of fathers in these discussions was palpable. The lack of meaningful discussions surrounding relationships, normalized sexual feelings, and sexual behavior led some participants to feel as if they needed to be careful regarding what information they shared with others, even peers, because any expression of sexual behavior could potentially lead to judgment and/or possible rejection. In addition, many participants who had never been sexually active expressed concern regarding their female sexuality because they felt that they could lose control and/or that it could lead them to a destructive end, mainly pregnancy.

For some participants, messages conveyed by their mothers regarding sex seemed closely tied to the mother’s own experiences with sex as demonstrated in the following: After I told her I’d had sex, she ran like crying to the bathroom. I don’t why. I was so confused. I honestly think that something probably happened to her when she was younger or she did the same mistake probably.

This was mainly evident with mothers who cautioned their daughters about men being predatory, but also was present in some who correlated sex with the outcome of pregnancy. It seemed that these mothers feared their daughters would repeat their mistakes or relive their painful experiences in some way. Therefore, cautionary messages served as a defense to protect their daughters from sex, which was perceived as having the potential to be harmful.

114 The Missing Link: Contraception Information Participants’ descriptions of discussions their parents held with them about contraception was similar to aforementioned conversations regarding sex. For some, contraception was not addressed at any point, whereas with others, parents made general, vague statements such as, “Protect yourself” or “Use condoms.” None of the participants received information from their parents regarding how to use or access the protection to which they referred. A few parents emphasized their belief in waiting until marriage to have sex, but also stated that participants should come to them if they decided to have sex at a later point in order to discuss the possibility of contraception. In these circumstances, participants who later became sexually active felt uncomfortable seeking out their parent with regard to contraception. They feared their parent’s disapproval and potential rejection because they had not waited until marriage to have sex.

My mom said, ‘Don’t have sex, just wait until you’re married. Just wait until you’re mature and you know what to do with your life.’ Then she says, ‘If you ever want to have sex, just talk to me about it, so I can tell you what to do.’ I’m like, yeah right, now she’s NOT going to do that.

My mom told me that I was going to change, that I was probably going to feel stuff for boys and that I had to be careful and if I ever thought about having sex to tell her, so that I could be careful. At that time, I didn’t understand what she meant. I was like in sixth grade. But once I got older in school, I knew. She meant that I could use protection, but she didn’t really talk to me about that. And I was too shy and embarrassed to tell her I was having sex.

A few participants received cautionary messages from their parents regarding contraception such as “nothing is foolproof,” as well as messages pertaining to non-condom birth control options that were based on misinformation or partial facts, such as “pills cause sterility” or “pills and shots will make you gain weight.” These messages

115 clearly discouraged the use of contraception and, in turn, sexual activity, given that the aforementioned messages followed those emphasizing abstinence.

No Salgas con el Domingo Siete (Don’t Come out with a Sunday Seven): Don’t Get Pregnant!

My parents when they met my boyfriend they were like, ‘Just be careful.’ And they’d say in Spanish, ‘No salgas con el Domingo siete.’ That’s what they would tell me. It meant ‘don’t get pregnant, or else you’ll get kicked out of the house’!

The phrase “Domingo Siete” has historical ties to Spanish folklore regarding twin hunchbacks. The tale tells the story of a kind natured hunchback who is rewarded by fairies for helpful, good behavior, whereas his mean-spirited counterpart is punished for selfish, bad behavior (Christmas, 1894). In present day, “Domingo Siete” is a common Spanish saying used to describe inappropriate behavior, and more commonly, unexpected pregnancy.

Almost all participants described receiving cautionary messages, both verbal and non-verbal, that clearly discouraged early pregnancy. These messages were conveyed regardless of the quality of relationship between participant and parent. Messages condemning teen pregnancy also were present when sex and/or contraception had never been discussed, perhaps suggesting that parents who did not broach the topic of sex or contraception with their daughters felt that it was addressed indirectly when they warned them against pregnancy.

Statements made against pregnancy were delivered in various ways, sometimes just simply stated as a one-time “Don’t get pregnant”; other times as a warning attached to a threat such as, “You better not get pregnant or you’ll be kicked out of the house”; or

116 occasionally as part of a larger discussion regarding future plans where parents outlined the ruinous impact pregnancy could have on participants’ educational goals and personal freedoms. Many parents held up as examples family members or friends who had become pregnant at an early age in order to illustrate the negative outcomes of teen pregnancy. Unlike messages regarding dating and sex, which were delivered primarily by mothers, both parents typically conveyed warnings against pregnancy.

My mom said she doesn’t want that [pregnancy] from me, because she doesn’t want me to be an embarrassment for the family.

He [my dad] said that if I ever got pregnant, he’d kick me out.

My mom told me that if I got pregnant, she wasn’t going to take care of me and I better not expect her to take care of the baby either.

Some participants described knowing how their parents felt regarding early pregnancy based on observations of their parents’ negative reactions to family members or friends who became pregnant at an early age.

My cousin got pregnant, too. And my dad said, ‘If my daughter did that I would kick them out.’ I heard him.

When my sister got pregnant, she moved out, and my mom, she didn’t really talk to my sister for a while. But then afterwards, she kind of got over it. But then again her and my dad would cry everyday. Sometimes I would wonder why were they crying? Why was it such a bad thing?”

In most cases, however, parents verbally expressed their disapproval whenever the topic of teen pregnancy arose.

Even in the Best of Circumstances, these Topics Feel Uncomfortable As stated earlier, many participants expressed uneasiness discussing dating, sex, and contraception use with their parents. This held true despite the quality of the

117 relationship with the parent. Even participants who perceived overall positive interactions with their parents acknowledged feeling uncomfortable talking with them regarding dating and sex. Moreover, participants perceived their unease as a parallel process; they believed their parents felt just as awkward as they did. One participant who shared supportive relationships with both parents described her parents’ discomfort in the following observation: Yes, my parents have talked to me [about sex], but they get a little freaked out about it. It’s just that my dad’s never talked with us up front about it [sex]. Only my mom has. She sees it as part of her job. She’s also been shy about it, though.

Gets nervous, too. My dad’s never talked with us up front about it, unless it’s in a joking way. It just makes him nervous.

Trying to Make Sense of It All This category addresses participants’ attempts to integrate information transmitted to them regarding the aforementioned topics. Although all participants expressed their beliefs about dating, sex, and early pregnancy, it was quite striking that a greater part of them demonstrated difficulty articulating detailed ideas, particularly when discussing sex.

This held true for those who had been sexually active as well as those who had not. It also was notable that participant beliefs varied; some coincided with those taught to them at home, while others only partially reflected their parents’ values. This was most evident with those who were taught to delay sex until marriage. A good majority believed in having sex in the context of a meaningful relationship, as detailed in the following section, but did not believe that one had to wait until marriage. In addition, all participants agreed with the use of contraception, although many never received information regarding this topic from their parents.

118 Sex should be Meaningful None of the participants believed in casual sex. This held true for participants who had been sexually active as well as those who had not. All participants believed that sexual contact should occur only with partners with whom one shared intimate feelings in the context of a meaningful relationship. The difference in opinion regarding this theme centered on the definition of meaningful. While a few shared their parents’ belief of delaying sex until marriage, many thought it was acceptable to engage in a sexual relationship before marriage, if it was with an individual with whom one shared loving feelings. Some defined meaningful as a long-term relationship that lasted approximately one year or more, whereas others spoke more in regard to feelings that were shared by the individuals in a relationship. Respect, consent, and love were terms most frequently used to describe feelings present in a meaningful relationship. Nonetheless, length of time in a relationship still held significance because the aforementioned emotions were believed to develop over time (several months at minimum).

While participants were able to clearly express their views about having sex, many struggled to or could not articulate responses to inquiries requiring more detailed, personalized thoughts about relationships such as, “When will you know when you are in a relationship that is meaningful?” or “How will you know when you are ready to have sex?” This was observed with many participants and seemed to indicate that although they had thought about sex in a general way and had formulated overarching beliefs about it, they had not consciously thought about specifics or details as they related to their personal lives. This also was observed with some participants who expressed the

119 importance of finding the “right” person in regard to having sex, but could not define what “right” meant.

But I Believe It’s Okay Regardless of the messages conveyed regarding contraception, or lack thereof, by parents, all participants believed in the use of contraception. Many had some working knowledge of condoms, which, at minimum, had been covered at least once in school at some point or other. However, many lacked information regarding the various options available, including IUD’s and oral contraception, and/or were against or hesitant regarding non-condom options, such as pills, because they heard horror stories regarding side effects. While several were based in truth, such as potential weight gain or headaches, others were misnomers, which included beliefs about birth control pills causing sterility. There were limited to no opportunities for these young women to receive accurate information regarding the options available to them.

Accessibility to contraception also was an issue for many. Participants generally feared parents finding out they were seeking birth control, and participants lacked knowledge regarding available resources to receive confidential contraception information. Almost all wanted to know more about available birth control options, regardless if they were sexually active or not. In addition, many also wanted more information regarding sex and relationships in general. While a few believed they could approach family members about these topics, such as older siblings, some felt comfortable talking with friends and the majority were receptive to seeking out a trusted adult at school.

120 The Type of Girl that gets Pregnant All participants knew a family member or friend who had been pregnant as a teenager. They observed the negative reactions these early pregnancies evoked in others and shared an understanding that early pregnancy led to damaging consequences. The most common belief was that pregnancy was ruinous to future educational plans and the overwhelming majority viewed it as an undesirable outcome. Interestingly, although participants perceived pregnancy as a common phenomenon among Latina teenagers, many described it as occurring to girls who fit a certain type of profile, such as those who were promiscuous, impulsive, and lacking in future educational goals: With some girls, you can see it coming. You know … I’m not like that, I don’t go sleeping around.

I was pretty shocked when my friend got pregnant because she didn’t seem like the person who would get pregnant. I mean, she was into school a lot, she was smart, you know?

Although participants acknowledged early pregnancy as a potential risk existing in the world in which they lived, there also was a sense that it mainly happened to those who were different from them. Interestingly, however, the profiles of participants in this study who had become pregnant did not coincide with described stereotypes. The majority held educational aspirations, which they felt were attainable, prior to their pregnancies, and waited before becoming sexually active, with many being in their first sexual relationship at the time in which they became pregnant. Some even became pregnant after their first or second sexual encounter. Many pregnant/parenting participants described feeling shocked and surprised upon finding out about their

121 pregnancies, because they did not feel that it could happen to them. In addition, many voiced regret about becoming pregnant so early in their lives.

The Double Standard The majority of participants reported that their parents held different standards for males regarding dating and sex than they did for females. In general, males were given more privileges and “freedom,” whereas girls were closely supervised and often held under strict rules. Participants believed that parents strongly guarded their daughters because they believed them to be vulnerable, particularly to becoming pregnant.

[My father] would always say that the girls were the ones getting pregnant, not the guys. With the girls it’s also different because once they take your virginity away, no other guy is going to take you seriously once they see that you’re not a virgin.

I think in my family the messages about sex have been different because my parents were more strict with me and my sisters. My mom worried about us getting pregnant.

I think it’s like parents with girls treat them like little girls. They protect her a lot.

They want her to stay a little girl. With the boys it’s different. They let them grow up, have responsibilities, sex, and stuff like that. They think that the girls are a little less responsible with sex.

Interestingly, however, participants perceived the double standard to be unfair.

They disagreed with messages where sex was seen as “being okay” for males, but unacceptable for females until they were married. All those who received contradictory messages dissented, strongly believing that similar messages regarding sexual activity and contraception use should be delivered to both genders, with males being held equally responsible.

122 Sex Happens While the majority of non-pregnant/parenting participants never had sex, a few had been in the past or were currently in a committed sexual relationship. Among pregnant/parenting participants, some remained in committed sexual relationships with the fathers of their children, whereas others were not and were no longer sexually active.

This category details participant depictions of their sexual experiences, as well as their contraception use. For the majority who had been sexually active, their views of having sex in meaningful relationships were reflected in their sexual behavior. Most had engaged in sex with only one partner, while a few had two. All sexual interactions occurred in the context of a meaningful relationship, as previously described, for all but one participant.

Going Along for the Ride Well, it was like a romantic thing, you know. He asked me and at first I said no, and he said it was okay if I didn’t want to and later, wow, I was just into it and we just did it. We waited for about a year of being together before we did it. I needed to have trust in him, if something bad happened, if I got pregnant, I wondered if he would be there. He said he would and I told him that I’m against abortion. It seemed that if we were to have a baby, he would always be there.

I honestly don’t know why we had sex, I was just like giving myself into him, I guess it was the right thing to do at that time. I kind of felt pushed and pressured.

He didn’t say anything, but he did say, ‘We don’t have to do this if you don’t want to. I’ll respect you and everything,’ but I guess I just went with the flow and I’m like, yeah let’s have sex.

I had sex with this one guy that I really, really, really cared about, like a lot. And I thought he cared about me in the same way. Me and him, we spent a lot time together. And then one day, it just happened. We dated for like four months but we had always had a thing, like for a year, we had a thing. He wasn’t a virgin, but I was. So it was just like, I don’t know, we talked about it before, not a lot but some, and we just ended up doing it.

123 In school, once I met this guy, it’s just the way I was around him, I had previous boyfriends but I never did anything with them besides just kiss. And when I met him it was just different, I felt comfortable myself, I was at home being with him.

So then I felt like he was the one and he was a virgin as well, so it was kind of special to do it. I didn’t talk to him about it [having sex], but I kind of knew it was going to happen sooner or later. So it just happened when it happened. We used a condom. It was my decision to use it definitely!

All participants who had been sexually active struggled to articulate the reason(s) they had sex. This was evident during many interviews as participants paused to consider what influenced them to become sexually active. Those who were able to articulate some ideas expressed thoughts that were fragmented. Certainly feelings of discomfort and embarrassment discussing sex with an adult played into this dynamic, however, it also was observed that participants who seemed more at ease had to stop and think about what influenced their decision, suggesting that the path to becoming sexually active was strongly driven by emotions rather than conscious thoughts.

Some participants reported never discussing the prospect of having sex with their partners and “it just happening,” while others reported having some discussions with their partners that focused mainly on using a condom in order to prevent pregnancy. Most had the topic of sex raised by their partners. Participants described feeling desire to engage in sex, yet also being uncertain or hesitant to do so. In this way, many participants were passive participants, going along for the ride, so to speak. Curiosity about having sex, physical sexual feelings, and desire for intimacy seemed to drive their emotions of wanting to engage in sex, and yet, another part feared possible consequences and the unknown, given that most were sexually inexperienced. Participants’ partners asserted the act of sex: initiating the topic and, for some, pressuring or convincing participants to have sex. Participants most often raised the issue of contraception, and while some

124 partners agreed to use condoms, the responsibility of ongoing use fell upon the participant. Other participants’ partners actively convinced them to not use contraception or stop using it altogether, with reassurances that they would “take care” of them.

I told him, ‘Are you going to use a condom?’ and he was like ‘oh, I promise you won’t get pregnant’ and stuff like that. He had told me that he wasn’t going to get me pregnant and stuff. That he was not going let his sperm bust inside me or something you know, like let it go. I asked if he was sure and he said that he was.

When Worries Come to Fruition All participants who had been sexually active expressed anxiety and fear about disclosing their sexual activity to their parents. Unfortunately, these fears were realized for the courageous few who approached their mothers.

It was like a couple of months after [I started having sex], about like summer time. She found out and she was like very sad, but I didn’t get why she was crying, she didn’t even want to talk to me. So I was like why is this such a big deal? I mean it is kind of a big deal, but I don’t know how she made it into a bigger deal.

I told her like one time, I tried to tell her that I’m not a virgin, that I lost it already and she just goes ahead and just like flips out. She said, ‘Why’d you have to do that?’ and I told my mom about birth control pills and said no. I asked, ‘Mom can we go to a cita [appointment], to get birth control?’ and she said, ‘Why do you need birth control if you’re never going to have sex again’ and this and that.

Afterwards [after having sex] I told her I had sex. She was like crying and stuff, saying ‘Oh my God, you’re lucky you didn’t get pregnant, I told you! I let you have a boyfriend but not to have sex and everything’ and so I didn’t tell her about me and my [current] boyfriend having sex. I really liked him and my mom did, too. Because if I did tell her, she would not let him in the house any more. We wouldn’t be able to hang out.

These participants’ disclosures were met with the angry, hurt responses they had feared in initiating these conversations. This left participants to fend for themselves in regard to accessing contraception. Sexually active participants frequently relied on others

125 in their support systems, such as friends, relatives, and trusted adults at school, for contraception information and how to access them.

Playing Russian Roulette The majority of pregnant/parenting participants described their pregnancies as unplanned. Only a very few never used any form of contraception in their sexual relationships, while the majority started out using condoms, which typically occurred at the participants’ insistence. However, as participants’ relationships progressed and sexual contacts with their partners increased, the ongoing use of contraception became more sporadic and, in some cases, stopped altogether. Participants described feeling more comfortable within the relationship, and along with comfort came carelessness regarding contraception use. Some began using birth control pills, but due to a number of factors, including side effects and/or limited accessibility without parent notification, the regular use required for effectiveness was discontinued and not replaced with condoms.

For many, the first unprotected encounter transpired when sex spontaneously occurred and condoms were unavailable. In these moments, unprotected sex resulted with little forethought or discussion regarding possible outcomes. Participants who did not become pregnant after the first unprotected sexual encounter came to believe that perhaps they were immune from becoming pregnant in future unprotected encounters as well.

It was condoms we used but towards the time I got pregnant, he stopped using condoms, but I don’t know what was going through my head. Maybe, it won’t happen, it can’t happen to me. I don’t know. I told my boyfriend, ‘You better not get me pregnant.’ I was worried about it but I had a thought in my head that it was not going to happen to me. It just can’t happen to me. I don’t know. We had sex without a condom for a lot of months. I don’t know what I was thinking. I

126 was like, seriously, I haven’t gotten pregnant, and so it’s not going to happen to me.

Being Pregnant As previously mentioned, the majority of pregnant/parenting participants did not consciously plan to become pregnant. Given this, the process of learning that they were pregnant and notifying others was traumatic, causing an upheaval in their families and in their own lives. Although the winds of the storm induced by their pregnancies eventually settled, many described their lives as being forever changed. While participants made it clear that they did not regret having their children, they wished they could go back in time and change the sequence of events in order to postpone motherhood to a later point in their lives.

I’ll never regret, God forbid I don’t regret my baby, but I only regret the timing. I wish that I had waited longer. Maybe like when I was in my mid-twenties, or early twenties.

What have I Done?

When I found out I was pregnant, I was like, ‘oh great, now what am I going to do?’ So I started talking to my mom, about random stuff and asking her questions. After that, the next day, she asked me, ‘Why were you asking those questions?’ I was, I guess, disappointed. I started crying and everything and I told her and she started crying, too.

Pregnant/parenting participants often experienced sadness, anxiety, and/or fear upon learning that they were pregnant. Many described feeling angry or disappointed in themselves for being careless regarding contraception use, and/or for having made the decision to have sex with their partners.

127 At first you think it [having sex] is not going to happen and everything and then something happens. You’re disappointed in yourself because you think about your parents and then they find out and rumors start spreading out. That’s when everything starts with the problems and then you’re like, ‘Why did I do this?’ and everything. You have sex and then that’s when the consequences come. Getting pregnant.

Because the majority did not consciously plan to become pregnant, many felt dismay at what they perceived to be ruined future plans, worry about whether or not their boyfriends would support them, and fear regarding the anticipated negative reactions of their parents. The latter anxieties were grounded in messages conveyed directly or indirectly by parents throughout their lives, and most participants expected the worst, such as being kicked out of their homes and/or being scolded or physically hit by their parents. All participants believed their parents would respond negatively to the news that they were pregnant.

I found out I was pregnant because I didn’t get my period and I told one of my friends that I was going to wait to see if I got it and I didn’t, so I went to the clinic. And they told me that I was pregnant. I started crying. I was mad because I wasn’t careful and sad because of my parents. I thought they were going to kick me out.

When I found out I was pregnant, I started crying. I started freaking out. I thought about what was going to happen because my mom had said that if I ever got pregnant that she would kick me out of the house and stuff, so I was really scared.

While dealing with their fears and anxieties, participants generally underwent a process of notifying significant others. Discussions with their partners typically occurred first and centered on determining their partners’ support as well as soliciting their assistance in making decisions regarding what action would be taken in regard to the pregnancy. A majority of participants’ boyfriends responded supportively to participants maintaining their pregnancies and remained in relationships with them at the time

128 interviews for this study were held. Although some participants initially attained the support of their partners, they subsequently were separated from them during their pregnancies due to their partners being incarcerated or deported. Unfortunately, a few participants’ found their partners to be unsupportive, and these relationships ended abruptly shortly thereafter.

Following partner notification, participants generally informed parents of their pregnancies. At times, medical staff assisted them in disclosing the news.

My stomach was hurting a lot … I told my mom and we went to the hospital.

This lady [the nurse] came and she asked if there was any chance I could be pregnant and I denied it. She asked when my last period was and I told her it was like a month ago. She asked me where it hurt and if I was sexually active and then I finally told her I was. She asked if I was using protection, I told her I wasn’t and then she left and my mom came in. The nurse came back in and asked my mom to leave. That’s when she told me that I was pregnant. I started crying.

I couldn’t believe it and she told me that I couldn’t leave the hospital without telling my mom and asked how I wanted to tell her. She asked if I wanted her to stay with me while I told my mom and I told her that I did. And then my mom came in, we told her, and she started crying. She just talked to me at first. And then she asked what I was going to do and how I knew that my boyfriend would stay with me. Then she told me that I had to get out of the house now, that I had to move out. She said that she didn’t care, that I couldn’t live in her house anymore and she wasn’t going to be there for me. I didn’t say anything to her. I was just crying. The nurse helped me call my boyfriend, so he could come to the hospital to get me.

Fear led many participants to delay talking with their parents (some waited several months before breaking the news) or to first address their mothers in hopes that they would serve as safeguards against fathers’ reactions. When the latter occurred, mothers initially responded with tears, disappointment, and/or anger, but later informed participants’ fathers, who most typically responded with anger.

Others broke the news to both parents at the same time and were met with similar reactions: sadness, anger, and disappointment. In some cases, parents demanded that

129 participants leave the home. For all participants, the news of the pregnancy created a crisis for the family, one that evoked painful feelings for participants, parents, as well as siblings. By and large, the pregnancies were never well received by participants’ parents and were seen as potentially damaging to participants’ future lives.

While a few participants considered pregnancy options other than motherhood, the overwhelming majority did not. Abortion, by and large, was not perceived as a viable alternative due to religious and/or personal beliefs deeming it as immoral. Adoption also was not seriously considered because all perceived it as unacceptable to have someone else raise their child. The few who considered abortion struggled with reactions of family members and/or partners who argued against it, and at the end, were convinced to maintain the pregnancy and raise the child.

The Calm after the Storm During the course of participants’ pregnancies, the crisis that unfolded after the pregnancy was revealed gradually settled, with many participants’ parents accepting the pregnancies as unchangeable. Family members, immediate and extended, became important players in mediating negative parental reactions toward the participant. As mentioned earlier, mothers broke the news to fathers and helped to soothe angry responses, or in some cases, the opposite held true as fathers stepped in to calm mothers who threatened to kick participants out of the home or who had similar incensed responses to the pregnancy news. Extended family members also intervened for some participants, offering support to parents who struggled to cope.

130 As the intensity of initial reactions subsided, participants began the process of planning for motherhood and many experienced changes as it related to their living situations. For some, moves occurred where they decided to reside with a non-custodial parent, their partners, or they moved out for a period of time from their parents’ homes, but then returned at some point during the pregnancy or after their child was born.

However, parents who responded with anger at the news of the pregnancy often came around, and participants described improved relationships with them either as the pregnancy progressed or after the child was born.

It took my mom like a month to talk to me again. I guess she was shocked and sad because she saw high expectations for me. She was disappointed. She started accepting that I was pregnant because all my aunts were telling her that at least I was being responsible, I was willing to take care of the baby and be with the father. And I want to stay in school. So she got it in her head. Now, we’re good, she’s like really attached to my baby.

First it was really hard because my brothers and dad stopped talking to me. They were mad because they didn’t want me to have a baby. It was really hard. Once they found out they calling me names like I’m a slut, I’m a bitch, that I’m stupid.

They were really hurtful. Then I ran away. I stayed with my boyfriend for a couple of months. My parents, especially my dad, were extremely mad. But I didn’t want to go back home because no one was talking to me. It was really awkward. Before I would try not to be there as much because they were so mean.

I eventually came back to have the baby. I just decided that I’d go back home.

My brothers started talking to me. My dad wasn’t as mad as he was before. He was better that I was home. Things were better.

Personal Meanings Although the majority of participants did not consciously intend to become pregnant, their pregnancies held meaning, seemingly outside of their awareness. Timing of pregnancies, family and individual histories, as well as personal narratives, provided glimpses into the significance of their pregnancies. For some, the timing of their pregnancies coincided with significant events occurring in their lives. This typically

131 represented some form of loss for the participant and was most evident with those who became pregnant shortly after their parents separated or in divorced families, when a parent became involved in a new romantic relationship. This is illustrated in the following from a participant who became pregnant within a year of her mother’s involvement in a new relationship: My mom got a new boyfriend and I had a heart attack with that one. I didn’t like him for nothing in the world because I’m a daddy’s girl. I love my dad and my dad is gone right now. And he’s been away from us since I was in seventh grade.

So I don’t really get to see him that much but that doesn’t change the fact that I still love him despite all of the things that he’s done and everything. I still love him and I can’t see my mom with another guy. Now I’m accepting it, but he’ll never take the place of my dad. She’s kind of gotten to that point where she told him that we’re all just going to be happy. I’m feeling happy for her because she went through a lot with my dad. So I’m just going to like leave it how it is, let her be happy, I have my own life to start thinking about now.

Some participants came from families where their mothers had become pregnant as teenagers. Interestingly, these pregnancies were viewed as “mistakes” by parents and were communicated as such to participants, insinuating that they were errors of judgment.

Despite warnings to participants to avoid repeating parents’ past behavior, actions by both the parent and participant led to a recreation of past events. For example, one participant whose mother had experienced an early pregnancy with a physically violent partner found herself in an abusive relationship and then later became pregnant. The participants’ mother had been aware that the participant was sexually active and knew that she spent unsupervised time with her boyfriend, but only counseled the participant to abstain from sex. She refused to acknowledge the possibility that the participant was sexually active and did not take action to help the participant avoid pregnancy. Both the

132 participant and her mother became actors unconsciously repeating the motherâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s past history.

The pregnancies, for many, unconsciously served to repair unsatisfactory or damaged relationships with their parents. As previously mentioned, a significant number of pregnant/parenting participants (79%; 11/14) experienced considerable conflict or emotional distance from at least one parent. Their pregnancies, although initially traumatic, forced families to respond, and in many cases, parental relationships with participants improved throughout or after the pregnancies. Participants came to feel a sense of hope associated with the prospect of bringing a new life into the world: one that held the potential for creating a new and improved future. These expressed wishes for change are discussed in the following segment.

It should be noted that the few participants who expressed conscious intent to become pregnant also disclosed a past history of childhood sexual abuse. This was the case for only two participants who were 18 or older, but significant because it coincided with other studies examining the high risk of early pregnancy among sexual abuse survivors (Franklin & Corcoran, 2000). These participants disclosed histories of past sexual abuse of their own accord during interviews without any questioning by the interviewer. Interestingly, although they reported conscious intentions to become pregnant, they could not clearly articulate why it was desirable aside from the fact that they wished for motherhood.

133 Hope for Change in the Future During interviews, pregnant/parenting participants were asked if they would do things differently with their own children as it related to discussing relationships, sex, contraception, and teen pregnancy. All expressed desire to do so. Their wishes often reflected what they felt was missing or lacking in their relationships with their parents.

Some participants hoped to have more trusting, open communication with their own children, where topics such as sex and contraception could be candidly discussed without fear of repercussions. These participants had experienced anxiety about discussing sex topics with their own parents because they believed it would lead to rejection. Others also talked of providing information regarding sex and contraception for their children, helping them access birth control in a non-judgmental manner, talking with them about sex at earlier ages (i.e., prior to entering high school), and/or of having close, accepting interactions with them. Again, the areas that participants wished to make better in future relationships with their children mirrored what they felt had been absent for them. In this way, their children represented opportunities for improved, enhanced futures.

134

CHAPTER VII

SUMMARY AND IMPLICATIONS Summary of Findings This concurrent mixed study sought to gain a deeper understanding of factors influencing Latina adolescents’ behavior as it relates to early pregnancy. The findings reflect the subjective experiences of Latina adolescents regarding dating, sex, and early pregnancy as described by the 35 young women (21 non-pregnant parenting and 14 pregnant/parenting) who participated in this study. While the original purpose was to examine early pregnancy, the outcome became more of an examination of participants’ attitudes and behavior regarding their female sexuality and overall sexual role scripts. It was evident that the young women who participated were aware of their own emerging sexual interests and desires, but even more so of others’ responses to these developments, namely their parents. Fear, confusion, shame, anxiety, and curiosity were affects closely associated to participants’ views of their sexual growth.

Participants’ interest in the topic under study was demonstrated in their eagerness to be interviewed once they felt reassured about confidentiality. While those who were pregnant/parenting participants appeared eager to share their stories, some non-pregnant/parenting participants perceived interviews as an opportunity to ask questions about sex and contraception, which typically occurred at the end of interviews.

One young woman, who later became a participant, approached the researcher asking if

135 she could be interviewed because she believed the researcher was a “doctor talking with girls about sex.” These types of responses revealed participants’ curiosity and willingness to discuss dating and sex, and perhaps demonstrated a need to normalize their interest in sexual matters.

Participants’ parents’ interest in the study, however, seemingly was generated by fears and anxieties surrounding their daughters’ having sex and potentially becoming pregnant. There was a general feel of, “Here, take her,” as parents signed consent forms for their daughters to be interviewed; almost as a way to have someone who was professionally trained address their daughters about a topic that they struggled to cope with, understand, and explain. The topic of early pregnancy, which was closely associated to female sexuality, evoked strong interest, whether triggered by curiosity or anxiety, for both participants and their parents.

Results from data collected in this study can be explained by literature focusing on biculturalism, Latinas, and early pregnancy, while others reflect concepts detailed in object relations and adolescent identity theories. Nonetheless, findings point to the fact that there are no easy, simple answers to the overarching question examined in this study regarding the factors influencing Latina adolescents’ behavior as it relates to early pregnancy. Rather, the explanation is complex, encompassing various dynamics that are intertwined and not clearly differentiated. Socioeconomic, gender, familial, and cultural factors certainly played a role, as did developmental issues, including tasks regarding identity, which are particularly salient during adolescence. Postmodern definitions of identity as fluid, ever-changing, and influenced by external structures such as culture and power structures (Butler, 1993; Comoro, 1996; Foucalt, 1977 & Elliot, 1996) were

136 certainly seen in participants’ narratives which reflected their struggle to define and understand themselves as cultured, gendered beings in relation to others. It was the intrapyschic meanings ascribed to these factors by participants that differentiated them from one another, a principal at the very heart of psychoanalytic dogma. Many participants were exposed to similar demographic, gendered, and cultural experiences, but the relational contexts in which they occurred and the meanings these young women ascribed to them influenced if and how these experiences were integrated. Participants’ experiences were tightly bound to those around them, primarily their parents, as described at a later point.

Prior to a discussion regarding the findings, the application of developmental theories to non-Western cultures needs to be addressed. The researcher worked under the assumption of others who believe that certain developmental tasks are universal despite the cultural setting in which they unfold. Parens (1998) described this best: The assumption I make [is] that the biogenetically pre-programmed developmental processes, be it the emergence and unfolding of separationindividuation, of attachment, of affects, of the Oedipus conflicts, or of conscience formation, are inherently the same in every corner of the globe. Every child’s (1) biogenetic givens – strengths and vulnerabilities – side by side with (2) the culture, mores, and attitudes in which the child is reared, and (3) the variable individual conditions in every child’s life, including (a) specific characteristics in the child-parent dyad as (b) the intensity and characteristics of the trauma they sustain, are interactive factors for the variations we see (p. 226-227).

For participants in this study, who were raised with cultural values emphasizing interdependence, strict gender and sexual roles, as well as respect of elders, notions of adolescent developmental tasks were applicable, but with the understanding that they might manifest or unfold with some variation. Given the nature of the study, what was

137 revealed offered most insight to sexual development tasks, including separationindividuation, ascribed to adolescence.

Results of this study revealed that non-pregnant/parenting and pregnant/parenting participants shared more in common than differences. Therefore, findings reflected themes derived from the collective group, with the exception of those regarding sexual experiences, which only represented narratives of those who had been sexually active, and pregnancy topics that only pertained to participants who had been pregnant.

Comparative analyses revealed few differences in the demographic backgrounds of the two groups. The mean age of the combined sample was 16.2 and all resided in the Chicago northwest suburbs with the majority being Mexican descendents. The greater part of the sample (74.3%) was U.S. born or had lived in the U.S. for the majority of their lives (ten years or more), whereas over 95% of participantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; parents were born in other countries, primarily Mexico. Interestingly, more pregnant/parenting participants lived in the U.S. for10 years or more (12/14; 85.7%) than their non-pregnant/parenting counterparts (14/21; 66.7%). All participants aspired to achieve their high school diplomas, and the majority (94.3%) hoped to attain college degrees despite the fact that over 60% of their parents did not hold high school degrees. Close to 90% of participants identified as being Catholic and approximately 85% came from families who met federal poverty guidelines based on free and reduced lunch eligibility. Sixty percent of participantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; biological parents remained together, whereas 40% were separated. The two groups were almost equally distributed in this regard, although parental separations were slightly higher (6/14; 42.9%) among pregnant/parenting participants when compared to those who were non-pregnant/parenting (8/21; 38.1%).

138 Similarities between the two groups also were evident in scores of formal measurements. As a collective whole, the results were the following: LVS Total Score M=2.85 (SD=.263), LVS-Cultural Pride subscale M= 2.93 (SD=.429), LVS-Familismo subscale score M=2.81 (SD=.436), MEIM-Total Score M=3.94 (SD=.750), MEIMAffirmation, Belonging, and Commitment subscale score M=4.31 (SD=.788) and MEIMSearch subscale score M=3.42 (SD=9.04). Total scores revealed that as a group, participants continued to moderately adhere to Latino values, while maintaining a sense of cultural pride and, as demonstrated on the MEIM, had achieved a more mature ethnic identity status indicating that they had learned about their ethnicity and had developed a strong sense of belonging to Latino culture.

No statistically significant differences were discovered between non-pregnant/parenting and pregnant/parenting participants on the LVS or MEIM, although when groups were separated by sexual experience (virgins versus non-virgins) and parental marital status, significant differences were noted on the LVS. However, these differences reflected results pertaining to the aforementioned disaggregated groups and, therefore, did not contribute to study questions examining discrepancies between non-pregnant/parenting and pregnant/parenting participants. However, they point to possible areas for investigation in future research.

The most apparent variation between the two groups surfaced in their descriptions of parental relationships. Non-pregnant/parenting participants more often perceived their overall interactions with both parents in a positive light (14/21; 66.7%), whereas those who were pregnant/parenting were much less likely to do so (3/14; 21.4%).

139 The subsequent discussion regarding central findings will be presented in the context of theory, given that identity and object relations theories informed the meanings that were ascribed to results of this study. The upcoming section examines the following seven key findings: 1.

Participants were keenly aware of their parentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; anxiety and discomfort regarding their budding female sexuality.

2.

Parental responses, lack of discourse regarding healthy sexuality and contraception, as well as warnings about the dangers of sexual behavior, led participants to feel that their sexual development was not normative.

Rather, it was perceived as having the potential to lead to disastrous results, mainly pregnancy.

3.

Participants believed that sex should be a meaningful act shared in the context of a long-term, committed relationship. This was reflected in the behavior of those who had been sexually active.

4.

Participants who had been sexually active held few, if any, conversations with their partners about sex prior to having sex. Their male partners generally initiated sexual advances and either discouraged or did not actively take responsibility for contraception use.

5.

More pregnant/parenting participants were American born or had lived in the U.S. for10 years or more than their non-pregnant/parenting counterparts.

140 6.

Pregnant/parenting participants were more likely to describe negative relationships with both parents than their non-pregnant/parenting counterparts.

7.

Early pregnancy was neither a personally desired nor family sanctioned outcome for the majority of participants. Nonetheless, some became pregnant and personal meanings were inextricably attached to their pregnancies.

Theoretical Implications Finding #1: Participants were keenly aware of their parents’ anxiety and discomfort regarding their budding female sexuality.

Offer, et al. (1984) made the following observation regarding adults’ response to adolescence: In a way, adolescents are the world’s most perfect projective device for adults.

Whatever unfulfilled dreams and fantasies adults have had for their own lives, they can project onto their children, with the hope that the young will achieve what they have not been able to achieve (p. 5).

The depiction of parents projecting their hopes and dreams was demonstrated, as participants felt supported by their parents in their educational and career aspirations.

One of the most commonly used phrases by participants to describe their parents’ expectation for their future was, “something better than they had.” However, the projection of parents’ anxieties and conflicts were evident as well. Mehta (1998) addressed similar anxieties in her account of South Asian immigrant parents’ experience of their child’s adolescence as it related to separation-individuation. Her contributions

141 are relevant here given that South Asian cultural values are analogous to those in Latino culture emphasizing interdependence.

Adolescents revive their parents’ images of their own adolescence, which, for immigrants, was experienced in a different cultural setting. The adolescent’s awkward attempts at integrating two cultures in dress, manner, food, and language revive parental conflicts of loyalty between two cultures. The sexually maturing adolescent body might then be utilized to express these conflicts and struggles. (p. 149) Similar conflicts were keenly apparent in participants’ narratives in this study, particularly as it related to dating. According to Mehta, sexual roles are split in South Asian culture, common with those inherent in marianismo and machismo. These splits cause significant conflicts as it relates to sexual development during adolescence.

With the split displacements and the culture’s attitudes toward the emerging sexuality of adolescents, conflicts occur that interfere with an adolescent’s healthy incorporation of sexual identity. Parental attitudes cause the child to feel that sexuality is a Western, intrusive, and foreign aspect of themselves. Dating is often viewed as having sex versus an attempt to interact and define themselves with the opposite sex. Major concerns that are raised by … parents is that a daughter will become pregnant or a child will be hurt. (p. 162) Parents in this study also associated dating with the possibility of early pregnancy, which they perceived as an impediment to the future successes of their daughters.

Therefore, they made attempts to keep their daughters away from the opposite sex and close to home in an effort to protect them from these dangers. Stewart (2004) observed similar findings:

The participant parents’ feelings seemed accentuated due to their hopes, dreams, anxieties, and fears … these yearnings and worries formed a backdrop of experience related to being a member of an urban, immigrant, and/or ethnic and racial minority families. Such feelings often led the parents to desire to keep their

142 children “young” by enforcing strict rules or being overprotective. In this way, these anxieties also seemed to prevent some parents from developing along with their children (p. 294-295).

Parents’ anxieties came into conflict with participants’ developmentally appropriate desires to engage in romantic pursuits. Blos (1962) viewed sexual relationships as adolescents’ way of separating from their parents, of unbinding themselves from infantile object ties and seeking out other, non-familial relationships in order to develop a more mature identity. Many participants in this study demonstrated this in their articulated desires to engage in romantic relationships with the opposite sex.

Here, however, revised notions of separation-individuation need to be taken into account.

One must also acknowledge that any psychological concept that values autonomy is biased toward a Western cultural view. For cultures that value interdependence as opposed to independence, including Latino culture, the manner in which one understands the task of separation-individuation must be adjusted to fit the cultural context. For example, Parens (1998) describes this task as “stretching over a longer period of developmental time” for Japanese adolescents who come from a culture also embedded in interdependence.

Separation-individuation becomes further complicated as immigration and acculturation status is considered, given that bicultural individuals conceivably value certain aspects of one culture, while adhering to those from another. This was the case for many participants in this study who had been exposed to traditional Latino expectations valuing interdependence, yet also lived in American culture, with its focus on autonomy and self-determination. Thus, dating was a complicated venture.

143 Apter (1990) modified the view of separation-individuation to what she referred to as “connectedness and individuation,” which better describes the experiences of participants in this study. According to Apter, adolescents do not wish to separate from their parents; they wish to modify the way in which they relate to them. Young women look to their parents, wanting to be seen as they are. Apter described this by stating, “the adolescent shakes the parent into a new recognition and appreciation of her new and emerging self.” The goal then is not to turn away from parents, but to remain connected, albeit in a modified way. Eldridge’s (1991) findings in an ethnographic study of early adolescence supported this view. Parents of participants in her study continued “to play an active, but transformed role in their adolescent’s psychological development.”

Adolescents continued to demonstrate “vigorous needs” of being affirmed for their growth and competence and parents persisted in regulating “direct important aspects (but not all of) adolescent behavior” (p. 78).

For participants in this study, parents continued to play a significant role in their lives. Regardless of the nature of the relationship they shared with their parents, many continued to attempt to maintain connected to them in some way. Participants were aware of the shifts occurring in them as well as the accompanying changes in their parents’ expectations of them. Participants were also sensitive to their parents’ reactions, particularly as it related to the idea of them growing up. They were mindful of their parents’ need to protect them from the dangers of the outside world and from their own growing sexuality.

Participants, for the most part, believed their parents to be overprotective. Some described parents as being old fashioned, “old-school Mexican” as one participant

144 described, who were unable to understand them as teenagers due to not only generational differences, but their lack of knowledge regarding American culture as well, while others thought that their parents struggled or failed to see them as growing up. Interestingly, however, many participants were uncomfortable openly disagreeing with their parents, even when they felt that their parents’ expectations were excessively strict or unreasonable. This particular dynamic did not resound with Apter’s (1990) view that female adolescents tended to disagree, engage in conflicts, or find other ways of calling the attention of their mothers, in particular, to persuade them into recognizing and acknowledging them as growing adolescents. Instead, participants whose parents restricted dating until a later age dated outside of their parents’ knowledge, often using friends and school as a means of interacting with the young men with whom they were interested. For many, feelings of guilt accompanied these perceived transgressions, as their romantic interests came into direct conflict with their parents’ expectations.

Perhaps participants’ silence had roots in cultural values emphasizing respect toward elders. Participants may have avoided openly questioning parents’ dating expectations because they believed that it would be interpreted as disrespectful.

However, secrecy regarding dating pursuits also concurred with theorists emphasizing individuation tasks during adolescence (Blos, 1967; Erickson, 1968; Apter, 1990).

Adolescents turn to peers and engage in romantic relationships in order to differentiate from their parents. Secrecy regarding dating offers adolescents needed, age appropriate privacy to assert their independence as they engage in maturing relationships with others.

Apter (1990) highlighted this in stating:

145 They need a kind of isolation, a privacy to allow them to see themselves as sexual beings. It was not the parents who could not see it, but the girls looking at themselves in relation to their parents as children, and in relation to a boyfriend as sexually mature (p. 132).

However, while many participants’ kept their dating behavior hidden from their parents, parents also were openly apprehensive regarding their daughter’s dating interests. This point varied from Apter’s view, who asserted that parents, while not wishing their daughters to become sexual too early in life, typically expected their daughters to become sexually active prior to marriage. Circumstances were quite the opposite with participants in this study whose parents generally imagined their daughters as remaining virgins until they married.

Finding #2: Parental responses, lack of discourse regarding healthy sexuality, as well as warnings about the dangers of sexual behavior, led participants to feel that their sexual development was not normative. Rather, it was perceived as having the potential to lead to disastrous results, mainly pregnancy.

To elaborate on this point, the reader is reminded of the earlier discussion in the literature review regarding the split image of womanhood depicted in marianismo. Many participants’ parents (over 95%) were born in other countries, mainly Mexico, and were raised with traditional gender scripts, with distinct divides in sexual expectations between the two genders. One need only to watch shows geared toward Spanish-speaking populations to observe these split images of Latina women who are mothers or wives as opposed to the scantily clad, sexually alluring women who are objects of men’s desires.

146 No middle ground or “normal” portrayals of female sexuality exist. To understand this, object relations theories regarding the concept of projection can be useful.

In essence, marianismo is the embodiment of a perceived goodness that may only be maintained via a split and subsequent expulsion of badness onto the external world. In Klein’s (1946) view, hatred is projected out when the object has been split into distinctive parts in order to protect the good internalized object (the good mother, who only has sex for her husband’s pleasure and/or to conceive children) from the destructive impulses of the bad object (the sexual woman).

Bion (1961) asserted that these concepts could be utilized to not only understand the individual psyche, but that of a group as well. He elaborated on Klein’s conception of the defense of projective identification noting that it involved a splitting of the ego that subsequently was expelled and “deposited” into an object in a “controlling way.” This led to an unconscious, unseen pressure that coerced the recipient of the projective identification to behave in accordance with what was placed into him unconsciously. In an ideal situation, the recipient was able to “contain” and modify the projection in a way that was more manageable for the sender to introject. If the ideal did not occur, then what was projected was introjected with its hostile impulses reinforced; creating a bad object that was harsher than it was originally (Ogden, 1986). Because Klein saw significance in the external environment in terms of helping to modify aggressive impulses that were projected, cultural norms played a role in the manner in which an individual learned to manage inherent tendencies and organize experiences.

In traditional Latino culture, however, the division between love and hatred of women embedded in marianismo has not been modified as of yet. For some, the

147 idealization of the internalized good object represented in marianismo, leads to the expulsion of other women; human, sexual women, who are perceived as hateful, destructive bad objects.

This projection was rooted in the messages participants received regarding female sexuality in their overall environments, as well as in their parents’ silences, partial or inconsistent messages about sex and contraception, and in the absence of some fathers when it came to any matters pertaining to dating and sex. This was evident despite the quality of the relationship with the parent (refer to “Even in the Best of Circumstances, these Topics Feel Uncomfortable” for details). Similar accounts have been reported in other studies where Latino teens reported that they did not receive information regarding sexuality from their parents, despite the quality of the relationship, and parents “express[ed] aversion to discussing sexuality with their child” (Madlem, et al., 2003).

Parents’ obvious discomfort pertaining to sexual matters, the lack of discourse surrounding healthy sexuality, and the value of abstinence embedded in religious beliefs, led participants to feel that their sexual feelings and interests were abnormal and shameful. This combined with warnings about pregnancy, STDs, and/or victimization, left participants with no healthy view of their own sexual development and, thus, an obstacle in their successful integration of female sexuality.

Finding #3: Participants believed that sex should be a meaningful act shared in the context of a long-term, committed relationship. This conviction was reflected in the behavior of those who had been sexually active.

Apter’s (1990) assertion that females define themselves in relation to others was

148 repeatedly supported by participants in this study. Their narratives clearly depicted the importance they ascribed to their relationships with family, friends, etc. This notion also was further reinforced by the cultural importance placed on interdependence embedded in familismo. Participants’ view of their lives in the context of relationships extended to their beliefs regarding sex. All participants attached meaning to sex, seeing it as a way to share intimacy with a significant other in the context of a committed relationship.

Interestingly, while many participants were taught abstinence by their parents and/or religious teachings, they modified their views of this principal. Many spoke of premarital sex as being acceptable in the context of a long-term relationship and for those who had been sexually active, they held true to this conviction. Faulkner (2003) observed similar findings in her study regarding Latinas’ definitions of sex. She posited that some Latinas resisted the values regarding women’s sexual behavior maintained in marianismo by revising definitions of sex in order to prevent “threatening their identity” as moral women. Therefore, participants in this study may have sought to protect and normalize their own sexual feelings and desires by altering the messages they received about sex. By extending the definition of marriage to a committed relationship as it pertained to sex, they were able to maintain the decent, good aspects of themselves if and when they became sexually active. In addition, participants also were able to maintain a sense that their parents would not reject them by preserving the spirit of sex as a meaningful act. As stated earlier, participants did not feel that their parents viewed sexual development as normative and feared potential rejection if they exposed that part of themselves. Participants expressed regrets that their parents could not see or understand them as “growing up” in that way. This sentiment was echoed in another

149 study exploring Latino teens’ view of pregnancy prevention programs where participants talked of their desires to have parents accept sex as a normal aspect rather than a “bad thing that they have been taught by religion or government type things” (Madlem et al., 2003). Apter’s (1990) view of adolescents as wishing to be recognized and acknowledged by their parents as changed, emerging adults who are competent and selfdetermining in their own right provides a framework for understanding this dynamic.

This is the hope of many adolescent girls-to capture a parent’s heart with love for them as they are, as people … They want the parent to fall in love with them all over again, because being new, they deserve a new love (p. 127).

Finding #4: Participants who had been sexually active held few, if any, conversations with their partners about sex prior to having sex. Their male partners generally initiated sexual advances and either discouraged or did not actively take responsibility for contraception use.

Several factors were associated with this finding. Many participants were exposed to split images of female sexuality, which did not allow for healthy expression of sexual interests and desires. This limited their capacity to integrate sexual feelings and behavior into their maturing identity and manifested in their fragmented, unformulated thoughts about sex. In addition, cultural norms regarding sex role scripts among genders, which are reinforced by mainstream American culture, albeit to a lesser degree, identified males as sexual aggressors. Whereas virginity is perceived as an honorable trait for women, “generally, for men, the loss of virginity represents a passageway to manhood

150 and a way to win status” (Faulkner, 2003). Therefore, cultural sexual norms assign men with the duty of directing sex.

This pattern was plainly evident in participants’ accounts of their experiences.

Their partners not only directed sexual contact, but also strongly influenced the use of condoms or lack thereof, which was commonly the case. Given that the majority of participants had sex in the context of what they considered a committed relationship, they trusted their partners at the time of intercourse. This had implications because Faulkner (2003) found that among Latina women, “trusting a partner” was the reason most cited for not using contraception.

Participants’ passivity in sexual matters also may be understood utilizing Mitchell’s (2002) insights regarding the manner in which individuals choose partners for relationships. He posited that although people are inclined to believe that they select partners for their commonalities, in fact, unconsciously, they are drawn to their partner’s representation of an aspect of the self that is rejected or despised. He stated, “What is alluring in the other may not be the otherness of the other as much as the opportunity for making contact, at a safe distance, with disclaimed aspects of the self” (p. 82). Moreover, Mitchell addressed shame as it relates to the expression of sexuality for some individuals.

For some people, their own intense excitement is too conflictual, too dirty or reckless, too rude or aggressive, for them to feel comfortable displaying it in the presence of another, particularly another whom they love and respect. So they need the other to go first, or to respond with an immediate, reassuring sign that the sex is acceptable (p. 88).

This premise can be applied to participants who felt shame in their sense of sexuality. While they may have acted in accordance with cultural norms emphasizing

151 male dominance in sexual roles, aggressive partners also allowed participants to feel that their expression of sexual behavior was justified and acceptable.

Finding #5: More pregnant/parenting participants were American born or had lived in the U.S. for10 years or more than their non-pregnant/parenting counterparts.

The conventional view on the children of immigrants asserts that because of their social and economic environment and lower levels of assimilation, they are more at risk to fail in school and become delinquents. The conventional view is fundamentally wrong: New data and research shows that the children of immigrants do well in school and in the community. In fact, many studies show that many children of immigrants outperform their American-born peers both in school performance and in out-of-school positive behaviors.

-Evelyn Hu-DeHart and Cynthia Garcia Coll The term first generation was applied to those who immigrated to the U.S.; therefore, 47.6% of non-pregnant/parenting and 28.6% of pregnant/parenting participants were considered first generation. A higher rate (71.4%) of the pregnant/parenting group in this study was second generation, raising questions about the vulnerability of later generation adolescents. Results from scales measuring adherence to traditional Latino values and ethnic identity were similar between groups, therefore, did not offer insight regarding what differentiated those who had been pregnant from those who had not. It was expected that a discrepancy would exist, at least, on the LVS where participants were questioned about their adherence to Latino traditional values. It is possible that the reason variations in scores did not occur was due to the smaller sample of pregnant/parenting participants (N=14) that were interviewed in comparison to those who were non-pregnant/parenting (N=21), which created an unequal distribution for quantitative analysis, or perhaps it was due to the overall small sample size. It is

152 conceivable that if a larger sample were assessed, findings might have been more conclusive. In addition, the aforementioned scales questioned participants about their beliefs and behavior regarding Latino culture, including gender scripts, but did not specifically address sexual roles. Had this been this case, it is possible variances might have resulted. That stated, liberties admittedly were taken in order to elaborate on possible conclusions for the aforementioned finding.

Several studies have yielded compelling results as it relates to the success and health of immigrant children (Zambrano, 2010; Hu-DeHart & Garcia Coll, In Press).

Referred to as the “immigrant paradox,” authors have called attention to studies demonstrating that first generation immigrants fair better in matters related to health, education, and positive behaviors. North (2009) provided the following overview of the immigrant paradox: •

Although knowledge of the English language increased by generation status, educational success declined from first to third generations.

•

Second and third-plus generation children have higher levels of delinquent behavior.

•

Earnings and homeownerships did not improve for second through fourth generations.

In addition, substance abuse and violence increased from first generation to third, as well as lowering of the average age of first sexual intercourse (North, 2009; Reynoso, Felice & Shragg, 1993).

Proposed reasons for the decrease in success of later generations varied, however, Garcia Coll (2009) speculated that more of these children lost the “protectiveness of their

153 home” and although better able to communicate in English, they were less apt to complete schoolwork because “they start to buy into the notion of minorities here that even if you work hard and play hard discrimination is going to get at you and presumably discourage you from trying harder.” In essence, they lost hope in the American dream.

Erickson (1968) emphasized the importance of adult role models and examples of desirable, successful examples in the adolescent’s environment. The greater part of participants did not have accessibility to these models given that they came from impoverished homes with parents who had attained limited educational success. While first generation participants who had resided in the U.S. for a shorter length of time may have identified with the aspirations of their parents for a better future in America, it is possible that this was not always the case for those who had been here longer (ten years or more) or who were second-plus generation. Many of these participants came from families who continued to live in poverty, despite having resided in the U.S. for longer periods of time. According to Erickson, adolescents who lack models to look up to and who are exposed to negative images of those who are like them are prone to identifying with less than successful stereotypes. Perhaps for participants in this study who had been pregnant, the impact of the aforementioned factors affecting later generation children came into play and given that they all reported being exposed to friends and family members who had been pregnant as teenagers (for some this included their mothers), models of a lifestyle different from early motherhood were limited, offering them few opportunities to internalize images of those who represented the educationally and fiscally successful women they consciously desired to be. This, combined with the psychological aspects addressed in subsequent sections, may have influenced

154 pregnant/parenting participants to unconsciously position themselves onto the path of early motherhood.

Finding #6: Pregnant/parenting participants were more likely to describe negative relationships with both parents than their non-pregnant/parenting counterparts.

Significant leverage was given to participants’ descriptions of parent relationships categorized as “positive” (refer to “Coding Process” in Chapter V for details). In essence, these relationships depicted interactions that were far from perfect. At times there were conflicts and disagreements, while at others, they were based on a parent with whom the participant infrequently interacted. Nonetheless, participants who described experiencing “positive” relationships with parents perceived an overall sense of support from them. They looked at the parent and saw someone who made their best attempts to support and care for them.

This dynamic perhaps was similar to Winnicott’s concept of the (1953) “good enough mother.” In object relations theory, Winnicott depicted the “good enough mother” during infancy as the individual who made adaptation to the infant’s needs. This adaptation was based on the individual’s empathic connection with the infant, and lessened as the infant became more capable of expressing his needs and tolerating frustration and disappointment. Winnicott believed that the infant’s growing capacity to manage frustration allowed him to understand external reality and was the basis for object relationships as well as the tolerance of ambivalence (pp. 99).

Participants’ descriptions of “positive” parental relationships, in essence, resembled this concept of “good enough” parenting, although it occurred during

155 adolescence. While not perfect, these parents, in participants’ minds, provided necessary adaptations to meet their needs. During adolescence, teens desire to remain connected to their parents albeit in a modified way. They need to relate with their parents in ways that are different from the interactions they shared with them during childhood. While requiring what Apter (1990) termed as connectedness, it is not necessary for adolescents to share close relationships with their parents for healthy development. However, they do need parents that offer necessary provisions to support their developmental needs.

Participants who described supportive or amicable exchanges with their parents perceived them as facilitating given that their parents communicated a general sense of caring and support. Many of these parents were not necessarily close with their adolescents, but shared interactions with them that were accommodating and encouraging, and did not obstruct their development. In this way, parents were “good enough” or “provisional enough” (A. Eldridge, personal communication, February 3, 2012).

Perceived failures in “good enough” parenting were evident in relationships that participants experienced as overly conflictual, judgmental, abusive, or emotionally unavailable and did not facilitate participants’ developmental needs. These relationships were coded as conflictual or distant and fell into the “negative” category.

Close to 50% of participants experienced positive relationships with both parents, while 28.5% described these relationships only with one parent. Apter’s (1990) belief that adolescent girls turned away from their mothers when they were not validated by them was demonstrated by the latter group, who, at times, described negative relationships with their mothers. In these cases, they turned to their fathers in order to be

156 recognized and supported in the manner in which they desired. Occasionally, the “other person” to whom Apter referred also included an older sibling, typically a sister.

The remaining participants identified both parental relationships negatively, a perception more common among pregnant/parenting participants. The meaning of this finding is closely associated with the following and is elaborated upon in next section.

Finding #7: Early pregnancy was neither a personally desired nor family sanctioned outcome for the majority of participants. Nonetheless, some became pregnant and personal meanings were inextricably attached to their pregnancies.

All participants’ parents discouraged early pregnancy. Regardless if any information was provided regarding dating, sex, or contraception, pregnancy was clearly cautioned against. It was apparent that early pregnancy was the symbolic representation of repudiated female sexuality. Virginity was highly valued and any expression of sexual interest or behavior potentially triggered feelings of anxiety, shame, and fear. As Faulkner (2003) noted, “Loss of virginity casts a shadow on male partners and a woman’s family.” When this notion was paired with parental relationships, an interesting dynamic emerged that can be understood utilizing Klein’s (1935) view of developments related to paranoid/schizoid and depressive positions previously described in Chapter II. Similar to Winnicott’s concept of good-enough mothering, Klein believed that through the process of projective identification, those who received modifications of projections of hated objects via parents and external environment eventually came to experience less space between internal good and bad objects. This development led to the capacity to see the

157 mother as a whole object. In this way, individuals came to tolerate the good and bad in others as well as in themselves.

As participants approached adolescence, their developing sexuality came to the fore. It is this researcherâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s contention that although non-pregnant/parenting participants were exposed to the same cultural norms that split female sexuality, they were able to tolerate, and possibly integrate female sexuality as a modified bad object because they could tolerate the ambivalence facilitated by their relationships with their parents.

Pregnant/parenting participants were less likely to have projections of hated objects modified due to their lack of positive relationships with their parents. Because they did not have the positive parental relationships necessary to alter these projections, they were more likely to internalize hostile objects, which included their sense of sexuality. In order to protect their internal good objects, they utilized defenses associated with the paranoid-schizoid position including splitting and idealization. In this way, their pregnancies represented splitting off aspects of themselves. For some, the pregnancies were bad objects, either in the participantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; identifying with the bad object by becoming the hated representation of the pregnant teen their parents warned against, and in this way, protecting their good objects, or for others, their pregnancies were bad objects as it related to some aspect of their object relationships. This was most evident with a few participants who considered abortion. One in particular, who denied being pregnant until later in the interview, blamed her mother for her parentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s separation and shortly after the marital split, she became pregnant. She hoped to terminate the pregnancy, but was forced to do otherwise by her parents. Her wish to end the pregnancy could be interpreted as reflecting her unconscious desire to destroy the hated object (the despised, family

158 destroying mother) represented by her pregnancy. However, for other participants, their pregnancies embodied the projection of an idealized, good object. Their babies were ascribed with the power of assisting them in realizing the families that they always longed for, but never received, or in achieving their unfulfilled hopes and/or aspirations.

Furthermore, many participants described their pregnancies as gradually repairing or improving their relationships with parents. Despite the fact that the pregnancies initially triggered crises for participants and their families, the course of pregnancies gradually led parents to overcome difficult feelings toward participants. The outcome was that parents inevitably cared for their grandchildren, and, many times, shared improved interactions with participants. The pregnancies then came to not only serve as a way for participants to integrate parts of themselves as previously described, but also mended their relationships with parents as well. In this way, the pregnancies were reparative acts. This can be understood considering Kleinâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s (1940) description of efforts to work through anxieties regarding aggressive impulses toward the object. In order to repair the perfect mother that was believed to be destroyed by hostile impulses, omnipotent phantasies of restoration and reparative behavior were employed. The pregnancies served this purpose and ultimately provided the vehicles for participants to acquire the love and acceptance from their parents of which they had always yearned.

Implications for Social Work Participants illustrated various theoristsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; assertion that the developmental period of adolescence is one that triggers intense affects, including anxiety and fear, for not only the adolescents navigating tasks associated with this stage, but for their parents as well.

159 These developmental tasks are complicated by factors such as culture, generation, and immigration status. Apter (1990) and Eldridge (1991) called attention to the fact that adolescentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; transformations during this stage are deeply impacted by their relationships with their parents, with whom adolescents wish to remain connected contrary to previous beliefs regarding desires for separation posited by traditional theorists. The understanding of developmental tasks in the context of relationships is particularly salient with adolescents from Latino culture, given its emphasis on interdependence and family relationships. However, this point also underscores the continued need for theorists to extend their understanding of development to include variations in how associated tasks are addressed and achieved within different cultural contexts. While some authors have ventured into these deep, complex waters, participants in this study called attention to the fact that more work needs to be done to expand theoretical understandings in multicultural settings.

Object relations theorists assisted our understanding of how participants in this study internalized cultural norms, which split female sexuality into all good or all bad objects, causing them to struggle in their efforts to integrate sexual aspects of themselves.

This splitting off caused participants great difficulty, particularly when they did not have positive parental relationships at their disposal to help modify and regulate feelings and thoughts pertaining to sexual matters.

Because parents maintain important positions in their adolescentâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s life, clinicians can be very valuable to both Latino adolescents (male and female) as well as their parents. First, assisting parents in understanding their own adolescent experience would help them manage anxieties and fears triggered by their childâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s development. Many

160 underwent this stage in other countries and/or in different/mixed cultural contexts and may have difficulty recognizing and acknowledging their bicultural adolescent’s developmental experience. Expanding Latino parents’ knowledge regarding developmental tasks, particularly sexual development, can be useful for parents in order to establish needed guidelines regarding dating and socializing that are realistic and age appropriate. Providing a framework for parents that normalizes developmental tasks for both genders, while being sensitive to values regarding interdependence, can help alleviate parents’ anxieties regarding their adolescent’s growth. Emphasizing Apter’s (1990) conceptualization of connectedness and individuation rather than separation may offer the best means to this end.

Along these same lines, Latino parents need tools to address difficult topics, mainly sex, with their adolescents. Helping parents understand their own experiences and feelings regarding these matters can be helpful in identifying their anxieties. In addition, assisting parents in viewing sex as occurring in the context of a relationship may also be valuable in order for them to understand that addressing sexual development with their teens can be done in a way that is not merely about talking about sex as an act, but in discussing and modeling healthy relationships as well.

Given that pregnant/parenting participants were more likely to experience negative relationships with their parents, clinicians should understand the importance of helping parents and their adolescents in addressing significant conflicts that impair their arguments are bound to arise during adolescence, the ongoing, intense conflicts described by participants who shared negative relationships with their parents had been longstanding. Helping families address these issues will assist them in supporting their

161 adolescents’ development. Furthermore, improving adolescent-parent interactions may also serve a preventative function in that it would lessen the adolescent’s need to unconsciously use pregnancy as a reparative act for unsatisfactory relationships with parents.

Clinicians can also be useful to Latino adolescent clients in normalizing developmental tasks, particularly as it relates to sexual development. Clinicians can offer these clients what Winnicott (1960) referred to as the “holding environment” in which they can openly express their desires and thoughts, and seek information they need in order to integrate their experiences pertaining to sexuality.

Erickson (1950) drew attention to the importance of peers during adolescence.

Participants in this study, as well as others, underscored their tendency to seek out information regarding sexuality and contraception from peers and other significant adults in their support systems. While this demonstrates an age appropriate behavior, it also reflects cultural aspects of familismo, in which Latinos are encouraged to rely not only on their parents, but significant others within their extended families as well. In this way, clinicians can be useful by serving in this capacity or by encouraging adolescent clients to identify and access resources within their support systems.

Lastly, Latino adolescents need exposure to models of success. Given the high rates of poverty and early pregnancy among this group, it is critical that they be shown positive images depicting the success they hope to achieve. While adult figures can be accessed to provide these examples, Eldridge (1991) stressed the role of peers in deterring risky behaviors and in encouraging socially appropriate behaviors. Clinicians can assist by offering Latino adolescent clients support groups where same aged peers

162 can offer guidance as they navigate social issues and share in their successes and achievements.

Conclusions and Implications for Future Research The findings of this study, as well as others, underscore the complex conflicts that arise for Latinas as they navigate tasks of adolescence, particularly as it relates to the integration of their sexuality. Cultural norms that stigmatize female sexuality collide with Latina adolescentsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; age appropriate desires to explore their sexual development resulting, at times, with unfavorable outcomes including early pregnancy. Further complicating matters are issues related to immigration and socioeconomic status, relational issues, and biculturalism. It is only by recognizing the interplay of these complex dynamics that one can develop an accurate understanding of Latinasâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; struggle with the full integration of their identities.

Findings of this study implicated several areas for future research. First, criteria for participation eligibility in this study was broad in order to include as many participants as possible. This resulted in a large percentage of non-pregnant/parenting participants who had not been sexually active as opposed to a significantly higher portion of pregnant/parenting participants who obviously had previous and, for some, current sexual experiences. A more equally distributed study between sexually active non-pregnant/parenting participants with those who are pregnant/parenting might provide a better understanding regarding what differentiates the two groups from one another.

163 Second, data analysis and interpretation of findings in this study combined narratives of participants who were anywhere between the ages of 14 – 19.

Consideration was not given to unique tasks of early, middle, and late adolescence, therefore, future studies should differentiate how participants move through these specific stages.

Third, an assumption inadvertently was made in this study that participants were heterosexual. Hence, questions were not asked about sexual orientation. Future studies should be aware of this factor and take into consideration how issues related to homosexuality may further impact Latina adolescents’ sexual integration.

Fourth, the quantitative aspect of this study demonstrated the need for acculturation and ethnic identity measurements to be combined with tools specifically addressing participants’ subjective experiences of sexuality. The researcher found that while some participants had begun to modify traditional views of gender scripts, they had not done so in regard to sexual roles. Future research should examine this particular aspect of identity, given that it presents with unique challenges.

Fifth, and lastly, it cannot be emphasized strongly enough the need for research examining Latino males’ subjective experience of gender and sexual role scripts. This study repeatedly pointed to the divides in culturally based norms regarding sexual roles between genders and, yet, in its exclusive focus on females, colluded with this split. Few studies have ventured to understand Latino adolescents’ experience of their sexual development. The findings of this study and others bring to light that Latino males are active, significant players in the early pregnancy experiences of Latinas. As the saying goes, it takes two to tango. Only including the voices of Latina adolescents and their

164 parents, without inclusion of the male partner perspective, reinforces notions of Latino males as sexually impulsive, not in control of, and, thus, not responsible for their behavior. The latter is not intended as a judgment, but rather to emphasize the point that when individuals are not seen as active players in their behavior, accountability is not only diminished, but the personal meanings associated with their experiences as well.

Inevitably, this limits their capacity to recognize and understand their behavior, and, therefore, thwarts self-determination. Future research can be very useful in providing needed insights regarding Latino malesâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; subjective experiences of sexuality and the meanings they ascribe to pregnancy.

165

APPENDIX A PARENT CONSENT FORM IN ENGLISH

166 Parental Permission for Participation in Research Study INSTITUTE FOR CLINICAL SOCIAL WORK Title of study: A study of the factors influencing Latina adolescents to choose pregnancy What is the purpose of this research?

Your child is being asked to be in a research study because it is hoped to learn more about the factors that contribute to adolescent pregnancy among Latinas. Your child is invited to participate in this study because she is a Latina adolescent between the ages of 14-19 and is currently enrolled in school. Ms. Marilyn Medina-Pérez is completing this research as part of a program at the Institute for Clinical Social Work where she is studying to receive a doctorate degree.

How much time will this take?

This study will take about one and a half hours of your child’s time.

What will my child be asked to do if I allow her to participate in this study?

If you allow your child to be in this study, she will be asked to meet with Ms. MedinaPérez during which time she will fill out three surveys and participate in an interview.

The interview will be audiotaped, and recordings will be transcribed and erased after one year. If your child participates in an interview, she may be contacted again, at a later time, by phone to clarify the responses she provided during the first interview.

What are the risks involved in participating in this study?

Being in this study does not involve any risks other than what your child would encounter in daily life. For example, there is the possibility that your child may feel uncomfortable answering certain questions or may feel negative emotions when recounting experiences during the interview process. In addition, if your child has been pregnant, family issues regarding the pregnancy may come up and trigger upset feelings. If these or other discomforts occur during the interview, your child may ask for a break or choose to discontinue the interview altogether. A 30-minute debriefing period with Ms. MedinaPérez will be offered to your child at the end of the interview to discuss negative reactions. You and your child will be provided with a list of local therapists and community agencies that you can contact in the future, if therapy is needed.

What are the benefits of my child’s participation in this study?

It is hoped that what is learned will lead to a better understanding of the reasons why some Latina adolescents become pregnant. This information may be useful for schools and other interested parties who work with Latinas and those who wish to develop teen pregnancy prevention programs.

Will my daughter be paid or receive a gift for her participation?

Yes. Your daughter will receive a $25 gift card to WalMart or Target for her participation in this study.

167 Can I decide not to allow my child to participate? If so, are there other options? Yes, you can choose not to allow your child to participate. Even if you allow your child to be in the study now, you can change your mind later, and your child can leave the study.

There will be no negative consequences if you decide not to allow your child to participate or you change your mind later. Also, even if you give your permission, your child has the right to decide against being in this study.

How will my child’s privacy be protected?

The records of this study will be kept private. Records from this study will be stored securely, where only the researcher has access. Audiotaped recordings of interviews will be transcribed and erased after one year. No information identifying your child will be given in any report that might be published from this study. This dissertation study will serve as a permanent record of the information gathered from interviews.

Whom can I contact for more information?

If you have questions about this study, please contact Marilyn Medina-Pérez at 847-9879101 or Dr. Joan DiLeonardi at 312-726-8480. If you have questions about your child’s rights as a research subject, you may contact: Daniel Rosenfeld, M.A., Chair of Institutional Review Board, ICSW, 200 N. Michigan Ave., Suite 407, Chicago, IL 60601, (312) 726-8480.

You will be given a copy of this information to keep for your records.

Statement of Consent: I have read the above information. I have all my questions answered. I permit my child to be in this study.

Child’s Name: _______________________________

Grade in School: ____________

Parent/Guardian Signature:_______________________________ Date: _____________

168

APPENDIX B PARENT CONSENT FORM IN SPANISH

169 Permiso de Padres para la participación en Estudio Investigativo INSTITUTO CLINICO PARA TRABAJO SOCIAL Título del estudio: Estudio sobre los factores que influencian a las adolescentes Latinas a escoger el embarazo. ¿Cuál es el propósito de esta investigación?

Se le ha pedido a su hija que participe en este estudio investigativo porque queremos aprender mas sobre los factores que contribuyen al embarazo entre las adolescentes Latinas. A su hija se le ha invitado a participar en este estudio porque ella es una adolescente Latina entre las edades de 14 a 19 anos y esta actualmente matriculada en la escuela. El estudio esta siendo realizado por Sra. Marilyn Medina-Pérez como parte de un programa en el Instituto Clínico de Trabajo Social donde ella está estudiando para recibir un doctorado. ¿Cuánto tiempo tomará esto?

Este estudio tomara aproximadamente una hora y media del tiempo de su hija. ¿Si le permito a mi hija a participar en este estudio, que se le pedirá que haga?

Si usted le permite a su hija a participar en este estudio, se le pedirá que se reúna con la Sra. Medina-Pérez y en este tiempo completará tres encuestas y será entrevistada. La entrevista será grabada, transcrita (puesto por escrito), y borrada después de un año. Es posible que su hija sea contactada por teléfono una segunda ves, para aclarar las respuestas que dio durante la primera entrevista. ¿Cuáles son los riesgos por participar en este estudio?

El ser parte de este estudio no trae ningún riesgo adicional del que su hija tendría en su vida diario. Por ejemplo, existe la posibilidad de que durante el proceso de la entrevista, su hija se sienta incomoda en contestar alguna pregunta en particular o podría sentir alguna emoción negativa cuando recuente su experiencia. Además, si su hija ha estado embarazada, recuerdos de las reacciones de la familia acerca del embarazo pueden provocar emociones negativas. Si esta u otras incomodidades ocurren durante la entrevista, su hija puede pedir un tiempo de descanso o dar por terminada la entrevista.

Al final de la entrevista, se le ofrecerá a su hija una sesión informativo con la Sra. Medina-Pérez que durará 30 minutos en los cuales, ella podrá procesar cualquier reacción negativa. Después de la entrevista, se le dará una lista con los nombres y teléfonos de consejeros locales y agencias comunitarios, en caso que se le presente alguna necesidad de conserjería en el futuro. ¿Cuáles son los beneficios de que mi hija participe en este estudio?

Esperamos que lo que aprendamos nos ayude a entender las razones del porque algunas adolescentes Latinas quedan embarazadas. Esta información podría ser útil para las escuelas y otros grupos que estén interesados en trabajar con Latinas o en desarrollar programas de prevención de embarazos en adolescentes.

170 ¿Será pagada o recibirá un regalo mi hija por su participación?

Sí. Su hija recibirá una tarjeta de regalo de 25 dólares para WalMart ó Target por su participación en este estudio. ¿Puedo decidir el no dejar a mi hija participar de este estudio? De esto ser cierto, tengo otras opciones?

Sí, usted puede decidir no permitirle a su hija que participe. Aunque usted le permita a su hija ahora a participar en el estudio, mas adelante, usted puede cambiar de opinión luego y su hija puede dejar el estudio. No habrán consecuencias negativas si usted decide que su hija no puede participar o cambia de parecer. Además, aunque usted de su permiso, su hija puede decidir el no participar en este estudio. ¿Como se protegerá la privacidad de mi hija?

Los archivos de este estudio se mantendrán privados. Los archivos de investigación serán guardados de manera segura y solo la investigadora tendrá acceso. En cualquier documento que fuese publicado, no incluiríamos información que identifique a su hija.

Este estudio investigativo servirá como récord permanente de la información obtenido de las entrevistas. ¿Con quién me puedo comunicar para mas información?

Si tiene preguntas sobre este estudio, por favor comuníquese con Sra. Marilyn MedinaPérez al 847-987-9101 o Dra. Joan DiLeonardi al 312-726-8480. Si tiene alguna pregunta sobre los derechos de su hija como un sujeto de investigación, puede comunicarse con: Daniel Rosenfeld, M.A., Chair of Institutional Review Board, ICSW, 200 N. Michigan Ave., Suite 407, Chicago, IL 60601, (312) 726-8480.

Se le proveerá una copia de esta información para sus archivos personales.

Declaración de Consentimiento: He leído la información previa. Todas mis preguntas han sido contestadas. Le doy permiso a mi hija a ser parte de este estudio.

Nombre de Hija: ______________________________ Grado en Escuela: ___________ Firma del Padre/Tutor:_______________________________ Revisado 6 Sept 2006

Fecha: _____________

171

APPENDIX C INDIVIDUAL CONSENT FORM IN ENGLISH

172 Individual Consent for Participation in Research INSTITUTE FOR CLINICAL SOCIAL WORK I,______________________________________, acting for myself, agree to take part in research called: A study of the factors influencing Latina adolescents to choose pregnancy with Ms. Marilyn Medina-Pérez.

This work will be carried out by Marilyn Medina-Pérez under the supervision of Dr. Joan DiLeonardi. Ms. Medina-Perez is studying to receive a doctorate degree. This work is sponsored by the Institute for Clinical Social Work; 200 N. Michigan Ave., Suite 407; Chicago, IL 60601; (312) 726-8480.

What is this study about?

The purpose of this study is to interview Latina adolescents to learn more about the reasons why some Latinas become pregnant and why some do not.

What will I be asked to do?

If you agree to participate in this study, you will be interviewed for approximately one and a half hours. This could be at Ms. Medina Pérez’s office at Wheeling High School or another location where a private interview can be held. During the interview, you will be asked to complete three short surveys and to discuss your experiences, thoughts, and feelings about topics such as your relationship with your parents and messages you received about being a female and teen pregnancy. Your interview will be audiotaped and transcribed (put in writing), but erased after one year. This will be done so that Ms. Medina-Pérez can focus on your answers and learn from what you tell her. Ms. MedinaPérez also may call you after your interview to have a short conversation with you about the answers you gave. This will be done to make sure she has understood what you said and to answer questions that she may have.

What are the risks and benefits of participating in this study?

Because a discussion about teen pregnancy can bring up sensitive topics, there is a chance that you may feel uncomfortable answering certain questions or that you may feel upset when remembering experiences during the interview process. If you feel bad or upset during the interview, you may ask for a break or choose to stop the interview altogether. A 30-minute session with Ms. Medina-Pérez will be offered to you at the end of the interview where you can talk with her about your thoughts and feelings. You and your parent will be given a list of local therapists and community agencies that you can contact if you need to talk to a therapist in the future.

Benefits of this study include that you will have the chance to talk about your thoughts and beliefs, and you may learn more about your experiences as a Latina adolescent. It is hoped that what is learned from this study will help us to better understand the reasons why some Latina adolescents become pregnant.

173 Will I get paid or get a gift for participating?

Yes, you will get a $25 gift card to WalMart or Target for participating in this study.

Do I have to pay anything to participate?

No. The only cost of this study is the time you spend participating in the interview.

Privacy and Confidentiality: Your name will not be in any reports about this study and only Ms. Medina-Pérez will know your identity. All information collected during this study will be filed in a private, secure place. You should know that while almost everything you talk about with Ms. Medina-Pérez will be private, the law requires that she tell another adult if issues come up about your or someone else’s safety. She can explain this more if you have questions or concerns.

You may ask any questions about the study before, during, or after the interview. Ms. Medina-Pérez will be happy to share the results of the study with you once it is completed, if you would like.

Signatures: By signing this, I agree to be interviewed for this study as it is explained in this form. I know I have the right to stop the interview at any point and to change my mind about participating in this study without anything bad happening to my parent(s) or me.

If I have any questions about this study, I can contact Ms. Marilyn Medina-Pérez at 847987-9101 or Dr. Joan DiLeonardi at 312-726-8480. ______________________________________ Signature of child (if over 10 years)

_______________ Date

I certify that I have explained the research to _____________________ (Name of subject or child) and believe that they understand and that they have agreed to participate freely.

I agree to answer any additional questions when they arise during the research or afterward. _____________________________________ Signature of Researcher

______________ Date

174

APPENDIX D INDIVIDUAL CONSENT FORM IN SPANISH

175 Consentimiento Individual para Participación en Investigación INSTITUTO CLINICO DE TRABAJO SOCIAL Yo, ___________________________________, actuando por mi cuenta propia, estoy de acuerdo en tomar parte en la investigación titulada: “Estudio sobre los factores que influencian a las adolescentes Latinas a escoger el embarazo” con la Sra. Marilyn Medina Pérez.

Este trabajo será realizado por la Sra. Medina-Pérez bajo la supervisión de Dra. Joan DiLeonardi. La Sra. Medina-Pérez esta estudiando para recibir un doctorado. Este trabajo es realizado bajo el auspicio del Instituto Clínico de Trabajo Social; 200 N. Michigan Ave., Suite 407; Chicago, IL 60601; (312) 726-8480. ¿Que es el propósito de este estudio?

El propósito de este estudio es el de entrevistar a adolescentes Latinas para aprender más sobre las razones por que algunas quedan embarazadas y otras no. ¿Qué se me pedirá si participo en este estudio?

Si decides participar en este estudio, será entrevistada por la Sra. Medina-Pérez por aproximadamente una hora y media, en un lugar acordado por ambas. Esto podría ser en la oficina de la Sra. Medina-Pérez en Wheeling High School o en otro lugar donde una entrevista privada puede llevarse a cabo. En la entrevista, se le pedirá que completes tres corta encuestas y que hables honestamente sobre tus experiencias, pensamientos y sentimientos relacionado a temas como tus relaciones con tus padres y los mensajes que recibiste sobre ser mujer y el embarazo entre adolescentes. La entrevista será grabada en audio y transcrita (puesto por escrito). Esto será hecho para aprender mas de tus respuestas. La grabación será borrada después de un año. Es posible que la Sra. MedinaPérez te llame después de la entrevista para tener una conversación breve contigo acerca de tus respuestas. Esto se hará para asegurar que ella ha entendido todo lo que has dicho y para contestar cualquier pregunta que ella tenga. ¿Cuáles son los riesgos y beneficios?

Como una discusión sobre el embarazo entre adolescentes puede incluir temas difíciles, existe la posibilidad de que durante el proceso de la entrevista, te sientas incomoda en contestar alguna pregunta o podrías sentir alguna emoción negativa cuando recuerdes alguna experiencia. Si te sientes mal o incomoda durante la entrevista, puedes pedir un tiempo de descanso o dar por terminada la entrevista. Al final de la entrevista, se te ofrecerá una tiempo informativo con la Sra. Medina-Pérez que durará 30 minutos en los cuales podrás hablar con ella acerca de tus pensamientos y sentimientos. Después de la entrevista, se le dará a tu padre/madre y a ti, una lista con los nombres y teléfonos de consejeros locales y agencias comunitarios en caso que necesites hablar con alguien en el futuro.

Con respeto a los beneficios, tendrás la oportunidad de hablar abiertamente de tus pensamientos e ideas, y posiblemente, ganar un entendimiento mas profundo de tus

176 propias experiencias como una adolescente Latina. Además de esto, esperamos que lo que aprendamos, nos ayude a entender las razones por las que algunas adolescentes Latinas quedan embarazadas. ¿Será pagada o recibirá un regalo por mi participación?

Sí, recibirás una tarjeta de 25 dólares de Target o WalMart por tu participación en este estudio. ¿Qué son los costos?

No. El único costo asociado con este estudio es la hora y media que pasaras en la entrevista.

Privacidad y Confidencialidad: Tu nombre no estará en reportes sobre este estudio, y tu identidad como participante será conocida solo por la Sra. Medina-Pérez. Toda la información que se recopile durante el proceso de investigación será guardada en un lugar privado y seguro. Aunque casi todo lo que le digas a la Sra. Medina-Pérez será privado, debes de saber que ella esta obligada por la ley decirle a otro adulto si ella tiene preocupaciones sobre tu seguridad o la seguridad de otra persona. Ella te puede explicar mas sobre este tema si tienes preocupaciones o preguntas.

Puedes hacer cualquier pregunta sobre el estudio antes, durante, o después de el tiempo en que estés participando. Si deseas, la Sra. Medina-Pérez puede compartir los resultados de la investigación contigo una vez que se haya completado.

Firmas: Al firmar esta hoja, yo estoy de acuerdo en ser entrevistada para este estudio como se ha explicado en esta forma. Se que tengo el derecho de parar la entrevista o terminar mi participación en este estudio, en cualquier momento, sin que nada malo le pase a mi padre/madre o a mi.

Si yo tengo alguna pregunta sobre este estudio, puedo comunicarme con la Sra. Marilyn Medina-Pérez al 847-987-9101 o a la Dra. Joan DiLeonardi al 312-726-8480. _________________________________ Firma del niño/a (si es mayor de 10)

_______________ Fecha

Yo certifico que le he explicado la investigación a _____________________ (Nombre del sujeto o hija) y creo que ellos/as entienden y que han estado de acuerdo en participar libremente. Estoy de acuerdo en contestar cualquier pregunta adicional que se presente desde el momento de la investigación en adelante. ________________________________ Firma del Investigador

______________ Fecha

177

APPENDIX E DEMOGRAPHIC SURVEYS (ENGLISH AND SPANISH)

DEMOGRAPHIC SURVEY

178

Please mark the response that is most true for you. Mark only one response unless otherwise noted.

1. What is your ethnicity? (You may 5. Where were you born? pick more than one response.)

United States Mexican

Mexico

Puerto Rican

Puerto Rico

Ecuadorian

Ecuador

El Salvadorian

El Salvador

Spanish

Dominican Republic

Argentine

Cuba

Dominican

Other, please specify:

Cuban Guatemalan Other, please specify:

6. How long have you lived in the U.S.?

I was born in the U.S.

2. How old are you?

3. What is your current pregnancy status?

I am currently pregnant I am not pregnant, but have been pregnant in the past five years I am not pregnant and have never been pregnant 4. What year are you in school?

Freshman Sophomore Junior Senior Other, please specify:

I was born somewhere else but have been in the U.S. for at least 10 years.

I was born somewhere else, but have been in the U.S. for 5-9 yrs.

I was born somewhere else and have been in the U.S. for less than 5 years.

7. What are your educational goals?

I do not plan to graduate.

I plan to graduate, but do not plan to attend college.

I plan to graduate and attend college.

Other, please specify:

DEMOGRAPHIC SURVEY

179

Please mark the response that is most true for you. Mark only one response unless otherwise noted.

8. What is your religion?

11. What was the last grade of school Catholic Baptist Lutheran Protestant Christian Seventh Day Adventist Jehovah’s Witness Other, please specify:

your mother completed?

8th grade or less Some high school Graduated from high school Completed GED Some college or 2 yr. degree Bachelor’s degree Masters degree Other, please specify:

9. What is the marital status of your biological parents?

Married Separated Divorced Widowed Never Married Other, please specify:

12. How long has your mother lived in the U.S.?

She was born in the U.S. 10 years or more 5-9 years Less than 5 years 13. What was the last grade of school your father completed?

8th grade or less Some high school

10. With which parent do you live?

Graduated from high school Completed GED

I live with my biological mother and biological father I live with my biological mother and stepfather I live with my biological father stepmother I do not live with my parents (6) Other, please specify:

Some college or 2 yr. degree Bachelor’s degree Masters degree Other, please specify: 14. How long has your father lived in the U.S.?

He was born in the U.S. 10 years or more 5-9 years Less than 5 years

ENCUESTA DEMOGRAFICO Favor de marcar la respuesta que es mas cierto. Solamente marque una respuesta a menos que se indique lo contrario.

1. ¿Cuál es su etnicidad? (Puedes 5. ¿Donde naciste? escoger más de una respuesta.)

Estados Unidos Mexicana

México

Puertorriqueña

Puerto Rico

Ecuadoriana

Ecuador

El Salvadoreña

El Salvador

Española

República Dominicana

Dominicana

Cuba

Cubana

Otra, favor de especificar:

180

Guatemelana Otra, favor de especificar:

2. ¿Cuantos años tienes?

3. ¿Cual es tu actual estado de embarazo?

Estoy actualmente embarazada No estoy embarazada, pero he estado embarazada en estos cinco años.

No estoy embarazada y nunca he sido embarazada.

6. ¿Cuanto tiempo has vivido en los Estados Unidos?

Yo nací en los Estados Unidos Nací en otro país, pero he vivido en los Estados Unidos por lo menos 10 años.

Nací en otro país, pero he vivido en los Estados Unidos por 5-9 años.

Nací en otro país y he vivido en los Estados Unidos por menos de 5 años.

7. ¿Cuales son sus metas educativas?

No espero graduarme.

4. ¿En qué grado estás en la escuela?

Freshman (Noveno) Sophomore (Décimo) Junior (Undécimo) Senior (Duodécimo) Otra, favor de especificar:

Espero graduarme, pero no planeo asistir a la universidad.

Espero graduarme y planeo asistir a la universidad.

Otra, favor de especificar:

181 ENCUESTA DEMOGRAFICO Favor de marcar la respuesta que es mas cierto. Solamente marque una respuesta a menos que se indique lo contrario.

8. ¿Cuál es su religión?

11. ¿Cual fue el último grado de la escuela que termino su madre?

Católica El octavo grado o menos Bautista Algunos grados de la secundaria Luterana Se gradúo de la secundaria Protestante GED Cristiana Unos años de la Universidad o Adventista de Séptimo Día tiene un certificado de dos años.

Bachillerato o Licenciatura Testigo de Jehová Maestría Otra, favor de especificar: Otra, favor de especificar: 9. ¿Cuál es el estado civil de sus padres biológicos?

Casados Separados Divorciados Viuda/o Nunca se casarón Otra, favor de especificar:

12. ¿Cuánto tiempo lleva su madre viviendo en los Estados Unidos?

Ella nació en los Estados Unidos.

10 años o mas 5 a 9 años Menos de 5 años 13. ¿Cual fue el último grado de la escuela que su padre termino?

El octavo grado o menos Algunos grados de la secundaria

10. ¿Con quien vives?

Yo vivo con mi mama biológica y mi papa biológico Yo vivo con mi mama biológica y mi padrastro.

Yo vivo con mi papa biológico y mi madrastra.

No vivo con mis padres.

Otra, favor de especificar:

Se gradúo de la secundaria Completo el GED Unos años de la Universidad o un certificado de dos años.

Bachillerato o Licenciatura Maestría Otra, favor de especificar: 14. ¿Cuánto tiempo lleva su padre viviendo en los Estados Unidos?

El nació en los Estados Unidos.

10 años o mas 5 a 9 años Menos de 5 años

182

183

APPENDIX F LATINO(A) VALUES SCALE (LVS) SCORING INSTRUCTIONS

184

INSTRUCTIONS FOR SCORING THE LATINO/A VALUES SCALE (LVS) 1. The following items need to be reverse scored: Items 1, 2, 8, 10, 12, 16, 20, 22, 24, 25, 26, 28, 32, 34 To reverse the score: 1 2 3 4

should be changed to “ “ “

4 3 2 1

2. Add the scores from the 35 items to obtain the total score.

3. Divide the total score by 35 to obtain the scale score.

Total LVS: Coefficient Alphas = .88 and .85 2-Week Test-Retest Reliability = .78 SUBSCALE SCORES: 1. For each subscale, add the scores to obtain the total score.

2. Divide the total score by the number of items to obtain the subscale’s scale score.

Cultural Pride (10 items; coefficient alpha = .89 and .85; 2-week test-retest reliability = .75): 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 10, 25, 34, 35 Familismo (5 items; coefficient alpha = .75 and .68; 2-week test-retest reliability = .75): 7, 9, 15, 17, 29

185

APPENDIX G LATINO(A) VALUES SCALE (LVS) IN ENGLISH

186

LATINO VALUES SCALE INSTRUCTIONS: Use the scale below to indicate the extent to which you agree with the value expressed in each statement.

1 = strongly disagree 2 = disagree _____1. _____2. _____3. _____4. _____5. _____6. _____7. _____8. _____9. _____10. _____11. _____12. _____13. _____14. _____15. _____16. _____17. _____18. _____19. _____20. _____21. _____22. _____23. _____24. _____25. _____26. _____27. _____28. _____29. _____30. _____31. _____32. _____33. _____34. _____35.

3 = agree

4 = strongly agree

One does not need to follow one’s cultural customs.

One does not need to be loyal to one’s cultural origin.

One’s bond with one’s cultural group must be very strong.

One must preserve one’s cultural heritage.

One should never lose one’s language of origin.

One should work to preserve the language of one’s ethnic group.

A man must provide for his family financially.

One should be able to question one’s elders.

One should never bring shame upon one’s family.

One does not need to practice one’s cultural celebrations.

A man’s strength comes from being a good father and husband.

One does not need to be emotionally affectionate to familiar individuals.

A woman should sacrifice everything for her family.

One’s successes should be attributed to one’s family.

A mother must keep the family unified.

One does not need to always present oneself as likeable to others.

A woman is considered the backbone of the family.

One’s family is the main source of one’s identity.

One must not offend others.

One does not need to always be cordial to others.

One must defer to one’s elders for advice.

One does not need to have faith in premonitions.

One must maintain a sense of interdependence with one’s group.

One does not need to trust a higher being.

One does not need to maintain one’s cultural traditions.

One does not need to always support one’s group.

One must help one’s group to achieve its goals.

One does not need to always avoid conflict with others.

A woman must be a source of strength for her family.

One should be respectful to people who have a higher status.

One should never offend one’s elders.

A woman does not need to successfully endure all adversity.

A woman should be the spiritual leader in the family.

One does not need to preserve the customs of one’s cultural background.

One must be proud of one’s cultural group.

187

APPENDIX H LATINO(A) VALUES SCALE (LVS) IN SPANISH

188

ESCALA DE VALORES DE LATINOS INSTRUCCIONES: Use la escala proveída para indicar hasta que punto está de acuerdo con el valor expresado en cada ejemplo.

1 = Muy en desacuerdo _____1. _____2. _____3. _____4. _____5. _____6. _____7. _____8. _____9. _____10. _____11. _____12. _____12. _____13. _____14. _____15. _____16. _____17. _____18. _____19. _____20. _____21. _____22. _____23. _____24. _____25. _____26. _____27. _____28. _____29. _____30. _____31. _____32. _____33. _____34. _____35.

2 = En desacuerdo

3 = De acuerdo

4 = Muy de acuerdo

Uno no necesita seguir las costumbres de su cultural Uno no necesita ser fiel a su cultura.

El vínculo que uno siente con su grupo cultural tiene que ser muy fuerte.

Uno tiene que preservar su herencia cultural.

Uno nunca debe perder su lengua natal.

Uno debe tratar de preservar el idioma de su grupo étnico.

Un hombre tiene que proveer para su familia económicamente.

Uno debe tener la habilidad de cuestionar a los mayores de edad.

Uno nunca debe traerle vergüenza a su familia.

Uno no necesita festejar las celebraciones de su cultura.

La fortaleza de un hombre viene de ser un buen padre y esposo.

Uno no necesita ser emocionalmente cariñoso con personas conocidas.

Uno no necesita ser emocionalmente cariñoso con personas conocidas.

Una mujer debe sacrificar todo por su familia.

Los éxitos de si mismo deben ser atribuidos a su familia.

Una madre debe mantener la familia unidad.

Uno no tiene que siempre presentarse en una forma amigable a los demás.

Una mujer se considera la raíz de una familia.

La familia es la fuente principal de la identidad de un individuo.

Uno no debe ofender a los demás.

Uno no tiene que ser amable con los demás siempre.

Uno tiene que tomar en cuenta los consejos de los mayores de edad.

Uno no necesita tenerle fe a los presentimientos.

Uno tiene que mantener un sentido de dependencia mutua con su grupo.

Uno no necesita tenerle confianza a un ser más alto (como un dios).

Uno no necesita mantener sus tradiciones culturales.

Uno no necesita apoyar su grupo siempre.

Uno tiene que ayudar a su grupo alcanzar sus metas.

Uno no necesita evitar conflictos con otros siempre.

Una mujer tiene que ser una fuente de fuerza para su familia.

Uno debe ser respetuoso con las personas que tienen un estatus más alto.

Uno nunca debe ofender a los mayores de edad.

Una mujer no necesita soportar la adversidad.

Una mujer debe ser la guía espiritual de la familia.

Uno no necesita conservar las costumbres de su cultura.

Uno tiene que tener orgullo en su grupo cultural.

189

APPENDIX I MULTIGROUP ETHNIC IDENTITY MEASURE (MEIM) SCORING INSTRUCTIONS

190

MULTIGROUP ETHNIC IDENTITY MEASURE (MEIM): The MEIM was originally published in the following article: Phinney, J. (1992). The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure: A new scale for use with adolescents and youth adults from diverse groups. Journal of Adolescent Research, 7, 156-176.

Two Spanish versions of the MEIM are attached. The first (MEIM-1) is based on the original 20-item version, including the Ethnic Identity and the Other-group orientation scales, published in the above article. In this version, Ethnic identity is assessed with items 1,2, 3, 5, 6, 8R (reversed), 10R, 11, 12, 13, 14, 16, 18, and 20. Other-group orientation is assessed with items 4, 7R, 9, 15R, and 19. Items 21-23 are used for categorization. The original English version of the MEIM has been used in dozens of studies and has consistently shown good reliability, typically with alphas above .80 across a wide range of ethnic groups and ages.

The second version is based on the revised MEIM (MEIM-2), consisting of 12 items assessing only ethnic identity. (It includes 3 items from the original version, for use in classifying participantsâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; group membership.) It was published in the following article: Roberts, R., Phinney, J., Masse, L., Chen, Y., Roberts, C., & Romero, A. (1999).

The structure of ethnic identity in young adolescents from diverse ethnocultural groups. Journal of Early Adolescence, 19, 301-322.

Two items were dropped from the original scale and a few minor modifications were made. On the basis of a factor analysis Roberts, et al., 1999), we found that the measure can best be thought of as comprising two factors, ethnic identity search (a developmental and cognitive component) and affirmation, belonging, and commitment (an affective component). The two factors, with this version, are as follows: ethnic identity search, items 1, 2, 4, 8, and 10; affirmation, belonging, and commitment, items 3, 5, 6, 7, 9, 11, 12. (None of the items are reversed.) The preferred scoring is to use the mean of the item scores; that is, the mean of the 12 items for an over-all score, and, if desired, the mean of the 5 items for search and the 7 items for affirmation. The original scale used a 4-point response scale, with a range of scores is from 1 to 4. However, we are currently using a 5-point scale that gives a neutral midpoint, so that scores range from 1 to 5. For comparison across studies, be sure that the same response range is been used.

We have not personally used the Spanish translation and do not have reliability data on it.

If you use the Spanish version, please send us a copy of your results and any reports or publications resulting from its use. We are particularly interested in reliability information with samples from various geographical areas and age groups.

191 The Other-group orientation scale, which was developed with the original MEIM, is not included in the revision, as it is considered to be a separate concept. It can, of course, be used in conjunction with the MEIM.

192

APPENDIX J MULTIGROUP ETHNIC IDENTITY MEASURE (MEIM) IN ENGLISH

193 The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM) In this country, people come from many different countries and cultures, and there are many different words to describe the different backgrounds or ethnic groups that people come from. Some examples of the names of ethnic groups are Hispanic or Latino, Black or African American, Asian American, Chinese, Filipino, American Indian, Mexican American, Caucasian or White, Italian American, and many others. These questions are about your ethnicity or your ethnic group and how you feel about it or react to it.

Please fill in: In terms of ethnic group, I consider myself to be ____________________ Use the numbers below to indicate how much you agree or disagree with each statement.

(1) Strongly disagree (2) Disagree (3) Neutral (4) Agree 1.

I have spent time trying to find out more about my ethnic group, such as its history, traditions, and customs.

1

2.

2

3

4

5

2

3

4

5

2

3

4

5

2

3

4

5

I have a strong sense of belonging to my own ethnic group.

1

7.

5

I am happy that I am a member of the group I belong to.

1

6.

4

I think a lot about how my life will be affected by my ethnic group membership.

1

5.

3

I have a clear sense of my ethnic background and what it means for me.

1

4.

2

I am active in organizations or social groups that include mostly members of my own ethnic group.

1

3.

(5) Strongly agree

2

3

4

5

I understand pretty well what my ethnic group membership means to me.

1

2

3

4

5

194 8.

In order to learn more about my ethnic background, I have often talked to other people about my ethnic group.

1

9.

2

3

4

5

2

3

4

5

2

3

4

5

I feel good about my cultural or ethnic background.

1

13.

5

I feel a strong attachment towards my own ethnic group.

1

12.

4

I participate in cultural practices of my own group, such as special food, music, or customs.

1

11.

3

I have a lot of pride in my ethnic group.

1

10.

2

2

3

4

5

My ethnicity is: (1) Asian or Asian American, including Chinese, Japanese, and others (2) Black or African American (3) Hispanic or Latino, including Mexican American, Central American, and others (4) White, Caucasian, Anglo, European American; not Hispanic (5) American Indian/Native American (6) Mixed; Parents are from two different groups (7) Other (write in): _____________________________________

14. My father's ethnicity is (use numbers above): 15. My mother's ethnicity is (use numbers above):

195

APPENDIX K MULTIGROUP ETHNIC IDENTITY MEASURE (MEIM) IN SPANISH

196 La Medida de Identidad de Multigrupos Étnicos-2 (Revisada) En este país, la gente viene de diferentes culturas y países. En este cuestionario usamos la palabra “grupo étnico” para referirnos a esas diferentes culturas de origen.

Algunos nombres de estos grupos étnicos son, por ejemplo, Mexicanos-Americanos, Hispanos, Negros, Asiáticos-Americanos, Indios-Americanos, Anglo-Americanos, y Blancos.

El pertenecer a uno o a varios grupos étnicos, y los sentimientos que tenemos al respecto, tienen una influencia en diferentes áreas de nuestra vida. Las siguientes frases tienen el propósito de definir cuáles son tus actitudes y pensamientos en referencia a tu grupo étnico.

Por favor llena el siguiente cuestionario: En términos de grupos étnicos, yo me considero:_________________________________ Usa los números que se encuentran abajo para calificar cada frase de acuerdo tu opinión al respecto: 1 2 3 4 5 1.

= = = = =

muy en desacuerdo un tanto en desacuerdo neutral un tanto de acuerdo muy de acuerdo He dedicado tiempo para averiguar más acerca de mi grupo étnico, como la historia, tradiciones y costumbres.

1

2.

4

5

2

3

4

5

Tengo una idea clara de lo que es mi grupo étnico y lo que significa para mí.

1

4.

3

Estoy activo en organizaciones o grupos sociales en los cuales la mayoría de sus miembros son de mi propio grupo étnico 1

3.

2

2

3

4

5

He pensado bastante en como mi grupo étnico influye en mi vida.

1

2

3

4

5

197 5.

Me siento contento de pertenecer a mi grupo étnico.

1

6.

5

2

3

4

5

2

3

4

5

2

3

4

5

2

3

4

5

2

3

4

5

Me siento a gusto con mi herencia cultural y étnica.

1

13.

4

Siento un gran afecto hacia mi grupo étnico.

1

12.

3

Participo en actividades culturales de mi propio grupo étnico como, por ejemplo, comidas especiales, música y costumbres.

1

11.

2

Estoy orgulloso/a de mi grupo étnico.

1

10.

5

Para aprender más acerca de mis raíces étnicas, he hablado con otros acerca de mi grupo étnico.

1

9.

4

Entiendo claramente lo que significa pertenecer a mi propio grupo étnico 1

8.

3

Me siento muy identificado con el grupo étnico al que pertenezco.

1

7.

2

2

3

4

5

Mi etnicidad es: 1. Asiático/a, Asiático/a-Americano/a, o Oriental 2. Negro/a o Afro/a-Americano/a 3. Hispano/a o Latino/a 4. Europeo/a, Caucáseo/a, Blanco/a (No Hispano/a) 5. Indio/a-Americano/a 6. Mexicano/a 7. Mexicano/a-Americano/a 8. Mixto/a; mis padres son de dos diferentes grupos étnicos 9. Otros (escríbalo): ________________________________

198 14.

El grupo ĂŠtnico de mi padre es (use los nĂşmeros de arriba para contestar esta pregunta): ___________________

15.

El grupo ĂŠtnico de mi madre es (use los nĂşmeros de arriba para contestar esta pregunta): ____________________

199

APPENDIX L RECRUITMENT FLYER

200

Study regarding Latina adolescents Estudio investigativo sobre las adolescentes latinas Who? Latina teens ages 14 – 19 ¿Quien? Adolescentes latinas edades 14 -19

What? Study regarding adolescent pregnancy ¿Que? Estudio sobre el embarazo adolescente

How? Contact Marilyn Medina-Pérez at 847-987-9101 or mari77@comcast.net, if you are interested in participating. ¿Como? Llame a Marilyn Medina-Pérez al 847-987-9101 o mari77@comcast.net, si estas interesada en participar.

201

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