Chris Webb: The Sobibor Death Camp

Chris Webb

The Sobibor Death Camp History, Biographies, Remembrance

Chris Webb

THE SOBIBOR DEATH CAMP History, Biographies, Remembrance

ibidem-Verlag Stuttgart

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Printed in Germany

Dedicated to Thomas (Toivi) Blatt

Thomas Toivi Blatt (left) – Izbica, Poland 1995 (Chris Webb Private Archive)

For Shirley Heather Mark Maisie

Table of Contents Foreword ................................................................................... 9 Author’s Introduction .............................................................. 11 With Grateful Thanks .............................................................. 15 Abbreviations used in the Footnotes...................................... 19 The Author – Whitehill 2016 .................................................... 21 Part I The Hell Called Sobibór .......................................................... 23 Chapter I ‘Aktion Reinhardt’ (An Overview) ............................... 24 Chapter II The Construction of The Sobibór Death Camp......... 32 Chapter III The Original Gas Chambers and Camp III ...............40 Chapter IV Mass Murder Begins (April–August 1942) ................49 Chapter V Franz Reichleitner Arrives Construction of New Gas Chambers (June–December 1942) ............................ 59 Chapter VI Jewish Work Brigades (Everyday Life and Death) ... 65 Chapter VII Himmler Visits Sobibór (Expansion of the Camp) . 93 Chapter VIII Transports from Poland, France, Holland, Slovakia Belorussia, Lithuania and The Reich (Aktion Reinhardt Decode) ......................................................... 99 Chapter IX The Waldkommando Revolt (July 20, 1943) ............ 119 Chapter X The Prisoner Revolt (October 14, 1943) ..................... 123 Chapter XI The Aftermath (October 1943) .................................142 Chapter XII The Liquidation of the Camp .................................. 152

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Part II Survivors, Victims, Perpetrators, and the Aftermath ............... 155 Chapter XIII Jewish Survivors and Victims (Roll of Remembrance) ................................................................156 Chapter XIV The Perpetrators .................................................... 303 Chapter XV Testimonies and Trials ........................................... 353 Chapter XVI Epilogue.................................................................. 378 Appendix 1 The Sobibór Area Labor Camps ...........................381 Appendix 2 List of Trawniki Männer Who Served at Sobibór Death Camp ..................................... 389 Illustrations and Sources ...................................................... 395 Documents, Drawings, Maps and Sources ........................... 433 Equivalent Ranks................................................................... 477 Glossary of Nazi Terms .......................................................... 479 Selected Bibliography ........................................................... 485 Sources and Acknowledgements .......................................... 489 Index of Names ...................................................................... 493

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Foreword The Holocaust has never been so widely researched and discussed as it is today. Each year on 27 January an International Holocaust Remembrance Day is commemorated throughout the world. The fo‐ cus of Holocaust ceremonies is the infamous Auschwitz‐Birkenau concentration and extermination camp in Poland where an esti‐ mated 960,000 Jews were killed. Many films, novels and lessons in schools and at universities focus on this camp too. However, there were other camps, much less well known, such as Sobibór which was exclusively an extermination camp and operated from 16 May 1942 to 17 October 1943. Up to 250,000 Jews were killed in this camp. On 14 October 1943, a revolt by approximately 600 prisoners was made in an attempt to escape. Shortly after this the camp was closed.

In this meticulously researched, and very well written mono‐ graph, Chris Webb tells the grim story of this camp, which was part of the deadliest phase of the Holocaust in German‐occupied Poland during 1942–43. This work also includes the unique Jewish Roll of Remembrance. Other previously published books on the Sobibór death camp have brief biographies of the survivors, but to my knowledge, none of these record the victims in the way that is pre‐ sented here.

It is a book that is not only important for scholars, but also to teachers and lecturers of the Holocaust and this completes the tril‐ ogy of books written by Chris Webb on the three Aktion Reinhardt camps in Poland, Bełźec, Sobibór and Treblinka.

Professor Frank McDonough Liverpool John Moores University July 2016

9

Author’s Introduction

Chris Webb – HMD Northampton University 2010 Photograph: Claire Feldman)

The Sobibór Death Camp was the second extermination camp built by the Nazis, in order to carry out the mass murder of Polish Jewry, as part of the Aktion Reinhardt programme headed by Odilo Glo‐ bocnik, the SS and Police Leader of Lublin. On October 13, 1941 Heinrich Himmler Reichsführer‐SS met with Globocnik and Frie‐ drich‐Wilhelm Krüger, Higher SS and Police Leader East at the Füh‐ rer‘s Headquarters in Rastenburg, and Himmler ordered Globocnik to commence the murder programme.

Following the construction of the extermination camp at Bełźec, in south‐eastern Poland during November 1941–March 1942, the Na‐ zis planned a second extermination camp at Sobibór, and the third and most deadly camp was built near the remote village of Tre‐

11

blinka. Sobibór was similar to the first camp in Bełźec in design, alt‐ hough in Sobibór most of the living quarters for the SS were con‐ tained within the camp itself, unlike at Bełźec where the SS living quarters were located outside the camp. Sobibór was regarded as an overflow camp of Bełźec and the Jews from the Lublin district and in time, Jews from Austria and Germany were also murdered there.

Following RFSS—Heinrich Himmler’s visit in 1943, Jews from France and Holland met the same fate. This account of the Sobibór death camp is not for the faint hearted, it tells of one of the worst crimes in the history of mankind. This account ranges from the survivors and the victims, to the SS men who carried out the atrocities. One cannot fail to be moved by the personal accounts of the survivors, those that survived this man‐made hell on earth, their loved ones may have perished in this factory of death, but they escaped to tell the world what happened there.

What makes this work special is the research which has been gathered on the survivors, who by good fortune, courage and deter‐ mination survived Sobibór and built new lives for themselves, new families, but every day bore the scars of this terrible place. What is particularly chilling looking through the www.Joodsemonument.nl website is the recording of the destruction of whole families, often on the same day. The mass murder was chilling and the Nazis pro‐ duction line of death was relentless and remorseless.

For the victims, details of their lives have been found, and re‐told to keep their memory alive, to show that they are not forgotten. In some cases we have found comprehensive information, whilst sadly for some, only scant details are known. The book covers the con‐ struction of the death camp, the physical layout of the camp, as re‐ membered by both the Jewish inmates and the SS staff who served there, and the personal recollections that detail the day to day expe‐ riences of the prisoners and the SS. The cruel and barbaric murder process is described in great detail, as well as the confiscation of the valuables and possessions of the unfortunate Jews who crossed the

12

threshold of this man‐made hell. The courageous revolt by the pris‐ oners on October 14, 1943 is re‐told by the prisoners and the German SS, with detailed accounts of the revolt and its aftermath.

The post‐war fate of the perpetrators, or more precisely, those that were brought to trial and some information regarding the more recent history of the site itself, concludes this book. There is a large photographic section, of rare and some unpublished photographs and documents from my private archive.

As I write this book, it is eerie that I can hear the sound of ma‐ chine‐gun fire from the nearby army ranges; looking out of my up‐ stairs study window, surrounded by trees. My mind wanders; think‐ ing of the dense forest that Sobibór lies within, and all those years ago, local people heard machine gun fire, coming from the forests that surrounded the death camp.

This book has been written as a companion piece to the Tre‐ blinka death camp, which was co‐written with Michal Chocholaty, which was published in 2014 and my book on the Bełźec death camp which was published during 2016, both by Ibidem‐Verlag. They have been a fantastic publishing house to work with, and I must thank Valerie Lange for her tremendous efforts and support over the years.

It has been a real pleasure working with her and her colleagues on all three books.

The trilogy of books serve as a memorial to each individual who was murdered in these horrendous ‘factories of death’.

Chris Webb, Whitehill, England – 14 October 2016

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With Grateful Thanks Many people have helped me in my research, sadly some of them are no longer with us, and I am thinking of them as I pen these words. My first acknowledgement is to my father, Frederick John Webb, who was born in 1918, and lived through the Second World War. It was he who first stimulated my love of history in general and the Second World War in particular. In 1971, he bought me the book ‘The Final Solution’ by Gerald Reitlinger, and that started me on my way, in the field of Holocaust research. Before I set out the historical timeline, I must thank Professor Matthew Feldman, for his support and friendship and to his wife Claire for the fine photograph of me at the Holocaust Memorial Day at Northampton University in Janu‐ ary 2010.

My heartfelt thanks go to Frank McDonough, Professor of Inter‐ national History at Liverpool John Moores University, who has kindly written the foreword to this book. Frank has written ac‐ claimed books on Sophie Scholl, and The Gestapo. I must also place on record my thanks to Tania Helene Mühlberger, who ably proof‐ read the book and made so many useful and helpful suggestions to improve it. I must finally thank Clare Spyrakis, who has designed the cover of this book and has now been responsible for the covers for all of my three books on the Aktion Reinhardt camps.

In the mid‐1990’s, I was fortunate enough to make contact with Michael Tregenza, an English writer and historian who had relo‐ cated to Lublin in Poland. Michael is a well‐known expert on Aktion Reinhardt, in particular Bełźec. It was with Michael as a guide that I first went to Bełźec in 2000, and two years later the fledgling ARC group, which I co‐founded, went to Sobibór and Treblinka for the first time. I have consulted many documents and photographs that Michael has given to me over the years, connected with Aktion Rein‐ hardt in this book.

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I first visited the Sobibór death camp in 2002 as part of the ARC group that produced the www.deathcamps.org website. Among the group was the late William ‘Billy’ Rutherford who made a scale model of the Sobibór death camp, which thankfully he filmed and passed onto me, prior to his death in 2011. Martin van Liempt and Robert Kuwalek, who were part of the ARC and H.E.A.R.T. groups, have also both sadly passed away. They both provided much infor‐ mation on the transports from the Netherlands to Sobibór and gen‐ eral information on the camp. They also gave me specific infor‐ mation on some of the Jews who were sent there, and they both pro‐ vided much encouragement and support.

I must also thank Dr. Robin O’Neil, who, as a recognized expert on Bełźec and Aktion Reinhardt, gave me material from his own ex‐ tensive collections, including post‐war testimonies by former Trawnikimänner, who served in Aktion Reinhardt. Through Dr. Robin O’Neil I was able to make contact with the late Sir Martin Gilbert, who very kindly made a number of his maps available to both ARC and myself, and one of his maps graces this book. I am delighted to include this. Sir Martin very much fired my imagination with his numerous books on the Holocaust, and in particular his 1997 book, ‘Holocaust Journey,’ which is a fantastic read. His passing in 2014 was a great loss.

As a result of my work with H.E.A.R.T. (Holocaust Education and Archive Research Team) which I co‐founded with Carmelo Lisciotto in 2006, I was fortunate enough to make contact with Thomas (Toivi) Blatt, a survivor from Sobibór, and I donated some historical photographs for his 2010 Polish edition book on Sobibór. I was also blessed with making contact with the late Jules Schelvis, who was selected on the ramp at Sobibór to work at the Dorohucza Labor Camp. I mention these two men, whose books on Sobibór have been an excellent reference and much quoted from in my book. In addi‐ tion the scholarly work on the three Aktion Reinhardt death camps, Bełźec, Sobibór, and Treblinka, by Yitzhak Arad, and Miriam Novitch’s book on Sobibór have also contributed to this book.

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Turning to Holocaust and Historical Institutions, I cannot thank enough the support and provision of material from amongst others, Zvi Oren, Dafna Itzkovich and Judy Grossman at the Ghetto Fighters House in Israel, who kindly allowed me to use images from their extensive photo archive. Zvi Oren has supported my research for a great number of years and I thank him whole heartedly. David Sil‐ berklang, Emmanuelle Moscovitz and Shaul Fererro at Yad Vashem, Israel, have also helped and I am most grateful to them as well.

I must also pay recognition to my long‐standing supporter, Ma‐ rek Jaros from the Wiener Library in London. Also I am grateful to Michael Abdo at the Hessisches Hauptarchiv Wiesbaden, Germany, for copies of Dr. Irmfried Eberl’s letter from Sobibór and supplying the rare photographs of Hubert Gomerski in Sobibór. I am also grateful to Florian Schwanninger and Peter Eigelsberger at the Schloss Hartheim, for a number of rare documents of Sobibór Per‐ sonnel, who also served at Hartheim.

I am also very thankful to the NIOD and the Remembrance Cen‐ tre of Camp Westerbork in the Netherlands for their assistance in my research on the Jews deported from the Netherlands from Westerbork in order to compile the Roll of Remembrance. I must thank personally, Guido Abuys, from Camp Westerbork and Marieke Zoodsma from the NIOD in Amsterdam for all of their help, in relation to information supplied regarding Dutch Jews and Ger‐ man Jews who had settled in Holland, but were later deported to Sobibór. In respect of the NIOD, they helped me enormously with copies of German documents, particularly regarding the escape and shoot‐out letter from the Cholm Police Chief, dated January 7, 1943.

They have simply been superb.

I cannot thank enough Dr. Llewellyn Brown for his efforts in ob‐ taining a copy of the letter sent to Dr. Helmuth Knocken concerning deportations from France to Sobibór from the Centre de Documen‐ tation Juive Contemporaine (CDJC) in Paris, which ended a long and difficult search.

17

Whilst rather late in my research I was lucky enough thanks to Tomasz Hanejko, the Belzec Museum Director, who put me in con‐ tact with Tomasz Oleksy –Zborowski, who works for the Sobibór Museum, in Włodawa, who was able to help me with a number of questions, that have been unresolved for years. I must also place on record my thanks to Marek Bem, for his book on Sobibór that has provided invaluable information, on the early days of the camp’s ex‐ istence.

To Cameron Munro, Robert Parzer and the late Artur Hojan from the Tiergartenstrasse 4 Association, my heartfelt gratitude for their support and friendship over the years, as I look back with affection on our many Holocaust related trips to Poland and other countries.

They have supported me with this book and my general research into the Holocaust. Cameron, Artur and myself visited Sobibór to‐ gether in 2004 and it was a memorable visit. Cameron very kindly let me use some of his photographs from our trip in this book, as did Paul Denton, and Robert Parzer confirmed with Grafeneck that Ru‐ dolf Beckmann, who served in Sobibór, was pictured next to Willy Mentz, in a photograph from 1940. Robert also pulled out all the stops, to provide documentation and information in various Ger‐ man archives, and I am extremely grateful for all his efforts.

Writing about the destruction of so many families, it is no sur‐ prise that you think about your own family. So it is with much love and gratitude for their fantastic support over the years, that my lovely wife Shirley and our beautiful daughter Heather and her hus‐ band Mark deserve a special mention. I am truly blessed to have them in my life.

Chris Webb Whitehill, England October 2016

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Abbreviations used in the Footnotes BA

Bundesarchiv (Federal Archive), Germany

CDJC

Centre de Documentation Juive Contemporaine, Pa‐ ris, France

GFH

Ghetto Fighters House, Israel

HHS

Holocaust Historical Society, UK

NA

National Archives Kew, UK (Formerly the Public Records Office ‐ PRO)

NARA

National Archives Washington DC, United States of America

NIOD

Institute of Holocaust and Genocide Studies, Amsterdam, The Netherlands

USHMM

United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, United States of America

WL

The Wiener Library for the Study of the Holocaust and Genocide London

YVA

Yad Vashem Archives, Israel

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The Author – Whitehill 2016 The Author, Chris Webb has studied the Holocaust for over 45 years.

This book on the Sobibór death camp, is the latest book in his trilogy of the three Aktion Reinhardt camps, all published by ibidem‐Ver‐ lag, Germany. Chris has co‐founded a number of Holocaust web‐ sites, as well as acted as a consultant on a number of documentaries shown on television regarding the Holocaust. He has also donated images from his extensive private archive. He is a Research Associate for the Centre of Fascist, Anti‐Fascist and Post‐Fascist Studies at Teesside University.

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Part I The Hell Called Sobibór

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Chapter I ‘Aktion Reinhardt’ (An Overview) Einsatz Reinhardt, or as it is better known, Aktion Reinhardt1 was the code name for the extermination of Polish Jewry in the former Gen‐ eralgouvernement and the Białystok area. The term was used in re‐ membrance of SS‐Obergruppenführer Reinhard Heydrich, the co‐or‐ dinator of the Final Solution to the Jewish Question, translated as Die Endlösung der Judenfrage, that involved the extermination of the Jews living in the European countries occupied by the German mil‐ itary during the Second World War. Members of the Czech under‐ ground resistance fighters, Jozef Gabčík and Jan Kubiš, ambushed Heydrich in his car on May 27, 1942, in a suburb of Prague, while en‐ route to his office in the capital from his home at Panenské Březany.

Heydrich died from his wounds at Bulovka Hospital on June 4, 1942.2 Four days after his death, approximately 1,000 Jews left Prague in a single train that was designated AaH (Attentat auf Heydrich). This transportion was officially destined for Ujazdów, in the Lublin dis‐ trict of Poland, though the passengers were gassed at the Bełżec death camp. The members of Odilo Globocnik’s resettlement staff henceforward dedicated the murder program to Heydrich’s memory, under the name Einsatz Reinhardt.3 The Head of Aktion Reinhardt was SS‐Brigadeführer Odilo Glo‐ bocnik. The SS and Police Chief of the Lublin District was appointed

1

2

3

The spelling of Aktion / Einsatz Reinhardt is somewhat confusing, often spelt with a ‘t’ sometimes without. The 1942 recruitment pledge is spelt with a ‘t’ and Globocnik used the ‘t’ when writing his final balance sheet to Himmler during late 1943, early 1944. So the version with a ‘t’ has been used in the main, unless the other version has been used in a specific historical text.

R. Cowdery, and P.Vodenka, Reinhard Heydrich Assassination. USM, Inc., Lak‐ eville 1994, pp. 49 and 63.

G. Reitlinger, The Final Solution. Vallentine, Mitchell, London 1953, pp. 105–106.

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to this position by Reichsführer‐SS Heinrich Himmler. At the Füh‐ rer’s Headquarters in Rastenburg (a town in present day Poland known as Kętrzyn), Heinrich Himmler, Friedrich‐Wilhelm Krüger and Odilo Globocnik met on October 13, 1941, and at this meeting Globocnik was authorized to build a death camp at Bełżec. Bełżec was the first death camp built using static gas chambers, the first mass Extermination Camp in the East; Kulmhof (a town in present day Poland known as Chełmno), used gas vans to murder the Jewish victims from early December 1941.4 On January 20, 1942, at a villa in Wannsee, a suburb of Berlin, Heydrich organized a conference on ‘The Final Solution to the Jew‐ ish Question’. The conference was postponed from December 8, 1941, as Heydrich wrote to one of the attendees Otto Hoffmann that it had been necessary to reschedule the conference ‘on account of events in which some of the invited gentlemen were concerned.‘5 Those attending the Wannsee Conference included the director‐ generals of the relevant ministries, senior representatives of the Ger‐ man ruling authorities in the occupied countries, and senior mem‐ bers of the SS, including Heinrich Müller, Head of the Gestapo, and Adolf Eichmann, Head of Department IV B4, the Jewish Section of the Gestapo. * The man who was appointed to lead Aktion Reinhardt was Odilo Lo‐ thario Globocnik. He was born on April 21, 1904 in Trieste, the son of an Austro‐Slovene family, a Construction Engineer by trade. He joined the Nazi Party in Carinthia, Austria in 1930 and after the ban‐ ning of the Nazi Party in Austria in 1934, earned the reputation as one of the most radical leaders of its underground cells. In 1933, Glo‐ bocnik joined the SS, which also became a prohibited organization

4

5

P. Longerich, The Unwritten Order—Hitler’s Role in the Final Solution. Tempus, Stroud 2001, p. 85.

G. Reitlinger, The Final Solution Vallentine, Mitchell, London 1953, p. 101.

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in Austria in 1934, and was appointed Deputy Gauleiter (Deputy Party District Leader).6 After serving several short terms of imprisonment, for illegal ac‐ tivities on behalf of the Nazis, he emerged as a key figure in the pre‐ annexation plans for Austria, serving as a pivotal liaison figure be‐ tween Adolf Hitler and the leading pro‐Nazi Austrians.7 Globocnik’s star was in the ascendency and he was appointed to the coveted stra‐ tegic position of Gauleiter of Vienna on May 24, 1938. His tenure was short‐lived and on January 30, 1939 he was dismissed from this su‐ perior position for corruption, illegal speculation in foreign ex‐ change and tax evasion—all on a grand scale.8 After demotion to a lowly SS rank and undergoing basic military training with an SS‐Standarte, he took part with his unit in the in‐ vasion of Poland. Eventually pardoned by Himmler, who needed such unscrupulous characters for future ‘unsavoury plans’, Globoc‐ nik was appointed to the post of SS‐ und Polizeiführer of Lublin on November 9, 1939. Globocnik had been chosen by the Reichsführer– SS as the central figure in the Aktion Reinhardt program, not only because of his ruthlessness, but also because of his virulent anti‐ Semitism.

In Lublin, Globocnik surrounded himself with a number of his fellow Austrians, SS‐Officers like Herman Julius Höfle, born in Salz‐ burg on June 19, 1911. Höfle became Gobocnik’s Deputy in Aktion Reinhardt, responsible for the Personnel and the organization of Jewish deportations, the extermination camps and the re‐utilization of the victim’s possessions and valuables. Höfle was later to play a significant role in mass deportation actions in Warsaw and Białystok. Ernst Lerch from Klagenfurt became Globocnik’s closest confidante and adjutant. Georg Michalsen from Oppeln in Silesia

6

7 8

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J. Poprzeczny, Hitler’s Man in the East—Odilo Globocnik. McFarland, Jefferson, 2004, p. 10.

G. Reitlinger, The Final Solution, Vallentine, Mitchell, London 1953, p. 262.

J. Poprzeczny, Hitler’s Man in the East—Odilo Globocnik, McFarland, Jefferson, 2004, p. 76.

was another adjutant and he, too, participated with Höfle in the de‐ portation of Jews from the ghettos in Warsaw in 1942 and Białystok in 1943. Another member of this group was Amon Göth, who cleared the Tarnów, Kraków and Zamość ghettos, and later became the no‐ torious Commander of Płaszów Arbeitslager in Kraków, in March 1943.9 The Headquarters of Aktion Reinhardt was located in the Julius Schreck10 Kaserne at Litauer Strasse 11, close to the city centre in Lu‐ blin, and Höfle not only worked, but also lived in this building, in a small room on the second floor. Also located in Lublin, were the buildings where the Jewish belongings and valuables were stored, at Chopin Strasse, the former ‘Katholische Aktion’ and at the sorting hangers located at the Alter Flugplatz (Old Airfield) just outside Lu‐ blin.11 The most infamous Member of Aktion Reinhardt was SS‐Ober‐ sturmführer Christian Wirth, the first Commandant of Bełżec and later Inspector of the SS‐Sonderkommandos Abteilung Reinhard. Be‐ fore his transfer to Poland, Wirth had been a leading figure in ‘Ak‐ tion T4,’ the extermination of the mentally and physically disabled in psychiatric institutions in the Reich. The role of the ‘T4’ euthana‐ sia program was fundamental to the execution of Aktion Reinhardt, the great majority of the staff in the death camps served their ‘ap‐ prenticeships’ in mass murder at the euthanasia institutes of Bern‐ burg, Brandenburg, Grafeneck, Hadamar, Hartheim, and Pirna / Sonnenstein, where the mentally ill and disabled victims had been murdered in gas chambers. The senior Officers in both Aktion T4 and Aktion Reinhardt were all police officers with SS ranks, and with Himmler’s approval, SS‐NCO’s had emptied the gas chambers and cremated the bodies of the victims. This work they carried out wear‐ ing civilian clothes. The SS authorities also supplemented the forces

9

10

11

J. Poprzeczny, Hitler’s Man in the East—Odilo Globocnik, McFarland, Jefferson, 2004, p. 95.

Julius Schreck was one of Hitler’s drivers. He died of cerebrospinal meningitis on May 16, 1936.

G. Reitlinger, The Final Solution. Vallentine, Mitchell, London 1953, p. 314.

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guarding the death camps, and the transports using former Red Army Prisoners of War, mostly Volksdeutsche (ethnic Germans) and Ukrainians who were trained at the Trawniki SS camp, and were par‐ ticularly suited to this kind of activity.

On November 1, 1941, the construction of the first Aktion Rein‐ hardt death camp began near the village of Bełżec, 125 kilometres south‐east of Lublin, and became operational in mid‐March 1942.

Construction of the second camp, at Sobibór, between the cities of Włodawa and Chełm on the River Bug, north‐east of Lublin, came into operation at the end of April 1942. The third and last of these camps was located near the village train station of Treblinka12, about 100 kilometres north‐east of Warsaw. All three camps shared some common vital facts: they were all situated on or close to main rail‐ way lines for the speedy delivery of the victims to their deaths and they were located in sparsely populated regions. The true fate of the Jews was initially hidden from them, by the announcement that they were being ‘transported East for resettlement and work’. The Aktion Reinhardt death camps were very similar in lay out, each camp being an improvement on its predecessor, and the extermination process developed at Bełżec by Christian Wirth was implemented at the other two camps.

On March 27, 1942, Dr. Josef Goebbels, Minister for Propaganda in the Reich, wrote the following entry in his diary about the depor‐ tations of the Jews in Lublin, which marked the commencement of Aktion Reinhardt: Beginning with Lublin, the Jews in the Generalgouvernement are now being evacuated Eastward. The procedure is pretty barbaric and is not to be described here more definitly. Not much will remain of the Jews. About sixty percent of them will have to be liquidated.

Only about forty percent can be used for forced labor. The former Gauleiter of Vienna (Globocnik), who is to carry out this measure, is doing it with considerable circumspection and in a way that does not attact much attention.... the ghettos that will be emptied in the 12

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The village of Treblinka was in fact situated further from the camp than the village of Poniatowo, which was the closest village to the extermination camp.

cities of the Generalgouvernement will now be re‐filled with Jews thrown out of the Reich. The process is to be repeated from time to time. 13 The Personnel assigned to Aktion Reinhardt came from a number of sources, SS and policemen who served under Globocnik’s com‐ mand in the Lublin district, other SS men and members of the T4 Euthanasia program.14 Yitzhak Arad quotes in his book Bełżec, So‐ bibór, Treblinka that a total of 450 men were assigned to the Lublin District for police duties, and this total included 92 men from the T4 Euthanasia program,15 as stated by Globocnik in his final state‐ ment to Himmler regarding Aktion Reinhardt in 1944. However, a total of 103 men from T4, either from the T4 headquaters or the nu‐ merous institutions, have been identified during more recent re‐ search as having served in the Aktion Reinhardt mass murder pro‐ gram.

The Old Airfield (Alter Flugplatz) in Lublin was also used throughout Aktion Reinhardt as a mustering centre for personnel transferred from the euthanasia institutions in the Reich, members of the SS, and Police to staff the three death camps. They were usu‐ ally met by Wirth personally, on occasions accompanied by Karl Reichleitner from Sobibór and Franz Stangl from Treblinka. Accord‐ ing to witnesses, at these selections of personnel, all three men wore the uniforms of Schutzpolizei Officers and none of them mentioned anything about which units they were joining, or where they were to be based. At the depot the newcomers were dressed in Waffen‐SS uniforms, but without SS runes on the collar patches. The male nurses among them were first sent to the SS training camp at Trawn‐ iki, near Lublin, on a two‐week basic military training course.16

13

14

15 16

G. Reitlinger, The Final Solution, Vallentine, Mitchell, London 1953, pp. 267– 268.

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka—The Aktion Reinhard Death Camps, Indiana University Press, Bloomington and Indianapolis 1987, p. 17.

Ibid., p. 17.

M. Tregenza, Private Report. Michael Tregenza Lublin Collection, Altötting 1972.

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Most of these individuals had served in the euthanasia program, and they were assisted by 90–120 Ukrainian Guards, who were trained at the Trawniki SS Training camp, and wore black uniforms.

Some of the Ukrainians were given other duties, including the oper‐ ation of the gas chambers. Amongst these were the infamous Ivan Demjanjuk, Feodor Federenko, Ivan Marchenko and Nikolay Shaleyev. Most of the Ukrainians were Soviet Prisoners of War, who had volunteered to serve the Germans. Some of them were of Ger‐ man ethnic extraction, the so‐called Volksdeutsche, who were ap‐ pointed Platoon or Squad Commanders, in the main.17 In the course of Aktion Reinhardt approximately 1.6 million Jews lost their lives in the three camps. Jewish property to the value of RM 178, 045, 960 was stolen by the Nazis, and many individual SS, Policemen and Guards helped themselves to valuables, so the true figure will never be known.

The Aktion Reinhardt mass murder program ended officially in November 1943 and Himmler ordered Globocnik, who was now Higher SS and Police Leader for the Adriatic coastal region in Tri‐ este, to produce a detailed ‘Balance Sheet’ for the murder program.

Globocnik did this, and Heinrich Himmler, in response, thanked Globocnik for his ‘services’ to the German people.18 After they had finished their gruesome work in Poland, most of the men were sent to northern Italy to fight partisans. Many of them served in the Risiera di San Sabba police camp on the outskirts of Trieste in Italy, where Jews were murdered in gas vans, beaten or shot and their bodies cremated in ovens in the former rice mill.19 The key members of Aktion Reinhardt mostly escaped justice.

Globocnik and Höfle both committed suicide, whilst Wirth and Reichleitner (the second Commandant of the Sobibór death camp) were killed by partisans. Amon Göth was tried and sentenced to death for crimes committed in the Płaszów Concentration Camp in

17

18 19

30

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka—The Aktion Reinhard Death Camps, Indiana University Press, Bloomington and Indianapolis, 1987, p. 22.

Ibid., p. 375.

Ibid., p. 399.

September 1946. Dr. Irmfried Eberl, the first Commandant of Tre‐ blinka, committed suicide, but Franz Stangl20 (the first Comman‐ dant of Sobibór and second Commandant of Treblinka) and Kurt Franz (the third and final Commandant of Treblinka) were brought to trial and were both found guilty of war crimes and sentenced to life imprisonment. Gottlieb Hering the second Commandant of Bełżec death camp and later Commandant of Poniatowa Jewish La‐ bor Camp, died on October 9, 1945 in unknown circumstances in the waiting room at the Katherinen Hospital in Stetten im Remstal, Württemberg, Germany.

As for the members of the SS‐Sonderkommandos at the three death camps, a number of major figures like Karl Frenzel from So‐ bibór, and Heinrich Arthur Matthes, August Miete and Willy Mentz who served at Treblinka received life sentences at trials held in West Germany during the mid‐1960’s, whilst many others received prison terms of less than ten years. It is fair to say the vast majority of the SS men and Ukrainians who served within the framework of Aktion Reinhardt were never brought to justice, and in the trial of the So‐ bibór garrison in Hagen during 1965–66, twelve SS men faced jus‐ tice. Karl Frenzel was sentenced to life imprisonment, whilst others were sentenced to terms of imprisonment for a few years, and many were acquitted. Kurt Boldender committed suicide whilst in prison and Gustav Wagner, probably the most feared of the Nazi Garrison in Sobibór fled to Brazil and he also committed suicide in October 1980.21

20

21

It should be noted that many of the key members in the death camps´ higher‐ ranking posts were of Austrian nationality! Reichleitner, Stangl and Dr. Eberl were all from Austria.

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York 2007, p. 264.

31

Chapter II The Construction of The Sobibór Death Camp Sobibór is a small hamlet in a densely wooded area on the Chełm– Włodawa railway line, 8 kilometres south of Włodawa, in south‐ eastern Poland. The River Bug, the border between the Generalgou‐ vernement and the Reichskommissariat Ukraine, was 5 kilometres east of Sobibór. The whole area was thickly wooded, swampy and sparsely populated.22 According to the Sobibór Station Switchman, Jan Piwonski, dur‐ ing early 1942, SS‐Hauptsturmführer Richard Thomalla from the SS Central Construction Office (SS‐ Zentralbauleitung) in Zamość and Baurat Moser from Chełm arrived in Sobibór. The two men took measurements and entered the forest on the other side of the tracks.23 In March 1942, a new railroad spur was constructed, which ended at an earthen and sand ramp, the ramp was opposite the village sta‐ tion building. The ramp, which was 120 metres long and provided enough space for one locomotive and eleven wagons to be accom‐ modated on the spur, led into the camp. The train halted at a buffer, which can still be seen to this day.

Jan Piwonski, who worked for the Eastern Railways (Ostbahn) at Sobibór station as an assistant switch‐man, recalled the shunting ar‐ rangements connected with the arrival of transports of Jews, in an interview with Claude Lanzmann in the film ‘Shoah’: Yes. On German orders, Polish railmen split up the trains. So the locomotive took twenty cars and headed towards Chełm. When it

22 23

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, p 30.

Thomas (Toivi) Blatt, Sobibór—The Forgotten Revolt, H.E.P. Issaquah, 1988, p. 13.

32

reached a switch, it pushed the cars into the camp on the other track we see there. Unlike Treblinka, the station here is part of the camp.24 There appears to be some conflict with the number of freight cars the ramp could accommodate, was it eleven or twenty? According to a number of testimonies, the ramp at the Treblinka death camp was 200 metres long and could accommodate 20 wagons and the locomotive. Given that the ramp at Sobibór was only 120 metres long, it is more probable that only eleven freight cars and the loco‐ motive could be accommodated at Sobibór.

The camp fence with interwoven branches was built in a manner which ensured that the railway spur and the ramp—which were lo‐ cated inside the camp—, could not be seen by passengers at the sta‐ tion and rail passengers on the trains. The deportation trains en‐ tered the ramp on a single track through a gate and disappeared be‐ hind the “green wall.“ In the station area three large buildings ex‐ isted—the station, the forester’s house, and a two‐storey post office.

There was also a saw‐mill and several houses for workers, as well as a tall forester’s observation tower and a small Catholic chapel.

As construction work progressed, undertaken by 80 Jews from nearby ghettos, such as Włodawa and Wola Uhruska, the site was periodically inspected by SS‐Hauptsturmführer Rudolf Nauman, head of the Waffen‐SS Central Construction Office in Lublin. 25 Jan Piwonski remembered the construction of the camp: The next morning the Jews had to dig holes, and the farmers from the village brought poles, which were used to make a fence. The poles were about 3 metres high. After the poles had been put in place, barbed‐wire was put up around them and pine branches were woven through the wires. The Jews put up the barbed‐wire, while the farmers put the pine branches in place.

The next day a German SS soldier, who spoke very good Polish, came to the station cafeteria. He came from Poznan or Silesia.26 When the woman behind the counter asked him what was being built there, he

24 25 26

C.Lanzmann, Shoah, Pantheon Books, New York, 1985, p. 39.

Ibid., p. 13.

This was probably Richard Thomalla, who originated from Upper Silesia.

33

replied that she would find out soon enough, it was going to be ‘a good laugh.’27

Another source of information regarding the construction of the death camp at Sobibór came from Z. Krawczak, who had been a pris‐ oner in the Jewish Labor Camp at Krychów since June 1941. He es‐ caped from Krychów and emigrated to Switzerland, where he wrote an account of his experiences during the occupation. Krawczak wrote that a few SS men, under the command of Strumph, who was formerly the Commandant of the Jewish Labor Camp in Sawin near Chełm, arrived from another Jewish Labour Camp in Osowa, some 7 kilometres west of Sobibór. They arrived with a group of 120 Jews from Chełm to construct the death camp at Sobibór.

The building material was organized by the Deutsch Horst com‐ pany and was transported from the camp in Krychów and from the railway station in Chełm. The management of these supplies came under the authority of the Water Management Inspector, Engineer Franz Holzheimer, who originated from Hannover, and was based in Chełm. The overall construction of the camp was supervised by Moser, an Architect also based in Chełm, who was at a later date transferred to the Technische Hauptamt in Kraków.28 Dov Freiberg, in his book ‘To Survive Sobibór’, gave a very good description of the death camp: Opposite the branch of railroad tracks stood Lager I, a group of wooden country houses serving as lodgings for the Germans, the kitchen and their canteen. This site was well tended. The fronts of the houses had rows of flowers, low wooden fences and paved paths... further on stood the workshops where the Jews now worked—sewing suits and making shoes for the Germans and their wives.

Between Lager I and Lager II the Germans had set up an animal farm, where the Jews raised pigs, fattened geese, and tended horses—all for the SS in the camp. Near the railway tracks, not far from the German lodgings and the Jewish barracks, a big barracks was built to house the Ukrainians and next to it, a smaller building—the Ukrainian kitchen.

27 28

34

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York 2007, p. 27.

M.Bem, Sobibór Extermination Camp 1942–1943, Stichting Sobibór, Amsterdam 2015, pp. 49–50.

Opposite the barracks stood a small building that served as a guard‐ house, where Oberscharführer Graetschus sat, in charge of the Ukrain‐ ian guards, and on the other side, towards the German lodgings, stood the weapons warehouse.

In Lager II stood a lovely, big wooden building with a porch extending along its entire front facade. The building faced the yard where the peo‐ ple undressed, and in it were secretaries and the warehouse for money, gold, and valuables. The Jewish Goldsmith worked there, sorting the valuables and packing them for transport. In the same building, there was a medical storehouse as well, where the pharmacist, a Jew, sorted medicines, drugs, perfumes and cosmetics and packed them for transport.

On the other side of the building stood barracks filled with clothing and possessions that had belonged to the people in the transports, and from there was the path to the forest, the path to Lager III.29

Another detailed description of the camp was provided by Ukrain‐ ian Guard Ignat Danilchenko during an interrogation on November 21, 1979 in the city of Tyumen, Russia: The camp was located near a small railroad station called Sobibór, near the edge of a forest and was designed for mass killing of persons of Jew‐ ish nationality from the Soviet Union, Poland, Holland and other na‐ tions occupied by the Nazis. Jews from Germany were also killed here.

The camp covered approximately four square kilometres and was sur‐ rounded by four rows of barbed wire 3 metres high. There were two en‐ trances into the camp which were closed by wooden gates on the side of the wire barrier facing the railroad siding. One gate was designed to admit railroad trains into the camp, while the other was designed for trucks. There was a smaller gate in the second gate through which Ger‐ mans and guards passed.

A railroad platform was built in the camp, near the railroad siding, on a level with the doors on the freight cars. This was the spot where the people brought to the camp in railroad cars to be killed were unloaded.

The platform was separated from the general territory of the camp by a single row of barbed wire. A passage, also surrounded by barbed wire, led from the platform to an area where the prisoners were ordered to leave their belongings. Another passage 30–40 metres long, surrounded

29

Dov Freiberg, To Survive Sobibór, Gefen Publishing House, Jerusalem, New York 2007, p. 202.

35

by barbed wire, led from this spot, the people were led along this pas‐ sage to so‐called “dressing rooms,” where they were forced to strip na‐ ked.

The women’s hair was also cut off here. The Germans and the guards took valuables (gold rings, earrings, watches and so on.) from the pris‐ oners. A passage approximately 3 metres wide densely surrounded by barbed wire intertwined with twigs and branches led from the dressing rooms.

The naked people were driven along this passage to a large stone build‐ ing with what was called the “showers.” Actually, this was a gas chamber where the arriving Jews were killed in six gas chambers (250 persons in each) by exhaust gasses from diesel engines which were located near the gas chamber. I remember hearing from other guards (I cannot remem‐ ber their names) that there were two such diesels, supposedly from tanks. I did not personally see these engines, and I do not know pre‐ cisely where they were located in the area of the gas chamber. 30

Thomas Tovi Blatt who arrived in Sobibór described the main en‐ trance: The only camp entrances were at the right corner of the front fence, and consisted of two gates: a main gate31 opened onto the central road in the camp; to its right, a smaller gate opened onto the siding from the main railway line outside of the camps area. Above the main gate was a wooden sign about two feet by eight with the words ‘SS SONDERKOMMANDO’ painted in Gothic letters. 32

The interior of the camp was divided into a Vorlager or garrison area, and four main inner sections, so‐called Lager I, Lager II, III, IV, each partitioned with barbed wire fences. The garrison area in‐ cluded the main entrance gate, the railway siding and ramp where the victims were unloaded from the trains. Gottes Heimat (God’s Own Home), the Commandant’s villa stood opposite the village sta‐ tion platform, flanked on its right by the guardhouse and on the left

30

31

32

36

Ignat Danilchenko Testimony – 21 November 1979 Tyumen. Holocaust Histori‐ cal Society UK. Thomas Blatt confirmed in a conversation with Chris Webb in June 2010 that the main gate was a single large gate.

Thomas (Toivi) Blatt, Sobibór—The Forgotten Revolt, H.E.P. Issaquah, 1988, p. 15.

by the armoury. The SS staff lived in villas, known as “Lustiger Floh“ (The Merry Flea) and “Schwalbennest,“ (Swallows Nest) as well as nearby further SS quarters, garage, mess hall and other buildings.

Barracks for the Ukrainian Guards were just to the north near the Commandant’s villa.33 Lager I was built directly to the west and behind the garrison area, housed the Jewish working prisoners and their workshops, where some of them worked at sorting clothes, or were shoemakers, tailors, blacksmiths, and so on. There was also a carpentry work‐ shop, a painters workshop, kitchen and latrine. A water filled trench on the western side made escape more difficult. The only entrance was a gate leading from the garrison area.34 The barracks were built with material taken from the homes of Jews deported from nearby ghettos and from material delivered from SS warehouses in Chełm and Lublin. Additional barracks were constructed towards the end of September 1942. Barracks for troops and army horses were converted into quarters with three‐tiered bunks for the prisoners. Each prisoner had twelve square feet of sleeping space. Women and men lived in seperate barracks; the ex‐ ception were three Jewish women who were cleaners in the SS quar‐ ters who had a room there. Lager II was the so‐called reception area.

On arrival, the Jews were driven inside this area. This area included the undressing barracks of the victims and the barracks where their clothes and belongings were sorted and stored. The former forester’s house, located in Lager II, was used for camp administration and living quarters for some of the SS men. A high wooden fence, which prevented observation, separated the main part of the forester’s house from the area where the victims passed.

At the north‐east corner of this fence began the ‘Tube.’ The so‐ called ‘Tube’, which connected Lager II with Lager III, the extermi‐ nation area, was a narrow passageway, about three to four metres wide and 150 metres long. It was closed on both sides by barbed wire interwoven with tree branches. Through here the victims were 33 34

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York 2007, p.15.

Ibid., p. 15.

37

driven into the gas chambers located at the end of the ‘Tube.’ Close to the entrance of the ‘Tube’ was a stable, a pigpen, and a poultry coop. Halfway through the ‘Tube’ was the “barber shop“, where the hair of Jewish women was cut off before they entered the gas cham‐ bers.35 In addition in Lager II there was a pre‐war Catholic chapel which served as the camps Lazarett. This was not a field hospital, but a place where those who were disabled, infirm or small children, met a brutal death by shooting at the hands of Paul Bredow, and his Ukrainian murder squad, until he was transferred to Treblinka death camp, in the spring of 1943. On a stretch of land between La‐ ger II and Lager III there was a landing strip for small aircraft.36 Lager III, the so‐called extermination area, was on the northwest side of the camp. It included the gas chambers building, including an engine room, burial pits, a barrack for the Jewish prisoners em‐ ployed there, and a kitchen and dentist workshop. The original gas chambers consisting of three chambers were partially dismantled in the autumn of 1942 and three additional gas chambers were built.37 By the end of May 1942, the Nazis constructed a narrow‐gauge railroad from a nearby saw‐mill and brought in a small diesel loco‐ motive and six small tip‐up wagons. The railroad ran from the un‐ loading ramp, past the sorting area where luggage was dropped off, into Lager III past the gas chambers to the burial pits. 38 Once the 80 Jews had completed the initial construction tasks, they were shot and killed by their Ukrainian guards who had been sent from the Trawniki SS Training camp, which was located ap‐ proxmately 23 miles from Lublin, to guard them. 39 During the final stages of the initial construction, the SS carried out a number of trial gassings, which will be covered in more detail in the later chapter on the gas chambers, the trials were successful, 35 36

37 38

39

38

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, pp. 32–33.

Thomas (Toivi) Blatt, Sobibór—The Forgotten Revolt, H.E.P. Issaquah. 1988, p. 16.

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, p. 123.

Thomas (Toivi) Blatt, Sobibór—The Forgotten Revolt, H.E.P. Issaquah, 1988, p. 19.

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, p. 30.

and thus the camp was ready to play its bloody part in the Aktion Reinhardt mass murder program.

Sobibór was constantly expanding throughout its history, as the camp took on transports from Western Europe. In addition there was the creation of the so‐called Nordlager—North Camp, to handle captured Soviet ammunition. This camp area was rectangular in shape, some 600 metres by 400 metres.40

40

Ibid., p.30.

39

Chapter III The Original Gas Chambers and Camp III Because no Jewish prisoner from Camp (Lager) III is known to have survived the revolt, nor escaped from the camp at other times, the eyewitness descriptions of the gas chambers and Lager III at Sobibór rely completely on the testimony of the SS camp staff. Stanislaw Szmajzner received a description from his friend Abraham, who worked in Lager III, and this is included in this chapter, to at least contribute to our understanding of this secret part of the camp. The first gas chambers at Sobibór were based on the same specifications as the original gas chambers in the Belżec death camp, and were described by Erich Bauer on his arrival at the death camp: When we arrived, Lager III had not been completely fenced off yet, cer‐ tainly not on the right‐hand side, and I am not sure whether any fence had been put up through the woods. The gas chamber was already there, a wooden building on a concrete base, about the same size as this court‐ room though much lower, as low as a normal house. There were two or three chambers, in front of which there was a corridor that, from the outside, you accessed via a bridge. The doors were indeed wooden; they were changed later, when the gas chamber was completely rebuilt. The airtight doors arrived only later, I collected them myself from Warsaw, but that was not until the new building went up. 41

Bauer continued his account: When the first transport that I was involved with arrived, I was already stationed in Lager III, along with Fuchs and Askaris (Ukrainian volun‐ teers). The Jews were separated by gender; the women had to undress first and were led through the Schlauch (Tube) into Lager III and the gas chambers. I took the transport from Lager II through the Tube to the back of the chambers and opened the doors.

The Askaris and the Jewish labor commando of Lager III then pushed the Jews into the chambers and closed the doors once they were full.

41

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, p. 101.

40

Then either Vallaster or Getzinger or Hödl and the Hiwis (sometimes Bodessa, also someone by the name of Iwan, called “The Terrible”) would start the engine in the engine room. The pipe connecting the en‐ gine to the gas chamber was already in place. Fuchs left the fitting of the peg (open exhaust) until later.

In my opinion it was a petrol engine, a big engine, I think a Renault. At a later stage the engine was started earlier on, but to begin with not until the people were already in the chamber, because the Freiauspuff (open exhaust) option was not available at first. It always took two men to start the engine, the battery alone was not sufficient. Fuchs had built a special contraption. There was an old magnet. One man turned the crank which started up the engine. The flywheel had some sort of crow‐ bar, which was used to start it, while at the same time someone else had to operate the magnetic ignition; that is why two men were required to start it. I cannot exactly remember where the petrol supply tank was situated; I think it was on the wall. I am not sure how the gas was regu‐ lated. I think it was somehow fixed in position with a screw. I think it was similar to the way the gas handle was positioned in motor vehicles.

It was not necessary for one person constantly to press down on the lever to keep the engine running.

The chambers were permanently connected to the engine; the way it worked was that if a wooden plug was pulled out, the fumes went out‐ side; if the plug was pushed into the pipe, the fumes went into the cham‐ ber. The gassing took about half an hour. I assume that about 50 to 60 people went into each chamber, but I am not sure of the exact number.

Jewish laborers supervised by the Germans took the bodies out. The su‐ pervision was carried out mainly by Vallaster, who was later killed in the uprising, right at the start; he was a very good friend of mine.

It is quite amazing how oblivious the Jews were that they were going to die. There was hardly ever any resistance. The Jews became suspicious only after they had already entered the gas chamber. But at that point there was no way back. The chambers were packed. There was a lack of oxygen. The doors were sealed airtight and the gassing procedure was started immediately. After about twenty to thirty minutes there was complete silence in the chamber; the people had been gassed and were dead.

I remember quite clearly that a camouflage net had been draped over the gas chamber. I collected this net myself from the ammunition ware‐ house in Warsaw. It was thrown over the top of the roof and fixed on to it. When this was, I can no longer say. To start with, we had fir and pine trees covering the roof. In front of the Lager we had also planted some

41

fir trees. That was at the time when German aviation units were flying to Russia. The German pilots were not to be able to see inside. The cam‐ ouflage net was torn off the roof when the gas chamber was rebuilt. The camouflage net was acquired when the old wooden barracks were still in use, because such a lot of steam was generated.42

Franz Stangl recalled the first time he saw the gas chamber building in Sobibór during his interview with Gitta Sereny in 1971, accompa‐ nied by his former associate Hermann Michel, whom Stangl had first met in Hartheim: When we had been there about three days I think, Michel came running one day and said he had found a funny building back in the woods. ‘I think there is something fishy going on here,’ he said. ‘Come and see what it reminds you of.’

It was about ten or fifteen minutes’ walk away from the railway station where we were building the new camp. It was a new brick building with three rooms, three metres by four. The moment I saw it I knew what Michel meant: it looked exactly like the gas chamber at Schloss Hart‐ heim. 43

SS‐Unterscharführer, Erich Fuchs, who had served in the Bełżec ex‐ termination camp, recalled the first trial gassing at Sobibór: Sometime in the spring of 1942, I drove a truck to Lemberg (today Lwow) on Wirth’s orders and picked up a gassing engine, which I took to So‐ bibór. Upon my arrival at Sobibór, I found near the station, an area with a concrete structure and several permanent houses. The Special Com‐ mando there was led by Thomalla. Other SS men present included Floss, Bauer, Stangl, Friedl, Schwarz, and Barbl. We unloaded the en‐ gine. It was a heavy Russian petrol engine (presumably an armoured vehicle or traction engine), at least 200 HP (V‐engine, 8 cylinder, water‐ cooled).

We installed the engine on a concrete base and connected the exhaust to the pipeline. Then I tried the engine. It hardly worked. I repaired the ignition and the valves, and finally got the engine to start. The chemist, whom I already knew from Belżec, went inside the gas chamber with a measuring device to gauge the gas concentration. After that, a trial gas‐ sing was carried out. If my memory serves me right, I think 30 to 40 42 43

42

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, pp. 101–102.

G. Sereny, Into That Darkness, Pimlico 1974, p. 109.

women were gassed. The Jewish women had to undress in a clearing in the woods near the gas chamber and they were then herded into the gas chamber by the aforementioned SS men and Ukrainian Hilfswilligen.

Once the women were inside, I operated the engine with Bauer. At first the engine was in neutral. We both stood by the engine and switched the dial to Freiauspuff auf Zelle (open exhaust to chamber), so releasing the gas into the chamber. As directed by the chemist, I adjusted the engine to a set RPM, making any further accelerating unnecessary. After about ten minutes the 30 to 40 women were dead. The Chemist and the SS‐Führer gave the signal to shut down the engine. I packed up my tools and saw how the bodies were taken away. They were transported by means of a Lorenbahn (narrow gauge railway) leading from the gas chamber to an area farther away. 44

Franz Stangl also recalled another trial gassing conducted by Chris‐ tian Wirth: And then one afternoon, Wirth’s adjutant, Oberhauser, came to get me.

I was to come to the gas chamber. When I got there, Wirth stood in front of the building wiping the sweat off his cap and fuming. Michel told me later that he had suddenly appeared, looked around the gas chambers on which they were still working and said, ‘Right, we will try it out right now with those twenty‐five work‐Jews: get them up here.’

They marched our twenty‐five Jews up there and just pushed them in, and gassed them. Michel said Wirth behaved like a lunatic, hit out at his own staff with his whip to drive them on. And then he was livid be‐ cause the doors had not worked properly. Oh, he just screamed and raved and said the doors had to be changed. After that he left. 45

Stanislaw Szmajzner received a description from his friend Abra‐ ham, in secret, who worked in Lager III and this is included for its unique account: When the thousands of Jews pass through the gate you mentioned, they go down a long corridor and enter Lager II. There they are stripped of their last belongings, and made to stand there naked, until they are led into a large shack where they are allegedly going to have a bath. Hun‐ dreds of people enter that shack at a time.

44 45

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, pp. 100–101.

G. Sereny, Into That Darkness, Pimlico, 1974, pp. 113–114.

43

When the shack is completely full, the door is locked and hermetically sealed. Then a large diesel motor is set to work, and its exhaust pipe is passed through a hole in the wall, so that the gases of combustion are blown inside, until everyone is asphyxiated.

Before this operation, giant ditches are dug. After the mass extermina‐ tion, we, the survivors of the same transport you came in, begin to pick up the bodies and throw them into the ditches. Not seldom, the ground has shaken under the weight of that human mass to be buried. Then, the monsters came and shot them, to make sure they were dead.

I am telling you all this because, should you ever escape, you will be able to tell the world everything that happened here, because you must not expect to ever see me again. Whoever comes to Lager III will never leave it. This place is the end for each and every Jew in the power of the Nazis.

I cannot describe all the scenes because you would never believe what happens in this horrible place. All of it is thoroughly inconceivable to the human mind. I wish you could see how the sadists like Bolender, Gomerski and one called ‘Red Cake‘ acted. While the slaughter was in progress, these monsters were delirious with happiness, as if they were at the opera. They seemed to take delight in looking at so many dead bodies naked and inert. 46

Moshe Szklarek, who worked as a Putzer in the German canteen, recalled an incident involving Erich Bauer : Bauer told his comrades of an incident in which a naked woman in one of the gas chambers asked an SS‐man who was about to close the door: “What’s that officer doing at the skylight window? How can we wash ourselves when he is peeking in?“ Bauer and his cohorts erupted in laughter. The engine was started by SS‐Oberscharführer Erich Bauer and a Ukrainian Emil Kostenkow. Soon a horrible mass screaming could be heard over the rumble of the engine muffled by the thick walls of the chamber. At first it was very loud and terror‐filled; after 20–30 minutes the people were gassed and dead.47

Hans‐Heinz Schütt described how the victims reacted and how the process was supervised by the camp staff:

46

47

44

Stanislaw Szmajzner, Hell in Sobibór, p. 150. Unpublished copy in authors pos‐ session.

Thomas (Toivi) Blatt, Sobibór—The Forgotten Revolt, H.E.P. Issaquah, 1988, p. 36.

Getting the detainees into the gas chambers did not always proceed smoothly. The detainees would shout and weep and they often refused to get inside. The guards helped them on by violence. These guards were Ukrainian volunteers who were under the authority of members of the SS Kommando.

Members of the SS held key positions in the camp, i.e. one SS man over‐ saw the unloading, a further SS man led the detainees into the reception camp, a further SS man was resposible for leading the detainees to the undressing area, a further SS man oversaw the confiscation of valuables and a further member of the Kommando had to drive the detainees into the so‐called Tube, which led to the extermination camp. Once they were inside the so‐called Tube, which led from the hut to the extermi‐ nation camp, there was no longer any escape. 48

Kurt Bolender testified about conditions in Lager III: The first grave had been covered with a layer of sand. As this grave was completely full, the other bodies had to be taken elsewhere, even though the new grave was not yet ready. I still clearly remember arriving for work at the second grave one morning, to find that the bodies which had already been piled up along one side had decomposed to such an extent that in the sweltering heat, blood and body fluids had run all along the bottom of the unfinished grave.

It was clear that we could not continue working under such circum‐ stances. I remember giving directions to build a kind of bank, about 30 cm high perhaps, right across the bottom of the grave. Ittner was there as well. I spoke to him about it. In this context I can also give an impres‐ sion of the extent of deterioration of the bodies in the first grave. The layer of sand covering the grave cracked and rose up to the point where some of the bloated bodies were being pushed up to the surface, rolling out sideways. So I had the Arbeitsjuden build a proper sand bank all around the grave. The sight of it all was intolerable, and the stench also unbearable. 49

Another facility of murder was the so‐called Lazarett (Military Hos‐ pital). Those Jews who were disabled or elderly and unable to pro‐ ceed to the gas chambers were taken from the ramp, along a pot‐ holed track in a horse‐drawn cart for about 200 metres up to a mass 48

49

E.Klee, W.Dressen, V.Riess, Those Were the Days, Hamish Hamilton, London, p.240.

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, pp. 110–111.

45

grave near an abandoned chapel, which was built in 1926. Kurt Bolender recalled the process: Upon reflection I can now say that in the extermination camp Sobibór, handicapped or sick Jews who arrived at the camp were taken by horse‐ drawn cart—it was one of those twin‐axled hay carts, like the ones used on the land—and transported from the siding to the wooded area of what was later to become Lager IV. In this wooded area of the camp there was also a grave. I did not see it; I know about it only from. The pit was not visible from Lager III. Whenever the transports arrived, shots were fired in that part of the camp. I heard those shots.50

During May 1942, the camp authorities ordered the construction of a narrow gauge railroad: this facilty served to transport the disabled and sick Jews from the ramp to Lager III, in a speedy and efficient manner as part of the murder process. Hubert Gomerski testified as follows: I remember the narrow gauge rail track was built quite quickly. That is to say that it was already in use by the end of May, or at the latest by the beginning of June 1942. I remember this clearly because I was involved in the construction. Some of the trucks and rails were made at the sawmill next to camp Sobibór. The other trucks and rails were delivered by train from Trawniki. The engine for the narrow gauge railway arrived about two months after the track first became operational.

The rail track was approximately 80 cm wide. It led away from the un‐ loading platform, which was about 20 metres away from the railway sta‐ tion but already inside the camp, and into Lager III towards the exca‐ vated pits. There was also another track that led from the gas chambers to the pits.

As I have already stated, the narrow gauge rail track was designed to take the sick, the handicapped and children from the incoming trans‐ ports to Lager III. I am aware that these people, i.e. the sick, the handi‐ capped and children—babies in particular—were transported to the Lazarett and were shot by workers from Lager III. I never witnessed any of these executions myself. It was general knowledge that the sick were being umgelegt (laid down) in Lager III. The Ukrainians did it, they had been specially assigned to do it. They all had automatic weapons and one magazine of 12 shots each. They were

50

46

Ibid., p.64.

not under command of any specific German51; they worked as a team, shooting the people who had been sent via the rail track.52

Hubert Gomerski also testified after the war about the arrangements in Lager III: There was a Jewish commando in Lager III, they slept there. How many times this commando was gassed I do not know. It was changed from time to time, i.e. killed and replaced by other people. I do not think that people knew what exactly was going on in Lager III. In Lager III there was a permanent watch. When the Germans went off duty, the Ukrainians were left to guard the posts by themselves. In the tower there were always two men, each wth an ‘SMG’ (heavy machine‐ gun). At night an electric light shone from the tower. The electricity came from Lager I; there was no generator in Lager III. The light was always switched on.

At night there were also ground patrols in Lager III; the camp was sur‐ rounded by two barbed wire fences, with a path in between; the guards patrolled along this path day and night. At the front of Lager III there was a single gate, which was guarded day and night. The guards went up and down the path, usually there were three. In the tower there were two others. Every day new passwords were given out. The Arbeitsjuden were able to sleep at night. I do not know of any night‐time gassings. In the gas chamber there was a light, which was powered by the engine.53

Leon Feldhendler wrote about the disposal of the corpses: In the first period, there was no crematorium. After gassing, the people were laid into the graves. Then out of the soil, blood and a bad odour of gas began to surface; terrible smells spread over the whole camp, pene‐ trating everything. The water in Sobibór became rancid. This forced the Germans to build a crematorium. It was a large pit with a roaster above it. The bodies were thrown on the roaster. The fire was ignited from beneath, and petrol was poured on the corpses. The bones were crushed into ashes with hammers.54

The vast majority of the Jews murdered at Sobibór perished in the gas chambers and whilst the precise number will never be known, 51 52 53 54

This is incorrect—Paul Bredow was in charge of the Lazarett.

Ibid., pp. 64–65.

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, pp. 112–113.

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, p. 172.

47

contemporary research indicates that circa 250, 000 innocent Jewish men, women and children are thought to have been murdered at Sobibór death camp. Erich Bauer, the so‐called ‘Gasmeister‘ stated: I estimate that the number of Jews gassed at Sobibór was about 350,000.

In the canteen at Sobibór, I once overheard a conversation between Frenzel, Stangl and Wagner. They were discussing the number of vic‐ tims in the extermination camps of Belżec, Treblinka and Sobibór and expressed their regret that Sobibór ‘came last‘ in the competition. 55

55

48

E.Klee, W.Dressen, V.Riess, Those Were the Days, Hamish Hamilton, London, p.232.

Chapter IV Mass Murder Begins (April–August 1942) While the basic installations were being made ready to exterminate the Jews, the organization of the SS and Ukrainians was also taking shape. Franz Paul Stangl, an Austrian Police Officer with experience in the T4 Euthanasia Program (the name derives from the location of the address: Tiergartenstrasse 4, Berlin), was appointed by Glo‐ bocnik to become the Commandant of Sobibór. Stangl recalled how he was recruited into Aktion Reinhardt during the spring of 1942, in Lublin. He gave this unique insight in a series of interviews with Gitta Sereny, which was published in her book under the title “Into That Darkness.”

“I came upon Globocnik sitting by himself on a bench about ten metres away from—and with his back to—the building. There was a lovely view across lawns and trees to buildings far away...... It had been decided, he told me, to open a number of supply camps from which the troops at the Front could be re‐equipped. He said that he intended confiding to me the construction of a camp called Sobibór. He called an adjutant— who must have lurked somewhere nearby—and told him to bring the plans.

The plans arrived and he spread them out on the bench between us and on the ground in front of us. They showed a design for a camp: barracks, railway tracks, fences, gates. Some of the buildings—unkers they were—were crossed out with red ink. ‘Do not worry about those’ he said, ‘concentrate on getting the rest done first. It has been started but they’ve got Poles working there. It’s going so slowly they must be asleep.

What the place needs is someone to organize it properly and I think you are the man to do it.’ And then he said he would arrange for me to leave for Sobibór the next day—that was all.” 56

A large number of SS men who had served in the T4 Euthanasia Pro‐ gram, arrived in Sobibór in April 1942, amongst them Erich Bauer

56

G. Sereny, Into That Darkness, Pimlico, London, 1974, pp. 102–103.

49

(T4 Berlin), Rudolf Beckmann (Grafeneck, Hadamar) Kurt Bolender (Sonnenstein/ Pirna, Brandenburg, Hartheim and Hadamar), Karl Frenzel (Grafeneck, Bernburg, Hadamar), Hubert Gomerski (Hada‐ mar), Ferdinand Gromer (Hartheim), Paul Groth (Hartheim), Her‐ mann Michel (Grafeneck, Hartheim), Josef Vallaster (Hartheim), and Gustav Wagner (Hartheim). 57 Bruno Weiss was the initial Commandant of Lager I and also Leader of the group that received the transports, the Bahnhofkom‐ mando, but he was replaced by Karl Frenzel. Rudolf Beckmann was in charge of the sorting Commando in Lager II, the horse stables and the administration in the Forsthaus.58 Kurt Bolender served as the Commandant of Lager III from April 1942 until the autumn of the same year when he was replaced by Erich Bauer, the so‐called Gasmeister. Alfred Ittner was in charge of the camp administration, although he was later transferred to Lager III. 59 The Ukrainian Guard Unit in Sobibór was organized into three platoons. They came from the SS Training Camp at Trawniki. Erich Lachmann, a former Policeman accompanied them from Trawniki to Sobibór. He was replaced by Kurt Bolender in the autumn of 1942.60 On April 7, 1942, the Nazis gathered approximately 2,000 Jews in Rejowiec, in the Chełm district and drove them to the railway sta‐ tion. Many elderly and small children were killed on the way, but the remainder were herded into cattle cars and deported to the So‐ bibór death camp, arguably the first transport to the death camp in the forest.61 When the deportation trains stopped at the station of Sobibór, no more than eleven freight cars were shunted into the camp. When the large transports arrived the convoy was split into two or three 57

58 59 60 61

50

J. Schelvis, Vernichtungslager Sobibór, Unrast‐Verlag – Hamburg / Munster 2003, p. XLIV and XLV. Ibid., pp. 248 and 264.

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, p. 33.

Ibid., p. 33.

R.Kuwalek, From Lublin to Belżec, AD REM, 2006, p. 14.

parts. The escort guards and railway workers remained outside the camp, and only a specially trusted team of German railway workers drove the train inside the camp. The trains stopped along the ramp, and the cars were opened by the Ukrainians. The Jews were ordered to disembark and were driven into Lager II, the so‐called Reception Area.62 Jan Piwonski recalls one of the early transports to Sobibór: Near the end of March 1942, sizable groups of Jews were herded here, groups of fifty to one hundred people. Several trains arrived with sec‐ tions of barracks, with posts, barb‐wire, bricks, and construction of the camp as such began. The Jews unloaded these cars and carted the sec‐ tions of barracks to the camp. The Germans made them work extremely fast. Seeing the pace they worked at—it was extremely brutal—and see‐ ing the complex being built, and the fence, which, after all enclosed a vast space, we realized that what the Germans were building was not meant to aid mankind.

Early in June63 the first convoy arrived. I would say there were over forty cars. With the convoy were SS men in black uniforms. It happened one afternoon. I had just finished work. But I got on my bicycle and went home.

I merely thought these people had come to build the camp, as the others had before them. That convoy—there was no way of knowing that it was the first earmarked for extermination,—and besides, one could not have known that Sobibór would be used for the mass extermination of the Jewish people.

The next morning when I came here to work, the station was absolutely silent, and we realized, after talking with the other railway men who worked at the station here, that something utterly incomprehensible had happened. First of all, when the camp was being built, there were orders shouted in German, there were screams, Jews were working at a run, there were shots, and here there was that silence, no work crews, a really total silence. Forty cars had arrived and then nothing. It was all very strange. It was a silence.... a standstill in the camp. You heard and saw nothing, nothing moved. So then they began to wonder, ‘where have they put those Jews?’ 64

62 63 64

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press 1987, p. 75.

The date of June stated for the first convoy to arrive is incorrect.

C. Lanzmann, Shoah, Pantheon Books, New York, 1985, pp. 66–67.

51

Dov Freiberg was deported from Turobin on May 15, 1942, and he described his arrival at Sobibór: The appearance of the camp was like an ordinary farm, except for the barbed‐wire fences that surrounded it and some barracks. Actually, it was a farm, with all its buildings, in the midst of a beautiful green forest.

It seems the camp was erected in a hurry and had few basic installations.

I mean Lager I and Lager II reception and administration area; about Lager III extermination area—we did not yet know of its existence. But the area was big. 65 Germans and Ukrainians opened our freight cars and expelled us. It was May 15, 1942. We were taken through a gate into a square surrounded by barbed wire. We were separated there, men on the one side, women and children on the other. After a short period, the women and children were taken away by SS men. Where they were taken to, we did not know, but we could hear screams and laughter of the SS men when they undressed.

Afterwards we heard a mixture of noises, a running engine, the playing of an orchestra. We were kept overnight. It was terrible. The Ukrainians hit us and did not allow us to go to the toilet. We had to relieve ourselves sitting on the spot. They told us that nothing bad would happen to us and that the women had already been sent to work.

In the morning some SS men appeared and selected skilled workers.

Then they pointed out some young and strong men. I was among them.

We were about thirty men. We had to put the clothes and parcels in order.66

SS‐Oberscharführer, Kurt Bolender testified how the extermination process worked: Before the Jews undressed, Oberscharführer, Hermann Michel, Deputy Commander of the camp made a speech to them. On these occasions, he used to wear a white coat to give the impression that he was a phy‐ sician. Michel announced to the Jews that they would be sent to work.

But before this they would have to take baths and undergo disinfection so as to prevent the spread of diseases.

After undressing, the Jews were taken through the so‐called Schlauch.

They were led to the gas chambers not by the Germans but by Ukraini‐ ans. After the Jews entered the gas chambers, the Ukrainians closed the 65 66

52

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press 1987, p. 36.

Ibid., p. 75.

doors. The motor which supplied the gas was switched on by a Ukrain‐ ian called Emil Kostenkow and by a German driver called Erich Bauer from Berlin. After the gassing, the doors were opened, and the corpses were removed by a group of Jewish workers.67 After the first few weeks, during which the undressing took place on the open square of Lager II, a barrack for this purpose was erected. Inside this barrack were signs indicating the direction of the “cashier“ and the “baths.“ At the “cashier“ the Jews were ordered to surrender their money and valuables. In the Forsthaus was a room which overlooked the path where the naked people had to pass on the way to the Schlauch (Tube) and the gas chambers, and the victims handed over their money and valuables through the window of this room. The cashier was SS‐Ober‐ scharführer Alfred Ittner who was the accountant of the camp. Later he was replaced by SS‐Scharführer Hans Schütt and SS‐Scharführer Erich Herbert Floss.68 A limited number of skilled workers, among them carpenters, tailors, shoemakers and a few dozen strong men and women were selected from some of the transports. It was their duty to carry out the physical work.

Every day some of them were shot and their ranks were filled by arrivals from new transports. Some of the Jews selected to work were taken to Lager III, where they were ordered to remove the bodies of those mur‐ dered in the gas chambers and bury them. Others were employed in Lager II engaged in the collecting and sorting out of clothes and per‐ sonal belongings of the victims, which were sent to the Alter Flugplatz (Old Airfield) Camp in Lublin, for disinfection and distribution throughout the Reich.69 The 200–300 Jewish prisoners who were incarcerated in Lager III who removed the bodies from the gas chambers and buried them, had no contact with the other Jewish prisoners in other parts of the camp. Their food was cooked in Lager I and taken by Jewish prisoners to the gate of Lager III. 70

The first stage of killing operations in Sobibór lasted from April until the end of July 1942. During this time, Jews were sent there from ghettos in the Lublin district, approximately 57,000 from Pulawy, Zamość, Krasnystaw, Chełm and other places.

67 68 69 70

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press 1987, p. 76.

Ibid., p. 77.

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, p. 78.

Ibid., p. 79.

53

Stanislaw Szmajzner was born on March 13, 1927 in Pulawy, Po‐ land; He was deported from Opole on May 12, 1942 with the rest of his family. He described their arrival: It was late afternoon when we noticed that the noise made by the train wheels on the rails had slowly lessened its speed. Next, we heard the squeak of metal caused by the brakes and the train stopped. We soon noticed they were manoeuvring the engine and suddenly the wagons started to be pushed instead of pulled. A few seconds later, we stopped again. We were all silent, since we were worried at the continuous com‐ ings and goings of the engine. We felt that it was finally separated from the rest of the convoy and was going fast away from the place we thought should be a railroad yard. Some more minutes went by while we waited for the result of all of the fluster. We were all filled with in‐ tense anxiety and only whispers were heard, broken at times by the cry of a child, immediately silenced by its mother. All of a sudden, the door was opened.

All the other wagons were opened at the same time and we saw dozens of SS soldiers, whom we already knew very well, waiting for us along the whole long convoy. Scattered among them were approximately as many soldiers. They wore special uniforms of which the most remarkable ele‐ ment was a black cap with a skull emblem right in front. They carried wooden truncheons, whips and their guns were in their hands. Their uniform was different from that of the Germans and it was forest‐green in colour. They had been recruited in Ukraine, among who were those of German descent and many of them spoke German. We immediately heard violent shouts and curses, followed by an incisive command— “Outside quickly!”

The horror of the arrival in hell continued: This was the reception the bandits gave us making the hopes of the most optimistic turn to pessimism which was already latent. The Ukrainians and their German masters, using the whips in an indiscriminate way, instigated the immense human cargo to make us leave the crowded wagons hurriedly and violently. We hardly had time to breathe and we were forced to hurl ourselves disorderly out, like an excited herd. We stepped on each other and pressed against one another, walking over the bodies that hampered our way and slipping on the foul slippery paste that covered the whole floor of the freight car.

As soon as the wagons were emptied we were impelled towards a long corridor flanked by two fences made of barbed wire. There were guards

54

all around us, urging us to walk as fast as possible, in spite of the state we were in. At the end of that passage there was an arrogant Nazi Of‐ ficer accompanied by two Ukrainian soldiers holding their truncheons.

This corridor was the stage of an unforgettable scene for the sophisti‐ cated cruelty which was practised there.

Then the separation of the men from the women and children be‐ gan: The three criminals stood at the end of the corridor, positioned so as to form a triangle, with the higher‐ ranking Officer a little behind the two guards who stood on either side of him. Both of them had a menacing posture, with their fearful truncheons and their vicious faces. Mean‐ while, the mass of Jews were coming by fits and starts, and, when they came within reach of the morons they were violently separated—the men to the right and the women to the left, with the beastlike sectarians fiercely wielding their cudgels and hitting everyone pitilessly.

The picture we saw was very painful, with whole families being sepa‐ rated: mothers were separated from children and husbands in tears; young people were driven away from their parents and siblings. As we were being separated according to our sex, we were thrown into a larger yard, located at the end of the corridor. This area could not hold us all and we had to be pushed and pressed to one another until it became totally saturated with people, because about two thousand of us had come in our transport.

The cursed SS were waiting for us at the entrance to the yard, which looked like a football field. They did not intend to waste any time, since they immediately aligned the women into four rows and made them start walking towards a gate, behind which lay the unknown.

Stanislaw then described what happened next: As soon as they had disappeared behind the gate, which was noisily shut, the Nazis focused their attention on the men. They put us also in rows of four and we waited for the command to march. This did not come immediately though and we had to stand where we were. I had been close to my brother, to my nephew and to my cousin Nojech.

With all the men already in formation, there suddenly appeared a giant German Officer, with a disdainful look in his eyes and whom I thought to be the leader there. Actually roaring he started to select us according to our aptitudes, thus the farmers were selected first; then, the physi‐ cally stronger, as well as those who seemed to be most able to resist.

55

Next, the carpenters, the mechanics, the tailors, and then other profes‐ sionals, until all of us had been sub‐divided into diverse groups accord‐ ing to the most useful professions.

As no goldsmiths were called I was very surprised and daringly left the files of those who had not been called and addressed the Officer. I tried to be very courteous and clever and told him I was a Goldsmith and that my profession had not been included on the list they had called. As soon as I finished talking I took off my back the small tool bag I always carried and showed him its contents, as well as a monogram I had engraved on my own money wallet.

This small proof of my professional skill was enough to make the brute a little more accessible and believe what I had told him. He finally de‐ cided I was to be taken from the files and I took advantage of the op‐ portunity to add that I had three brothers who also manufactured jewels and whom I would like to have with me.

He nodded his agreement and my “brothers” joined me.71

Hubert Gomerski arrived in Sobibór at the end of April 1942 and he recalled the narrow gauge railway: As regards the narrow gauge rail track, I can say that it existed until the camp ceased to be operational. It was a small, narrow gauge track, which led away from the siding at Sobibór station, through the camp into Lager III. In my estimation, the narrow gauge track was about 300– 400 metres long. Initially, when the camp first became operational, the groups of people who had been selected to go to Lager III had to march there on foot from the siding; later they were taken there by horse‐ drawn carts. Sepp Vallaster was the main person dealing with the rail operation. When Jewish transports arrived, he drove the diesel engine.

The railway track was principally used to move incapacitated people from the Jewish transports that arrived. This included the old and the sick, as well as the injured Jews.72

Eda Lichtman was deported to Sobibór from Mielec in June 1942: We heard word for word how Oberscharführer Michel, standing on a small table, convinced the people to calm down. He promised them that after the baths all their belongings would be returned to them and that it was time for Jews to become a productive element. At present all of 71

72

56

Stanislaw Szmajzner, Hell in Sobibór, pp. 109–113 (Unpublished English Version in author’s collection).

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, p. 65.

them would be going to the Ukraine to live and work. This address aroused confidence and enthusiasm among the people. They applauded spontaneously and sometimes even danced and sang. 73

In addition during the high summer months approximately 10,000 Jews arrived from Austria and Germany, as well as Jews from the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. At the end of July 1942 the large‐scale deportation of Jews ceased because of the re‐construc‐ tion work on the railway between Lublin and Chełm for the next two months.74 From one of the transports in June 1942 that came from Vienna, Austria, a very detailed report from Lieutenant Josef Fischmann, the Police Officer responsible for the transport has survived: The Transport Guard consisted of Police Lt Fischmann in charge, 2 sen‐ ior and 13 policemen of the 1. Police and Reserve Company East. The Transport Guard commenced duties on the Aspang station on 14.6.1942 at 11:00 o’clock having previously confirmed details with SS‐ Hauptsturmführer Brunner.

The Jews started to board the special train at 12:00 o’clock under the control and supervision of SS‐Hauptsturmführer Brunner and SS‐ Hauptscharführer Girzik from the HQ office for Jewish emigration.

There were no incidents. The transport guards started their duties. A total of 1,000 Jews were transported. The official handover of the Jews according to transport lists took place at 16:00 hours. The transport had to be content with third class compartments as there was a shortage of second class compartments.

The train DA 38 was dispatched from Vienna on June 14, 1942 at 19:08 and went via Lundenburg, Bruenn, Niesse, Oppeln, Tschentochau, Kielce, Radom. Lublin, Chełm to Sobibór and not, as expected to Izbica.

The arrival in Sobibór was on June 17, 1942 at 8:15.

At the station of Lublin where we arrived on June 16, 1942, at 19:00 hours, SS‐Obersturmführer Pohl was waiting, and he ordered that fifty‐one able Jews, between the ages of fifteen and fifty disembark and be brought to a labor camp. At that time he gave an order that the remain‐ ing 949 Jews were to be taken to Sobibór. The list of the people, three freight cars with food, and 100,000 złoty were handed over to the SS‐ Obersturmführer Pohl in Lublin. At 23:00 we left Lublin for Sobibór, in 73 74

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, p. 76.

Ibid., p. 80.

57

the Jewish Camp of Trawniki, 30 kilometres before Lublin, we handed over the three freight cars with food and luggage to SS‐Scharführer May‐ erhofer.

The train arrived at 8:15 on June 17 at the labor camp, which was close to the Sobibór station. The 949 Jews were handed over to Oberleutnant der Schutzpolizei Stangl, who immediately had the wagons unloaded.

By 09:15 hours they were empty. As soon as the Jews had been unloaded, the train left Sobibór as a Sonderzug at 10:00 hours, arriving at Lublin on 18 June at 02:30 hours. No fares were charged for this journey. At 08:13 the train departed according to schedule as a fast train to Kraków, where it arrived at 17:30. Stayed overnight with the third company of reserve—police batallion 74. Departure from Kraków on 19 June at 20:08 hours; arrival Vienna Ostbahnhof on 20 June at 06:30 hours.75

Reichsführer‐SS Heinrich Himmler visited the Aktion Reinhardt Headquarters on July 18, 1942 and the following day he visited the SS Training camp in Trawniki and the Sobibór death camp in the morning. Himmler also visited in Lublin Chopinstrasse 27 and the Bekleidungswerke, which was located at the Old Airfield, where the clothing collected from the three Aktion Reinhardt camps was sorted and disinfected for shipment into the Reich.76 The people mentioned in this report were Austrian SS‐ Hauptsturmführer Alois Brunner, who worked for Adolf Eichmann in the Central Office for Jewish Emigration in Vienna and SS‐ Hauptscharführer Ernst Girzik, who was also one of Eichmann’s men in Vienna. SS‐Obersturmführer Helmut Ortwin Pohl, also an Austrian, from Klagenfurt, was a member of Globocnik’s staff in Lu‐ blin as was SS Scharführer, Max Mayerhofer.

75

76

58

Report by Lieutenant Fischman 20 June 1942 – Copy Holocaust Historical Soci‐ ety UK. SSPF Lublin Two Day program July 1942 – SSPF File Copy Holocaust Historical Society UK.

Chapter V Franz Reichleitner Arrives Construction of New Gas Chambers (June–December 1942) Theresa Stangl, the wife of the Sobibór Commandant Franz Paul Stangl, was given permission by Odilo Globocnik to visit her hus‐ band in June 1942. She travelled by train to Kraków and then onto Chełm, with their two daughters. She stayed with Baurat Moser, in his house in Chełm, which was some 20 kilometres from Sobibór.

Franz Stangl confirmed this in his interviews with Gitta Sereny, dur‐ ing 1971. He mentioned their visit: I was so glad to have them there you know it was such a relief. I decided not to think, just to enjoy it. I found rooms for us on an estate, just a few kilometres from Sobibór camp, near the village. It was a fish‐hatchery, belonging to Count Chelmicki. 77 Pani Gerung, the wife of Wladzimier Gerung, the Head Forester of the region during the 1970’s, lived near Chełm during the German occupation and she told the following to Gitta Sereny: You are probably confusing it with a big white house the Germans built as a kind of country club for their officers, on the other side of the lake.

They used to go there for weekends, for the fishing—and other days too, in the evenings. An enormous amount of drinking went on there, and other things. Poles were not allowed in.78

However, it was more likely that it was the fish‐hatchery, as the country club, which was built near Perepsza Lake, as it seems less suitable for small children, and according to Theresa Stangl, one of the members of the SS‐Sonderkomando Sobibór, Karl Ludwig visited the fish‐hatchery to buy some fish. Ludwig became maudlin and told Theresa Stangl how fantastic numbers of Jews were being done

77 78

G. Sereny, Into That Darkness, Pimlico London, 1974, p. 132.

Ibid., p.132.

59

away using gas, at the Sobibór camp. Theresa confronted her hus‐ band about this, when he returned to the fish‐hatchery from So‐ bibór, which was only 4 kilometres from the death camp, but Franz Stangl denied any involvement in the murder of the Jews, he said he was just in charge of construction.79 The fish hatchery is located in the village of Okuninka, 10 kilometres to the north of Sobibór, not 4 kilometres.80 Their idyllic life in the forest of south‐eastern Poland was about to come to an abrupt conclusion: We were rowing on the lake with the children that day when Michel arrived on the shore.... Michel called to us across the lake and said that a message had come through to say that Paul (Stangl) was to report to Globocnik. We rowed back to the shore and Michel said, “They mean now, at once; you have to come with me right away.” We went back to the house and I remember, I helped him get changed and then he left.81

During August 1942, Odilo Globocnik and Christian Wirth became aware of the chaotic situation at the Treblinka death camp, which was under the command of Dr. Irmfried Eberl, who had briefly served at Sobibór, before assuming command of Treblinka. An ac‐ count of Globocnik and Wirth’s visit to Treblinka on August 19, 1942 was recounted by Wirth’s adjutant Josef Oberhauser under oath: In Treblinka everything was in a state of collapse. The camp was over‐ stocked. Outside the camp, a train with deportees was unable to be un‐ loaded as there was simply no more room. Many corpses of Jews were lying inside the camp. These corpses were already bloated. Particularly I can remember seeing many corpses in the vicinity of the fence. These people were shot from the guard towers.

I heard then in Treblinka how Globocnik and Wirth summed up the following: Wirth would remain in Treblinka for the time being. Dr Eberl would be dismissed immediately. In his place, Stangl would come to

79 80 81

60

Ibid., pp. 136–137.

Tomasz Oleksy‐ Zborowski, Sobibór Museum, Correspondence April 2016.

G. Sereny, Into That Darkness, Pimlico London, 1974, p. 137.

Treblinka from Sobibór as Commander. Globocnik said in this conver‐ sation that if Dr. Eberl was not his fellow countryman, he would arrest him and bring him before an SS and police court. 82

Oberhauser also testified that it was at Treblinka, leaning against a door of a barrack in the square, that Globocnik also decided that Reichleitner would be Stangl’s replacement at Sobibór.83 Franz Karl Reichleitner, a member of the Linz Gestapo, also served with Stangl in the T4 Euthanasia Institute at Hartheim, near Linz. Stanislaw Szmajzner recalled the arrival of the new Comman‐ dant: Not much later, Franz Stangl’s substitute came. He was the new Com‐ mandant of the extermination camp of Sobibór. We never learned his name.84 We—the Jews of Camp I immediately nicknamed him ‘Trottel,’ which means idiot, fool. We did that because that was the only word he used to call us by.

‘Trottel,’ an obese man, nearly as round as he was fat, was still very nim‐ ble and firm in the way he walked. Very red in the face, nearly as much so as ‘Red Cake,85’ he loved to show off his authority by talking very little even with his officers. He always shouted at us and he liked to give us continuous orders which had to be obeyed to the last dot. He was really a very tough fellow,his own subordinates respected him and promptly obeyed his orders.86

During a lull in transports to the death camp, the camp authorities recognized that the capacity of the existing gas chambers was not enough to cope with the expected number of transports and the de‐ cision was taken to increase this volume. Erwin Lambert testified after the War:

82

83 84 85

86

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, pp. 89 and 92.

G. Sereny, Into That Darkness, Pimlico London, 1974, p. 161.

His name was Franz Reichleitner, who had served in Hartheim.

“Red Cake” was possibly the nickname of Ferdinand Gromer, who was, accord‐ ing to Erich Bauer, a violent drunkard. Gromer was transferred out of Sobibór

by Commandant Reichleitner because of his drinking in June 1943.

Stanislaw Szmajzner, Hell in Sobibór, p. 196 (Unpublished English Version in author’s collection).

61

As I mentioned at the beginning, I was in the Extermination Camp of the Jews for about two to three weeks. It was sometime in autumn 1942, but I do not remember exactly when. At that time I was assigned by Wirth to enlarge the gassing structure according to the model of Tre‐ blinka. I went to Sobibór together with Lorenz Hackenholt, who was meanwhile in Treblinka.

First of all, I went with Hackenholt to a saw‐mill near Warsaw. There Hackenholt ordered a big consignment of wood for reconstruction in Sobibór. Finally, both of us went to Sobibór. We reported there to the Camp Commander, Reichleitner. He gave us the exact directives for the construction of the gassing installations. Probably the old installation was not big enough, and reconstruction was necessary.

Today I cannot tell exactly who participated in the reconstruction work, however, I do remember that Jewish prisoners and so‐called Askaris took part in the work. During the time that building was in progress, no transports with Jews arrived. 87

Franz Hödl, who had also served at Hartheim, testified after the War about the new gas chamber building: The airtight doors did not arrive until later. I collected them myself from Warsaw, but that was not until the rebuilding took place. Before then, there were wooden doors at the back, where the dead bodies came out.

The fittings were not put in until later. I fetched them from Warsaw; they were real showerheads. Whether the pipes ran into the gas cham‐ bers from above or below I do not know.

In Lager III, a concrete building, 18 to 20 metres long with about 6 to 8 gas chambers, had been erected. The gas chamber had either 4 or 6 chambers on either side of the central corridor, three on the left and three on the right. Inside these rooms it was dark. There was a flat roof, in which to my knowledge there were no hatches. The external walls consisted of trap‐doors that ran along the entire length, which would be raised after the gassing. This was also the means of ventilation inside the chambers.

In the engine room there were indeed two engines. There was a petrol engine, probably from a Russian tank and a diesel engine. The latter was never used, however. The people were pushed along through the corri‐ dor into the chambers. After the gassing, the outside doors could be raised and the dead bodies removed. I have drawn a rough sketch of my

87

62

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, p. 123.

impression of the Lager and have used this as a reference when giving my description, which I hand over as an appendix to this protocol. 88

Vasily Pankow, one of the Trawnikimänner who served at Sobibór, was interrogated in Stalino on October 18, 1950. He recalled the gas chambers: When the detainees were naked, I and other Wachmänner under the command of our German officer led the people to the bath‐house—the gas chambers. At the camp there were six, not large gas chambers, sized about 3 by 4 metres: 50–70, even 100 detainees were put into each cham‐ ber, and the doors would be hermetically closed and a diesel motor op‐ erated, from which the exhaust from fumes would be piped into each chamber. For an hour or more, the detainees were killed by the gas in the gas chambers. Subsequently, special groups selected from the de‐ tainees, termed ‘work details’ cleared the gas chambers in special carts, according to the orders of the SS Wachmänner, myself among them.89

SS‐Sturmbannführer Karl Streibel, who was the Commandant of the Trawniki Training Camp, testified about the cremation sites he ob‐ served during a visit to Sobibór at the end of 1942: Wirth led me through the Sobibór camp. I saw the gas chambers and the other facilities. I saw the ditches near the gas chambers. I could not see any corpses in the ditches, because they were covered with a layer of earth. But I saw the roaster made of railway lines where the corpses were burned. During my visit, there were no extermination operations.

There were also no corpses burned, but I could see the cremation sites.

The roaster made from railway lines was supported by a stone base.90

Thomas Blatt recalled how the Germans replenished the cremation grates: In the middle of the night, Oberscharführer Wagner asked for volun‐ teers. Because I was always on the alert for potential escape routes, I volunteered, despite Wagner’s reputation as a volatile killer.... A group of twenty Jews assembled in pairs. SS Wagner led us to the main gate.

From there under heavy Ukrainian guard, we marched outside the 88 89

90

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, p. 104.

Vasily Pankow Interrogation – 18 October 1950, Nizkor Project Vancouver Is‐ land Canada.

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, p. 172.

63

camp. The night was beautiful. In the moonlight, I could see the village train station and neighbouring cottages. It was so peaceful. If not for the silhouette of the tall SS man and the outstretched rifles of the guards, it might as well have been an evening stroll.

Wagner led us along the railroad for about five minutes, finally stopping next to a pile of neatly stacked reserve railroad rails. Beyond the alert chain of guards, the forest tempted me with its dark wall of trees. But it was impossible to get away. Now we were ordered to pick up a rail. The gates opened again and we were back in another hellish world. We marched straight towards the direction of Lager III and left the rails near the gate. This was simply the way the burned‐out grates of the pyres were replaced. I was wondering why, with all their might, the SS stole the rails at night. But I assume the clever SS Wagner had found that this eliminated the hassle of going through regular channels. 91

In December 1942, a daring escape took place on the night of De‐ cember 26, 1942, a Jewish woman named Pesia Liberman and two Jewish men with two Ukrainian guards, one named Viktor Kisilew and the other named Emil Zischer. Pesia Liberman stayed with the armed Ukrainians. Whilst hiding in the village of Kozia Gorka, they were betrayed by a farmer. They were all killed in a shootout by three Polish Police Officers, Misnerowiec, Piescikowski, and Kwiat‐ kowski. 92 A report on this was written by Police Chief Tischer from Chełm, and is reproduced in the documents section.

91

92

64

Thomas (Toivi) Blatt, From the Ashes of Sobibór, Northwestern University Press, Evanston, Illinois, 1997, pp. 113–114.

Thomas (Toivi) Blatt, Sobibór—The Forgotten Revolt, H.E.P. Issaquah, 1988, p. 58.

Chapter VI Jewish Work Brigades (Everyday Life and Death) This chapter will cover the numerous Jewish work brigades that the Nazis established in Sobibór and also include a number of the in‐ mates’ accounts of everyday life and death in the camp, describing some of the Nazis who were responsible for every aspect of their ex‐ istence. Some of the SS men also recall some details of those Jews they selected from certain death, to keep the death camp function‐ ing: Before the individual work‐brigades are covered in detail, the function of the Kapo’s played an important role in carrying out the SS orders and maintaining discipline, and their role and the key per‐ sonalities need to be set out in more detail.

The system of Kapo’s was a well‐known feature of German Con‐ centration Camps right from the beginning at Dachau, the first Con‐ centration Camp established near Munich in 1933, under the brutal teachings of Theodor Eicke. At Sobibór, the Kapo’s wore an arm‐ band and a cap, they also carried whips.

The Kapo’s were privileged, they slept apart from the other pris‐ oners, had better food and living conditions. Moishe Sturm was ap‐ pointed the first Chief Kapo (Oberkapo) by Stangl in June 1942. He was known in the camp as the ‘Governor’. Karl Frenzel ordered the tailors to sew him a special outfit, it consisted of trousers with red stripes on the sides, a jacket with shiny buttons and three stars on the breast, red braces and a round hat with a red stripe around the crown.93 Moishe Sturm was allowed two assistants: Benjamin Katz, also known as ‘Bunio’ and Herbert Siegel, who had also arrived in So‐ bibór in June 1942. Sturm was betrayed in the summer of 1943, and 93

M.Bem, Sobibór Extermination Camp 1942–1943, Stichting Sobibór, Amsterdam 2015, pp. 196–197.

65

his place was taken by Herbert Naftanial, more commonly known as ‘Berliner’. Berliner was murdered by the prisoners just before the prisoner revolt and he was succeeded by an Austrian Jew called Sieg‐ fried Spitz, who had arrived in Sobibór, having been deported from Holland.

Other notable Kapo’s were Szymon Pozycki, Walter Poppert, who commanded the Waldkommando, Chaskiel Menche, who su‐ pervised the Tailors, and Stanislaw Szmajzner, who was Head of the Maintenance work‐brigade. The individual work‐brigades will be explained using eyewitness accounts: The Bahnhofkommando The Bahnhofkommando in Sobibór were responsible for the unload‐ ing of transports at the ramp, removing the bodies of those that had died en‐route and the personal belongings, and cleaning the vacated wagons. Thomas Blatt described his first meeting with members of the Bahnhofkommando: I heard people singing, and I jumped down and went outside.

The gate opened wide, and in marched a group of about twenty ro‐ bust youths. They wore dark blue overalls and fancy caps with the letter B embroidered within a yellow triangle. The leader held a whip and issued a sharp command in German: “Abteilung.... Halt!” A few steps forward and the group halted; with the next command, every‐ one dispersed.94 Philip Bialowitz was deported from Izbica to Sobibór by truck on April 28, 1943. He worked as a member of the Bahnhofkommando: One day at Sobibór a transport arrived that had been under way for a long time; the people on it were starving and very weak, and many had already died in the wagons along the way. Shortly after, Frenzel led a group of men onto the platform to help with unloading. It was the most harrowing time of my life. I had been selected for the Bahnhofkom‐ mando.

94

66

Thomas (Toivi) Blatt, From the Ashes of Sobibór, Northwestern University Press, Evanston, Illinois, 1997, p.94.

The wagon doors were opened to the most horrible sight. The people inside were terribly swollen, the children distended to almost the size of an adult; half of the wagon occupants were dead, the other half had gone insane. The order to unload was given. As we touched these peo‐ ple, their skin stuck to our hands and the bodies remained where they were.

But Frenzel urged us to carry on unloading, using his whip on us. In the second wagon a child was sitting on its mother’s lap. The child was still embracing its mother. Both were dead. Frenzel said: ‘What a wonderful picture.’ The ones who were still alive were shot. Frenzel and some oth‐ ers whose names I do not know, shot them as they were being dragged from the wagons. The bodies were laid on the rail carts and taken to Lager III, along with people who were still alive but too weak to walk. 95

The Sorting Commando The sorting team worked in the storage sheds and they were respon‐ sible for sorting the clothes and the deportees possessions and this was the largest group of prisoner‐workers.

Thomas Blatt described what happened to the victims posses‐ sions: Groups of prisoners jumped from their bunks, dressed quickly and went out to the square. Evidently a large transport was expected. Another Kapo dragged additional men from the bunks, myself included. A few of us were designated “porters” and a few others were called “Friseurs”— barbers.

The camp was well lit. Being led to the workplace, I could see some movement far off on the station platform. New arrivals were getting off the train. A narrow‐gauge dumpcart passed by. Into it would be thrown, I was told,—in addition to the large pieces of baggage,—the sick, the old, the crippled, and all those unable to walk on their own. The rest would follow the SS to a long barrack.

The eight‐member group I was with was led to this barrack and told to wait for the arriving Jews. It was a large windowless barrack; its entrance and exit gates were wide open. Two prisoners were placed by the en‐ trance gate, four in the centre, and two by the exit. We were to tell the Jews passing through the barrack to leave their purses and small hand 95

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, p. 68.

67

baggage there. The first group of condemned drew near. First were the women, they were nicely dressed. I stood for a moment, dumbfounded.

It was early in the morning, and many small children slept in their arms.

They had no idea they were going to their deaths.

The sudden crack of the whip reminded me not to be a passive observer.

The veteran prisoners repeated a sentence in Dutch over and over again, informing the passing people that they were to leave their belongings here; I mimicked them. At the exit gate stood an SS man, and woe to us if someone passed by still holding something after crossing the length of the barrack.

Blatt continued with his description: Once in a while I would see bewilderment and suspicion on their faces.

They had left their heavy luggage on the platform without worry, be‐ cause all the luggage had tags, but here they were told to throw their very personal belongings into a huge heap. When someone refused to leave a purse or a handbag, the SS man would whip the victim until he or she complied. The column of about five hundred people passed through. We could hear more wagons arriving on the camp’s side track.

Now this place had to be emptied.

The barrack had several doors that led to attached smaller barracks.

Several prisoners entered through these doors and together we quickly loaded the heaps of hand luggage into blankets and carried them to the adjoining rooms. Inside were tables where women stood sorting the booty. We threw down load after load. Soon the barrack was empty and the sand floor had been raked clean.

Then the SS men led us to the gate of an enclosed courtyard and ordered us to wait. From inside the yard came a single German voice. I thought I heard the end of a speech. After a while the gate opened and we en‐ tered. The yard was now empty and quiet. Only heaps of neatly piled dresses, suits and underwear remained.

We loaded the clothes onto blankets and carried them back through the gate. I understood that they were left by Jews who had just been ordered to undress. Moving along with others, I found myself in a large ware‐ house. We threw the clothes onto large short tables.96

Chaim Engel arrived in Sobibór on November 6, 1942 and he recalled how he was put to work immediately upon his arrival: 96

68

Tomas Toivi Blatt, From the Ashes of Sobibór, Northwestern University Press, Evanston, 1997, pp. 99‐ 100.

So they took us—the 20 people—they took us in one side, and the oth‐ ers went to the camp, to the gas chambers—which we found out later.

So we worked in there. We went in the afternoon and they took us with all the other people to separate the clothes. That started to be our work and I started to separate my pile of clothes—these were the clothes of the people who had just arrived with the transport that we came with.

While I did that, I found the clothes of my brother, the pictures from the family, so I knew already—they had already told me what was going on, so I knew what had happened. He had gone to the gas chamber with my friend, and I am here separating his clothes. So you can imagine what went through my mind when that happened. 97

Kurt Thomas, born Kurt Ticho, was deported from Theresienstadt to Trawniki in April 1942, and was sent to the Piaski Transit Ghetto.

On November 6, 1942, he was deported from Piaski to Sobibór with around 3,000 Jews. He initially worked as a sorter: After I had spent some time in the sorting barracks, I was transferred to a room where only smaller pieces of luggage were sorted. I found many valuables and a lot of notes. The Commandant’s horses were stabled nearby and were looked after by Samuel Lerer, who was supervised by a Ukrainian called Dabizja. He regularly came to visit my work place, tak‐ ing anything he could lay his hands on.

When he came to see me one time, I gave him a few hundred Marks, for which he gave me a kilo of Polish sausage and a bottle of vodka. This became a routine. Every other day I gave him money, and he would give me the sausage and vodka. I used to pass the vodka on, because I did not drink myself, and just eat the sausage. That is what kept me going.98

The Hair Cutters (Friseurs) Thomas Blatt described the hair cutting performed on Jewish women just prior to entering the gas chambers: Our job in this section done, SS‐Oberscharführer Karl Frenzel randomly chose four prisoners, myself included, and led us to the hair‐cutting bar‐ rack, less than twenty feet from the gas chambers. Inside were simple wooden chairs. Josef Wolf, a short, dark, middle‐aged SS man stood in 97 98

Interview with Chaim Engel, by USHMM, 16 July 1990.

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, p. 84.

69

the centre of the room. I was given large shears and told to wait. The women began to come. I did not know what to do. “Just snip quickly in bunches,“ a comrade told me.“It does not need to be close to the head.“ I was terribly shy. I had never seen a nude woman before. Like all fifteen year olds I wanted to, but I felt embarrassed for the naked and humili‐ ated women. I tried not to look directly at them, and they looked down and tried to cover themselves. Not all of the women reacted the same way. One woman resisted, refusing to move. When the Nazi hit her with the whip, she attacked him with her fists and nails, but the German bul‐ let was faster and killed her instantly. Now most were resigned and pas‐ sive. A teenager wept at the loss of her lovely locks, asking not to have it cut too short.

They were going to die in only a few minutes and there was nothing we could do. After the women left, we packed the hair into potato sacks, which were then brought to a nearby storeroom. After about three hours of work and over two thousand deaths, the SS men ordered us back to the barracks. We were being counted. Everything was tallied— both the numbers of the murdered and those still living. As we moved on, the searchlights enveloping us were shut off one by one. It was a beautiful starry night. Nearing our barracks in Lager I, we heard rhyth‐ mic thuds coming from the direction of the gas chambers, like stones being thrown into a metal box. Later I learned what it was. Prisoners in the crematoria section were throwing the bodies onto the narrow‐gauge dumpcarts that carried the corpses to the cremation site. 99

Specialized Work Brigades Within the camp the SS organized workshops for certain craftsmen, such as tailors, shoemakers, goldsmiths and carpenters, all located in Lager I. Stanislaw Szmajzner recalls his work as a Goldsmith for the Germans: Next day, Wagner came in and told me: “I have talked with Stangl and decided to have a ring made for each SS‐Scharführer.“ He then sat down and explained what he wanted the rings to be like. They must be made in silver with a gold badge. This badge would be in relief and consist of two letter Ys. The YY would be placed in such a way that one of them

99

70

Thomas Toivi Blatt, From the Ashes of Sobibór, Northwestern University Press, Evanston, 1997, pp. 101–102.

would be in a normal position, representing life. The other would be engraved right beneath it in an inverted position meaning death. It would then be the symbol of life and death, which incidentally suited the functions of their future owners. When Wagner finished his expla‐ nation he urged me to work dilligently and affirmed that the necesaary metal would come to me very soon. And then he left.

For me to learn more about each of the SS officers, I cut a small board into which I hammered as many nails as the number of rings I was to make. As the officers came in I would measure their fingers and hang the string with their names attached to it on each of the nails. The board hung on one of the walls and thanks to it I was able to not only make all the artifacts so as to please their owners, but also learn the names of nearly all of the torturers in Sobibór.

Stanislaw Szmajzner recalled other members of the SS garrison: They began to come a few at a time, and the number of nails with their names on gradually increased. Among the first gangs to appear I re‐ member perfectly well, to this day, in an indelible way the following felons; Stangl, Gustav Wagner, Bolender and his bosom friend, nick‐ named “The Red Cake,“ who will appear in the following lines in a sadly spectacular manner.

Next to these prominent elements, there came the others whose peri‐ lousness and iniquity were no less remarkable, such as; Karl Frenzel, Steubl, Bauer, Gomerski, Weiss, Poul, Vallaster and Michel. Besides these, I also remember other scoundrels whom I came to know later, such as Grinman, Graetschus, Richter, Beckmann, Groth, Getzinger, Bredow and another one who was called “The Baker.“ I received the silver and the gold sent by Wagner and started to make the sinister jewels. Once in a while a late‐comer whose measure I had not taken yet, and whose name I had not copied would show up. The ones who most frequently visited our workshop were Stangl and Wag‐ ner. They went there to watch our work. Every time I would ask about the rest of my family and I always got the same answer—I should not worry because very soon we would be sent to the place where my par‐ ents were, it was only a matter of time.

The days went by and the work on the rings went on without ceasing.

The only ones who never came to watch us work were the Ukrainian Guards. The same did not happen with the German Officers, whose con‐ stant visits to our workshop made us interrupt our work quite fre‐ quently. They did not go there only to fetch the rings. It even seemed that these were not enough for them. They also wanted us to make them

71

other jewels since they had so much gold at their disposal they did not know what to do with it.100

Hershel Cuckierman and his family were deported from Nalenczow in May 1942. He worked with his son Josef in the kitchen in Lager I as a Cook: I came up with an idea. Every day I used to send twenty or twenty‐five buckets with food for the workers in Lager III. The Germans were not interested in what I cooked, so once I prepared a thick crumb pie and inside I put the following letter: “Friends, write what is going on in your camp.” When I received the buckets back, I found in one of them a piece of paper with the answer: “Here the last human march takes place, from this place nobody returns. Here the people turn cold.” I informed some other people about the substance of this letter.101

There was a small farm in Lager II where the Nazis kept their horses in a stable, complete with cattle, pigs, and geese. Thomas (Toivi) Blatt wrote: The Jews who worked in the stable and with other household animals were held responsible with their lives for the health of the animals. Max, a Stablemaster, was severely beaten and sent to Lager III, where he was executed for lightly hitting a horse. Shaul Stark, in charge of the geese, was killed when one goose died.102

Some work was undertaken outside of the camp, by the inmates and Stanislaw Szmajzner recalled a trip to the former Włodawa ghetto in early 1943: One day Wagner called me and ordered me to get my main tools ready.

This time though, it was not going to be my goldsmith tools, but those I used to fix the metal parts of cars. He told us we were going on a trip.

I gathered my tools..... A few moments later there came a truck under heavy SS escort. We got in, twelve people altogether, for other Jews had also been called. We did not have the slightest idea as to the reasons of that strange trip.

100 101 102

72

Stanislaw Szmajzner, Hell in Sobibór, pp. 135–138.

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, p. 79.

Thomas (Toivi) Blatt, Sobibór—The Forgotten Revolt, H.E.P. Issaquah, 1988, p. 51.

At the end of the trip we noticed we were approaching Włodawa.... the truck drove to the sector where the old Włodawa ghetto had been. The ghetto was already literally deserted. All its inhabitants had been evac‐ uated and led away to be exterminated. The place was even gloomy with all the abandoned buildings. We could not see anyone nor hear any‐ thing.

Finally, the vehicle came to a halt. The Boches showed us two of the best houses there and told us to demolish them. They warned us, how‐ ever, that all the material should be removed in the most perfect condi‐ tion. Thus, both houses had to be taken apart very carefully. The roof, the doors, the windows, the boards and the locks, as well as all the other components were to be carried intact to Sobibór, and re‐assembled there. I was told to dismantle the zinc roof and to take off all the locks and hinges. While I worked, my thoughts continuously turned to es‐ cape. In my mind, my ideas were in turmoil, but common sense pre‐ vailed.

We went back to the camp and we promptly started assembling the houses. One of them was destined to serve as lodgings for four officers.

The other would be raised next to the small railroad station of the ham‐ let, which had given its name to the camp, outside its limits. When the first one was completed, we had the opportunity of seeing what level the effrontery of the Boches would reach. They had a sign painted with the following words—‘Birds Nest.’ They should have written on the sign something referring to a snake pit, as that house would be called by us from then on.103

Dov Freiberg was deported to Sobibór in May 1942, and he described his contact with some of the SS men and the infamous dog Barry, that accompanied the SS on their rounds: Bolender, whose nickname was Der Beder (the bath‐house attendant), while on his way to Lager III or on the way back, would set the dog Barry on one of the workers. You could go out of your mind from the horrible sight of Barry attacking a man, tearing his clothes, biting his flesh, as the victim screamed horribly and was usually taken to the Lazarett af‐ terwards.

One day Paul Groth came to us with the dog. He sat opposite us and laughed, the dog lying at his side. Now and then he would set the dog upon someone. ‘Man, catch the dog,’ he would order Barry. Paul Groth 103

Stanislaw Szmajzner, Hell in Sobibór,(Unpublished English Version ) pp. 212– 213.

73

was amused. Sometimes he would set the dog on someone, then call him back when he was close enough to touch the victim; sometimes he just let the dog attack someone without intervening. The fear of the dogs’ bite was so great that fear alone could drive you insane.

Then suddenly I saw Barry coming straight at me. A weakness ran through my limbs. The dog jumped up on me with such force that I fell to the ground, and he tried to bite me between my legs. I fought with him and pushed his head to the side, and then his teeth sank into my thigh until I felt them hit bone. I turned his head aside with all my strength and then he bit my backside. I do not know which was greater, my pain or my fear. Again I thought this was the end, but after the attack I continued working, my blood flowing into my pants. Later I changed my pants to a pair that I had taken from the ones I sorted. 104

The SS also selected a number of prisoners to attend to their per‐ sonal needs, such as cooks, cleaners and Putzers. Eda Lichtman who was deported to Sobibór in the middle of June 1942, described her first working day in Sobibór as a Cleaner: We were ordered to clean thoroughly a villa where the Germans lived.

After work we were taken to an area with some barracks, surrounded by a barbed‐wire fence where we were given a room with three wooden beds, one over the over. Close to our room lived the skilled workers.

In the evening two men brought two big boxes with dirty laundry and a Ukrainian guard told us that it should be ready within two days. The washing required many different kinds of work. The laundry was full of lice, so first of all it had to be disinfected. We had to raise the water from a deep well with heavy wooden buckets tied to a rope. The laundry had to be boiled at a distant place. The wet laundry was transported in a baby carriage.105

Philip Bialowitz recalled the perils of pilfering from the Reich: I recall that Arbeitsjuden bartered with Ukrainian guards in the Goldkammer (gold room). Reichleitner, the Camp Commandant, got in‐ volved in the case and had three Jews and two Ukrainian Guards shot.

The Ukrainians were shot in Lager IV in front of all the men. We all had

104

105

74

Dov Freiberg, To Survive Sobibór, Gefen Publishing House, Jerusalem, 2007, pp. 204–205.

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, p. 114.

to witness the executions, as a warning against taking part in such bar‐ tering. The executions were led by an Unterführer (probably Grae‐ tschus) and carried out by Ukrainians. 106

Kalmen Werwyk was deported to Sobibór from Chełm in November 1942, in the same transport as Shlomo Alster. He describes the con‐ ditions in Lager I: At lunchtime they drove us into a big camp. There was one barrack there for Jewish women and two for Jewish men. Sobibór prisoners told me that 400 Jewish men and 200 Jewish women were kept there for work. They explained everything to me; one told me I was in a ‘Vernich‐ tungslager’—an extermination camp. Although the Ukrainians had told me that on the train, I had not believed them. But now that I saw the place with my own eyes, I knew.

The Kapo’s yelled “Eintreten!” (line‐up); a Kapo stood by the kitchen with a whip in his hand and Jews lined up for food: a watery soup, a piece of bread, 10 deko (a deko is short for dekogram and is a measure of weight), was given in the morning.

I slept in that area, called Lager I. We slept on bunks of rough wood made out of logs. There were four levels of bunks, and 3–4 Jewish pris‐ oners slept in each bunk. At night, people, some deranged and at the end of their sanity, were biting, scratching, tearing and clawing at each other. I heard many cry from hunger; others shrieked and moaned. The door was locked at night, so little pots were brought in as toilets. There was no light at all in the barracks—this was strictly forbidden—and hundreds of us were packed in there. 107

Regina Zielinski, born Feldman, in Siedliszcze, was deported from a Labor Camp at Staw‐Nowosiulki near Chełm, arriving at Sobibór on December 20, 1942 on a horse and cart convoy, and she was selected to work in the laundry: It was early in April 1943 when I had a middle‐ear infection and was unable to do my work as a Washer‐Woman. One day I found it hard to get started with my work and sat down for a bit in another room, just to have a little rest. I was discovered by an SS man who took me to Gus‐ tav Wagner. Wagner decided I should get ten lashes. He led me to a woodpile and made me bend over it, pulled up my skirt and gave me 106 107

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, p. .84.

Kalmen Werwyk, To Sobibór and Back. Private copy in author’s possession.

75

the ten lashes himself, using a whip which was longer than a normal riding whip. It consisted of rubber‐coated steel rods, with knots at the ends. I sustained a permanent kidney injury, and later my right kidney had to be surgically removed. That was aside from the other injuries to my back and front caused by the rod ends coiling around my body as I received the lashes.108

Zelda Metz also arrived in Sobibór on December 20, 1942 by horse‐ drawn cart with her cousin Regina Feldman and Estera Raab; Arkadij Wajspapir, a Jewish Red Army Prisoner of War arrived in Sobibór on September 22, 1943. They both describe the prisoners working daily routine at the Nordlager, which was built quite late in the camps’ existence, restoring captured ammunition: In the early morning specially assigned prisoners, referred to as Kapo’s would wake us. Then there was ‘breakfast’ consisting of 150 grams of Schwarzbrot (dark rye bread) and a mug of hot water or coffee, after which we were put to work. If we worked in the Nordlager, we would go through a gate leading into the area where the SS men lived in their little cabins. We left them to the right of us as we went along the railway line and into the Nordlager.

At lunchtime we were given some soup that we used to call Ploerre, without bread. After finishing this dishwater, we would labor until dark.

Then we were driven back to the Lager I area and given our evening meal: 100 grams of Schwarzbrot and a mug of hot water. After the even‐ ing meal, the Kapo would bring us to one of the smaller areas in Lager I for an inspection, after which we would go to sleep in the barracks. We slept on bare wooden bunks; there were no blankets.

I knew SS Officer Frenzel, who led our building commando. To call him barbaric would be an understatement. He was an outright sadist. Fren‐ zel always held his leather whip at the ready and would strike the pris‐ oners over the head, across the face or any other part of the body, for no reason at all. Many prisoners were permanently crippled or even died as a result.

I remember one time when some prisoners were being flogged. One day early in October 1943, as they were marching us back into Lager I after our day’s labor in the Nordlager, Frenzel, as usual forced us to sing songs as we went along. We sang ‘Immer hoher und hoher und hoher, streben wir dem Flug unserer Vogel nach’ (always higher, higher and higher we 108

76

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, p. 91.

go, after our birds in flight)—the birds referred to the Russian aero‐ planes. As soon as Gomerski, who was standing by the gate to the first Lager heard us singing this, he threw himself on us, screaming and lash‐ ing out at the prisoners with his whip.109

Kurt Thomas remembered his role as a Medical Orderly: As soon as I had been appointed Sanitäter (Medical Orderly), I set up a card system, recording the name, start date and temperature for each of the patients. I brought them water and food, and whatever else I could find or do for them. Most of the time, the permitted three days were insufficient for a full recovery. In order to stick to the legal term, I would replace the old cards with new ones on the fourth day, recording a new starting date, which was against the rules. It was my intention to give the patients—in spite of the danger I put myself in—a better chance of being cured, enabling them to return to their commandos, so they would not be sent to the Lazarett.

At every roll call I was required to report the number of patients. The number I gave would be added to that of those present and the number of deceased, so that the total matched the previous number. Frenzel ac‐ cepted my figure; usually he was not concerned about the patients. For months I also sheltered two other men in barracks during the day. One was 20‐year‐old Kiewe Herz, whose toes were frozen, he could not walk.

The other was Jossel Siegel, about 15 years old, whose toes were also frozen. I kept them in the barracks illegally, as patients. They would at‐ tend roll calls only so they were not counted among the patients.

I was allowed to get very basic medication, bandages and other supplies from a special storeroom. I got them from my friend Leon Halberstadt, who gave me whatever the doctors had advised me. There was a kind of spray, for instance, which I used for freezing wounds or bruises.

Once in a while, Frenzel would call for the patients and send them to Lager III, sometimes he would take them there himself. They would never be seen again. Wagner on the other hand, who hardly ever took roll calls, always wanted to verify their actual presence. In that case I had to reel off all the names on the cards, standing by the door to the barracks. He would count the voices of those who answered, to assure himself that no one was missing. Wagner had no desire to see the pa‐ tients personally. My card index was therefore of great importance.

109

Ibid., pp. 87–88.

77

On 11 October 1943, the Monday before the revolt, Frenzel asked me again how many patients I had. I replied: “Fourteen, Herr Oberscharfüh‐ rer.“ This time, he wanted to verify for himself. He recognized ten peo‐ ple who had been ill a few weeks earlier. He had them brought over and without any consultation with the Commandant sent them straight to Lager III. Then lashing out at me with his whip he said, “Your turn next time.“ Thanks to the revolt shortly after, it never got to that point.110

Eda Lichtmann who also worked in the camp laundry recalled an incident with a Ukrainian Guard: One day, the Ukrainian Koszewadski brought the white uniform of his chief, Oberwachmann Lachmann, and ordered me to have it ready by 5 o’clock the next day. “But it wont be ready!” I said. To answer a guard!

The Ukrainian began to hit me, when the prisoner Itzhak caught his hand. “Are you not ashamed to hit a woman who is working so hard?”

Koszewadski left the barrack; he never hit a woman again.111

Karl Frenzel at a court in Dortmund on March 29, 1962, under cross‐ examination recalled how Jews were punished in the camp: I cannot dispute that the camp staff punished Jews of their own volition for committing so‐called Lagervergehen (camp offences). I also issued an order to that effect once. I had been informed that two Jewish Cooks, Cuckierman, father and son, had ‘squirreled away’ some meat for their own personal use. I looked into the case. The alleged ‘perpetrators’ were a father and son. Although the father denied the charge, the son admit‐ ted to the food theft.

I had the Jewish Kapos called out, and ordered the son to be punished with twenty‐five lashes. The Jewish Kapo’s carried out the order in my presence. The Jew cried out in agony, but survived the consequences.

Twenty‐five lashes was the set punishment at the camp for stealing food...... the Jew took the meat from the community, and I remain of the opinion today, that twenty‐five lashes is not a disproportionate pun‐ ishment for stealing food. 112

110 111

112

78

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, pp. 86–87.

M. Novitch, Sobibór, Martyrdom and Revolt, Holocaust Library New York, 1980, p. 61.

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, p. 89.

The Waldkommando Dov Freiberg recounted his work in the forest near the Lazarett: Another parade, and all sorting workers joined the Waldkommando (the Forest Workers) this time. SS men, Gomerski and Getzinger along with some Ukrainians, led us. We crossed the open area between Lager II and the forest from the right side, near the camp fence and the railway tracks, passing the Lazarett—a small wooden building with a tiled roof.

From the roof rose a cross—this must have been a church at a local cemetery. Close by rose a mound of earth next to a pit. This was the pit where our friends had been killed. A shudder passed through my body.

Perhaps they had decided to execute us?

But we continued marching into the forest. After about a hundred me‐ tres, we saw a barbed wire fence on the left and, behind it, a hill of white sand about twenty metres high. Hills of sand are unusual in a forest, and indeed the hill looked suspicious. We were ordered to load logs that had been cut down by the Waldkommando onto our shoulders and bring them to the camp, where they were to be used for electricity poles and for the construction of the camp expansion. This loading work was crushing. The Germans and Ukrainians whipped us mercilessly. It was particularly difficult for me, because as I was short, my shoulders often did not reach the height of the log. As a result I had to work on the tips of my toes—both to help the others and so that the Germans would not notice that I was not helping in the loading. But sometimes the full weight of the heavy log pressed down on me, and every time this hap‐ pened I was close to collapse.113

Philip Bialowitz recalled how his brother Symcha was drafted into the Waldkommando: One evening Symcha tells me how Wagner had selected him to join the Waldkommando. This group of prisoners had been sent to the woods with axes and saws to cut down trees and chop the wood that was prob‐ ably necessary to fuel the Lager III crematorium. At one point the pris‐ oners had cut through nearly the entire trunk of a very tall tree.

But just before they could finish, Wagner had ordered Symcha and sev‐ eral other prisoners to climb the tree and tie a rope near the top branches. This rope could be used to pull down the tree and thus save a 113

Dov Freiberg, To Survive Sobibór, Gefen Publishing House, Jerusalem, 2007, pp. 219–220.

79

small amount of time. But right after they placed the rope, Wagner had forced the remaining prisoners to pull the rope while the people were still in the tree. The tree had toppled down with Symcha and several others perched on the branches. Every prisoner had hung on to the branches as best he could. Several had lost their lives in the tree. Others had broken bones, which itself was a death sentence, because now they would be killed for being unable to work. But Symcha had somehow escaped with only some scratches and bruises.114

The members of the Jewish Work Brigades recall some of the SS of‐ ficers and their behaviour towards the Jewish working prisoners: Moshe Szklarek (Bahir) was deported to Sobibór from Zamość on May 24, 1942 recalled Paul Groth, who was often just referred to as Paul/Poul by the inmates: Groth was the Leader of the Ukrainian ‘columns,’ between the two rows of whom the camp prisoners were frequently ordered to pass. They were to be afflicted with leaden whips, rubber clubs and all kinds of flagella‐ tion instruments with which the servants of the Nazis, who stood on both sides of the row, were equipped.

Groth carried out this task with zeal and pleasure. He had a trusted as‐ sistant in this work: his dog Barry, a wild beast the size of a pony, well trained and obedient to the short, brutal orders of his master. When he heard Groth cry ‘Jude,’ the dog would attack his victim and bite him on the testicles. The bitten man was, of course, no longer able to continue his work, and then Groth would take him aside and ask him in a sym‐ pathetic voice, ‘Poor fellow, what happened to you? It certainly must be hard for you to keep working, isn’t it? Come with me, I’ll go with you to the clinic!’

And, sure enough, Groth accompanied him, as he accompanied scores of workers every day, to the Lazarett, to the giant grave behind the worn‐out hut, where armed Ukrainian ‘bandagers’ greeted the sick and bitten men. In most cases, these men would place buckets on the heads of the victims, after they made them get into the pit, and would practise shooting, along with Groth, who was, of course, always the most out‐ standing shot. Groth would return from the clinic satisfied and gay— and look for more victims. His dog knew his masters temperament and helped him in his murderous pleasures.

114

80

Philip Bialowitz, A Promise at Sobibór, The University of Wisconsin Press, 2008, p. 86.

Sometimes Groth would have himself a joke; he would seize a Jew, give him a bottle of wine and sausage weighing at least a kilo and order him to devour it in a few minutes. When the ‘lucky’ man succeeded in car‐ rying out this order and staggered from drunkenness, Groth would or‐ der him to open his mouth wide and would urinate into his mouth.115

Stanislaw Szmajzner recalls Franz Stangl, the Commandant of the Camp, and Gustav Wagner: Franz Stangl was, at that time, extremely vain. He was always perfectly dressed and his snobbery came to the point of being absurd. He re‐ garded himself as being all powerful. And he actually was. His counte‐ nance reflected a lot of arrogance, in spite of some kind and tender traits. He doubtless looked snobbish. He was always well‐groomed, his “Hauptmann’s”—high ranking police officer uniform was always shiny and well‐pressed, and it fit beautifully his 1.74m of slender height.

He usually wore a cap which showed that he still had all of his light‐ brown hair. He looked thirty years old and healthy. He always kept his white gloves swinging in one of his hands and his boots were like mir‐ rors, clean and shiny. He had the air of a superior man, a peculiar char‐ acteristic of all Aryans who revered their ancestry. He was always smil‐ ing, friendly and happy, although at the cost of the unhappiness of oth‐ ers. He spoke slowly in a soft voice which betrayed his unshakeable calm. The words he pronounced sounded mild and affable, showing how well‐bred and refined he was. His appearance was that of a Univer‐ sity lecturer due to the mixture of attitudes that he deliberately pre‐ sented.

The other one, Gustav Wagner, was a giant nearly two metres tall. He had a huge body, must have weighed more than a hundred kilos and was strong as an ox. His main peculiarity lay in the fact that he had ex‐ tremely long arms, which went down to his knees, in an absurdly dis‐ proportionate way. He also had a severe deformity in one of his shoul‐ ders, which was much narrower than the other, and this made him walk with a strange gait, always leaning towards the right. Besides, his way of swinging his body right and left gave him the appearance of an orang‐ utan. His face was like a skull made in granite, so rigid was it. His eyes were such a dark green that they could hypnotize anyone who looked

115

M. Gilbert, The Holocaust—The Jewish Tragedy, William Collins and Son Lon‐ don, 1986, p. 326.

81

fixedly at them. However, they were lustreless like those of a dead fish with no life or sparkle.116

Thomas (Toivi) Blatt described how the Germans destroyed the photographs and documents of the murdered Jews, he was known as the ‘Fireman’ by the SS and Kapo’s: Not far from the sorting sheds was a big pit where teenagers Szmul Wajcen from Chodorow and Meir Ziss from Zolkiewka worked burning documents, photo albums, letters and so on. It was an ideal place to work. The ditch was deep and always surrounded by thick smoke. The Germans did not come close, and there was no supervision.... I pitched in to help.

Later a special oven was built in an enclosed building to prevent burning papers from being dispersed by the wind. The pit was levelled and we were now hidden in a building out of view. Szmul later was transferred, and I was put in charge of the burning and given another helper, Blind Karolek, so nicknamed because he only had one good eye.

To start a fire, I laid out some wood, identification papers, and torn books, and lit the pile. The oven ablaze again, was stuffed to capacity.

The flames hummed and crackled through the tall chimney. All books were supposed to be burned, but I always tried to save some to look at, if I could get away with it. I had always loved books, and I would risk my life to smuggle out a book to read in some barrack corner. 117

Eda Lichtman recalled how Wagner and other members of the SS‐ Sonderkommando raided the sorting barracks for gifts when they went home on leave: Whenever other Germans came to visit, Wagner would order me to get some nice things together for him to pass on as gifts. They were all handed out these parcels containing Jewish property. One day Wagner came to me and said: “My wife is tall and blonde. I am going on holiday and I need several things. Put a parcel together for me.” I put in some baby clothes for his daughter, and also a white fur cape which must have belonged to a child of rich Jewish parents.

116

117

82

Stanislaw Szmajzner, Hell in Sobibór, (Unpublished English Version) pp. 120– 121.

Thomas Toivi Blatt, From the Ashes of Sobibór, Northwestern University Press, Evanston, 1997, pp. 121–122.

We put parcels together for all the Officers, always with dolls and cloth‐ ing. Frenzel, Wagner and Niemann particularly wanted the dolls. We also sewed uniforms for the Hitlerjugend at the camp, which made the Urlaubers (Officers on leave) very happy.118

Moshe Szklarek (Bahir) remembered Gustav Wagner: He was a handsome man, tall and blond—a pure Aryan. In civilian life he was no doubt, a well‐mannered man, at Sobibór he was a wild beast.

His lust to kill knew no bounds. I saw such terrible scenes that they give me nightmares to this day. He would snatch babies from their mothers’ arms and tear them to pieces in his hands. I saw him beat two men to death with a rifle because they did not carry out his instructions properly, since they did not understand German.

I remember that one night a group of youths aged fifteen or sixteen ar‐ rived in the camp. The head of this group was one Abraham. After a long and arduous work day, this young man collapsed on his pallet and fell asleep. Suddenly Wagner came into our barracks, and Abraham did not hear him call to stand up at once before him. Furious, he pulled Abraham naked off his bed and began to beat him all over his body.

When Wagner grew weary of the blows, he took out his revolver and killed him on the spot. This atrocious spectacle was carried out before all of us, including Abraham’s119 younger brother.120

Stanislaw Szmajzner recounts when Jankus his nephew was ordered

by Bolender to come to him in Lager II: In the afternoon, when I was already starting on the task, a Scharführer came to our workshops. His name was Bolender and brought very good company. It was a huge St. Bernard dog, which answered to the name of Barry. At first I thought it was tame. It did not bark at me, but stood quietly by its master. I was absolutely mistaken; I later learned it was a fierce watchdog. Bolender was an officer with the SS. He was tall, stout and of elegant bearing. He was characterized by his manifest austerity and the constant use of a goatee which gave him an imposing aspect.

He was one of the leaders in Lager III and one of the most important figures in Sobibór.

He approached me, threw a quick glance at the piece I had started to chase and then addressed me. It was soon evident that I was facing a 118 119 120

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, p. 85.

His name was Max. Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, p. 191.

83

very brutish man because he ordered me in a very rude way to make a gold inlay in the handle of his whip. He also ordered me to fix a coin to the upper end of the handle. He had hardly finished talking when he threw on the table a handful of gold. It seemed to me that the Nazi did not know what he was doing, for the quantity of bullion he had brought was excessive. Before he left he ordered me to send my nephew, early next morning, to Lager II to fetch the coin, because he would be there then, although he worked in Lager III. I put away the material Bolender had brought and went on with my task for the rest of the afternoon and evening to be able to finish Wagner’s monogram, as soon as possible.

As the lights had been turned out, I worked by the light of an oil lamp.

During the day, another levy of prisoners had come to Sobibór, much larger than ours, as I later learned. However, as I supposed I was in a labor camp, I did not pay any attention to the fact, assuming that the Germans needed a larger number of men for the activities in the camp.

Soon after daybreak my ingenious nephew headed for the place Bolender had told him to go, without any suspicion. In order to get there he had to cross the yard where the rows of men who had come in the latest levy were waiting. By then the women had already left towards the mysterious gate and had disappeared behind it. He passed by the rows of Jews and went to the same gate through which he would reach the assigned place. He opened it and entered a long corridor which led to Lager II. When he got to the end of the corridor he found himself inside a place which could very easily be taken for a giant corral, surrounded by boards so well juxtaposed that it would be impossible to see from the outside what was going on inside it. The side of the corral nearest to the end of the corridor had a door which was guarded by a Ukrainian sol‐ dier. My nephew went up to him and said he was to meet Bolender, who had ordered him to be there at that hour. The brutal sentry did not pay any attention to him but opened the door and pushed him inside. Next he made the boy undress to the skin without giving him the opportunity of explaining anything, heedless of his protests. Perhaps he acted like that because he thought the boy was part of the levy.

In the meanwhile I had finished Wagner’s monogram and was starting to work on Bolender’s whip. I was engrossed in my work and was already starting to worry about my nephew’s delay when the door was suddenly opened. It was the boy coming back, seized by indescribable panic. He was trembling and his face was ashen with terror. He was not able to say a word and he was obviously out of his mind. He sank into a deep

84

depression and he did not even make a simple gesture to justify his at‐ titude. He was obviously deranged.

His nervous attack lasted for the rest of the day and during the night the others and I did all we could to make him tell us what had happened and what had shocked him in that way. All was in vain for he would not tell us anything. Only at daybreak were we able to see him relax and come to himself again. He then started his unbelievable report. He told us that as soon as he had undressed inside what was known as Lager II he had found himself face to face with a tragic scene, never before seen or imagined.

He saw a multitude of women, some of them naked and others in the process of undressing. Among the latter, the most reluctant to do so, had their clothes torn off their bodies by the brutal guards, while the others were forced to undress with whiplashes, rifle butts and blows of every sort, not to mention the shots which were fired at them. At the same time, the loud noise made the place even more terrifying. There were shouts, weeping, and laments mixed with begging for the Germans not to continue their nameless cruelty. The Nazis and their Ukrainian sectarians answered with shouts, curses, orders and blows.

He continued his petrifying description and told us he had witnessed right there something which would only be compatible with the times when Barbarian tribes roamed over Europe. Children of all ages were torn out of their mother’s arms and held by the legs, they were twirled and violently thrown with their heads against the walls falling dead to the floor. It was mass infanticide, impossible to conceive of in our mod‐ ern age. Amid the savage scene he had witnessed he had been able to see very clearly that one of the chiefs there was Bolender. This man, apparently perfect for the task which he performed with the utmost pleasure, looked more like a jackal than a human being: His activity was feverish and he was resolute not only in emitting orders, but also in tak‐ ing active part in the practice of vandalism.

To finish his report my nephew added that, by mere chance, he had been seen and recognized by the criminal who then called him.

Bolender had next, amidst curses and rude words, taken out of his pocket a gold coin for twenty American dollars. He had next handed the coin to the boy and ordered a guard to lead him out of that place. Before he did that, though, he severely warned the boy not to go any place whenever a new levy came and to tell his companions to do the same.

85

He also told him not to mention to anyone, under any circumstances, what he had seen there. 121

Thomas (Toivi) Blatt remembered the occasion he came close to in Lager III: SS‐Oberscharführer, Rudolf Beckmann, chief of the Administration Of‐ fice, ordered two other prisoners and myself to go with him. He led us to a barren field between Lager II and Lager III. On a truck platform were two young girls about twenty years of age, one of whom was com‐ pletely nude and probably wounded. „You,“ he said, pointing at the other prisoners, “carry the naked one. And you, he pointed at me, “go with the other one. Bring them to Lager III.“ The girls were frightened but silent. I sensed their unspoken question: „What was Lager III?“ Beckmann followed briskly a few paces behind.

As we walked, the girl whispered frantically in Polish, “I’ve got money.

Bribe the German. Help me do something!“ She didnt know that the Germans would soon take her money as well as her life. “Aren’t you a Jew, how could you do this , doesn’t your conscience bother you? Help us.“ I didn’t dare answer her. Beckmann was right behind me, and it would be death for me as well. “Am I going to die?“ she asked. Should I answer yes? What good was the truth? I kept quiet.

We came to the gate of the gas chamber compound. My heart pounded.

I was terrified too. Would he order me in as well? “Go back!“ ordered Beckmann. I turned and ran like the wind. Minutes later I heard shots.

The girls had been executed. I returned to my interrupted work, shaken.

They were so young, good looking, in the spring of their lives. And they were only two, out of hundreds of thousands like them. 122

Dov Freiberg recalled how the SS drilled the prisoners with German marching songs: The Germans spent many hours training the new workers in parade ex‐ ercises and German songs. On Sundays, in the afternoon, one could see the groups marching here and there under German, Ukrainian and Kapo supervision, in the area between Lager I and Lager II. Shouts and orders were given non‐stop: Links, Links (Left, left), Marsch (March).....

One group sang ‘The Blue Dragoons,’ other groups were made to run, 121

122

86

Stanislaw Szmajzner, Hell in Sobibór, (Unpublished English Version), pp. 129– 132.

Thomas Toivi Blatt, From the Ashes of Sobibór, Northwestern University Press, Evanston, 1997, pp. 103–104.

and people fell and got up, crawled and jumped, and the orders followed each other closely.123

The SS created an orchestra, according to Dov Freiberg’s account: The Germans selected musicians and established a small orchestra, which would play on Sundays. More than once we were forced to dance to its music. And sometimes, when transports arrived, the orchestra would be called to play, to the wonder of the people in the transport. A cabaret singer—from Holland or France—also arrived at the camp, and she sang in many languages. Sometimes all the Germans would gather, the orchestra would play and the singer would sing. Her voice was pure and deep and she sang plaintive songs, and although I didn’t understand their words, they made my tears catch in my throat......... After a short while, the singer was taken to the Lazarett and we never heard her voice again. 124

Thomas (Toivi) Blatt also recalled the orchestra: A camp orchestra was formed with first‐rate musicians and the senti‐ mental Polish folk song ‘Goralu, czy Ci nie zal?’ (Highlander, Have you no regrets?) was often sung. It was probably introduced by the SS, who were transferred from the Bełżec death camp, where it had been the camp song since early Summer of 1942. The orchestra performed after work, or whenever ordered. Jews were taught the SS military drill songs and were forced to sing in flawless unison while marching to or return‐ ing from work.125

Estera Raab remembered the tragic murder of a Seamstress and her baby by Gustav Wagner, in an interview with the USHMM on Feb‐ ruary 18, 1992: She came into the camp with her husband, he was a good Tailor, and she was an excellent Seamstress and the Nazis didn’t wear underwear just from plain material, everything had to be made from silk, the shirts, the underwear..... they brought a lot of silk from the parachutes and she used to be able, if you told her out of this piece has to come three shirts

123

124 125

Dov Freiberg, To Survive Sobibór, Gefen Publishing House, Jerusalem, 2007, p. 254.

Ibid., p. 255.

Thomas (Toivi) Blatt, Sobibór—The Forgotten Revolt, H.E.P. Issaquah, 1988, p. 54.

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and three items of underwear—it came out. I don’t know how she did it?

First of all was the baby, second of all, again to do something against the Nazis, you know maybe we’ll be able, it was a challenge at the same time. And so she kept it for two weeks. And once Wagner walked in unannounced, unexpected and he heard the baby and he gave her a choice. He gave her a choice, just because they needed her, otherwise they wouldn’t have.

And what mother would give up her baby? And she just spat in his face right then and there and they shot them both. But they were such mur‐ derers, that he had to shoot the baby first, so the mother should die with more pain.126

Dov Freiberg recounts the Germans socializing in the evenings: A strange building was erected next to our barracks; at one end, close to us there was a room that joined onto the long, rectangular sloping building. This was a bowling alley, meant to provide entertainment for the Germans during the long winter evenings. It was beyond my under‐ standing why this bowling alley was built in our camp, next to our bar‐ racks, and not in the German area. It was possible that in this way the Germans could keep a close eye on us during the long winter evenings to prevent the likelihood of rebellion or escape.

One evening, a large group of Germans came to the entrance of the bowling alley. Somehow Graetschus hunted me down, and he ordered me to accompany him to the building. The Germans brought food and plenty of beer with them and had already been drinking before they en‐ tered the new structure.

Graetschus explained to me that I was to stand at the end of the lane, where there was a platform marked with circles; I was to set up the wooden bowling pins and return the balls that reached me. I spent all that evening with the Germans, who talked and laughed and mostly drank excessive amounts of beer. Now and then, one of the Germans would give me something to eat and a beer. The drink was bitter and after one bottle my head swam. When the Germans left I had to clean the place. I finally went back to the barracks, my pockets full of cigarette and cigar stubs, and within moments our barracks was filled with smoke. 127 126 127

88

Interview with Ester Raab, by USHMM. 18 February 1992.

Dov Freiberg, To Survive Sobibór, Gefen Publishing House, Jerusalem, 2007, p. 273.

Erich Bauer testified about two Jewish girls from Austria, who worked in the kitchen in the Forester’s house: I was blamed for being responsible for the death of the Jewish girls Ruth and Gisela, who lived in the so‐called Forester house. As it is known, these two girls lived in the Forester house, and they were visited fre‐ quently by the SS men. Orgies were conducted there. They were at‐ tended by Bolender, Hubert Gomerski, Karl Ludwig, Franz Stangl, Gus‐ tav Wagner, and Steubel.

I lived in the room above them and due to these celebrations could not fall asleep after coming back from a journey. One evening, Karl Ludwig banged on the girls‘ door. Evidently he wanted to enter. The girls opened the door in my presence. Ludwig ordered the girls to put on their dressing gowns, and both of us took them in the direction of Lager III. I went half way only and then returned. Ludwig went with them alone. Next day Ludwig told me that by his order a Ukrainian had shot the two girls.128

Selma Engel, in an interview with the USHMM recounted how the Germans made the prisoners dance in the evenings for their amuse‐ ment: I remember that we all assorted the clothes and then after four or five o’clock I had to assort even the clothes from the uncle, from the man with five children, who were also in the transport. At five o’clock we had to go on a roll call, and we were brought to Lager I, where we slept.

And when we came to Lager I, we had to dance for the Germans. There were some Jews who had instruments, who were already longer in the camp.... in between, the fire was burning—it was like this over the whole camp, it was very big, very big! And we had to dance, the Germans were standing there laughing and having fun.... and it was an order, we had to dance. Chaim, my husband asked me to dance and that was the first time I met Chaim. 129

The members of the Jewish Work Brigades recall how the Jewish in‐ mates started to resist the Nazis, in the most difficult of circum‐ stances. Ursula Safran‐Stern recalled when the Dutch Jews were ex‐ ecuted during mid‐April 1943:

128 129

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press 1987, pp. 116–117.

Interview with Selma Engel, by USHMM, 16 July 1990.

89

Once, after I had spent about a week at Sobibór, all the Dutch Jews were told to step forward at the roll call. The men ended up in front, while we women had to line up behind them. Shortly after, Frenzel, standing by the gate to Lager I, ordered that the women could go back to their places in the line‐up.

Frenzel walked over to the seventy‐two men who were lined up, looking for the Painter, Max van Dam. Betrayed in the Alps on his way to Swit‐ zerland, he had arrived on a French transport as a ‘criminal’ prisoner at the end of March 1943 and carrying his painter’s supplies and brushes, had put himself forward as a Painter.

Frenzel did not want van Dam to be killed in Lager III along with the other Dutch Jews because he had not finished his portrait, so he called him out. One other Dutchman was spared that day: 47 year old Raphael Viool from Rotterdam. The SS and their Ukrainians took the seventy other Dutchmen to the execution area in Lager III. 130

Eda Lichtman testified about the same event, with some slight dif‐ ferences: Wagner appeared at the square and ordered all the seventy‐two Dutch men to march out. They were taken to Lager III. After a short while we could hear salvos of shots aimed at our comrades. We had to remain at the roll call during the entire time. The execution lasted half an hour.

In the meantime Frenzel arrived and ordered the Dutch women to sing Dutch songs. The salvos of the shooting mixed with the tunes of the forced songs. 131

Dov Freiberg provides another version, with Wagner beating the Dutch Jew known as Der Kapitän, the ringleader of the escape at‐ tempt, and how they were executed: When Wagner realized it was no use beating Der Kapitän, he made one last attempt to break him and said, “If you don’t give up the names of your accomplices, we will cut off the heads of all your people in your block—and yours will be cut off last.” Der Kapitän did not waiver. Wag‐ ner ordered Block 6 to step forward, and we watched all of the men from Block 6, with Der Kapitän, march towards death, accompanied by a

130 131

90

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York 2007, p. 142.

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, p. 303.

group of armed Germans. Afterwards, we found out that Wagner had stood by his word: all of those men were beheaded in Lager III.132

In June 1943, an area surrounding the Sobibór death camp was mined to a distance of approximately seventeen yards from the outer fence, in order to fend off potential attacks by partisans. A sin‐ gle wire was suspended above the ground stating ‘Achtung Minen.’

This was a direct result of a successful escape attempt by Josel Pelc, a Carpenter from Tyszowice, and Yasha, a Bricklayer from Chełm, who escaped in the middle of the night by cutting the barbed‐wire fences. Thomas ‘Toivi’ Blatt recounted what happened: The Germans consulted among themselves and Scharführer Frenzel an‐ nounced the verdict: each tenth prisoner in the rows of the roll call would be executed. He approached my group. I was seized with fear.... he is in the row behind me. My God only not me—a man is an egoist.

The third from me became the victim. After the selection the doomed were taken to Lager III, and we went to work. Afterwards we heard shots, and later the clothes of those who had been killed were brought for sorting.133

Alexander ‘Sasha’ Pechersky, a Russian Prisoner of War of Jewish descent came with other prisoners of war from Minsk, arriving in Sobibór on September 23, 1943. Pechersky led the prisoner revolt on October 14, 1943. He described his work in Lager IV: We had to split tree trunks and logs, and chop wood. The woodchips probably served as firewood for underneath the grids in Lager III, to burn the bodies. At least that is what I realized later. As we were work‐ ing there, a Dutchman, a young man who wore glasses, stood nearby.

He was obviously short‐sighted, because he kept having to take a closer look at what he was doing. The Dutchman had trouble raising the axe, because it was so much heavier than an ordinary one, and he kept miss‐ ing the log because he had no strength. Then Frenzel approached, com‐ ing up behind him. As the Dutchman tried to raise again, Frenzel pulled out his whip and started hitting him. He liked to do that to the beat of a song he knew.

132

133

Dov Freiberg, To Survive Sobibór, Gefen Publishing House, Jerusalem 2007, p. 276.

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press ,1987, p. 266.

91

I was new at the camp, it was only the third or fourth day, and I was not yet aware of the rule that standing idle automatically incurred a pun‐ ishment of twenty‐five whip lashes. So I inadvertently paused to take in what was going on. I can pull quite a deceptive face by just standing there smiling, though obviously there was nothing much to smile about at Sobibór.

As I stood watching, Frenzel turned around and saw me smiling. He said to me, ‘Come, come!’ My stomach started churning; even though I had no idea of the camp rules. I understood I would be punished for watch‐ ing the incident. I walked over to him.

He looked for a suitable tree trunk, pointed to his watch and said: ‘Five minutes. Cut in half and you get a pack of cigarettes; if you don’t, you get twenty‐five lashes.’ Well, we Soviets were used to some heavy phys‐ ical labor. While he searched for a suitable spot to perch down, I sized up the tree trunk, deciding on the quickest way to chop it in half; it had to be done across the grain, as it is called. He gave me the signal to start.

My eyes glazed over. I chopped as fast as I could, not looking up once.

When I had managed to split the trunk in half, he said pointing to his watch again: ‘Four and a half minutes,’ and he smiled as he gave me the packet of cigarettes. I said: ‘No thank you, I don’t smoke.’ I really did not. Perhaps I should have accepted it on behalf of my comrades though, because a cigarette was worth its weight in gold.

Without a word, he turned his back and walked away, and I continued working. Fifteen minutes later he returned with half a loaf of bread and a packet of margarine. I told him: ‘Thank you, but the food I get here is sufficient.’ Later that night the women who worked in the storerooms told me that Frenzel had returned with the bread and margarine and had thrown them onto the floor shouting: ‘A Russian soldier said he was given enough to eat.’ Perhaps this incident was one of the reasons why they asked me to join the underground committee.134

134

92

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, p. 93.

Chapter VII Himmler Visits Sobibór (Expansion of the Camp) In the heart of winter, on February 12, 1943, an armoured train with three wagons pulled into Sobibór, bearing Heinrich Himmler and his entourage, which included Christian Wirth the Inspector of Ab‐ teilung Reinhard and his adjutant Josef Oberhauser. Himmler wit‐ nessed the mass gassing of a couple of hundred Jewish women in Lager III. After the gassing Himmler delivered a speech to the camp staff.135 This is at odds with some of the prisoner testimony, Moshe Bahir, for example, states that Himmler arrived by airplane in Feb‐ ruary 1943 (see below). Meier Ziss, another prisoner however, states that Himmler arrived by armoured train.

Himmler noted the camp was virtually idle and took the decision to send transports from France and Holland to Sobibór and he con‐ cluded that Aktion Reinhardt had basically accomplished its aims; that is the destruction of Polish Jewry, and that the camps would be closed after all traces of the crimes committed there were erased once and for all.136 Some of the Jewish Work Brigade recall Himmler’s visit, the first witness also recalls the visit in July 1942: Moshe Szklarek (Bahir) recalled the visits of Heinrich Himmler to the Sobibór death camp at the Adolf Eichmann trial in Jerusalem in 1961; It was in the month of July 1942. I remember this incident well. I re‐ member that two hours before the arrival of the train, my friend Joseph Pines and I were called to polish the Officers’ boots. The officers’ quar‐ ters were near the platform. At approximately 11.00 or 11.30, two hours after I had been called, I saw a luxury train coming in to Sobibór.

The victims who arrived in those days were brought in freight cars, and you could see all kinds of belongings hanging out of the cars. This one 135 136

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, p. 94.

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, p. 167.

93

was a train with passenger carriages. A group of senior officers alighted from it, and it was headed by Himmler who stood out, with his specta‐ cles and long coat. There were eight other officers, one of whom was Eichmann, and together with them, three civilians.

I saw him for the second time in 1943—roughly in the month of Febru‐ ary, but then it was not a train that arrived—then the officers arrived by plane—we also knew that. I was then working in the German Officers’ casino. I worked there for eight months, starting the day after the first visit, for on the day after that first visit, the two Jewish girls who worked in the German casino were killed, and, in their stead, I was chosen to work there, together with my friend Joseph Pines. From that day, I worked in the casino until March 1943, about one month after the sec‐ ond visit of Himmler and his colleagues.

On the day of that visit when he had already returned from Lager III, he visited only Lager III, accompanied by Franz Reichleitner, who was Camp Commander at that time. My immediate superior in the casino, Paul Bredow, heard from Unterscharführer137 Beckmann who had re‐ turned from Lager III, that the visitors were soon coming back from there. He was not even aware that the plane had already landed, as soon as he heard this, he sent me hurriedly to the camp with my friend Joseph Pines. When I arrived there, the gate was locked, and by the time the Ukrainian Guard opened the gate they had already come quite near, two or three metres away, and then I recognized them. 138

SS‐Oberscharführer Hubert Gomerski recalled Himmler’s visit: I remember the visit of Reichsführer Heinrich Himmler in Sobibór. All the SS men, members of the police and the Ukrainian volunteers were lined up in a parade. I personally reported my platoon to Himmler for inspection. I know that on the day when Himmler was in Sobibór a cer‐ tain number of Jews were gassed. I can tell for sure that Himmler visited Camp III (extermination area). I saw Himmler with the whole group go‐ ing in the direction of Camp III.139

SS‐Oberscharführer Karl Frenzel was in charge of security for Himmler’s visit:

137 138

139

94

Rudolf Beckmann was an SS‐Oberscharführer in rank. http://www.nizkor.org/hweb/people/e/eichmann‐adolf/transcripts/Se ssions/index‐03.html Y.Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, p. 166.

His visit was announced a few days in advance. The camp leadership spared no effort to demonstrate the proper functioning of the camp.

The so‐called Aktiven (trusted SS‐men) were put in position to ensure that all communications ran smoothly. I was assigned to patrol the out‐ side of the camp with some of the Unterführer and Ukrainian guards to ensure Himmler’s personal safety. While Himmler was observing the gassing procedure in Lager III, I secured the surrounding area (from La‐ ger IV).140

The visit of Himmler brought about changes to the way the camp operated. A German Jewess, named Johanna Koch, from Mainz, who had been deported from Mainz‐Darmstadt on March 25, 1942 to the Piaski Transit Ghetto, and then on to Sobibór, cooked meals for the Germans, and as a result of Himmler’s visit, she was removed from this position, as the Nazis feared that Jews who prepared food for them, might poison them. 141 Himmler discovered that the bodies of the gassed Jews had been buried and thus he ordered that the bodies should be exhumed and cremated, so that all traces of the crimes committed here were oblit‐ erated. He also found the camp idle, so he ordered that some trans‐ ports from Holland and France should be sent to Sobibór.

Several months later, on July 5, 1943, Heinrich Himmler wrote to SS‐Gruppenführer Oswald Pohl of the SS‐Wirtschafts‐ und Verwal‐ tungshauptamt (WVHA) a memo that read as follows: 1)

The Durchgangslager Sobibór in the Lublin district must be trans‐ formed into a concentration camp and contain a facility for making confiscated munitions reusable.

2) All Police Chiefs must send to Sobibór all appropriated munitions that are surplus to requirements for use in weapons confiscated from the enemy.

3) Metals and especially explosives should be reused very carefully.

4) At this camp there is also to be established a workshop for produc‐ ing grenades and other munitions.

Oswald Pohl replied to Heinrich Himmler on July 15, 1943: 140 141

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, p. 94.

M.Bem, Sobibór Extermination Camp 1942 ‐1943, Stichting Sobibór, Amsterdam 2015, p. ??

95

Reichsführer Concerning your directive that Durchgangslager Sobibór in the Lublin district should be transformed into a Concentration Camp. I have dis‐ cussed this with SS‐Gruppenführer Globocnik and we would propose to you to not carry out this transformation into a Concentration Camp, because the purpose you have in mind, i.e. to establish a workshop for processing appropriated munitions can be achieved without this trans‐ formation. Everything else in the directive can remain as it is. I ask for your permission, which is relevant only to Gruppenführer Globocnik and myself. 142

Heinrich Himmler agreed with the Pohl and Globocnik proposal and Dov Freiberg in his book ‘To Survive Sobibór’ described the ac‐ tivity: There was another wave of construction at Sobibór camp and again trains full of construction supplies arrived..... now weapons and ammu‐ nition warehouses were being built, most of them underground. At this stage Lager IV was set up, which the Germans called the Nordlager— north camp—in the north‐east corner of the existing camp, in the open area between the railway platform and the forest, and it continued into the forest, close to the Lazarett.

High ranking Officers landed in light planes and ran around the area with maps and plans, while our SS officers were dragged along behind them.... the work was performed at a swift pace, before the first bunkers were completed, transports of ammunition had already arrived and were temporarily stored outside, next to the bunkers. 143

Zelda Metz recalled the camp expansion: In the summer of 1943, I was working on the construction of camp num‐ ber IV. The SS were in a hurry to finish it, with its barracks and bunkers.

To speed up the work, the SS formed a Strafkommando (penal com‐ mando). We were to eat while running. Forty to fifty of us died during the construction of the camp. 144

Alexander Pechersky also remembered the work in the Nordlager: 142 143

144

96

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, pp. 146–147.

Dov Freiberg, To Survive Sobibór, Gefen Publishing House, Jerusalem, 2007, p. 283.

M. Novitch, Sobibór, Martyrdom and Revolt, Holocaust Library New York, 1980, p. 131.

Soldiers led us to the Nordlager, a new section of the camp. Nine bar‐ racks were already built there and others were under construction. Our group was split in two: one part was sent to build, the other to cut wood.

On our first day of work, fifteen people got twenty‐five lashes each for incompetence.

On September 25, we unloaded coal all day, and were given only twenty minutes for lunch. The cook was unable to feed us all in such a short time. Frenzel was furious and ordered the cook to sit down. Then he whipped him while whistling a march tune. The soup tasted as though it had been mixed with blood and, although we were very hungry, many of us were unable to eat.145

Thomas (Toivi) Blatt also witnessed the above event and he wrote that: The cook, Hershel Cuckierman was flogged by Frenzel because he had been unable to prepare that day’s lunch for the prisoners within the al‐ lotted time. 146

Stanislaw Szmajzner wrote in his book, ‘Hell in Sobibór—The Trag‐ edy of a Teenage Jew’: One day we heard an explosion. As all news spread very fast in the camp, we soon learned what had happened. A grenade had just exploded in Getzinger’s hand, and had instantly killed him. A Ukrainian Guard had also died with him. The ignoble Officer had met his well‐deserved end through his curiosity and conceit. He had been checking one of the Rus‐ sian artifacts stocked in the ‘Bunkers’ he was responsible for. He con‐ sidered himself so competent about it that he certainly did not believe the possibility of having any kind of accident. Of his body, only pieces were found. They were soon gathered and sent back to Germany.147

Thomas (Toivi) Blatt recalled the building of a road made out of logs in the Nordlager: Prisoners from Lager I were building a road in the North Camp and I volunteered to go there. In charge was SS‐Scharführer, Arthur Dachsel.

At fifty‐five Dachsel was the oldest Nazi in Sobibór. He was also one of

145 146

147

Ibid., p.90.

Thomas (Toivi) Blatt, Sobibór—The Forgotten Revolt, H.E.P. Issaquah, 1988, p. 50.

Stanislaw Szmajzner, Hell in Sobibór, (Unpublished English Version), p. 243.

97

the least vicious… I cut down the small trees, cut the trunks into fifteen foot segments, and laid them aside to use as a foundation for the new wooden road.148

Thomas (Toivi) Blatt added: I became aware that although some of the forest area was not fenced, we were watched by many Guards, and it was impossible to escape. It was best to fade from Lager IV. The next day I took a chance and asked SS‐Dachsel to release me from the tree‐cutting force. He agreed and put me in charge of another group building the road. We dug long, narrow channels for larger logs, which would form the main support for the new wooden road. It was to run for about three‐hundred yards, through La‐ ger IV. Where the road was to make a left turn, I made an engineering mistake.

Not understanding the instructions given by SS‐Dachsel, I built the turn flat instead of with a higher angle at the curve. The angry, but even‐ tempered German relieved me of my ‘instructor’s job’ and I was again a regular worker. Shortly thereafter the road was finished, and I returned to Lager II.149

148

149

98

Thomas Toivi Blatt , From the Ashes of Sobibór, Northwestern University Press, Evanston, 1997, p.110.

Ibid., p.112.

Chapter VIII Transports from Poland, France, Holland, Slovakia Belorussia, Lithuania and The Reich (Aktion Reinhardt Decode) Following Himmler’s visit, transports from other parts of Poland, France, Holland and Belorussia started to arrive in Sobibór. A num‐ ber of prisoners recalled the horrors of the journey and their arrival at an unknown destination. We start this chapter with accounts of transports within Poland that were known as the Generalgouverne‐ ment, which were under the control of Hans Frank, with his head‐ quarters in the Wawel Castle in Kraków: Transports within the Generalgouvernement Most of the transports within the Generalgouvernement arrived in Sobibór by train, but some transports from nearby locations, trav‐ elled to Sobibór by road. One of these journeys was made by Thomas (Toivi) Blatt who was deported to Sobibór from Izbica on April 28, 1943 with his family. They journeyed to the death camp in a lorry and he described his arrival: Ahead of us and behind us, in separate army vehicles, rode our Guards, armed with machine guns. After another half an hour or so, the trucks slowed down, took a left turn, and stopped. I can still hear the last words in Yiddish coming from the Jew at the hole in the canvas: “Ys Schwarz fyn Ukrainer” (It is black with Ukrainians), a reference to the black uniforms the Ukrainian Guards wore. We were overwhelmed by them.

We were ordered out of the trucks. Resistance was impossible now. We were surrounded on three sides by an army of SS and black‐uniformed Ukrainians. In front of us, barbed‐wire and a big 99

gate; Above the gate were large black letters: SS‐ SONDERKOMMANDO. The gate opened, revealing what seemed to be a beautiful village. Before us lay a black paved road lined with flower beds. On our left stood a neat, colourful house surrounded by immaculate lawns, lovely trees and flowers. The mass of human‐ ity surged forward. We could see signposts, figures beautifully carved in wood: a waiter holding a dish, a barber with a razor. Could such a place be a death factory? Impossible! Perhaps it really was a work camp, just as the Germans had said.150 Eda Lichtman was deported from Hrubieszow to Sobibór in the middle of June 1942, by train, in a cattle car. She described the hell‐ ish journey to the death camp: We were packed into a closed cattle train. Inside the freight cars it was so dense that it was impossible to move. There was not enough air, many people fainted, others became hysterical. In an isolated place, the train stopped. Soldiers entered the car and robbed us and even cut off fingers with rings. They claimed we didn’t need them any more. These soldiers, who wore German uni‐ forms, spoke Ukrainian. We were disorientated by the long voyage, we thought we were in the Ukraine. Days and nights passed. The air inside the car was poisoned by the smell of bodies and excrement.

Nobody thought about food, only about water and air. Finally we arrived at Sobibór.151 Eda Lichtman continued: We lost all notion of time when the train stopped. Blinded by the sun, I could read SS‐Sonderkommando Sobibór. Officers and soldiers with ma‐ chine guns were waiting for us. One of them held a big dog on a leash.

An officer called me, “You there, what is your profession?” I replied, “Kindergarten teacher.” The Nazi roared with laughter. “Well, here you will wash our laundry.”

I left the ranks with two young women, Bella Sobol and Serka Katz from Dubienka, and we were led into the camp to a little barrack. Some cloth‐ ing was lying around, proof that other people had been there before....

150

151

100

Thomas Toivi Blatt, From the Ashes of Sobibor, Northwestern University Press, Evanston, 1997, pp. 91–93.

Y.Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, p. 63.

Out of 7,000 people who left Hrubieszow, only three women remained alive in Sobibór. Of these three, I am the only survivor.152

Transports from France Four transports departed from France to the Sobibór death camp.

Transport nos. 50 and 51 with 2,001 people left on March 4 and March 6, 1943, where some of the people were incarcerated in Lublin concentration camp, whilst the reminder went to Sobibór.

Transport No.52 with Jews from Marseille, left Drancy on March 23,1943, and Transport No.53 departed on March 25, 1943. On this transport was Josef Duniec, who survived and testified: I remember that we left Drancy on 25 March 1943. We travelled for four days and arrived at Sobibór on 29/30 March 1943. We passed through Lublin and the same day came to Sobibór. Before we left Drancy, the Germans told us that we were going to Poland for work. They said we should take part in the war effort and not walk around the cities of France. We were just being tricked.

The transports that left Drancy were quite big, 1,000 people in each, fifty people in a freight car, we were a group of friends from Drancy, and in spite of the fact that we did not know what awaited us there, we wanted to escape. We wanted to jump from the train, when the other people in the car were sleeping, otherwise they would try to prevent the escape, as they were afraid of collective punishment.

We made a hole in the floor. We started to jump, without knowing in the last car were Gestapo with machine guns. When the Germans un‐ derstood that people were escaping, they started to shoot. Some were killed. I do not know how many of those who jumped succeeded in es‐ caping. We reached Sobibór.

Josef Duniec described what happened when his transport arrived in the death camp: After we left the train, some SS men ordered that thirty people be se‐ lected for work. We did not know what was better, to be among the thirty people taken for work or among those who were going in the other direction. Where were they going? I saw that one of my friends 152

M. Novitch, Sobibór, Martyrdom and Revolt, Holocaust Library New York, 1980, pp. 54–55.

101

from Drancy was among the thirty people taken to work. I joined this group. The German counted and found that we were thirty‐one people.

“Let there be thirty‐one,” he said. In this way I remained in the group.153

He worked in the Waldkommando and in the sorting barracks. He escaped in the revolt on October 14, 1943 and eventually made his way back to France. There is rare documentary proof of this transport. There is a letter written to Dr. Helmuth Knochen154, the Security Police Commander for Northern France and Belgium, con‐ cerning the deportation of Jews from France to Sobibór on 9 April 1943 which is reproduced in the document section within this book.

There is also a telegram to Heinz Roethke155, head of the Paris branch of Adolf Eichmann’s office for Jewish affairs regarding trans‐ ports on March 23, and March 25, 1943, which mentions that these two transports will depart from Paris to Chełm, in the Generalgou‐ vernement, and this too is reproduced in the documents section.

Transports from Holland Commencing from March 5, 1943, nineteen transports carrying ap‐ proximately 34,000 Jews left the Westerbork transit camp in Hol‐ land destined for the Sobibór death camp. Some of the transports made the three‐day journey in passenger cars, but the majority of the transports left in cattle wagons. The last transport from Westerbork departed on July 23, 1943.

Moshe Szklarek (Bahir) recalled the arrival of a transport from Holland: I remember one incident from the time I was in the Bahnhofkommando.

A transport of Jews from Holland arrived at the camp in luxury wagons, with all their personal belongings. Our attitude towards them, com‐ pared to other transports was different; we were more patient. After un‐ loading the victims from the wagons, we started rounding them up to move them to Lager II. Franz Reichleitner was personally in charge.

153 154 155

102

Y.Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, pp. 147–148.

CDJC Paris.

Yad Vashem 0.9/200.

I saw with my own eyes how one Jew from this transport did not line up quickly enough, prompting Oberscharführer Frenzel to step in and start beating him. Reichleitner immediately came across and the German stopped straight away. I saw how the Jew bent down, scooped up a handful of sand, and then turning to face Reichleitner said to him: “See how I pour this sand from my fist, down to the last grain; that is how you and your Reich will fall. Do not think that the world will not take revenge. It will revenge each and every drop of innocent blood you have shed.“ Then he turned back to face the other victims while reciting ‚Shema Yisrael‘ (the Jewish acknowledgement of God, also to be said as one’s last words). Before he had even finished, Franz Reichleitner pulled his revolver and shot him. The Jew died on the spot.156

Leon Feldhendler was deported from Zolkiewka in the Lublin dis‐ trict, in early 1943. He played a key role in the prisoner revolt on October 14, 1943, and he described the arrival of transports from Western Europe: These transports were treated entirely differently. They arrived in passenger trains. The Bahnhofkommando (platform workers) helped them carry their baggage to a special barrack near the sta‐ tion. The deception was carried out to such an extent that they were given tickets in order to reclaim their baggage.

On the square was a special table with writing instruments to write letters. They were ordered by the SS men to write that they were in Włodawa and to ask the recipients to send them letters to Włodawa. Sometimes answers to these letters were indeed sent.

These letters had a double purpose: to make the recipients believe that the deportation did not mean liquidation and to reveal the ad‐ dresses of the families of the deported.157 Saartje (Selma) Engel whose maiden name was Wijnberg recalled in an interview with USHMM on July 16, 1990, the train journey from Westerbork on April 9, 1943 and her arrival at Sobibór, three days later: I can just recall the train ride was very scary, I remember we didn’t have anything to drink—we were very thirsty, I think it was very hot. We had 156 157

J. Schelvis Sobibor, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, p. 67.

Ibid., p. 149

103

no idea where we went—I remember that we came out at Sobibór. They opened the doors and then we heard screaming and the whips and we heard “Raus! Raus! Raus!”

That we had to go out of the train with whips hitting us already and everybody stumbled over each other. And I remember there was a trol‐ ley, you know it was a dump cart that goes over, we saw all the people who couldn’t walk being thrown in them and little children went in that trolley. And it was very confusing, you know, we had to throw away our baggage, that little package, the backpack we had. We had to throw that in a place. I remember vividly also that one woman threw away her package and her baby went, and she said to a German “Oh my child!— My child” And he had a whip and he hit this woman and I saw blood coming from her face and he said “We will take care of this baby. You go!”

So then we went farther and we stuck somehow together with these young girls and we passed all these Germans. All the SS were standing there on the side and we passed all these Germans and they say “You’re Out, You’re Out. And they pull us out and we settled on the side. We didn’t know what will happen to us—we stay on the side and I say to the girls “What will happen to us?” “One shower” she always said “One bath and its all over” I didn’t know even what she was talking about— so we were standing there on the side—I think we were ten or twelve or twenty—I don’t know exactly how many girls.

That’s the first transport that took young girls—Dutch young girls, we were standing on the side and we saw all the people passing by. I think the women went first and then the men went at last. But I don’t remem‐ ber exactly—I saw them walking already that side to the gas chamber that they had to take their clothes off. And I remember also that we heard them speaking to the group of us standing there and said—“You came to Sobibór and everything will be okay,” and “Here is a little card.

You can write home that you are here in Sobibór and you are—you go to a work camp.” “And you have to take a shower because it is better for you, that you take a shower—so we will give you other clothes.” That I remember that they were talking to them, they say “Here is a card. You can write to Holland.” For us we were standing on the side and they brought us to Camp One.158

158

104

Interview with Selma Engel USHMM, July 16, 1990.

Jules Schelvis was deported to Sobibór on June 1, 1943 along with his wife Rachel and other members of her family and he described their arrival in Sobibór: The Jews of the Bahnhofkommando were very heavy handed getting us off the train onto the platform. They let on that they were Jewish by speaking Yiddish, the language of the Eastern European Jews. The SS men standing behind them were shouting ‘schneller, schneller’ (faster, faster) and lashed out at people once they were lined up on the plat‐ form.

Yet the first impression of the camp itself aroused no suspicion, because the barracks looked rather like little Tyrolean cottages, with their cur‐ tains and geraniums on the window‐sills. But this was no time to daw‐ dle. We made our way outside as quickly as possible. Rachel and I, and the rest of our family, fortunately had no difficulty in swiftly making our way onto the platform, which had been built up of sand and earth....... ... We were driven along a path lined with barbed wire towards some large barracks and dared not look around to see what was happening behind us. Like cattle we were herded through a shed that had doors on either side, both wide open. We were ordered to throw down all of our luggage and keep moving. Robbed of everything we had once spent so much care and time in acquiring, we left the shed through the door op‐ posite.

I was so taken aback and distracted by having had all our possessions taken from us, that although I had seen an SS man at some point, I never noticed, until it was too late, that the women had been sent in a differ‐ ent direction. Suddenly Rachel was no longer walking beside me.159

Jules Schelvis was selected to work in another camp, whilst Rachel Schelvis went straight to the gas chambers.

Transports from Belorussia Otto Weisbecker a Bauführer in the Organization Todt testified on February 8, 1966 in Frankfurt am Main, about a deportation of Jews from Lida, Belorussia in September 1943: One day, I cannot remember when it was , but it hadn’t turned cold yet, the Jews from the ghetto were put into wagons and taken to Sobibór 159

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, pp. 76–77

105

with OT‐Haupttruppführer Bache. The next day I was ordered to take my Jews to their workplace in Lublin. The very same day they were loaded into sealed wagons, 60 to a wagon. I was the transport Leader and had one policeman and 19 Polish Hilfspolizei at my disposal. In Brest‐Litovsk the Jews were to be given a hot meal, but the food never came. After a three—day journey the transport arrived in Sobibór. In spite of all the security measures, 20 to 25 had escaped along the way.

A Guard at the gate said that the transport could not be processed until the next morning. The station was directly opposite the camp. A woman told me that the Jews would end up in the rose garden. I went back the next day and was taken to Commandant Gomerski, or whoever it was.

He was still in the dining barracks. He said I could take half of them back again, because he required only saddlers, shoe‐menders, tailors and seamstresses.

Opposite the barracks was the platform along which the six wagons were lined up. The wagons were opened in the presence of the camp Commandants. The Jews had to assemble in two groups, leaving their luggage. Although I had been promised skilled laborers, I got 630 work‐ ers without any experience, including women. The children stayed back at Sobibór. The Commandant assured me that they would be allowed to visit their relatives every six weeks.

In the dining barracks there was a large map of the camp from which I could tell that the 1,400 Jews who had been brought in by Bache the day before could not possibly have been housed in the barracks that were there. When I asked the Commandant where he would house the Jews I was to leave behind, he explained that none of the 1,400 Jews from the day before were still there.

I was ordered to bring the Jews in my charge to Trawniki, and half of them did actually stay there. I took the rest back to Lublin into a camp that was near a Haltestelle (Alter Flugplatz)—Old Airfield.160

Transports from Minsk, Belorussia The first transport from Minsk for Sobibór left on September 15, 1943, on a journey that took four or five days to reach the death camp. On this transport were Boris Taborinsky and Schlomo Leit‐ man.161 On the second transport that left on September 18, 1943, was 160 161

106

Ibid., p. 219.

Ibid., p. 218

Alexander Pechersky, who was to plan and lead the successful revolt on October 14, 1943. He recalled the journey and arrival at Sobibór, from the transport that set out from the Sheroka Street camp: On 18 September, all the Jews were ordered to assemble in the court‐ yard. It was four o’clock in the morning, still dark. We stood in a line to get the 300 grams of bread we received for the journey. The courtyard was full of people, but no noise could be heard. Scared children kept close to their mothers. Commander Wat announced to us: “Soon you will be taken to the station. You are going to Germany; there you will work. Hitler has made it possible to grant life to each Jew who will work honestly. You are going with your families.”

The journey into the unknown had begun: The women and children were taken to the station in trucks, the men by foot. We were pushed—seventy people in a freight car. On the fifth day of travelling, we arrived in the evening at an isolated station. A white sign bore the name: Sobibór. We were kept in the closed freight cars overnight.

On 23 September, in the morning, a locomotive pushed the train into the camp.... tired and hungry we left the cars. Oberscharführer Gomer‐ ski shouted: “Cabinet‐makers, and carpenters without families, for‐ ward!“ Eighty men, most of them war prisoners reported. We were rushed into a fenced area inside a barrack. A Jew from the camp who returned from some work approached us. During the conversation I no‐ ticed grey smoke rising in the northwest direction and a sharp smell of burning hovering in the air. I asked: “What is burning there?“ They are burning the bodies of your friends who arrived with you,“ the Jew an‐ swered. I was shocked.162

Transports from Vilna, Lithuania A transport of some 4,000 to 4,500 Jewish women and children were deported from the Vilna ghetto in Lithuania. As part of the final liq‐ uidation of the ghetto, they were shipped to the Sobibór death camp

162

Y.Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, pp. 136–137.

107

in Poland, whilst several old people were shot in Ponary murder pits.163 Transports from Slovakia The deportation of Slovakian Jews commenced on March 25, 1942, when 1,000 young women from Poprad and another 1,000 from Bra‐ tislava were sent to Auschwitz‐Birkenau. Following a selection, 331 Slovakian Jews were the first RSHA transport to be gassed in the converted farmhouse in Birkenau, known in the camp as the ‘Red House.’

By June 26, 1942, some 53,000 out of the total population of 89,000 had been deported to the East and one survivor of the trans‐ ports from Sabinov was deported to Poland on May 21, 1942, among a transport numbering 1,000. In 1943, he wrote down what he expe‐ rienced, but for his own safety, he did not divulge his name. His comprehensive account, deserves to be read in full: On May 27,1942, our transport of around a thousand Jews went from Sabinov via Zilna and Cadoa straight to Poland. At the border we had to line up at the station to be counted by the German Sicherheitsdienst (SD). The women were counted inside the wagons. We continued our journey for two or three days, until we arrived at Rejowiec—Lubelski in the Lublin district, where we had to get out of the wagons. We were dying of thirst throughout the journey. Twice we were given water, but no food at all. But we had taken adequate provisions. In Rejowiec we were received by Engineer Holzheimer from the water company at Chełm, and the SA Kreishauptmann. Nine members of the Jewish Order Service (OD) were also there at Rejowiec, and their Commandant Kess‐ ler from Brno, who was very helpful to us.

The next day, two transports the same size as ours arrived from Stropkov, followed by one from Humenne, so then there were 3,000 of us Slovakian Jews gathered there. The Jews at Rejowiec had been reset‐ tled during the immediate days of Passover, so that there were only 300 of the original Jewish population left by the time we arrived at the ghetto. There were another 60 Jews from the Protectorate, and a few 163

108

Y. Arad, The Holocaust in the Soviet Union, University of Nebraska Press and Yad Vashem, 2009, p.319.

women from Nitra. We were allocated a share of what had previously been Jewish houses, but there was very little space, which meant we had to share a room of 3 by 4 metres with 20 to 25 people. For eight days no one paid any attention to us. There was no supervision; it was a terrible chaos. No food was provided. The provisions given to us at Zilna, were stored in the school building, after we had to relinquish the valuable foods to the men of the SA. We only got them back after fifteen days, all inedible.

After a while, the 3,000 Slovakian Jews were called upon to volunteer for work, on draining the swamps. Only young, strong men were con‐ sidered for these jobs. Fathers heading a family of more than three chil‐ dren were refused. In total, 450 men were put to work. Each day they received 250 grams of bread, a watery soup in the afternoon, and black coffee in the evening. Another 500 or 600 young people, irrespective of their family commitments, were taken to other camps in the area such as Sawin, Sajozice and the SA squadron at Chełm. They were selected for the Jewish Order Service, who accepted bribes and were corruptible.

It should be noted here that the Jewish Council, which was still func‐ tioning, contained various elements. A special mention should go to the self‐sacrificing help given by the women from Nitra. The same could not be said of others. No one else ever cared about the remaining 2,000 Jews from Slovakia.

After three or four weeks the Jewish Council at Chełm opened a com‐ munity kitchen, where, for 50 Groschen you could get a bowl of soup. A respected man named Fraenkel was in charge; he was later shot along with all his family. The scarcity of food and appalling sanitary condi‐ tions caused many cases of typhoid, diarrhoea and other ailments. Many elderly people died.

One evening a drunken Polish policeman appeared on the doorstep of the physician Doctor Grossman from Sabinov, who had just returned from a housecall. The policeman ordered the Doctor to hand over his wristwatch, and they started arguing. The policeman threatened the doctor with his weapon, and the doctor defended himself, and they ended up fighting. The Jewish OD and the Jews from the surrounding houses were called in to help. When the policeman got his gun back, he fired three shots into the air. Immediately after that, the Polish police turned up and arrested everyone in Doctor Grossman’s house, as well as another 24 inhabitants from neighbouring houses, including five men of the OD. Grossman himself tried to get away, but was fatally wounded.

The 24 who were arrested were executed the next day for instigating a

109

‘Communist uprising.’ Five members of the OD from Brno were among them.

On August 9, 1942, the Gendarmerie suddenly ordered the entire Jewish population from the ghetto and the Labor Camp—about 2,700 people— to assemble in the square in front of the school. Those who were too ill or weak to comply were shot inside their homes. The patients of the ‘Jewish Hospital’ suffered the same fate, including Doctor Sebok, from Sabinov, who had been struck down with typhoid. At about 10 a.m. the elderly who had sat down on top of their luggage, because they were getting tired, were shot in the neck by the SS. And so 30 or 40 people died.

Then we got our marching orders, women in front, the men following behind. Doctor Borkenfeld was the last one. I advised him to walk up front, because the back rows were too dangerous. He replied it was his duty as a physician. After only 30 or 40 metres, they started firing at us from the left with rifles and machine pistols. The group thinned out dramatically. Later in Krychów I was told by a one‐time member of the Jewish Council of Rejowiec, a Polish Jew by the name of Holzblatt, that 700 Jews had been killed in this incident. In Rejowiec only a few stayed behind to work at the nearby sugar factory. Later I heard that they were taken to Trawniki to dig peat (Dorohucza).

At Rejowiec station we were received by the so‐called ‘Black Ukraini‐ ans’. We were pushed inside cattle wagons, 120 or 130 of us to a wagon, without any kind of registration. The doors were closed. We stood there until 8 p.m. Twenty‐five men were taken out again to collect the luggage that had been left behind and load it into the wagons. While they were doing this, the ‘Black Ukrainians’ were harrassing and assaulting them.

It was unbearably hot in the wagon—it was August—we were given no water, we were gasping for air. The women were ripping their clothes off. We were like sardines, even the slightest movement was impossible.

One hundred and fifty people died of suffocation, twenty in my wagon, young strong people among them.

At about half past midnight, we arrived at Sobibór, where we were re‐ ceived by the SS with whips. We were finally given a little water, but still no food. We were taken to a fir‐lined path, where the women had to go to the right and the men to the left. Twenty‐five men were selected to remove the dead and the luggage from the train. We never saw them again. The next morning we saw most of the women walking in rows of four to a place farther away from us. At eight o’clock an SS Lieutenant appeared and ordered everyone who had previously done any drainage work to step forward. To the 100 men and 50 women who volunteered

110

he said, cryptically,’You are now born again.’ From the remaining group, technicians, blacksmiths and watchmakers were selected, while the rest of the transport had to join the women in the field.

We left for Osowa and stayed the night there. The 500 German and Czech Jews made us very welcome and fed us. The next morning we went to Krychów, escorted by Jewish policemen. We went past the Hansk country estate and met about a hunded Jewish girls who were busy threshing. They were in relatively good shape. Krychów is a penal camp in a swamp area, established by the previous Polish government.

The area has now been considerably drained by the Jews. When we ar‐ rived, there were about 1,200 people, including 400 Czechs, 200 Slovaki‐ ans and all the rest Poles. Living conditions were incredibly bad. Two hundred of us were put up in barracks measuring 60 by 4 metres.

There was neither straw nor blankets and no place to wash, everything was really dirty and bugs everywhere. We were so riddled with lice they literally covered our bodies. We had nothing to help us against them.

Our rations consisted of 150 grams of bread, one serving of soup made from cabbage leaves, without fat or salt. And black coffee. We knew from experience that one could die of starvation within six weeks on that kind of diet. Most people ended up with swollen feet and cheeks, and typhoid and dysentery were also rife. Most of us had typhoid. We counted at least twelve dead each day. Out of the 155 people, 60 died.

The work itself was not demanding, but we were too weak to cope with it. The physician was not allowed to say we were ill. Even with a fever of 39 degrees C one still had to work. And if one did end up in hospital after all, the only treatment was being able to lie down. There was no medication, no special food. If you survived—fine, if you did not—fine as well. You could buy medicine for a lot of money, but most people lacked the means.

On October 16, 1942, we were told that some of our group would be sent on to the ‘Judenstaat’ Włodawa on the River Bug, 25 kilometres from Krychów. The elderly and sick who could hardly work were picked for this resettlement. The hospital was also cleared out, and all patients sent to Włodawa. Those people were sent off without shoes, without luggage, because the rubber boots worn whilst at work were camp prop‐ erty, and they were not allowed to collect their own shoes. Four days later the entire Włodawa population was deported to Sobibór.

At some stage, prisoners from the camps at Ujazdów and Hansk were transferred to ours for the winter. This made living conditions worse, unbearable even. On December 9, it was suddenly announced that a complete ‘resettlement’ would take place. Apart from 100 people, who

111

were selected to stay, to whom another 10 were added, all the rest were taken away. Some women and girls from Nitra and some other Czech women and girls stayed behind. As for the men, I was the only Slo‐ vakian, and there were two others from Bohemia. The rest were all Polish Jews.The group owes a lot to Piroska Taussig from Nitra, who had earned herself a special position in the office and helped us wherever possible. We owe it to her that so many girls escaped further deporta‐ tion.

In the spring of 1943, more people arrived at the camp, Polish Jews this time. In June 1943, the camps at Osowa, Sawin, Sajozice and Luta were liquidated and the rest were sent to us, increasing our number to 533.

In Hansk there were still 100–110 women and 5 men.

The situation at Krychów improved considerably from the start of 1943.

After December 9, 1942, we received a daily bread ration of 400 or 500 grams, and thick potato soup for a midday meal. We were given decent iron beds; the sanitary facilities improved and we could wash ourselves.

The health situation improved as well; after this we had only three deaths among the 110 originally held back. Three further people who were sick, were shot at the behest of the Deputy Commandant, while the Camp Commandant was on leave. In March, when the camp got fuller again, the food situation got worse. Bread rations went back down to 150 grams per day; our midday meal went back to vegetable soup without any fat.

In April 1943, rumours were going around that the Dutch and Belgian Jews would be arriving and this was confirmed by the camp leadership.

But they never came. A railway worker told me what happened to them.

The transports from Holland and Belgium arrived in very good shape.

Unlike us, they had been transported in second‐class passenger wagons and were given food and white bread at larger stations. But they were all taken to Sobibór. A few elderly and weak people were sent back to their country with the message that only those fit to work were re‐ quired. That would suppress the Dutch and Belgian population’s re‐ sistance against deportations, because the Jews were supposedly only put to ‘work.’ To begin with some of the Jews were actually put to work, as were the Jews from other countries, but the SD would not have it. At Sobibór they were all put to death.

In the neighbourhood of Sobibór, at night, one can always see fire and smell the stench from burning hair for miles around. There are indica‐ tions –and people are saying it anyhow—that the bodies having been killed by electricity and gas and later buried, and are now being dug up and burnt to remove all traces.

112

If anyone managed to escape back in 1942, those who were left behind were severly punished. Most of the escapees were Polish Jews who were familiar with local conditions. They formed groups in the forest and sur‐ vived by robbing. Later on, the only ones who were punished after an escape attempt were those who had actually tried to escape, if they were recaptured.

Doctor Sobel from Pecovska Nova Ves and Feinerl both escaped from Sawin, when there was still a camp there. Both were recaptured. Sobel was executed and the other taken back to Sawin, but escaped again. He has not been heard of since. Lajos Klein from Michalowce escaped too.

His fate is also unknown. To my knowledge about 8,000 Jews in their striped outfits, were working on drainage and construction projects at Lublin.

The following SS and SA Officials were particularly ruthless towards the Jews; SS‐Scharführer Haschendorf in Chełm;164 SA‐Scharführer Johann Lofflerin in Krychów, came from somewhere near Chemnitz165; SA‐ Scharführer Hilvert in Osowa; SA‐Scharführer Bayko in Osowa; SA‐ Scharführer Ondyke in Sawin, who had been a Butcher; Holzheimer, an Engineer in charge of the water board at Chełm was particularly respon‐ sible.

Slovakia 17 August 1943

Transports from The Reich The transports from the Reich to Sobibór were much more compli‐ cated than say transports from the Netherlands that went from Westerbork transit camp direct to Sobibór and this usually took three days. There were direct transports from large cities such as Berlin, Frankfurt and Vienna, and direct transports from other loca‐ tions like Kassel and Koblenz. There were a number of transports to the Transit Ghettos in Poland, such as Izbica, Piaski and Rejowiec from the Reich and from Theresienstadt. The length of stay in the Transit Ghettos varied, those who stayed for some time, lived in ter‐ rible conditions with appalling food and sanitary conditions.

Whether they perished in the three Aktion Reinhardt camps of

164 165

Correct name is Raschendorf.

Correct name is Johann Loffler

113

Belżec, Sobibór and Treblinka, is is difficult to be completely pre‐ cise.

In the case of Theresienstadt, the Nazis established a ghetto in the fortress town of Terezin, some 40 miles from Prague, in North‐ western Czech Republic. Here they interned the Jews of Bohemia and Moravia, and elderly Jews from Germany, some who had even served for the Kaiser in the First World War, and had been deco‐ rated. Transports from Theresienstadt went directly to Sobibór and Treblinka, as well as to the aforementioned Transit Ghettos in Po‐ land, as well as to ghettos in the Lublin district such as Lublin itself, Krasnystaw, Włodawa and Zamość. From these locations the depor‐ tees ended up sharing the same awful fate, as those that made the journey directly.

The Transit Ghettos such as Izbica, Piaski, and Rejowiec were subjected to clearing Aktions, where the Polish Jews were sent to the death camps and their vacated dwellings were taken over by Jews from other countries. On occasion, the Jews were simply sent straight to the gas chambers. Sometimes the Germans created Jew‐ ish Order Service units from young, fit, healthy men from say Slo‐ vakia, to oversee the Polish Jews, thus creating divisions.

One of those Jews deported from the Reich to the Transit Ghettos in Poland, was Hermann Mayer, who was born on October 6, 1878 in Bingen. A resident of Worms, he was deported from Mainz– Darmstadt on March 25, 1942 to Piaski. He sent a postcard back to the Reich and its meassge read: ‘We hope and pray with unswerving faith in God that, in time, the Almighty will rectify things.’ Hermann Mayer was deported to the Bełżec extermination camp in 1942, where he perished.

Also deported to Piaski on the same transport was Herta Mans‐ bacher, the fifty‐seven year old teacher who had courageously sought to prevent the burning down of the synagogue in Worms in November 1938, which infamously became known as ‘Kristallnacht.’

On the same transport were sixteen Jews wh had been wounded and decorated in the First World War—three of these German army vet‐ erans were Julius Neumann, Manuel Katz and the afore‐ mentioned 114

Hermann Mayer. All of these people shared the same fate and were murdered in Bełżec extermination camp.166 Zygmunt Klukowski, a Polish Doctor who lived near Izbica in Szczebrzeszyn kept a diary and his entry for March 26, 1942 read: There is great unhappiness and fear among the Jews. From everywhere comes news about the incredible violence against the Jews. They are bringing trainloads of Jews from Czechoslovakia, Germany and even from Belgium. They are also resettling the Jews from various towns and villages and taking them somewhere towards Belżec. Today I heard a story about what they did to the Jews of Lublin. It is difficult to believe it is true. Today they deported the Jews from Izbica‐ they were also taken to Belżec, where there is supposed to be some monstrous camp.167

For a great many number of the victims, we know they were de‐ ported from the Reich to one of the Transit Ghettos. As to whether they perished in Bełżec, or in Sobibór, which some historians claim was an overflow camp for Bełżec, will probably never be known.

During 1942, as the following table will demonstrate, the Nazis transported vast numbers of Jews from within the Reich to the East, and most would perish in the deadly gas chambers of their National Socialist rulers.

This table is taken from the Bundesarchiv Memorial Book— Chronology of Deportations from the German Reich : Date

Deported From

De‐ ported To

Num‐ ber of People

22 March 1942

Koblenz

Izbica

1,000

24 March 1942

Nürnberg

Izbica

1,000

25 March 1942

Mainz– Darmstadt

Piaski

1,000

28 March 1942

Berlin

Piaski

985

166

167

M. Gilbert, The Holocaust—The Jewish Tragedy, William Collins and Son Lon‐ don, 1986, pp. 307–308.

Ibid., p. 308

115

1 April 1942

Theresienstadt

Piaski

1,000

3 April 1942

Munich

Piaski

989

9 April 1942

Vienna

Izbica

998

13 April 1942

Breslau

Izbica

1,000

18 April 1942

Theresienstadt

Rejowiec

1,000

22 April 1942

Düsseldorf

Izbica

942

23 April 1942

Theresienstadt

Piaski

1,000

25 April 1942

Würzburg

Krasnysta w

955

26 April 1942

Stuttgart

Izbica

1,000

27 April 1942

Theresienstadt

Izbica

1,000

27 April 1942

Vienna

Włodawa

998

28 April 1942

Theresienstadt

Zamość

1,000

30 April 1942

Dortmund

Zamość

791

30 April 1942

Koblenz

Kras‐ niczyn

1,000

30 April 1942

Theresienstadt

Zamość

1,000

3 May 1942

Breslau

Lublin

1,000

8 May 1942

Frankfurt

Izbica

938

9 May 1942

Theresienstadt

Sobibór

1,000

12 May 1942

Vienna

Izbica

1,001

15 May 1942

Vienna

Izbica

1,006

17 May 1942

Theresienstadt

Lublin

1,000

24 May 1942

Frankfurt

Izbica

957

25 May 1942

Theresienstadt

Lublin

1,000

1 June 1942

Kassel

Sobibór

1,000

5 June 1942

Vienna

Sobibór

1,001

11 June 1942

Frankfurt

Sobibór

1,253

12 June 1942

Theresienstadt

Sobibór

1,000

13 June 1942

Theresienstadt

Sobibór

1,000

116

13 June 1942

Berlin

Sobibór

1,030

14 June 1942

Vienna

Sobibór

996

15 June 1942

Koblenz, Cologne and Düssel‐ dorf

Sobibór

1,003

Aktion Reinhardt—Transport Figures— German Police Decode One of the most important finds in the field of Holocaust research is the German police message which was decoded by the British In‐ telligence staff at Bletchley Park, discovered by Steven Tyas, at the National Archives in Kew. The message was sent by Hermann Höfle, the Deputy Chief of Aktion Reinhardt in Lublin, to SS‐Obersturmmbannführer Franz Heim, Commander‐in‐Chief of the BdS (Befehlshaber der Sicher‐ heitspolizei) office in Kraków. The message was a 14‐day report and year end report up to December 31, 1942, covering the number of people sent to the Aktion Reinhardt death camps.

This was the second of two messages intercepted by the British Intelligence Service, the first one Höfle sent to Adolf Eichmann, the Jewish expert at the RSHA headquarters in Berlin, which was only partially intercepted. The second message sent to Heim was inter‐ cepted in full on January 11, 1943. The death camps were identified only by their initial letters: Camps

14 Day Report to

Year End 1942

31‐12‐1942 L – Lublin

12, 761

24,733

B – Bełżec

0

434,508

S – Sobibór

515

101,370

T – Treblinka

10,335

713,555*

Totals

23,611

1274,166 117

*

In the original message the British Intelligence staff made a mistake and missed the last 5 off the Treblinka figure, it has to be 713,555 to fit the total figure. It must be stressed the message does not refer to the above as victims, but people sent to the camps, but nevertheless this is clearly a very important find.168 Within the National Archives at Kew, there are other examples of Sobibór being mentioned in inter‐ cepted messages, and these will be covered further on in this book.

What is interesting is that the figures for Aktion Reinhardt submit‐ ted by Hermann Höfle in his message include the Concentration Camp at Lublin (known also as Majdanek, post‐war), which alt‐ hough in Globocnik’s district was not officially part of Aktion Rein‐ hardt. The Lublin Concentration Camp came under the control of the Wirtschaftverwaltungshauptamt (WVHA)—Concentration Camp Inspectorate—headed by Richard Gluecks—whilst Bełżec, Sobibór and Treblinka were controlled by Odilo Globocnik.

There was almost a link as the Old Airfield Camp (Alter Flu‐ gplatz) was a storage depot for the clothing and footwear of the mur‐ dered victims in the three Aktion Reinhardt camps, as well as from the ghettos and was due to become a sub‐camp of the Lublin Con‐ centration Camp, but the liquidation of the camp as part of the Ak‐ tion Erntefest murder frenzy in November 1943, meant this plan never came to fruition.169

168 169

118

National Archives Kew 16/32 T.Kranz, Extermination of the Jews at Majdanek Concentration Camp, Majdanek Museum, Lublin, 2007, p.64.

Chapter IX The Waldkommando Revolt (July 20, 1943) Returning to the summer of 1943, an exceptional event took place which deserves its own chapter. On July 20, 1943 a most daring es‐ cape took place from one of the working commandos that worked in the forest outside of the death camp: Schlomo Podchlebnik arrived at Sobibór on April 28, 1943 with his family from Izbica, and he escaped from the Waldkommando, he remembers his escape: On 27 July 1943 I was picked for the Waldkommando. Just before eleven, I was sent to the village of Zlobek with Kapo Josef Kopp from Bilgoraj— the distance between the camp and Zlobek was three kilometres, and between the place they were working and Zlobek, probably a few hun‐ dred metres.

A Ukrainian by the first name of Mikolaj, whom we called Marmeladnik, escorted us. He came from Drohiczyn on the Bug. In Zlobek we bought some food and liquor. We got the Ukrainian drunk and went back to the forest. We decided to have a little rest on the way. When we carried on, I told the guard who was walking behind us that I had a diamond in my pocket. The Ukrainian then came and stood beside me, whereupon Josef grabbed him by the throat and pushed him to the ground. I cut off his head with a sharp knife. We took his carbine and then fled. We found a barn and lay down underneath the grain until ten that evening.

Then we went on, in the village of Osowa we knocked at a farm to ask for bread. The farmer’s wife called out; ‘Are you the ones who killed the German?’ She gave us some bread and butter.

For a whole week we walked at night between the hours of 10 p.m. and 3 a.m. sleeping during the day. The other farmers did not want to give us any bread, even if we paid for it, so that we had to use force to get it.

Then we arrived at a farm of someone we knew, in a village near Turbin.

He kissed us and was glad to see us. We were allowed to stay. After three days he said he had got scared. He then made a hiding place for us in the hay. He brought us food twice a day, at five in the morning and around midnight. We had to relieve ourselves there as well.

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We left after five days, heading for Izbica. In the Wierkonisce forest we almost ended up in a raid, as the Germans, Ukrainians and Polish police were searching for partisans there. Via Izbica and Zamość we arrived at Bochniak’s farm in the settlement of Wierzby, to buy bullets for our gun.

We stayed for two weeks and met Chaim Korenfeld there, who had fled from the forest near Sobibór on the same day.170

The Waldkommando escape took place on July 20, 1943, according to a number of prisoners, not July 27, 1943. Although it is worth pointing out that a report contained in the KdO Lublin files states that on July 23, 1943, some 13 Jews fled from the Sobibór Lager with a weapon and munitions and that an Armenian Wachmann was shot.171 During the confusion, some of the Polish members of the 40 strong Kommando, decided to escape, the Dutch Jews, about half of the working group knew they stood no chance of escaping, stayed under guard.

The Germans were incensed by the escape. One of the SS men, Josef Wolf who was guarding the Waldkommando at the time of the escape, told his brother Franz Wolf, of how the camp authorities reacted. Franz Wolf testified after the War: Reichleitner told his men over dinner that an example should be set. That is why several Jews would be shot the next morning, to show the other Jews that the innocent should suffer as well. And so the next morning both male and female Arbeitshaftlinge had to as‐ semble behind the sorting barracks. The Jews were already there, about ten or twelve, as well as the execution squad, consisting of ten to fifteen Ukrainian Hilfswilligen.

All the core SS staff were also present. In front of everyone Reich‐ leitner gave the order to fire. The Ukrainians fired and ten to twelve Jews collapsed on the ground. One of the SS called out: “Someone has dropped down who has not been hit!” The Jew was told to get up. A few of the Ukrainian Hilfswilligen fired another round of shots.

I remember quite clearly that Reichleitner and Wagner were in 170 171

120

Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, p. 139.

YVA 053.122.2 p. 107.

charge during this execution. I am quite sure that Frenzel was there as well.172 Thomas (Toivi) Blatt wrote in his diary an account of what hap‐ pened next: I suddenly noticed a group being led, hands held high, along the outer side of the fence, visible only from the torso up due to the fence. At first I thought the prisoners were Jews caught hiding in the forest, being brought to the camp by farmers for the standard reward of five kilos of sugar and a bottle of vodka.

But soon I recognized the familiar faces as members of the Waldkom‐ mando. A few minutes later, an alarm sounded, an unusual emergency roll call for the entire camp. This time however, the Nazis ignored the routine of forming into work groups. They put all Jews in one long col‐ umn four abreast, and led us under guard in the direction of the dreaded Lager III.......

Finally we were stopped in a meadow close to Lager III and told to form a semi‐circle. I noticed a group of about eight people sitting on the lawn with their hands behind their heads. Deputy Commandant Niemann turned to us and made a speech; the Waldkommando had tried to es‐ cape. Only the Dutch Jews showed their honesty in not trying to run away. In reward for this, they will be allowed to work and they will not be punished. In a moment, the recaptured Polish Jews of the Waldkom‐ mando would be executed. This destiny awaits anybody who even dreams of breaking out, he said.

Despite Johann Niemann’s dire threats, a number of the Waldkom‐ mando did escape to freedom. They were: Zyndel Honigman, Josef Kopf, Chaim Kornfeld, Aron Licht, Szlomo Podchlebnik and Abram Wang.

The next day July 21, 1943, a 17‐year‐old Jew called Leon Blatt, originally from Izbica, who had escaped during the revolt and been recaptured by the Border Police was brought back to the camp.

Thomas Blatt, no relation, described how he was killed: When two Ukrainians brought him back to the camp, Frenzel called ‘Radio’ a Jewish supervisor in the sorting sheds. “Whip him to death,” Frenzel ordered, pushing the captured Jew to his knees. Radio took his whip from his belt, stood back ten feet, and began lashing Leon. Frenzel 172

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, p. 141.

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didn’t even order the condemned man to count. The whip whistled, then cracked like a 38 calibre pistol. By twenty‐five lashes, the man’s clothes were starting to shred. By fifty, he was raw and red. By one hun‐ dred he was slumped over in the sand motionless. “Enough,” Frenzel ordered after he rolled the Polish Jew over with his boot. Two Guards dragged the man away.173

As a result of this escape the SS ordered that no Polish Jews should work outside the camp in the Waldkommando. From this time on only Dutch Jews who could not speak Polish and who were not fa‐ miliar with the countryside, were employed in the forest.

173

122

R. Rashke, Escape From Sobibór, Michael Joseph, London, 1983, pp. 148–149.

Chapter X The Prisoner Revolt (October 14, 1943) The prisoner revolt in Sobibór remains one of the most heroic events of the Second World War and deserves its own chapter. The seeds of an uprising flourished after the Germans murdered the work‐Jews who had dismantled the Belżec death camp in May 1943. The Ger‐ man decision to transfer from Minsk former Red Army Prisoners of War with Jewish origin, had the most fatal consequences for the German garrison and ultimately led to the closure of the death camp: Moshe Szklarek (Bahir) recalled the treatment of the Jewish workers from Belżec and the formation of an Underground in So‐ bibór: One day in the month of May 1943, we were ordered to remain in our huts. We were not taken to work and this aroused dark forebodings in us. In the afternoon the Bahnhofkommando was summoned to its usual work at the train station. When the men got to the train a dreadful vi‐ sion appeared before them. This train had brought the last of the Jews from the Bełżec death camp, who had been engaged in burning the bod‐ ies of those killed in the gas chambers.174

Philip Bialowitz continues the account: When they step down from the train cars, the prisoners all throw them‐ selves upon the guards in the unloading area. We know this because throughout the camp we can hear chaotic shouts and gunshots in the unloading area. When we sort through their belongings, we find notes telling us who they are. Their messages to us state: “We are all prisoners in Bełżec. The Germans used us to close down the camp and told us we were being sent to a work camp in Germany. The Germans even gave us provisions for the trip. But now we are arriving at Sobibór and we know this is the end of our journey. We see that we will meet the same fate as 174

M. Novitch, Sobibór, Martyrdom and Revolt, Holocaust Library New York, 1980, p. 159.

123

our brothers and sisters. You too will be killed. Do not be fooled as we were! Take vengeance! Take vengeance!175

The brutal massacre of the workers from the Bełżec death camp con‐ vinced the prisoners in Sobibór that the same fate awaited them.

One of the SS guards Johann Klier had let it slip that the Sobibór camp was soon to be dissolved.176 The prisoners started to think about organizing an uprising and with the arrival of Soviet Jewish prisoners of war in September 1943 from Minsk, the planning for the uprising took on a dramatic turn and a leader was found to make it all happen. This man was Alexan‐ der Pechersky.

Alexander Pechersky was born on February 22, 1909 in Kremen‐ chug, Ukraine. He was a Red Army Lieutenant who was captured by the Germans in October 1941. He was taken from the Minsk Ghetto to Sobibór death camp on September 22, 1943.177 Together with the Polish Jew, Leon Feldhendler they planned a revolt and escape in a remarkably short period of time. In the Sheroka Labor Camp in Minsk he became very friendly with a Polish Jew, Shlomo Leitman, who was a Carpenter.178 Just prior to the revolt it was clear to Alexander Pechersky that the Kapo’s needed to be neutralized if the revolt was to stand any chance of success, and a couple of weeks before the revolt, the hated Oberkapo Berliner, whose real name was Herbert Naftanial was killed. Philip Bialowitz recalled the murder of Kapo Berliner, just be‐ fore the revolt took place: The most hated Kapo in the camp is the new Chief‐Kapo, named Ber‐ liner. Berliner’s story is well known to everyone in the camp. He had been a normal prisoner like us, until he had one day been appointed to his current position. Everyone suspects that he has earned his position

175

176 177 178

124

Philip Bialowitz, A Promise at Sobibór, The University of Wisconsin Press, 2008, p. 97.

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, p. 146.

Ibid., pp. 237–238.

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, p. 306.

by betraying an escape plan, developed by several Kapo’s, including “Governor General” Mojsze.179 Each of these Kapo’s had been killed just prior to Berliner’s appoint‐ ment. Since then he has revealed himself to us as a corrupt and brutal man, beating us without mercy on many occasions. But one night I am in the barracks when Berliner is called in by the other Kapo’s. Then in front of everyone, for all to see, they descend upon him. They quickly gag his mouth and begin beating him without mercy.

It’s clear from how the Kapo’s are beating him—with repeated blows to the chest only—they are trying to kill him without leaving marks. But even at about the age of fifty, Berliner is a stout and well‐fed man whose body can absorb much punishment. The attack continues for several minutes. I take pleasure in each of Berliner’s muffled screams. The beat‐ ing ceases when someone sights Wagner entering the yard near the bar‐ racks. The Kapo’s hurriedly whisk Berliner away to their room.

At the evening roll call Kapo Pozycki reports that Berliner is ill. When Symcha and I return to the barracks, Pozycki takes Symcha aside and they speak quietly together. When Symcha returns, he tells me that Pozycki has asked him to prepare a poison that will finish off Berliner in the least detectable way possible. Symcha goes to the pharmacy to prepare a lethal dose of morphine, which he will hand over to Pozycki.

The next morning Berliner’s lifeless body is laid out in front of everyone, wrapped only in a blanket. Pozycki reports to the Germans that Berliner has died of a sudden illness. Frenzel orders that Berliner’s body be burned immediately.180

The first escape plan to be put in operation was the digging of a tun‐ nel, which was conducted by Boris Tsibulsky, who was a Miner from the Donbas. Alexander Pechersky recalled: On October 7, I gave Baruch (Feldhendler) my first instructions on how to dig a tunnel: The carpenters’ workshop is at the end of the camp, five metres from the barbed wire; the net of three rows of barbed‐wire, oc‐ cupies four metres to fifteen metres; let us add seven metres, the length of the barrack.

We shall start digging under the stove and the tunnel will be no longer than thirty‐five metres long and eighty centimetres deep, because of the danger of mines. We shall have at least twenty cubic metres of earth to 179 180

This was Oberkapo Mojsze Sturm.

Philip Bialowitz, A Promise at Sobibór, The University of Wisconsin Press, 2008, pp. 102 ‐103.

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hide, and shall leave that earth under the floorboards. The job must be done only at night.181 The digging went well for a few days but on October 8 and 9, heavy rains fell on the camp and the tunnel flooded it completely and when Tsibulsky entered the tunnel on the night of October 9, he found it ut‐ terly wrecked. Escaping by this means had to be abandoned and a dif‐ ferent alternative found.182

From Alexander Pechersky’s own diary account: October 12: It was a terrible day; eighteen of our friends, mainly from Sheroka were sick. Several SS men, under the direction of Frenzel, en‐ tered our barrack and asked the patients to follow them. Among them was a Dutch prisoner with his wife, and the unfortunate man could hardly walk. The woman was running after the group screaming, “Mur‐ derers, I know where you are taking my husband; I can’t live without him! Assassins! Murderers!” She died with the group.

Shlomo and I ordered a meeting for 9:00 pm at the carpenters’ work‐ shop. Baruch (Feldhendler), Shlomo, Janek, the Tailors Joseph and Ja‐ cob, Moniek and others were present. We posted a sentry at the en‐ trance. Moniek went out to fetch Pozyczki and, when both returned. I asked Pozyczki again if he had thought over the consequences of his decision: if the plan failed, he would be the first to die. He said, “I know it, but we must get rid of the SS officers and this should take one hour.

If we could do it in less time, so much the better. For that purpose, we need efficient and determined men, since one moment’s hesitation would be fatal, and I know some capable people who can do the job.”

At 3:00 pm Pozyczki was to lead three of his men to Lager II under any pretext that he would find himself. Their task would consist of liquidat‐ ing the four officers present. Baruch (Feldhendler) would lead the SS men to a place where the prisoners would be waiting and would prevent anyone from leaving Lager II once the action had begun.

At exactly 4 o’clock, another team would cut the telephone wires from Lager II to the guard’s quarters. The same team would hide those wires in such a way to make it impossible to reconnect the telephone on the same day. At the same time, we were to start killing SS officers; they would be invited, one by one, into the workshops where two of our men would execute them. At 4:30 pm everything would be finished. At the 181

182

126

M. Novitch, Sobibór, Martyrdom and Revolt, Holocaust Library New York, 1980, p. 92.

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, p. 311.

same time, Pozyczki and Geniek would assemble the prisoners for the usual evening roll call. In front would be the Soviet prisoners who were to take over the arsenal and the rest of us would cover them. Once the arsenal was open, armed men would head the group and kill the guards at the gate. If they resisted we would fight with the arms taken from the officers. 183

In his diary Kapo Pozyczki is called Brzecki by Pechersky.184 The revolt was planned to take place on October 13, 1943, but as Stanislaw Szmajzner wrote in his book, ‘Hell in Sobibór—The Trag‐ edy of a Teenage Jew’: October 13, 1943 dawned, the day of our great decision. As usual, the morning call was made and we soon headed for our workshops, since our rebellion would only take place in the afternoon. However, we could not have guessed what surprise was in store for us. At about nine o’clock in the morning, some vehicles filled with SS troops came to Sobibór.

The rebels immediately contacted each other and the leaders issued or‐ ders to postpone the rebellion for that day. We soon learned that those soldiers had come to pay a visit to Sobibór. They were coming from the Labor Camp in Osowa, located near the village of the same name, and which was about twelve kilometres away from ours. Their arrival obvi‐ ously brought us some disappointment and various little details had to be postponed or even altered. 185

Eda Lichtman described the atmosphere in her barracks on the eve of the revolt: When it became known to our small group that the next day, October 14, the uprising would finally happen, it caused excitement and nerv‐ ousness among us. Esther Grinbaum, a very sentimental and intelligent young woman, wiped away her tears and said: “It’s not yet the time for an uprising. Tomorrow none of us will be alive. Everything will remain as it was—the barracks, the sun will rise and set, the flowers will bloom and wilt, but we will be no more.”

Her closest friend, Helka Lubartowska, a beautiful dark‐eyed brunette, tried to encourage her: “There is no other way. Nobody knows what the

183

184 185

M. Novitch, Sobibór, Martyrdom and Revolt, Holocaust Library New York, 1980, pp. 94–95.

In his diary Kapo Pozyczki is called Brzecki by Pechersky.

Stanislaw Szmajzner, Hell in Sobibór p. 268.

127

results will be, but one thing is sure, we will not be led to slaughter.”

The little Ruzka interrupted the conversation: “What silly talk. What have we to lose—one day more of a life of suffering? Whatever will be, let it be.” Esther Terner approached the group and said enthusiastically, “Girls, at least something is going to happen. I have a feeling that eve‐ rything will go smoothly and will succeed.” Sala, a blond with blue eyes, who was always quiet, interferred: “Stop chattering like old women. We have to prepare ourselves, and that’s that.”

It was wise advice. The talk stopped, but the whispers continued during the night. We made preparations for the escape. We could not fall asleep, and the night was a nightmare. Sala was singing quietly, senti‐ mental songs; others were crying silently.186

Alexander Pechersky also remembered the night before the revolt: That night Leitman and I did not sleep. Lying side by side on the wooden bunk we discussed details of the uprising plan. We were think‐ ing whom to send to Lager II. I remembered the face of Boris Tsibulsky while working in Lager IV when we heard the children’s scream on their way to the gas chambers. I decided that he was the man to be sent there.

As we knew him, his hands would not tremble in time of action. We also discussed different alternatives in case something unexpected would occur.187

Dov Freiberg recalled the morning of the revolt: The morning of October 14: rising early, as usual. The weather cloudy, cold and gloomy, like before. The dispensing of Ersatz coffee went on, as usual, but for some reason everything seemed to take longer and was more emphasized. I already knew: the rebellion would begin at 4.00pm, half an hour before everyone returned from work.

At Lager II, in the possession‐sorting barracks, our group was about twenty men. Our Commander was Scharführer (Oberscharführer—au‐ thors note) Kurt‐Rudolf Beckmann, a short, thin German with a mousy face. He wore a large pistol on his belt and shouted incessently, “Schnel‐ ler, Schneller“ (Faster, Faster). Time passed slowly. I counted every mi‐ nute.188

186 187 188

128

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, p. 321.

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, p. 321.

Dov Freiberg, To Survive Sobibór, Geffen Publishing House, Jerusalem, 2007, pp. 291–292.

Abraham Margulies was deported to Sobibór at the end of May 1942 from Zamość. He recalled: On October 14, I was sent, along with Biskubicz, to do some work at the gate. I saw Niemann on his horse, leaving for the tailor’s workshop.

There, he was to be killed with an axe.189

Alexander Pechersky also recalled who were responsible for the kill‐ ings: Each of us had a task: Shubayev, aged twenty‐five, a Railway Engineer from Rostov, a good and simple buddy, would go to the tailor’s work‐ shop with Moniek. Tsibulsky, a thirty‐five year old Driver, a former Truck Driver from Donbas and accompanied by Michael and Bunio.190

Alexander Pechersky wrote about the death of Johann Niemann: The operation in Lager I started as planned at four o’clock. Exactly at that time the Deputy Commander of the camp, Niemann rode his mare into Lager I and reined up in front of the bakery. He dismounted, left the horse to one of the prisoners, and entered the tailor’s shop.

There Josef, the head of the tailor shop and a member of the Under‐ ground Committee, brought him his new uniform and began to take the fitting. At that moment, Shubayev approached from behind and hit Nie‐ mann on the head with an axe. Niemann died on the spot. His body was dragged into the back room and stuffed under a bunk, and the blood‐ stains on the floor were wiped away and covered. The presence of Nie‐ mann’s horse close to the tailor shop for longer than the time needed for a uniform measurement could arouse suspicion, so one of the Un‐ derground members took it to the stables.191

Moshe Hochmann also recalled the death of Johann Niemann: I was working in the tailors’ barracks; the Liberation Committee gave us the task of executing Niemann while he was going to the workshop to try on new clothes. The plan worked and, when Niemann was putting

189

190 191

M. Novitch, Sobibór, Martyrdom and Revolt, Holocaust Library New York, 1980, pp. 94–95.

Ibid., p. 95.

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, p. 326.

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on a suit, he was killed with an axe by a Russian prisoner. We wrapped his body in a blanket and hid it.192

Arkadij Wajspapir was a former Red Army soldier deported from Minsk to Sobibór arriving on September 22, 1943. He was a key figure in the revolt and along with Jehuda Lerner was responsible for kill‐ ing several members of the SS camp staff: Lerner and I had hidden behind a curtain. Then Graetschus, Chief of the Guards entered the workplace. He stood by the door and started putting on a coat that had been made for him at the tailor’s barracks. I came out from behind the curtain and walked past the officer, pretending I was leaving, but turned around and hit him on the head with the sharp edge of the axe. Graetschus cried out, but did not immediately fall down, tumbling forward instead because I had evidently not hit him hard enough. Then Lerner came out of hiding and hit him on the head a sec‐ ond time with his axe. Graetschus at last fell down and gave up the ghost. I pulled his Walther pistol and extra ammunition from the hol‐ ster and also took his personal papers from his inside pocket. I kept the pistol and covered him with a pile of clothing.193

Selma Engel recalled the killing of SS‐ Oberscharführer Beckmann: I didn’t know anything about the uprising or anything that was going on—absolutely no idea. So when Chaim told me to try to get some warm clothes, he told me, “Take some warm clothes”, and he told me what the plan is. Then he told me I was not allowed to tell it to anybody abso‐ lutely‐ and that’s my always guilty feeling. I had a cousin there, and I didn’t tell her, and the same day she said “I will make some food.” he worked in the laundry for the Germans and she had a chance to cook something, and I didn’t tell her and she didn’t come out. And I always feel guilty that I didn’t do it.

So I went to a barrack, there, was one German that was sometimes good.

He did not punish us much and he gave me a pair of boots. I had a lot of clothes on, which was very dumb, because when the German would have seen me with so many clothes on he would have asked “Why do you have so much clothes on?”

So Chaim told me, “On four o’clock be by a big place.”

192

193

130

M. Novitch, Sobibór, Martyrdom and Revolt, Holocaust Library New York, 1980, p.123.

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, p. 163.

That is also the medicine; all the medicine the Dutch people brought a lot of medicine and that went also in one big place where, where they put the medicine, so the medicine was in that big place. And there he say, “Come there at four o’clock.” So I make sure that I walked there at four o’clock.

Everybody was working. Just a small group of people were involved in this uprising. So everything went through normal. I walked—I don’t know how, how I came to that, was allowed to walk there. Anyway, I walked there. I remember also in the camp, once before the uprising, that I walked somewhere and I heard the Germans speak to the whole group of people on the transport. I saw the Rabbi and the Cantor from my home town, sitting there. I was planning just to run to them—but I couldn’t have done anything. Also many times I saw people from my home town walking—there was a little window and I saw people from my home town passing this window and I was afraid that they would see me. Whole families I saw walking to the gas chamber, many, many times, and I couldn’t say anything there was no way—there was nothing I could do.

So I walked to Chaim and at four o’clock I arrive there. I remember I walked in there and one of the Kapos—Wieszubski was his name, he killed already a few Germans and he was very nervous, and I said “Take a pill for it, something for your nerves to calm down, ” and he took it. I remember it was bitter and he spat it out saying “I don’t need it.” So I met Chaim—he was not involved in the uprising but somehow he say to me “come there”, and from there we will go in the area for roll call.”

So he wanted to be sure that we are together when there is a roll call, and there was a boy standing there and he was involved in the uprising and he had to kill one German.

Together with the Kapo Wieszubski and he said—I was standing to‐ gether with him and Chaim—he said “I am afraid to go.” Chaim said “You have to go.” And he said “I am afraid.” Chaim said “there is no way back.” What we knew already there was one young boy who had the chance to walk around the camp and he knew already there were ten dead. We know its our death when we get caught—“that’s the end.” The electricity was already cut off and the telephone was already cut off, so we know there were no connections anymore. So Chaim had no choice, he run inside and took a knife, put it in his boots and he walked to this office where SS‐Oberscharführer Beckmann was. And he had no choice.

I remember that he was gone. I was inside to take the knife or something like that and I didn’t see him going away to the barrack, and I went looking for him.

131

I got so panicky, when I know already there was an uprising and there was something going on there, and I couldn’t find Chaim. And then one of the boys said that “Chaim is in that barrack and I went looking where Chaim was and I hear screaming, like someone killing a pig. This screaming was of course the SS man and they were killing him with knives. We couldn’t use guns or anything because no one was allowed to hear—hear that we were killing Germans, because they were all over, the Ukrainians were standing there, and the Poles were all around.

So I went back to the spot where I went for roll call because it was very dangerous. I know when I was standing there when just one German would walk around and if a Ukrainian would see me there—I know that I went back to that barrack and then there was the roll call. I went to the roll call and it was already a little bit unorganized and finally Chaim comes out and he, he was bleeding. When the knife slipped out of the head of this German and he got a cut in his arm. And he was bleeding all over, and I remember I thought “God forbid we come somewhere and he sees this blood.” And you know, I had no idea what will happen now. Were running away or just ….. so I cleaned him up a bit. So in the time that we were walking and I think I had a handkerchief and I put a handkerchief on his arm.

And it was bleeding and we were walking to Camp One—that we go home. In between more people came from all sides and I remember there came a Ukrainian on a bicycle and they just killed him like noth‐ ing. Somebody had taken an axe or a knife, who knows and everybody start coming there together. What I remember everybody says “Hurrah” or something. And then we started running and we were lucky we were running to the entrance of Sobibór.194

With the murder of Beckmann and Steffl in the Forsthaus, other SS men met the same fate, such as Fritz Konrad, Sepp Vallaster and Josef Wolf. Konrad and Vallaster were killed in the shoemaker’s bar‐ racks and Josef Wolf in one of the sorting barracks, also Friedrich Gaulstich was murdered in the carpentry workshop by Shlomo Leit‐ man wielding an axe.

Philip Bialowitz recalled the murder of Josef Wolf: Finally, just after 4 pm from my vantage point I see SS‐Unterscharführer Josef Wolf being approached by a teenage boy who, like me, is one of the on‐call messengers. According to plan the boy appears to tell Wolf 194

132

Selma Engel‐ Interview with USHMM on 16 July 1990.

that a very expensive coat has been found for him and that he is wel‐ come to try it on for fit. Wolf nods in approval and walks away in the direction of the storeroom. From what Symcha has told me, I know this is one of the locations where ambush awaits.

I am incredibly anxious to know if the conspirators in the storeroom have succeeded. After a few minutes, I cannot stand to wait any longer.

I need to know Wolf’s fate. Have we really killed him ? I go to the store‐ room to see if I can find out what has happened. As I walk past, I glance inside as casually as possible. Wolf is on the ground, dead and covered in blood. Two of the Soviet POW’s are dragging him behind the piles of clothes to hide him.195

Semion Rosenfeld, a Jewish Red Army Prisoner of War who arrived in Sobibór from Minsk on September 22, 1943 and was a member of the Underground, recalled the uprising: On the day of the uprising, Pechersky called me and gave me an assign‐ ment. I had to kill Frenzel when he came to the carpentry workshop at 4:00 or 4:30 to receive new cupboards. I prepared myself thoroughly for this task: I sharpened the axe and selected the proper place to carry out the mortal blow. But the scoundrel did not come. Until today I am sorry for that.196

Stanislaw Szmajzner managed to steal some rifles from the Ukrain‐ ian barracks: Inside the shed, which was rather ample, there was a partition which was destined for the higher ranking guards in the abominable corpora‐ tion. I started to observe the place, while the two youths stared at me, and they were very surprised when I headed for the place where the weapons were kept.

I threw a greedy glance at the machine guns right there, within reach of my hands. These weapons were only used by the sergeants and the higher ranking elements. I finally controlled my impulses, because I and possibly the others,did not know how to use them and they would not fit inside the metal pipe I carried. Besides everything else, I did not know anything about that kind of armament.

195

196

Philip Bialowitz, A Promise at Sobibór, The University of Wisconsin Press, 2008, p. 114.

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, p. 328.

133

I then turned my eyes to the rifles and soon noticed that they were ac‐ companied by their own cartridge belts, and a lot of ammunition. We had agreed before that I would only go out with the weapons when the work in the shops had finished and all were heading back to quarters.

I waited for some more minutes and then I heard the characteristic Ger‐ man song that the Jews were forced to sing when they came back from their daily tasks. That was the moment for me to act. The initial plan had determined that three rifles should be taken away and placed inside the long thick pipe I had taken with me to hide them. Thus I would be able to take them back to Camp I without raising any suspicion. Some‐ thing unexpected happened though. No rifle would fit inside the pipe, since the head of the bolt did not let it go inside and I did not know how to remove it.

For this reason, as soon as I heard the song, I wrapped the rifles in a blanket and asked the astonished boys to hand the bundle to me through the window, since I intended to go out and get it from the out‐ side. However, they were terribly frightened and they refused to do what I told them to. The moment was not one for arguments and I had no other choice but threaten to kill them by unsheathing my knife.

With the gleam of the blade before their very eyes, the poor creatures, who did not understand anything, decided to obey me. I went out of the shed with my empty pipe in my hand and the pockets full of cartridges.

I went quickly round the house and stopped before the window where I got my bundle with the rifles.

I then walked towards my destination hardly able to carry all my awk‐ ward load, since the pipe was still in my hand. Luck was still on my side.

I had crossed the officer’s yard and I was already heading for the kitchen in Camp I, yet I had not met a single guard.197

Jakub Biskubicz testified what happened when Erich Bauer returned from Chełm with provisions and stopped the truck outside the For‐ ester’s House in Lager II, and he was ordered with another boy called David to unload the truck: As we were unloading the first box from the truck, we saw inside the Forester House a German whom we stabbed in the back. As we were taking a second box, a Ukrainian came running and called to Bauer, “A German is dead.” Bauer did not immediately understand what he meant. But David, who had heard it, started to run in the direction of

197

134

Stanislaw Szmajzner, Hell in Sobibór pp. 277–278.

Camp I. Bauer shot at him twice and ran after him. I remained alone.

Then I heard a cry, “Hurrah!” from Camp I and shooting.198

Alexander Pechersky was informed that Engel, a Locksmith had killed SS‐Unterscharführer Walther Ryba when he came into the garage where Engel was working, on impulse. Pechersky was con‐ cerned that this unplanned killing, was close to the SS and Ukrain‐ ian quarters and could expose the uprising, and thus the time to es‐ cape.199 Dov Freiberg who was in Lager II described what happened next: When we marched to Camp I we were singing a German song in order not to provoke any suspicion. We arrived there after all the other groups had already gathered. There was great excitement. Some of the Jews were armed with rifles and pistols. A Jewish boy climbed the Forester’s Tower and trumpeted for the roll call.200

Alexander Pechersky described the scene in Lager I: People came streaming from all sides. We had previously selected sev‐ enty men, nearly all of them Soviet Prisoners of War, whose task it was to attack the armoury. That was why they were in the forefront of the column. But all the others, who had only suspected that something was being arranged but didn’t know when and how, now found out at the last minute. They began to push and jostle forward, fearing they might be left behind. In this disorderly fashion we reached the gate of Camp I. A squad commander, a German from Near‐Volga, approached us: “Hey you son‐of‐bitches,” he shouted, “didn’t you hear the whistle? So why are you pushing like a bunch of cattle? Get in line, three in a row!” As though in response to a command, several hatchets suddenly appeared from under coats and came down on his head.

At that moment, the column from Camp II was advancing towards us.

Several women, shaken by the unexpected scene, began to scream. One prisoner was on the verge of fainting. Another began to run blindly, without any direction. It was clear that under these circumstances it would be impossible to line up the people in an orderly column.

“Comrades, forward!” I called out loud.

“Forward!” Someone on my right picked up the slogans.

198 199 200

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, p. 330–331.

Ibid., p. 328.

Ibid., p. 329.

135

“For our Fatherland—forward!”

The slogans reverberated like thunder in the death camp, and united Jews from Russia, Poland, Holland, France, Czechoslovakia and Ger‐ many. Six hundred pain‐wracked, tormented people, surged forward with a wild “Hurrah” to life and freedom. 201

Thomas (Toivi) Blatt recalled the murder of Schreiber: The second, larger group, armed with an assortment of weapons, pushed its way forward towards the exit of Lager I to reach the main gate. At that moment, a Guard Commander, the Volksdeutscher Schreiber, was riding his bicycle through the same exit. Not understand‐ ing what had happened, he yelled, “Why are you pushing like cattle?

Get in line!” When he understood, it was too late. He was immediately surrounded, thrown from his bike, and knifed. His pistol was confis‐ cated. Not far away, I saw another guard in visible shock continuously turning himself around as if set in motion, his outstretched hand still holding his rifle.202

Eda Lichtman wrote: Suddenly we heard shots. In the beginning only a few shots, and then it turned into heavy shooting, including machine‐gun fire. We heard shouting, and I could see a group of prisoners running with axes, knives, scissors, cutting the fences and crossing them. Mines started to explode.

Riot and confusion prevailed, everything was thundering around. The doors of the workshop were opened, and everyone rushed through. We ran out of the workshop. All around were the bodies of the killed and wounded. Near the armoury were some of our boys with weapons. Some of them were exchanging fire with the Ukrainians; others were running towards the gate or through the fences.

My coat was caught on the fence. I took off the coat, freed myself and ran further behind the fences into the minefield. A mine exploded nearby, and I could see a body being lifted into the air and then falling down. I did not recognize who it was. Many were shot on the fences.

Behind the mines was a ditch, luckily without water. With the help of two other women, I crossed the ditch and reached the forest. 203

201 202

203

136

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, pp. 329–330.

Thomas Toivi Blatt, From the Ashes of Sobibór, Northwestern University Press, Evanston, 1997, pp. 151–152.

Ibid., pp. 331–332.

Alexander Pechersky described the break‐out from the death camp: The guards on the watchtower opened intensive machine‐gun fire on the escaping prisoners. The guards who were at and between the barbed‐wire fences joined them. Yanek the carpenter aimed and shot at the guards on the watchtower. The machine gun fell silent. The Lock‐ smith Henrick used the captured sub‐machine gun to silence the gun‐ ner from the second watchtower. But this machine gun continued to fire incessantly.

The remaining SS men tried with automatic fire to cut off the way of the crowd of prisoners. The main body of the prisoners turned towards the fences of Camp I. Some ran directly over to the minefields. According to the plan, stones and planks had to be thrown on the mines to explode them, but in the confusion nobody did it. Many found their death there, but they paved the way to freedom for the prisoners who followed them.

A special group started to cut the fences close to the house where the Commander of the camp lived. When I passed by this house, I saw Fren‐ zel crouching behind another house and shooting with a sub‐machine gun. I shot at him twice with my pistol but missed him. I did not stop.

A large group of prisoners under the command of Leitman tried to cross the barbed‐wire fences close to the main gate. The guards on the watch‐ tower aimed his fire on Leitman’s group. I was one of the last to leave the camp. 204

Thomas (Toivi) Blatt wrote in his diary about the escape from So‐ bibór: I could hear the bullets whistle. A friend fell in front of me, then others.

The remaining Germans—Bauer, Frenzel, Rewald, Wendland, Floss, Richter and Wolf, and some Ukrainian Guards with machine guns, who had initially been in shock—now blocked the main gate. People were killed, and the front line Jews, mostly unarmed fell back for a few minutes. I stopped, my long knife of no use, and backed off about fifty feet, then headed to the right of the Germans’ quarters as a new wave of determined fighters pushed forward again towards the main gate in a suicidal thrust.

A small group, including Sasha, Szlomo, Sender, and another man with an axe, ended up with me, between the fences in the peripheral guard’s corridor. In the confusion we ran into the entrance of this corridor, avoiding two barbed wire fences and the water ditch, which were now 204

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, p. 332.

137

behind us. Ahead of us, only one more barbed‐wire fence and about fifty feet of mine field. We stopped. Someone was trying to cut an opening in the fence with a shovel.

Sasha armed with a pistol, stood by, waiting, as were Sender and myself both with knives in hand. Only Szlomo Szmajzner, calmly shooting his rifle, was able to silence the Guard in the tower. I still remember mar‐ velling at his composure. Within minutes more Jews arrived.

Thomas (Toivi) Blatt was about to break—out from the camp: Not waiting in line to go through the opening under the hail of fire, they climbed the fence. Though we had planned to touch the mines off with bricks and wood, we did not do it. We couldn’t wait; we preferred sud‐ den death to a moment more in that hell. While I was only halfway through the fence it crumbled and fell on top of me with the combined weight of so many. This probably saved my life for, lying under the wires, trampled by the stampeding crowd, I saw mines exploding every second. I realized that had I been able to get through earlier, I would have been killed with them.

Corpses were everywhere. The noise of rifles, exploding mines, grenades and the chatter of machine guns assaulted my ears. The Nazis shot from a distance while in our hands were only primitive knives and hatchets.

Heavy casualties were inflicted by the Ukrainian guards on the towers.

As I found out later, although some of them deserted, most were faithful to the Nazis.

Thomas (Toivi) Blatt continued his account: The wave of escapees had passed over me. I was alone, lying among bod‐ ies on the perimeter. I tried to extricate myself but the trampling had embedded the barbed wire in the thickness of my coat and it held me back. I had to think fast—was this the end? I didn’t want to die. An idea suddenly flashed through me—and now it was relatively easy. I simply slid out from under my coat and left it tangled there.

I ran through the mine craters, jumped over a single wire marking the end of the mine field and was outside the camp. Now to make it to the woods ahead of me. It was so close. I was behind the last of the fugitives, I fell several times, each time thinking I was hit. And each time I got up and ran further.. 100 yards ... 50 yards... 20 more yards.... and the forest

138

at last. Behind me—blood and ashes. In the grayness of the approaching evening, the machine guns shot their last victims from the towers.205

Stanislaw Szmajzner recalled the breakout in his book: At that time I had not crossed the fences yet and I had lost contact with Nojech, Moisze and Jankus. I tried to stop for a while to avoid being forced into the forward lines. I intended to stay on the back lines since no reaction was coming from the Boches. Only the nearest towers fired some shots against the fleeing multitude. It was then that I aimed my rifle at one of the towers and fired four shots nearly at random. I later learned that one of these stray bullets had killed one of the Guards.206

Jakub Biskubicz who remained inside Lager II testified: All the prisoners escaped. I remained alone. I jumped over a 2 metre fence and reached the warehouse. It became dark, because in October, night fell early; therefore the bullet fired in my direction didn’t hit me.

Until midnight I lay on the earth. I could hear shouts and screams from all directions. At midnight, I heard shooting close to me and the voices of Germans saying: “Nobody is here.” They left.

I reached Lager IV. I saw the open door of a watchtower. Nobody was around. I climbed the ladder of the tower and jumped outside over the fences and mines. I fell on the railway and escaped to the forest.207

Kurt Thomas described at the Sobibór trial in Hagen on July 4, 1965, how he survived by hiding on a farm, following his escape from the death camp: An understanding, freedom loving, Polish farmer on whose farm I ar‐ rived, after a four days hike through the countryside, had mercy on me; he let me hide in the attic of his pig‐sty, after I explained to him from where I escaped, from November 1943 until the end of July 1944, when the Russian armies took the village and I later joined the Czechoslo‐ vakian legion, with which I moved westward into my native country and town.

The existence above the pig sty was another humiliating experience filled with terror. German soldiers often went through the yard of the farm; sometimes units were billeted on the farm of the hamlet and I was 205

206 207

Thomas (Toivi) Blatt, Sobibór—The Forgotten Revolt, H.E.P. Issaquah, 1988, pp. 81–82.

Stanislaw Szmajzner, Hell in Sobibór p. 282.

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, p. 335.

139

for days without food and in fear of being discovered by accident. The farmer could not bring me anything during these times.

In the attic in which I laid was even at the point of the gable so low, that here I could only kneel. I did not walk for nine months, never leaving my hideout. I ate only whenever it was possible for the farmer to bring me some food from his house. I had a bucket up there which I used as a toilet and which I handed my farmer once a week, if circumstances were favourable for being emptied.

I changed my laundry six times during those nine months, shaved that many times with a straight razor, with the help of a broken piece of mirror and a little bit of water from a small bottle and a piece of soap, all thrown up there by my farmer. I pushed the straw of the thatch roof apart by which I gained some light to shave. I was awfully cold in the winter, being covered only with one blanket, while in the summer the heat and the flies made it most uncomfortable. 208

SS‐Oberscharführer Werner Dubois who arrived in Sobibór in the summer of 1943, described the revolt: On the day of the uprising, in the afternoon, I was in the armoury to‐ gether with some Ukrainian Guardsmen. The door was open. I saw a group of Jewish prisoners with axes approaching the armoury. I thought that this was an ordinary working group. This group of five or six men passed by the armoury; they went around the armoury, crashed into the room, and hit me with axes. My skull was fractured with an axe. Other axe blows wounded my hands. In spite of it, I succeeded in extricating myself and escaping outside the armoury. After running about 10 me‐ tres, I was shot in the lung and lost consciousness. Some Ukrainian Guards treated me with vodka and I returned to consciousness. Then I learned that an uprising had broken out.209

SS‐Unterscharführer Franz Wolf arrived in Sobibór in March 1943 with his brother Josef and he supervised the working commando in the forest: On the day of the revolt I spent the day in the forest with Willi Wendland overseeing a labor commando. Between 4.30 and 5pm Wendland and I arrived back at the camp with the Jewish labor com‐ mando. Wendland took the Jews to Lager I and the horse and cart to

208 209

140

YVA. 033.717.

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, p. 330.

Lager II, where the stables and the shed were. I still had to collect the Jewish women workers from the vegetable plots. So Wendland and I went our separate ways, and I went to the garden, between Lager I and Lager II. When I was on my way back with the Jewish women, I suddenly heard shooting. I was between the Forsthaus and Lager I. When I first heard the shots, I shouted at the Jews; ‘Go over to your barracks and get in‐ side!’ I walked back to the writing room in the Forsthaus. There Beck‐ mann and another permanent staff member had been shot.210 I walked back out to make my way through the courtyard in Lager II to the sorting barracks, to get to my brother. I saw no one on the way. The door that led from the courtyard to the sorting barracks was locked.

After the shooting had died down, I went over to the posts in the Vor‐ lager. There were several other bodies there and Werner Dubois, who was seriously wounded. I tried to find my brother but did not succeed.

The next morning I was told that he had been found dead in the sorting barrack.211

210 211

Beckmann and the other officer were stabbed to death not shot.

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, p. 167.

141

Chapter XI The Aftermath (October 1943) Erich Wullbrandt a Captain of the Security Police—Mounted SS and Police Regiment III based in Chełm was sent to Sobibór following the prisoner revolt on October 14, 1943. He testified about his role in the aftermath: When I returned to my quarters at Chełm after several days of fighting the partisans in the Lublin district—I think in the autumn of 1943—I found the order to go to Sobibór already waiting for me. It was clear from the order that a revolt led by Jewish Arbeitshäftlinge had broken out at the Jewish camp at Sobibór. Apparently Jewish prisoners had taken over the armoury.

I can no longer remember now whether the order was given verbally or in writing. It was also known that a number of prisoners had escaped. I cannot remember either whether the order contained any details of Guards being killed. But it seemed obvious there would be a danger to the guards, so Schutzpolizei Major Eggert, Kommandeur der Reiterabtei‐ lung III, took charge himself. It was suspected that the escaped Jews would plan an attack on the camp to liberate any prisoners still inside.

To prevent this from happening and to protect the Guards at the camp, my squadron as well as that of Major Eggert were deployed, with Eggert in overall charge.

As far as I can recall the squadron went to Sobibór by train. A train had been made available especially. We arrived at Sobibór close to daybreak.

At Sobibór station, right by the camp entrance, two men of the Waffen‐ SS told us about the incident that had occurred earlier that day. Neither of them were officers. They claimed they had not been at the camp at the time of the incident but, as they were driving back in their truck, they had come across armed Jewish prisoners in the forest. They had managed to turn the truck around and flee to safety. I assume that both of these SS men would have informed their superior authorities in Lu‐ blin about the revolt at the camp.

According to them, the German camp staff had been lured inside differ‐ ent workshops in the afternoon and murdered by Jewish prisoners using a variety of tools. It must have been a well prepared revolt, because at

142

the same time a large number of other prisoners had apparently stormed the armoury, taken the weapons and broken out of the camp.

By the time we arrived, the bodies had already been laid out in one of the offices. I saw them myself. I think there were about thirteen bodies in this room. They were quite badly mutilated, some with their skulls split open and deep knife wounds to their faces and the rest of their bodies. How many prisoners got away I do not know. My estimate, con‐ sidering the situation at the time, would be about fifty percent. I can no longer remember how many prisoners were still at the camp. When we arrived, they were inside their barracks. The watch towers were manned by foreign Hilfswilligen. As the revolt had taken place several hours be‐ fore we arrived at Sobibór, and the remaining Guards had already re‐ stored order at the camp, there was not much for us to do.

We did not consider it necessary to protect the camp against attacks from the outside and, as the Jewish prisoners in their barracks were also quiet, the squadron stationed itself in the Vorlager buildings. That is to say, as they had just returned from a very tiring assignment fighting the partisans, they went to have a rest. I presume that a few men were as‐ signed to guard us. The camp‘s own staff had already restored order at the camp by the time we arrived.

During the night and even before, in the evening, a few of the escaped Jews returned to the camp voluntarily. I actually saw four or five pris‐ oners return. They reported to the camp watch by the entrance gate and were taken in by the Hilfswilligen who were stationed there. I cannot recall them being ill‐treated. The Hilfswilligen took them to the barracks where the other prisoners were. I have no idea what happened to them later. I could not say whether they were shot in the end.

After a quiet night we carried out a search of the surrounding forest in the morning, which was more of a formality, really. No prisoners were found. At some stage that morning I did see about 50 prisoners, who presumably had been shot by the Hiwis and brought into the camp from the surrounding area, and then placed on the rails.

That same day a commission of higher ranking SS officers arrived at the camp by car from Lublin. Major Eggert reported to them after they had entered the camp. This commission consisted of about ten people. They went to look at the bodies of the killed camp staff members, but did not linger at the camp for long. I never saw any of the escaped Jews again and never ran into any of them while fighting the partisans either.212

212

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, pp. 175–176.

143

Erich Bauer recalled what happened to the SS‐men killed in the pris‐ oner revolt and who were buried at Chełm cemetery on October 17, 1943: I personally took seven caskets to Chełm; the other caskets arrived in Chełm by train. I picked them up from the station and took them to the town hall. In total between 21 and 23 people were killed, including a Ukrainian who, I believe, was in charge of all the tradesmen; his name was Klatt. The funeral took place at the military cemetery outside Chełm, where those who died at the Chełm Lazarett had also been bur‐ ied. The cemetery was situated along the road to Białystok.213 I refused to drive to the border patrol. I was supposed to warn them that the prisoners had broken out. I was afraid, because it was dark and they had taken all the weapons. Wirth shouted at me. He threatened me with a pistol or a whip. So I drove away from Sobibór, straight to a farm, where I hid behind one of the sheds. If I had not gone, he would have killed me. The next morning I drove to the border patrol.214

Jakob Sporrenberg the SS und Polizeiführer Lublin, who had taken over this role from Globocnik, was interrogated in London on March 26, 1946 and he gave a description of his visits to the death camp: When Sporrenberg arrived in Lublin he did not know of this camp’s ex‐ istence. Only on odd occasions some of Globocnik’s men would talk of the camp ‘S,’ but Sporrenberg later heard through the KdS that it was an extermination camp. He also knew that the camp was situated in the Lublin district, about 120–150 kilometres from the town, i.e. the district in which Sporrenberg himself was SSPF. He wanted to inspect the camp and did in fact go there some time in October 1943. Sporrenberg maintains that the camp came directly un‐ der the command of Globocnik and that the SIPO had nothing whatso‐ ever to do with it. On arrival at Sobibór the Guard Commander, Hauptsturmführer Reichleitner, who also refused him access and in‐ formed him that he could only visit Sobibór in the company of the RFSS or Globocnik, preferably both. Sporrenberg had a quarrel with Reich‐ leitner and told him that as SSPF Lublin he was responsible for all camps in the district. But the Commandant would not permit him to get past the gate.

213 214

144

Ibid., p. 175.

Ibid., p. 179.

Sporrenberg returned to Lublin and, although he had told Reichleitner that he would complain, he did nothing about it, especially as Reichleit‐ ner had told him that the camp would be dissolved in three to four weeks and that he himself would then follow Globocnik to Trieste.

About three weeks later Sporrenberg received a report from Chełm that an uprising had taken place in the camp while it was being dissolved.

This report reached Sporrenberg about 24 hours after the uprising had begun. He drove there at once and found that the police had taken over the guarding of the place. Sporrenberg had not given such an order him‐ self.

He found out that the last remaining Jews there, about 150, had beaten to death all the German staff present—there were about 15, and then made off together with their Russian Guards. Reichleitner himself was unfortunately not present as he had already left for Trieste. Before leav‐ ing, the prisoners had also set the entire camp on fire.

By the time Sporrenberg arrived, the police had placed the bodies of the dead Germans in one room. He tried to have a look round the camp but nearly everything had been destroyed by the fire. He saw a heap of stone rubble which, he says, were the former gas chambers, but as he also says that he had never been there before, had never seen a plan of the camp and that nobody ever told him about it, it seems peculiar that he should be so certain about it. He explains that this was the only stone building and all others were of wood, which gives rise to the assumption that it used to be the crematorium and not the gas chamber. Furthermore, he does not know where the corpses were disposed of. There were railway lines which had originally led to the heap of stone rubble.

As stated above, the camp was in the process of being dissolved when the uprising began. One of the dead found there had been an Ober‐ scharführer, which seems to confirm that the stone building had been dynamited only just before.

Sporrenberg was told by the police that unsuccessful attempts had been made to recapture the escaped prisoners. When Sporrenberg returned to Lublin he found a teleprint from Himmler, who had already been in‐ formed by the SIPO of the incident. In this teleprint Himmler blamed Sporrenberg, asked why the prisoners had not yet been recaptured, and ordered him to spare no effort to seize them without delay. Sporrenberg replied that he had nothing to do with the matter and that he had not even been allowed inside the camp. He told Himmler that it was impos‐ sible to recapture the escaped prisoners as they had fled across the River Bug.

145

Next day Sporrenberg was told that Globocnik had arrived in Lublin from Berlin and that he had gone out to the camp without seeing Spor‐ renberg. He merely drove out and made arrangements for the rest of the camp to be completely obliterated so that no traces would be left.215 Note: KdS – Kommander der Sicherheitspolizei SSPF – SS und Polizeiführer SIPO – Sicherheitspolizei RFSS – Reichsführer‐SS

Franciszek Parkola the Polish Station Supervisor at Sobibór recalled: After I had come into work that evening, the station master and other people told me that a shooting had taken place at the camp, and that the Jews had cut through the fence in two places; one was near the sta‐ tion and the other near the sawmill.

I had heard the shooting and explosions while still at home, 3 kilometres away from the camp. When I was at the station the next morning I saw the damaged fence around the camp. I could see part of the camp square and dead people scattered about.

That afternoon I saw Jewish prisoners carting injured Jews and dead Jewish women out of the forest and back to the camp in wheelbarrows.

I saw two Jews being taken on a handcart, that is to say, their hands were tied to the handles with barbed wire, and they were being dragged along. People I spoke to also told me that the Jews who had escaped from the camp had spoken to some building workers and had literally said: “Hitler kaputt,“ and that the War had ended.216

Alexander Pechersky recalled what happened when they reached the forest: For some time we continued to hear shots from rifles and automatic weapons. This helped us orient ourselves. We knew that there, behind us, was the camp. Gradually the shooting became more distant until it died down altogether. It was already dark when shooting broke out again from the right, it sounded distant and faint. I proposed that we continue going all through the night, and that we should go in a single file, one behind the other. I would be in the front. Behind me, Tsibulsky, Arkady (Vaispapir) would close the line. No smoking; no talking; no 215

216

146

Jakob Sporrenberg Interrogation in London 26 March 1946 – National Archives Kew WO 208/ 4673.

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007. pp. 176 ‐177.

falling behind; no running ahead. If a man in front lies down, all would do the same. If a rocket flared up, all would lie down at once. There must be no panic no matter what happened.

We were out of the woods, for about three kilometres we walked through an open field. Then our path was blocked by a canal about five to six metres wide. The canal was deep, and it was impossible to wade through it, so we walked along the shore of the canal. Suddenly I noticed a group of people about 50 metres away. We all lay down at once.

Arkady was given the task of investigating who they were. At first he crawled on his belly, then he rose and ran up to the group. A few minutes later he returned, “Sasha, they’re ours,” he announced. “They found wooden stumps lying by the shore and are crossing over to the other side. Kalimali (Shubayev) is with them.” We all crossed over the canal on these wooden stumps.

Shubayev had no news about Luka, but he had seen Shlomo (Leitman).

He said Shlomo was wounded before he managed to get into the woods.

He had continued to run for a distance of about three kilometres and then his strength gave out. He begged to be shot. What horrible, painful news that was! To break out of the camp and on the way to freedom to remain lying helpless.

By now our group numbered fifty‐seven people, we covered another five kilometres and then heard the rumble of a passing train. Before us lay a broad open stretch of land, sparsely covered with short shrubs. We stopped, it was getting close to dawn, time to give some thought to the question of where we should spend the day. It was clear that the Ger‐ mans would be pursuing us during the day. The woods in these parts were not very thick and could be easily combed in all directions. I talked it over with Tsibulsky and Shubayev, and it was decided that the best thing to do would be to scatter around the bushes, precisely because it was an open space, not far from the railway line. Therefore it wouldn’t occur to anyone to look for us there. But we would have to camouflage ourselves well, lie motionless, and not utter a sound.

Before we took to the bushes, I sent out a few people to comb through them carefully for some distance on all sides. Throughout the day air‐ planes circled overhead, some quite low over the bushes where we lay.

We heard the voices of Poles who worked on the railway, our people lay glued to the ground, covered with branches, no one moved until it grew dark, that’s how the first day of our freedom passed. It was October 15, 1943. Night fell, as we rose from our places we noticed two figures ap‐ proaching us. They moved cautiously, we guessed at once that they were

147

our people. It turned out they had already been as far as the Bug and were now returning from there.

“Why didn’t you cross?” we asked.

They reported that they had entered a hamlet not far from the river and were told that Germans had arrived at the shore during the night and that all crossings were heavily guarded. We walked in single file, in the same order as yesterday: Tsibulsky and I were in front; Shubayev and Arkady were the last in line. After walking for about 5 kilometres we entered the woods and stopped. It made no sense to continue together in so large a group, we would be too conspicuous; also it would be im‐ possible to provide food for so many people. Therefore we divided our‐ selves into small groups, each going its own way. My group consisted of nine people, including Shubayev, Boris Tsibulsky, Arkady Vaispapir, Mi‐ chael Itzkowitch, Semion Mazurkiewitch. We headed east, with the po‐ lar stars as our compass. The nights were starry. Our first aim was to cross the Bug. To do that we had to find the proper place and the proper time. In quiet, deserted hamlets we obtained food and received vital in‐ formation and directions. We were warned which places to avoid and where it would be advisable to stay over because there had been a breakout from the Sobibór camp, where people were being burned, and the Germans were combing the entire area in search of the escapees.

We started out for the Stawki hamlets, about 1.5 kilometres from the Bug.217 Subayev who had been sent on a reconnaissance with two of his com‐ rades, knocked at one of the little houses to ask if they could come in.

A young man answered positively in perfect Russian. Aside from him, there was a woman, a baby in a cradle and an old man, Subayev asked if they knew where in the area might be a good place to cross the river, because they were POW’s who had escaped and wanted to return home, to Donbas and Rostov. After staying silent for a long while, the young man replied he did know of such a place. After Subayev had come back for us and the woman had given us some bread to take along, the young farmer led us to a place not far from the river and left us there. That was on the night of 19 October. Two days later we met the first partisans near Brest; they were from the Worosjilow group. 218

Sholmo Alster described the events surrounding Pechersky’s group departure: 217 218

148

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, Indiana University Press, 1987, pp. 338–339.

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, pp. 184 ‐185.

Sasha’s people left us and went away. We remained without a leader.

What could we do? Without arms and without a man to lead us. To‐ gether with us were French, Dutch, Czechoslovakian Jews. They could not find their way without knowing the language and surroundings.

Like us, they also divided themselves into small groups. They went out to the road, which was full of SS men and all of them were caught alive.

Also the local people caught them one by one and brought them to So‐ bibór, where they were liquidated. None of them survived.

We the Polish Jews, remained a small group. What should we do? To stay in the forest was dangerous, because either the Germans or the lo‐ cal people would catch us. We had to get away from this place, and from Sobibór—as far as possible. But this was not so simple—where could we go?

I was hungry; my clothes were torn to pieces. I decided to go back to my native town, to Chełm, maybe there I could find some chance of sur‐ vival. I couldn’t see any other alternative.219

Azik Rotenberg testified about his escape from Sobibór: On October 14, the revolt took place. I ran to the forest with my com‐ panions and met a naked fugitive. ‘Come with me,’ I said and gave him my coat. We looked for partisans, but didn’t find any; then we were ar‐ rested by Schupos, who didn’t wish to kill us right away. They took us to Adampol, and a German called Zelinger, tied us up with chains in a stable; for weeks he treated us like dogs. However, we managed to break the chains and escaped to the forest of Parczew. We met a group of Polish partisans who didn’t want to accept us. Later we found Jewish partisans, the Yehiel group, who were part of Chyl Grynspan’s unit. They accepted us and we took part in several battles.220

Dov Freiberg recounts the difficulties faced in the forests following the Jews escape from Sobibór: We were murdered not only by Germans, but by Poles, Ukrainians and partisans, especially the men of the Armia Krajowa, gangs and farm‐ ers.... More than once we considered suicide, after we saw that the whole world was against us. Every day of the ten months until the lib‐ eration is a story unto itself. Yet I would not have exchanged the whole terrible period in the forests for one day, even the best day in Sobibór.

219 220

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, University Press, 1987, Indiana, p. 340.

M. Novitch, Sobibór, Martyrdom and Revolt, Holocaust Library New York, 1980, p.105.

149

There were also a few good Poles and Ukrainians. These people helped us and risked their lives because they had to fear every neighbour, every passerby, every child, who might inform on them.221

The British Intelligence staff at Bletchley Park intercepted on Octo‐ ber 15, 1943 a German police message from the SS Police Leader Lu‐ blin to SS‐Brigadeführer Wilhelm Guenther in Luzk, regarding the escape of 700 Jews from the camp at Sobibór, which lies 5 kilometres from the Bug, between Chełm and Włodawa, who had fled over the River Bug border. This decode is in the documents section.222 On March 17, 1944, SS‐Untersturmführer Adalbert Benda, who served in the Border Police unit in Chełm, wrote a report about the Jewish revolt in Sobibór, requesting medals for himself and a num‐ ber of his comrades for their conduct in carrying out the manhunt.

Benda himself was never brought to trial for his actions in Lublin, Poland, although he was indicted in Vienna in Austria and Wiesba‐ den in Germany, because he died in Vienna in 1970.

This report written some five months after the revolt in Sobibór on October 14, 1943, makes the mistake of citing the wrong date for the revolt, October 15, 1943, on a number of occasions. But it de‐ scribes the actions his unit took to secure the death camp, including the mass execution of Jewish prisoners: Subject: Awards for Anti‐Bandit Campaigns Ref: Kdr Order No .11, 11 March 1944. Art 105 In the afternoon of 15.10.1943 some 300 prisoners of Sonderlager Sobibór attempted a breakout, having disarmed a number of Guard units and killed one SS‐Führer as well as 10 SS‐Unterführer. The attempt was par‐ tially successful.

An Einsatzkommando was sent from the Grenzpolizeikommissariat at Chełm, which included the following members:

221 222

150

SS‐Untersturmführer

Benda, Adalbert

SS‐Hauptscharführer

Pruckner, Ludwig

SS‐Hauptscharführer

Benzler, Hermann

SS‐Oberscharführer

Scholz, Erich

Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, University Press, 1987, Indiana , pp. 347–348.

National Archives Kew, HW16/38.

SS‐Oberscharführer

Theimer, Rudolf

SS‐Oberscharführer

Schlogel Konrad

SS‐Rottenführer

Reinelt, Adolf

The Wehrmacht and Schutzpolizei were also summoned. In view of the nature of the Sonderlager and its inmates, it was decided that the Wehr‐ macht should take immediate responsibility for pursuing the fugitives, and the Schutzpolizei for securing the camp from the outside.

The Einsatzkommando sent by the Grenzpolizeikommissariat at Chełm carried out a thorough search of the camp interior in the night of 15.10.1943 and in the early morning hours of 16.10.1943. In the process, the men repeatedly came under fire from the prisoners. During the ac‐ tual search of the camp the use of firearms was required as the prisoners resisted their capture. A larger number of prisoners—159—ended up be‐ ing shot as per instructions.

All members of the Einsatzkommando proved themselves worthy of the task throughout the entire operation.

Benda SS‐Untersturmführer223

The British Intelligence at Bletchley Park intercepted another Ger‐ man Police message transmitted on October 27, 1943, regarding un‐ used munitions sent to Munich from Durchgangslager Sobibór on October 25, 1943, originating from the SS‐ und Polizeiführer Russland Mitte.224 The term Durchgangslager means Transit Camp.

223 224

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, pp. 179–180.

National Archives Kew HW16/39.

151

Chapter XII The Liquidation of the Camp Following the prisoner revolt in Treblinka on August 2, 1943 and the decision to dismantle the structures there, some SS NCO’s from Tre‐ blinka were transferred to Sobibór to replace their fallen colleagues.

A number of prisoners were also transferred to Sobibór on October 20, 1943 and another transport on November 4, 1943, to dismantle the facilities at Sobibór.

One week after the revolt in Sobibór, Erich Herbert Floss es‐ corted a group of the camps Ukrainian Guards to the Trawniki train‐ ing camp when he was killed by Wasil Hetmaniec in Zawadowka, near Chełm on October 22, 1943. 225 Returning to the dismantling of the camp, among the prisoners transferred on November 4, 1943 were Oberkapo Karl Blau who re‐ ported to Gustav Wagner; Karl Blau from Vienna, also arrived in So‐ bibór with his wife Adele from the Treblinka death camp. 226 On November 23, 1943 Gustav Wagner announced the execution of the remaining Jewish work‐brigade consisting of about 30 Jews.

They were all executed by a bullet in the back of the neck. Gustav Wagner and the Ukrainians Bodessa and Kaiser took an active part.

The bodies were cremated and the rails buried on the site of the for‐ mer Lager III. With these last killings, Sobibór had ceased its deadly mission, between 150,000 and 250,000 Jews lost their lives in Sobibór.227 We know that amongst the number killed were circa 34,000 from Hol‐ land, as precise records exist for those deported from Westerbork Transit Camp. This last killing of the work‐brigade was the end of Aktion Reinhardt. The mass murder of circa 1.6 million Jews had come to a bloody conclusion.

225 226 227

YVA 053.123.1, p.133.

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, p. 189.

Thomas (Toivi) Blatt, Sobibór—The Forgotten Revolt, H.E.P. Issaquah, 1988, p. 117.

152

Robert Juhrs was sent from the Labor Camp at Dorohucza to as‐ sist with the final winding up of the camp and was part of the secu‐ rity cordon that guarded the executions of the Jewish workers: By the time I arrived at Sobibór, many of the buildings and the inner fence had already been torn down. I vaguely remember about thirty Ar‐ beitsjuden still being at the camp, but perhaps there were a few more.

These Jews had been put to work on demolishing and clearing away what had once been Lager III. I remember I had to supervise these Jews for one or two days as well.

Mostly I was involved in putting back in order the buildings that were to be returned to the Polish forestry commission. I clearly remember that the last Arbeitsjuden were shot in early December 1943 in what had been Lager III, or in any case in a wooded area. I am certain that the Ukrainian train Guard Alex Kaiser was very active on that day of the execution. He took part in all the beatings and shooting.

At any rate, I can say that Wagner and Frenzel were also in the fore‐ ground on the day of the executions. What I mean is that they were actively engaged in the beatings and executing of the Jews. I saw them myself, beating up the Jews and shooting them. But other camp staff at Sobibór also actively participated in the executions: Bauer, Bodessa, Bolender, Hödl, Klier, Lambert and Unverhau.

The fact is, though, that all of the camp staff were present at the execu‐ tions. I formed part of a security cordon around the area of execution. I saw with my own eyes how the Jews were shot in the back of the neck with pistols or machine‐pistols. I was about 10 metres away from where the executions took place and witnessed it all. As far as I can recall, there were no incidents—the Jews were submissive and offered no resistance when being taken to their execution. After this action I stayed at So‐ bibór for only a few more days and assisted with demolishing the Jewish tailor’s workshop.228

Jan Piwonski, a railway employee also recalled the last days of the camp: The Jews who had been put to work on demolishing the camp had to plant new trees after the ground had been levelled. I also know the Jews had to fill in and cover up the holes that had been caused by blowing up the concrete buildings inside the camp. I do not know what happened

228

Ibid., pp. 190–191.

153

to the Jews who wound up the camp, but no one ever saw them leave. I heard that all of them were killed.

Later in the autumn, towards the end of October or early in November 1943, the Germans who had been at the camp left Sobibór. I know that the Germans dispatched clothing from the camp, because I saw it being loaded into wagons and transported out of the camp. I also know they sent crates full of something or other from the camp. The crates were one metre long and very heavy. I know the crates were very heavy be‐ cause I weighed them myself. From the labels on the crates—I read them—I could make out they were sent to Berlin.

The Ukranians carried the crates into a luggage wagon and a German Officer, armed with a sub‐machine gun, got into the same wagon. I learnt from the Ukrainians that the crates contained gold coins; not gold and coins, but gold coins. The Wlasows also said there might be expensive jewellery and precious stones inside.229

229

154

J. Schelvis, Sobibór ,Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, p. 191.

Part II Survivors, Victims, Perpetrators, and the Aftermath

155

Chapter XIII Jewish Survivors and Victims (Roll of Remembrance) This chapter is an attempt to record some of the names of Jewish survivors and victims who set foot on the living hell that was Sobibór death camp. Those that arrived in Sobibór and were selected on the ramp for forced labor in other camps outside of Sobibór are also in‐ cluded. What has been created is not an impersonal statistic, but to show these people were flesh and blood, and to honour their memory.

Mostly the details where surnames and some personal details are known, have been included, it is not a simple list of names. It is rec‐ ognized, somewhat painfully, that there are many more names, many more accounts that are are unknown and this Roll of Remem‐ brance will never be complete. This list does not claim to be the def‐ inite list, probably that will never be achieved. The Germans did not make transport lists of names of Polish Jews but comprehensive rec‐ ords exist in the case of the Jews deported from the Westerbork camp in the Netherlands to the Sobibór death camp in nineteen transports during 1943 and for transports from the Reich of German Jews.

The information has been compiled using a number of sources, victim’s databases on reputed websites, books, survivor accounts, personal correspondence, and it is respectfully presented, and hope‐ fully the memory has been preserved, in an accurate and fitting manner. Firstly the survivors / escapees have been covered and then those who were selected in the camp to work in other camps, and finally the victims. All the names shown are in alphabetical order, surname first, and where known the forenames.

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Sobibór Survivors—this Roll of Remembrance includes those who survived the Holocaust, or escaped from the camp and some who experienced freedom if only for an ephemeral time: A‐Z ALSTER, Schlomo. Born on December 1, 1908 in Chełm, Poland. He was deported from Chełm to Sobibór during November 1942, along with Kalmen Wewryk. He worked in the death camp mainly as a carpenter, building barracks. He was also selected for the Bahnhofkommando on a few occasions. In his view, Gomerski was the worst of all the SS men at Sobibór. Alster escaped during the revolt on October 14, 1943 and he settled in Israel in 1946 and lived in Rehovot.

BAHIR, Moshe (Born SZKLAREK). Born on July 19, 1927 in Plock, Poland. He was deported from Zamosc on May 24, 1942, in one of the earliest transports. On his arrival he was among fifty men selected for work, and was assigned to the Bahnhofkommando for the first three months. After that he worked in the provisions barracks and as a ‘barber.’ Bahir escaped during the revolt on Oc‐ tober 14, 1943. He later settled in Israel and he testified at the Adolf Eichmann Trial in Jerusalem in 1961.

BARDACH, Antonius. Born on May 16, 1909 in Lemberg (Lwow), Poland. He arrived on the fifty‐third RSHA transport from France. He was deported from Drancy internment camp to So‐ bibór on March 25, 1943. He escaped during the revolt on Octo‐ ber 14, 1943 and was one of two survivors from that transport; the other survivor was Josef Duniec. He settled in Belgium.

BIALOWITZ, Philip. Born on November 25, 1929 in Izbica, Poland.

As a 13‐year old, he was one of 800 Jews deported from Izbica to Sobibór by truck on April 28, 1943. He was selected along with a few dozen others and worked in the sorting barracks, searching through the victims’ possessions for hidden money and jewellery.

He also served in the hair cutting barrack where the women’s 157

hair was cut off before they went into the gas chambers and on the Bahnhofkommando. He escaped during the revolt on October 14, 1943. He later emigrated to the United States of America.

BIALOWITZ, Symcha. Born on 6 December, 1912 in Izbica, Poland.

He arrived in Sobibór along with his brother Philip on April 28, 1943. Symcha was selected to work in the camp’s pharmacy. Sym‐ cha was selected by Gustav Wagner to work in the Waldkom‐ mando. Symcha Bialowitz escaped with his brother Philip in the prisoner revolt on October 14, 1943. He settled in Israel.

BISKUBICZ, Jakub. Born on March 17, 1926 in Hrubieszow, Poland.

He was transported to Sobibór in May 1942 with 3,000 others, including his parents and family. He was selected to work with his father, who was later shot in the camp. He worked at the Bahnhofkommando and in the forest as a member of the Waldkommando. He escaped from Lager IV, during the night of the revolt on October 14, 1943. After his escape he fought along‐ side the partisans and later in the Polish army. He emigrated to Israel in 1949. He testified at the Eichmann trial in Jerusalem in 1961.

BLATT, Thomas (Toivi). Born on April 15, 1927 in Izbica, Poland.

He was deported to Sobibór from Izbica by truck on April 28, 1943 along with his father Leon, his mother Fajgele and his 10‐ year old brother Hersz. His parents and brother were sent to the gas chambers on arrival and were murdered. Karl Frenzel se‐ lected Thomas to be a Putzer, polishing his boots, later he worked at repairing the fence, in the hair cutting barrack and as a fireman burning the documents and photographs of the vic‐ tims. Thomas Blatt escaped during the prisoner revolt on Octo‐ ber 14, 1943. He emigrated to the United States of America, and has written two books: Sobibór: The Forgotten Revolt (1996) and From the Ashes of Sobibór: A Story of Survival (1997). He passed away on October 31, 2015 at his home in Santa Barbara, California, USA.

158

BORNSTEIN, Moshe. He escaped in the prisoner revolt on October 14, 1943. Nothing more is known.

CUCKIERMAN, Hershel. Born on April 15, 1893 in Kurow, Poland.

He arrived in Sobibór via Opole and Nalenczow along with his wife and family during May 1942. Although a gardener by profes‐ sion, both he and his son Josef volunteered when the Germans asked for a cook to step forward. He worked in the kitchen in Lager I, right up until the revolt. He escaped during the revolt on October 14, 1943. He emigrated to the United States of America during the 1950’s.

CUCKIERMAN, Josef. Born on May 26, 1930 in Kurow, Poland.

Josef arrived in Sobibór with his father Hershel in May 1942, aged twelve, and he became a cook’s helper. He also had to work in the SS canteen, and as a Putzer, polishing the SS boots. He es‐ caped during the revolt on October 14, 1943, with his father Hershel. Josef fought with the partisans and later emigrated to the United States of America. Josef died on June 15, 1963.

CYBULSKI (TSIBULSKY), Boris. A thirty‐five year old truck driver from the Donbas. A key member of Alexander Pechersky’s group who killed Josef Wolf in the Mens‘ clothing warehouse. Boris es‐ caped in the revolt of October 14, 1943 and after crossing the River Bug, joined the Voroshilov partisans. Boris lost his life fighting the Germans during this period.

DRESCHER, Josef. He was 13‐years old on the day of the revolt. He was a Putzer, and on the day of the revolt he held the reins of Niemann’s horse whilst Niemann went into the tailors shop, where he was killed. Drescher also played a role when Stanislaw Szmajzner stole some rifles from the Ukrainian barracks. Josef Drescher escaped from the death camp and reached the forest but he did not survive.

DUNIEC, Josef. Born on December 21, 1912 in Kiev, his parents set‐ tled in Rovno, Poland. Later he left for France to study chemistry at the University of Caen. He was on the 53rd RSHA transport 159

from France on March 25, 1943 that went to the Sobibór death camp, via Lublin. On arrival at Sobibór he was selected to work, along with thirty others, out of a transport of 1000 people. He worked in the Waldkommando and in the sorting barracks. He escaped in the revolt on October 14, 1943 and eventually made his way back to France. Re‐united with his wife, they settled in Israel and had two more children. Reluctant to talk about So‐ bibór he agreed to testify at the Hagen Trial of former Sobibór SS men. One day before he was due to fly to Germany he died from a heart attack on December 1, 1965 in Haifa, Israel.

ENGEL, Chaim. Born on January 10, 1916 in Brudzew, Poland. His family moved to Lodz, where his father ran a textile factory and a store. Chaim served in the Polish Army at the time the Germans invaded Poland, and he was captured by the Germans, and as a Prisoner of War he was sent to work near Leipzig. Released he returned to Poland and made his way to Lublin, where his family had been moved too. His father and step‐mother were deported to Sobibór in June 1942. Chaim, his brother and a family worked and lived on a farm, decided to travel to Izbica.

All three were deported to Sobibór from Izbica and they arrived at the death camp on November 6, 1942. Chaim was selected to work sorting clothes of the victims and whilst doing this found his brothers clothes. He worked as a member of the Bahnhofkom‐ mando, and the hair‐cutting workers. For a time he was also the Kapo of the women’s barrack. He formed a life—long relation‐ ship, he married Saartje (Selma) Wijnberg, a Dutch Jewess, who arrived in Sobibór on April 9, 1943 and on the day of the revolt Selma provided Chaim with a pointed knife that Chaim used to murder SS‐Oberscharführer Rudolf Beckmann on October 14, 1943, with the able assistance of Kapo Pozyczki.

Chaim and Selma escaped from the camp and hid on a farm near Chełm and they were liberated by the Red Army in June 1944.

They travelled to the Netherlands—via Odessa and Marseille, losing their little baby Emilchen in 1945 from food poisoning.

They stayed in Holland until 1951, and they emigrated to the 160

United States of America via Israel in 1957. Chaim died on July 4, 2003 in New Haven.

ENGEL, Saartje‐Selma (née Wjnberg). Born May 15, 1922 in Gro‐ ningen, Netherlands. Saartje went into hiding, but was arrested by the Gestapo. She was imprisoned in Utrecht and then Amster‐ dam. She was sent to Vught camp and then onto Westerbork transit camp. Saartje arrived in Sobibór with 2,019 others from Westerbork on April 9, 1943. She worked mainly in the sorting barracks, but also in the Waldkommando.

She married Chaim Engel, after they escaped from Sobibór. On the day of the revolt Selma provided Chaim with a pointed knife that Chaim used to murder SS‐Oberscharführer Rudolf Beck‐ mann on October 14, 1943, along with Kapo Pozyczki. Selma and Chaim escaped from the camp and hid on a farm near Chełm and they were liberated by the Red Army in June 1944. They travelled to the Netherlands –via Odessa and Marseille, losing their little baby Emilchen in 1945 from food poisoning. They stayed in Hol‐ land until 1951, and they emigrated to the United States of Amer‐ ica via Israel in 1957.

FAJGENBAUM, Jakub. Escaped from the death camp in the revolt on October 14, 1943. No other details are known.

FELDHENDLER, Leon. Born in 1910 in Zolkiewka, Poland. His fa‐ ther was the Rabbi. Leon was deported to Sobibór in early 1943, he ended up working in the provisions barracks and occasionally he worked as a member of the Bahnhofkommando. He and Alex‐ ander Pechersky planned and led the revolt on October 14, 1943.

Leon Feldhendler made his way to Lublin. Shortly after he mar‐ ried Miss Perlmutter, a survivor from Krasnystaw, he was shot and killed on April 2, 1945 by Polish anti‐Semites where he lived at Kowalska Street 4 in Lublin.

FELENBAUM‐WEISS, Hella. Born on November 25, 1924 in Lublin, Poland. She was taken along with her two brothers and others from the Labor Camp at Staw‐Nowosiulki, by horse‐and cart to Sobibór on December 20, 1942. Her two brothers escaped from 161

the cart, one was killed immediately, the other ran, but he too did not survive.

She was selected to work knitting socks for the SS and Ukrainians and ironed shirts. She escaped from the death camp during the revolt on October 14, 1943 and fought with the partisans and in the Russian army. She received six decorations for fighting against the Germans including the Red Star. In Czechoslovakia she met a Jew in General Swoboda’s army, whom she married and settled with in Israel. She died in December 1988 in Gedera, Is‐ rael.

FREIBERG, Dov. Born on May 15, 1927 in Warsaw. He left Warsaw for Turobin in autumn 1941. In May 1942 the Germans deported the Jews and Dov walked with others to the regional city of Krasnystaw. At Krasnystaw the Jews were loaded into boxcars and taken to Sobibór death camp.

Dov Freiberg was selected to work sorting the bundles of clothes, under the supervision of SS‐Unterscharführer Steubel. He was employed at cleaning the Ukrainian barracks along with another prisoner called Tsudik. Dov Freiberg escaped from the death camp during the prisoner revolt on October 14, 1943 and he set‐ tled in Israel in 1948. He testified in the Eichmann Trial held in Jerusalem during 1961.

FREIBERMAN, Szama. He was from Włodawa and was a member of the first successful escape attempt from Sobibór along with Szmul Machles and Matys already naked and on their way to the gas chambers. He managed to hide in the bushes and slip under the barbed wire to freedom. They returned to Włodawa during May 1942, though no further details are known.

GOKKES, Catharina (Kathy). Born on September 1, 1923 in Den Haag, Holland. She was an office clerk and was deported to Westerbork via Vught camp and Utrecht prison. She was de‐ ported on April 6, 1943 on the same transport as Ursula Stern.

During the revolt on October 14, 1943, Kathy was shot in the leg

by Frenzel, but she managed to escape into the forest, along with 162

Ursula Stern and Eda Lichtman and join a partisan group. There seems to be some confusion over her death. Ursula Stern testified at the Sobibór war crimes trial in Hagen that on June 22, 1944, Kathy Gokkes was shot dead by the Germans one day before they retreated from the area. Other reports claim she died of typhoid fever, but given the closeness of the two women, it is believed she was killed in action.

GOLDFARB, Moshe. Born on March 15, 1920 in Piaski. He was de‐ ported with his brother and Kurt Thomas on November 6, 1942 from the Piaski Transit Ghetto. He worked as a caligrapher. His brother was murdered in Sobibór, but Moshe escaped from the death camp during the prisoner revolt on October 14, 1943. He joined a partisan group along with Yehuda Lerner.

HANNEL, Salomea. She was deported from Ustrzyki Dolne to So‐ bibór. She escaped during the revolt on October 14, 1943 and hid in the forest, before making her way to Krakow.

HERSZMANN, Josef. Born during 1925 in Zolkiewka, Poland. Josef was transported from Chełm to Sobibór in one of the early trans‐ ports in 1942. He was selected to work in the sorting barracks, the Bahnhofkommando and the Waldkommando. He escaped from the death camp during the revolt on October 14, 1943. He later settled in Israel.

HOCHMAN, Moshe. At the end of spring 1942, Moshe Hochman and his family were deported from Zolkiewka to Krasnystaw on foot. At Krasnystaw they were herded into cattle cars and trans‐ ported to Sobibór. He worked in the tailor’s barracks as a fore‐ man. It was Moshe who requested that Johann Niemann visit the tailor’s barrack on the day of the revolt. After Niemann had been killed, Moshe wrapped his body in a blanket and hid it. He es‐ caped from the camp on October 14, 1943 and hid in a farmer’s barn in Papierzyn until liberation by the Red Army in 1944.

HONIGMAN, Zyndel. Born on April 10, 1910 in Kiev, USSR. He was a slave worker in Gorzkow near Izbica, Poland. He was taken to 163

Sobibór by truck in November 1942. Two days later he escaped by crawling underneath the barbed wire fence into Lager II, and finding his way out. In April 1943 he was taken back to Sobibór this time, via Trawniki. Claiming to be a butcher he was put to work in the kitchen. He escaped from the death camp a second time with the Waldkommando on July 20, 1943. He later settled in the United States of America. He testified at the Sobibór Trial in Hagen on December 13, 1965.

ITZKOVICH, Michael. A member of Alexander Pechersky’s group who escaped in the revolt of October 14, 1943 and joined the par‐ tisans.

KATZ, Serka. She was deported from Dubienka via Hrubieszow to Sobibór along with Eda Lichtman and Bella Sobol in the middle of June 1942. She worked at cleaning the quarters of the SS. She escaped from the camp on the day of the revolt on October 14, 1943, but in all probability perished in the forest.

KOHN, Abram. Born on July 25, 1910 in Lodz. He was taken to So‐ bibór on a transport of several hundred Jews from Wisocka in May 1942, and was selected for work along with eighty other men, including his brother. He worked in the sorting barracks, in the kitchen and in the Waldkommando. He escaped from the death camp on October 14, 1943. He settled in Australia and turned down the opportunity to testify against Frenzel at Hagen in 1983.

He died on January 19, 1986 in Melbourne.

KOPF, Josef. Born in Bilgoraj, Poland. He was deported to Sobibór on one of the earliest transports. He worked in the Waldkom‐ mando and he and Szlomo Podchlebnik on July 20, 1943 went to the village of Zlobek with a Ukrainian Guard. On the way back Kopf and Podchlebnik killed the Guard and escaped. Josef Kopf was murdered in August 1944 by Polish anti‐Semites.

KORENFELD, Chaim. Born on May 15, 1923 in Izbica, Poland.

Chaim arrived in Sobibór from Izbica on April 28, 1943—on the

164

same transport as Thomas Blatt. He escaped from the Waldkom‐ mando on July 20, 1943. Chaim later claimed that his uncle Abra‐ ham Wang had covered for him, and that he escaped during the revolt on October 14, 1943. However, both Honigman and Wang claimed that Korenfeld had been with them. Chaim settled in Brazil in 1949 via Italy.

KOSTMANN, Fredek. He was aged twenty‐one from Kraków, es‐ caped fom Sobibór on October 14, 1943 with his friend Szmul Wajcen and they met up with Thomas (Toivi) Blatt in the forest.

They formed a small group and headed for Thomas Blatt’s home town of Izbica. They were sheltered by a farmer named Bojarski for five and a half months, but on April 23, 1944, Bojarski and his accomplices shot all three hiding in a barn. Fredek Kostmann was killed outright. Szmul Wacjen and Thomas (Toivi) Blatt were only wounded and they escaped into the forest.

LEITMAN, Szlomo. He was a cabinet‐maker from Warsaw. He es‐ caped to the Soviet Union after the German invasion and was in‐ carcerated in the Sheroka camp in Minsk, where he befriended Sasha Pechersky. Szlomo arrived in Sobibór on the same transport as Boris Taborinskij on or near September 15, 1943.

Szlomo was a key member of the Underground in Sobibór and he killed SS‐Unterscharführer Friedrich Gaulstich in the carpen‐ ters workshop on October 14, 1943 during the prisoner revolt. He was wounded during the escape and he managed to reach the woods before his strength ran out.

LEJST, Chaim. Born in Zolkiewka, Poland, his father was a farmer.

He fled to Izbica and was deported from there arriving in Sobibór on April 23, 1943. He was selected by Wagner to grow vegetables and flowers. He escaped from the death camp during the revolt on October 14, 1943. He later settled in Israel.

LERER, Samuel. Born on October 1, 1922 in Zolkiewka, Poland. He was transported to Sobibór in May 1942 and he was selected for work in Lager II, looking after the horses and later on the chick‐ ens. On October 14, 1943 he escaped from the death camp during 165

the prisoner revolt. In 1949 he and Estera Raab came across for‐ mer Sobibór SS‐man Erich Bauer in Berlin, which led to Bauer’s arrest. Samuel lived in Berlin for a number of years before settling in the United States of America. He passed away on March 3, 2016.

LERNER, Yehuda. Born on July 22, 1926 in Warsaw, Poland. Yehuda and his family were rounded up on the first day of the mass de‐ portation on July 22, 1942, and they were deported to Treblinka death camp, whilst Yehuda was deported to work in Smolensk building an airfield, for the Organisation Todt. He escaped in September 1942 but was recaptured and sent to the Minsk ghetto.

He was transferred from there to the Sheroka Labor Camp and in September 1943 was deported to Sobibór death camp via Chełm. On the day of the revolt on October 14, 1943 he along with Arkadij Wajspapir killed SS‐man Siegfried Graetschus and the Ukrainian Guard Ivan Klatt in the shoemakers shop.

After the revolt Yehuda joined a partisan group in the forest along with Moshe Goldfarb. From January 1945 until the summer of the same year he was Deputy Commander of the police in Ra‐ dom. He and his wife Manja settled in Bayreuth, Germany until 1949 when they moved to Israel. He worked for the police in Haifa from 1951.

LIBERMAN, Pesia. She was one of three Jews who escaped from Sobibór on the night of December 25,1942 along with two Ukrainian Guards Viktor Kisilew and Emil Zischer. In the forest the two Jewish men went their own way and Pesia Liberman stayed with the two Ukrainians who were armed. Five days later they were betrayed by a farmer whilst hiding in the village of Kozia Gorka. They were surrounded in a village hut, they were killed in a shoot‐out by three Polish police Officers, Misnerowiec, Piescikowski and Kwiatkowski.

LICHT, Aron. He escaped from the Waldkommando on July 20, 1943. No further information is known.

166

LICHTMAN, Eda (née Fischer). Born on January 1, 1915 in Jaroslaw, Poland. When the war broke out she lived with her husband in Wieliczka, and they left for Mielec. She was then transported to Berdychow for a few days and then onto Dubienka on the River Bug. From Dubienka, a brief stop at Hrubieszow, she was de‐ ported to Sobibór death camp in the middle of June 1942. She was selected to work in the SS laundry and the SS Ironing Room in Lager II. She escaped from the death camp in the revolt on Octo‐ ber 14,1943, along with Ursula Stern and Kathy Gokkes. She set‐ tled in Israel in 1950.

LICHTMAN, Itzhak. Born on December 10, 1908 in Zolkiewka, Po‐ land. On May 22, 1942 Itzhak and his family were deported on foot from Zolkiewka to Krasnystaw station, where they were loaded into cattle cars bound for Sobibór death camp. He was selected to work in the shoe‐makers workshop in Lager I with five others including Berek Lichtman his cousin. He escaped dur‐ ing the prisoner revolt on October 14, 1943 and in the forest he joined the Zukow partisans on December 15, 1943. He later settled in Israel with his wife Eda in 1950.

LITWINOWSKI, Yefim. A member of Alexander Pechersky’s group who escaped in the revolt of October 14, 1943 and re‐joined the Red Army.

MACHLES, Szmul. He was from Włodawa and was a member of the first successful escape attempt from Sobibór along with Szama Freiberman and Matys, already naked and on their way to the gas chambers. They managed to hide in the bushes and slip under the barbed wire to freedom. They returned to Włodawa in May 1942, but no further details are known.

MARGULIES, Abraham. Born on January 25, 1921 in Zyradow, Po‐ land. He was sent to Bełżec in 1940 to build the so‐called Otto Line, the defence ramparts along the Soviet demarcation line.

Abraham was deported from Zamość at the end of May 1942 to the Sobibór death camp. He was selected to work in the Bahnhofkommando, cleaning the carriages under the supervision 167

of Paul Groth. He also worked in the sorting barracks and in the kitchens. Abraham befriended Hella Weiss, and the two of them ended up together during and after the revolt on October 14, 1943. He later settled in Israel where he became a printer.

MATYS. Matys – forename unknown, from Włodawa was a member of first successful escape attempt from Sobibór along with Szama Freiberman and Szuml Machles already naked and on their way to the gas chambers. They managed to hide in the bushes and slip under the barbed wire to freedom. They returned to Włod‐ awa but no further details are known.

MAZURKIEWITCH, Semion. A member of Alexander Pechersky’s group who escaped in the revolt of October 14, 1943 and joined the partisans.

MENCHE, Chaskiel. Born on January 7, 1910 in Kolo, Poland. In 1937 he married Hella Podchlebnik—the sister of Schlomo, who escaped from the Waldkommando. In June 1942 he was trans‐ ported to Sobibór with 2,000 others from Izbica. Selected for work in the sorting and tailors’ barracks. He escaped during the revolt on October 14, 1943 and hid in the Parczew forest. He set‐ tled in Melbourne, Australia in 1949 and he died in 1984 in Mel‐ bourne.

MENDEL. He escaped during the revolt on October 14, 1943. He was wounded in the escape and according to Moshe Goldfarb, he was a tailor, although Thomas Blatt recalls a baker in the camp called Mendel. Goldfarb remembered that Mendel asked that they kill him due to his injury. He perished in the forest.

METZ, Zelda (née Kelberman). Born on May 1, 1925 in Siedliszcze, Poland. Deported with her family to an Arbeitslager in Staw‐ Nowosiulki. Zelda arrived in Sobibór on December 22, 1942 on a horse‐drawn cart, along with her cousin Regina Feldman (Ziel‐ inski) and Estera Raab. She was selected to work and she knitted socks and pullovers and she also worked in the laundry and iron‐

168

ing barracks. In the summer of 1943 she was employed in the con‐ struction of the Lager IV—the Nordlager. She escaped during the revolt on October 14, 1943 and hid with peasants. She obtained false papers stating she was an Aryan and she worked as a nanny for a family in Lwov. Zelda settled in the United States of America in 1946.

PECHERSKY, Alexander Aronowitz (Sasha). Born on February 22, 1909 in Kremenchuk, Ukraine, but his family moved to Rostov on the Don. He fought in the Red Army against the Germans and was captured in October 1941. After trying to escape in May 1942, he was taken to Borisov, where a medical examination exposed him as being of Jewish extraction.

He was imprisoned from September 1942 in the Sheroka Street Labor Camp in Minsk, and when the ghetto and Labor Camp was liquidated he was taken to Sobibór on September 22, 1943, along with 2,000 other Jewish Prisoners of War and inhabitants from the Minsk ghetto. He was among eighty men selected by Hubert Gomerski for work in the Nordlager, clearing the forest. Along with Leon Feldhendler, Alexander Pechersky planned the pris‐ oner revolt and on October 14, 1943, the prisoners killed a num‐ ber of SS‐men as planned by Pechersky and escaped from the camp.

Pechersky and a small band of former Soviet Prisoners of War crossed the River Bug on the night of October 19–20, 1943, and joined the Voroshilov partisans fighting the Germans, his com‐ rades Boris Cybulski and Alexander Shubayev (Kali‐Mali) lost their lives during this period. He re‐joined the Red Army and in August 1944 he was severly wounded in the leg and as a result spent a short time in hospital, and received a medal for his brav‐ ery. Sasha returned to his homeland and resumed his civilian ca‐ reer as a music teacher. But he was arrested and thrown in prison along with his brother who died in prison due to a diabetic coma.

Sasha died in Rostov on the Don in 1990.

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PELC, Josel. In June 1943 Josel Pelc, a carpenter from Tyszowice and Yasha, a bricklayer from Chełm, successfully escaped in the mid‐ dle of the night by cutting the barbed wire and evading the mines and the guards.

PIATNICKI, Naum, He was responsible for attacking the armoury during the revolt on October 14, 1943. No other details are known.

PLOTNIKOW, Chaim. One of the Soviet Jewish Prisoners of War who was given the responsibility of leading one of the marching columns of inmates towards the gate and also to storm the camp armoury. He was among the group of Soviet Prisoners of War who departed with the rest of this group in the forest.

PODCHLEBNIK, Schlomo. Born on February 15, 1907 in Kolo, Po‐ land. He arrived in Sobibór on April 28, 1943 from Izbica—the same transport as Thomas (Toivi) Blatt—and found his brother‐ in‐law Chaskiel Menche. Schlomo was selected for work digging wells outside the camp and in the Waldkommando. Schlomo Podchlebnik escaped from the Waldkommando on July 20, 1943 along with Josef Kopf who killed a Ukrainian Guard whilst fetch‐ ing water in the nearby village of Zlobek. After the war he settled in the United States of America.

POPPERT‐SCHÖNBORN, Gertrud (née Schönborn) (aka LUKA). Born on June 29, 1914 in Dortmund, Germany. She was married to Walter Michel Poppert and they emigrated to Hol‐ land. She was deported to Sobibór on May 18, 1943. She became a ‘girlfriend‘ known as Luka, as cover for Alexander Pechersky, who was the leader of the Jewish revolt. She escaped from the camp on October 14, 1943, but it is thought she lost her life in the forest. She is listed as having perished on November 30, 1943.

POWROZNIK, Haim (POSNER, Herman). Born in Liubomil, Po‐ land in 1911. Taken prisoner in 1939 he was released then put to work in a Labor Camp in Chełm. In March, 1943 he was deported from Chełm to Sobibór. He was selected for work as a carpenter 170

by Gustav Wagner. He escaped during the revolt on October 14, 1943 and lived in hiding in Chełm. After the war he settled in the United States of America.

POZYCKI, Yankel. The father of two sons in the death camp, Hersz and Symon. He was a shoemaker and he escaped from the camp during the revolt on October 14, 1943. He survived the war.

RAAB, Estera (née Terner). Born on June 11, 1922 in Chełm, Poland.

Estera arrived in Sobibór on a horse‐drawn cart from the Ar‐ beitslager Staw‐Nowosiulki, arriving on December 22, 1942, along with Regina Feldman and Zelda Metz. Selected to live, she worked in the knitting barracks for a few months, and later on she worked in the sorting barracks. She escaped from the camp during the revolt on October 14, 1943, though she sustained a head injury. Along with Samuel Lerer, Estera recognized SS‐man Erich Bauer walking on a street in Berlin. She settled in the United States of America.

ROSENFELD, Semion. Born during 1922 in Baranowitz, Poland. He arrived in Sobibór on September 22, 1943, from Minsk, in the same transport as Pechersky. He was put to work hauling bricks in the Nordlager. He escaped from the camp during the revolt on October 14, 1943. He fought with the Red Army and ended his military career in Berlin, where he left a permanent mark on the Reichstag building by scratching the words ‘Baranowitz–So‐ bibór–Berlin’ into one of the walls. He remained in the Soviet Union until the mid‐1980’s when he settled in Israel.

ROTENBERG, Aizik. Born during 1925 in Włodawa, Poland. He ar‐ rived on foot along with the rest of his family on May 12, 1943 at the Sobibór death camp. Both he and his brother were selected for work by Frenzel. He worked as a bricklayer building an arse‐ nal and he also worked on the ramp as part of the Bahnhofkom‐ mando. Whilst his brother was killed during the revolt, Aizik managed to escape from the death camp on October 14, 1943 with other prisoners. They were captured by members of the Schutz‐ 171

polizei and were taken to Adampol, where a German called Zel‐ inger tied them up with chains in a stable. They managed to free themselves and they joined the Jewish Yehiel partisan group. Fi‐ nally he settled in Israel where he raised a family whilst still working as a bricklayer.

SAFRAN, Ilona (Born Ursula Stern). Born on August 28, 1926 in Essen, Germany. When the Nazis came to power her father Al‐ bert Stern sold their business and sought refuge in Epe, Holland.

Her father joined the resistance, but was captured by the Nazis and he and his wife were deported to Auschwitz where they both perished. Ursula went into hiding with the Pompe family, but the hideout was discovered and Mrs Pompe was sent to Ravensbruck concentration camp. Ursula was sent to Utrecht prison then Am‐ stelveen and onto Vught camp where she made friends with— amongst others—Kathy Gokkes, Selma Wijnberg and Minny Cats. In April 1943 they were transferred to Westerbork and Ur‐ sula was deported from Westerbork on April 6, 1943 and she ar‐ rived in Sobibór three days later on April 9, 1943. Selected for work she worked mainly in the sorting barracks and the Waldkommando. She also worked in the Nordlager—Lager IV where she cleaned captured munitions. She escaped from the death camp on October 14, 1943, along with Katty Gokkes, and reached the forest where they met Eda Lichtman. She fought with the partisans and Kathy Gokkes lost her life just before lib‐ eration. She made her way back to Holland after the war, and settled in Israel.

SCHWARZ, Walter. The camp electrician who was in charge of the generator. According to Thomas Toivi Blatt, he was one of their group in the forest after escaping from the death camp. He was a German Jew aged thirty‐five. He separated from the group Thomas Blatt was part of. His fate is unknown but in all proba‐ bilty he perished in the forest.

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SENDER. A tall Jew from Lodz who was with Thomas (Toivi) Blatt when they escaped from the death camp. It is likely he perished in the forest.

SHUBAYEV, Alexander. He was originally from Baku and was known by the nickname ‘Kalimali‘. He was heavily involved in the planning of the revolt and was a close friend of Sasha Pechersky.

He was responsible for killing Johann Niemann in the tailors shop, with a blow from an axe. He broke out of the camp with Sasha Pechersky, but lost his life fighting with the partisans against the Germans.

SIEGEL, Josel. Around 16‐years of age. He was from Siedliszcze and worked in the sorting sheds. He was remembered by Philip Bi‐ alowitz in his book ‘A Promise At Sobibór.‘ After he escaped from the death camp after the revolt on October 14, 1943, Philip came across Josel lying on the floor, bleeding profusely, near the forest.

It is probable that he died that day.

SOBELMAN, Cvi. No further details are known.

SOBOL, Bajle. She was deported from Dubienka via Hrubieszow to Sobibór along with Eda Lichtman and Serka Katz in the middle of June 1942. She worked at the laundry. She was remembered by Stanislaw Szmajner in his book, ‘Hell in Sobibór’, that Bajle was twenty‐four years old, serene, kind and affable. She had arrived in Sobibór with her husband and little daughter who had been gassed on arrival. She escaped from the camp on the day of the revolt on October 14, 1943, but in all probability perished in the forest.

STRATEN, Van Rosette. Born on 28 June, 1919, in Amsterdam, along with her twin sister Serline. She was a seamstress by occu‐ pation. She probably perished in the forest on October 31, 1943.

STRATEN, Van Serline. Born on 28 June, 1919, in Amsterdam, along with her twin sister Rosette. She was a seamstress by occupation.

She arrived in Westerbork on March 31, 1943, and was deported to Sobibór on April 6, 1943. According to a post‐war statement by 173

Ursula Stern, she confirmed that Deetje van Straten had a twin sister who also used the painting room that Max Van Dam used to paint pictures in Sobibór. Again according to Ursula Stern both sisters perished during their flight from Sobibór.230 SZMAJZNER, Mosze. He was deported to Sobibór on May 12, 1942 along with other members of his family. He was selected to work as a jeweller, assisting Stanislaw his brother. According to Stani‐ slaw in his book ‘Hell in Sobibór—The Tragedy of a Teenage Jew,’ his brother escaped with his Jewish sweetheart, and was free for one month. He was killed by Polish anti‐Semites in the town of Lubartow.

SZMAJZNER, Stanislaw. Born on March 13, 1927 in Pulawy, Poland.

He was deported to Sobibór on May 12,1942 from Opole Lubelski along with his father Josef, his mother Posel, and sister Rryrka who were all gassed on arrival. Stanislaw was selected to work along with his brother Mosze and cousin Nojech by Gustav Wag‐ ner as a goldsmith, and he made rings and jewellery for the Nazi Guards. Wagner later appointed Stanislaw—better known as Schlomo—as Chief of the Mechanics shop. Schlomo joined the resistance and was responsible for stealing weapons from the Ukrainian living quarters, to assist the uprising on October 14, 1943, he visited their quarters in the Vorlager under the pretext of repairing a stove.

He participated fully in the revolt and escaped from the death camp. His brother and cousin did not survive the revolt. He joined the partisans. He settled in Brazil after the war and in 1968 published a book in his adopted Portuguese‐language titled ‘Hell in Sobibór. The Tragedy of a Teenage Jew.’ In May 1978 he identi‐ fied Gustav Wagner at a Sao Paulo police station. He committed suicide on March 3, 1989, in Goiania, Brazil.

SZYMIEL, Leon. No further details are known.

230

174

This would appear to be the correct identification of a woman named in several survivors books as Li Van Staden.

TABORINSKIJ, Boris. Born during 1917 in Minsk. He was deported to Sobibór from Minsk on or near September 15, 1943, along with Szlomo Leitman. He and Szlomo were selected for work as car‐ penters, although they were unskilled for this type of work. They worked on covering the roofs in Lager IV—the so‐called Nord‐ lager. He escaped from the death camp during the revolt on Oc‐ tober 14, 1943. He joined the partisans and fought the Germans.

THOMAS, Kurt Max (original name Kurt Ticho). Born on April 11, 1914 in Brno in Moravia, which is now part of the Czech Re‐ public. Kurt was deported from Theresienstadt along with his fa‐ ther, mother and sister to Piaski in Poland on April 1, 1942. In June 1942 his whole family were deported from the Transit ghetto of Piaski to Sobibór and he followed them from Piaski to Sobibór death camp on November 6, 1942 with around 3,000 other Jews.

Kurt Thomas was selected to live and initially worked in the Sort‐ ing barracks and then was appointed as a medical orderly by Karl Frenzel, tending to the sick. Kurt escaped with Stanislaw Szmajner during the revolt on October 14, 1943. To honour his Dutch girlfriend Minny Hanny Cats, whom he had got to know in Sobibór, he wrote an extensive account about his time in So‐ bibór on September 3, 1946 for the Dutch Red Cross. He settled in the United States of America, applying for citizenship in 1948 and in the 1990’s he wrote another account of his experiences in Sobibór.

TRAGER, Chaim. (Israel). Born on March 5, 1906 in Chełm, Poland.

He was transported from Chełm to Sobibór on May 22, 1942 and he was selected to work as a bricklayer and he helped construct a bakery. He claimed to have seen into Lager III, whilst building a chimney on a roof top. He also worked in the Bahnhofkom‐ mando. Chaim escaped from the death camp during the revolt on October 14, 1943. He later settled in Israel and he died on August 1, 1969 in Tel Aviv, Israel.

WAJCEN, Aleksy. Born on May 30, 1922 in Grigoriw, Russia. He ar‐ rived in Sobibór in the autumn of 1943 in a transport of Jews from 175

Ternopol and was one of thirty men selected for work. He was selected for work sorting the victims clothing. He escaped during the revolt on October 14, 1943 and after the war in a court in Do‐ netsk he declared that he was not Jewish but had been unable to convince the SS at Sobibór of this fact.

WAJCEN, Szmul. He was employed in the death camp burning the photographs, documents, prayer books and so on, in an open pit until an incinerator was built in mid‐1943. He escaped during the revolt on October 14, 1943. After the escape he teamed up with Fredek Kostman and Thomas (Toivi) Blatt in the forest. They were hidden by the farmer Bojarski in a barn in Izbica. He sur‐ vived an attack by Bojarski and his accomplices, they shot him but did not kill him on April 23, 1944. He however was killed in the forest shortly afterwards.

WAJSPAPIR, Arkadij Moishejewicz. Born during 1921. Before the war he worked as an engineer in Donetsk. He served in the Red Army and was wounded and captured in Kiev. After his recovery he was sent to Minsk as a Prisoner of War. He was incarcerated in the Sheroka Street Labor Camp in Minsk and on September 22, 1943, along with Sasha Pechersky arrived at the Sobibór death camp. He was selected for work, along with eighty others, on building the barracks in Lager IV—the so‐called Nordlager. He played a leading role in the killing of the SS guards on the revolt on October 14, 1943. Along with Jehuda Lerner he killed SS‐Un‐ tersturmführer Siegfried Graetschus and the Ukrainian Guard Ivan Klatt in the shoemakers shop. After his escape from the death camp, Arkadij as part of the Pechersky group crossed the River Bug and joined the partisans. After the war he returned to his profession as an engineer in Donetsk.

WAKS, Berl. No further details are known.

WANG, Abraham. Born on January 2, 1921 in Izbica in Poland. He was taken to Sobibór by truck, along with 280 other Jews from Izbica on April 23, 1943. He was selected for work mainly in the sorting barracks, but also in the Waldkommando. On July 20, 176

1943 whilst working in the Waldkommando, he was one of six prisoners who managed to escape. After the war he settled in Is‐ rael and he died in 1978 in Rehovot, Israel.

WEWRYK, Kalman. Born on June 25, 1906 in Chełm. He arrived at Sobibór on the same transport of Schlomo Alster. Selected to live he worked as a carpenter. He escaped during the revolt on Octo‐ ber 14, 1943. He joined the partisans in the forest. After the war ended he married an Auschwitz survivor and moved to France in 1956. In 1968 they settled in Canada where he wrote a book about his experiences during the war—‘To Sobibór and Back. An Eye‐ witness Account.‘ ZIELINSKI, Regina (née Feldman). Born on September 2, 1924 in Siedliszcze, Poland. She was taken on a horse‐and‐cart transport from the Staw‐Nowosiulki Labor Camp, arriving at Sobibór on December 20, 1942. Along with eleven other young women, she was selected to knit socks for the SS. Later she was put to work in the laundry and after that in the sewing room. She also worked in Lager IV sorting and cleaning captured munitions. She es‐ caped during the prisoner revolt on October 14, 1943, she even‐ tually ended up in Frankfurt am Main, where she worked as a nanny with a German family. She married on December 24, 1945 in Wetzlar and settled in Australia on August 3, 1949. She told her story to her son Andrew, who published it in 2003 under the title ‘Conversations with Regina.’

ZISS, Meier. Born November 15, 1927 in Lublin, Poland. He arrived in Sobibór in May or June 1942 and worked in the sorting bar‐ racks for six months and then as a barber. He also worked with Szmul Wajcen burning personal documents, photographs, prayer books in an open pit, until an incinerator was installed in a barracks in Lager II. He escaped during the revolt on October 14, 1943 and later settled in Venezuela and then Israel.

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Those Selected in Sobibór for Forced Labor in Other Camps such as Dorohucza and the Old Airfield in Lublin: This is a partial listing, in alphabetical order.

A‐Z ADEJES, Albert. Albert Adejes was transported from Drancy on Convoy Number 50 on March 4, 1943 to Sobibór via Chełm. He was selected in the camp to work in Lublin. He was also incar‐ cerated in Auschwitz. He survived the Holocaust.

COHEN, Alex. Alex Cohen along with Saartje, his wife, and Abra‐ ham his four‐year old child were deported from Westerbork to Sobibór on March 17, 1943. They arrived in Sobibór on March 20, 1943 in the dead of night. Cohen volunteered as a metal worker and was put back on the same train and sent to the Lublin Con‐ centration Camp—where he worked in the kitchen.

After three months in this camp Alex was transferred to Skarzysko‐Kamienna Labor Camp, digging pits for corpses. He was evacuated to a Labor Camp near Czestochowa. As the Red Army advanced he was sent first to Buchenwald and then There‐ sienstadt where he was liberated by the Soviet forces.

CZAPNIK, Zina. Zina Czapnik was deported from Minsk along with her husband to Sobibór in September 1943 and cousin Raja Milec‐ zina. She and her cousin were selected for work at the Trawniki Labor Camp. She survived the Aktion Erntefest Massacre on No‐ vember 3, 1943, although her husband was killed in Trawniki in this’Aktion.’

She stayed at Trawniki until the spring of 1944, then she was sent to Lublin Concentration Camp, then Auschwitz and as the Red Army advanced she was sent to Bergen‐Belsen, then Oschersleben and finally Theresienstadt, where she was liber‐ ated.

ELIAZER, Judith. On March 10, 1943 Judith Eliazer, a 28‐year‐old hairdresser from Rotterdam was deported from Westerbork to

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Sobibór. At Sobibór she was immediately selected for work in an‐ other camp and was sent to Lublin Concentration Camp, where she was put to work building barracks, and mending roads.

After 6 months Judith was taken to Milejow to work in a marma‐ lade factory, and from there she was sent in November 1943 to the Trawniki Labor Camp to sort the clothes of those murdered as part of Aktion Erntefest.

In the summer of 1944 she returned to the Lublin Concentration Camp, but as the Red Army advanced she was forced to march to Auschwitz‐Birkenau. From Auschwitz she was sent to Bergen‐ Belsen Concentration Camp in Germany. Judith was liberated by the Allies at Salzwedel Labor Camp.

ENSEL, Bertha. On March 10, 1943 Bertha Ensel an 18‐year old seamstress from Amsterdam was deported from Westerbork to Sobibór. At Sobibór she was immediately selected for work in an‐ other camp and was sent to Lublin Concentration Camp, where she was put to work building barracks, and mending roads.

After 6 months Bertha was taken to Milejow to work in a marma‐ lade factory, and from there she was sent in November 1943 to Trawniki Labor Camp to sort the clothes of those murdered as part of Aktion Erntefest.

In the summer of 1944 she returned to the Lublin Concentration Camp, but as the Red Army advanced she was forced to march to Auschwitz‐Birkenau. From Auschwitz she was sent to Buchen‐ wald Concentration Camp in Germany. Bertha returned to Hol‐ land via Lippstadt.

GOMPERTZ, Clara. Born on April 14, 1905 in Den Haag. She was deported along with other family members from Westerbork on March 10, 1943. Selected to work, Clara and a number of other Dutch women, were sent to Lublin and the final destination was the Alter Flugplatz (Old Airfield) where she sorted the clothes of the murdered victims of Bełżec, Sobibór and Treblinka death camps. In October 1943 she volunteered to work in a marmalade factory in Milejow. She perished in Trawniki Labor Camp on Au‐ gust 31, 1944.

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HUISMAN, Sophia. On the night of February 26, 1943 all patients and staff of the Jewish hospital in Rotterdam were rounded up by the SD and the Dutch WA forces and taken to Westerbork. 17‐ year old Sophia Huisman, a trainee Nurse was deported from Westerbork on March 10, 1943.

Selected to work, Sophia and a number of other Dutch women were put back on the same train and sent to Lublin Concentra‐ tion Camp, the final destination was the Alter Flugplatz (Old Air‐ field) where she sorted the clothes of the murdered victims of Bełżec, Sobibór and Treblinka.

In October 1943 she volunteered to work in a marmalade factory in Milejow. Ater the Aktion Erntefest Massacre in November 1943, she was transferred to the Labor Camp at Trawniki, until June 1944, where she returned to the Lublin Concentration Camp. With the advancing Red Army, Sophia was transferred to Auschwitz‐Birkenau.

She was deported to a munitions factory in Raghun, as the Allies advanced. She was moved for the last time to Theresienstadt near Prague, where she was liberated by the Red Army in May 1945.

LÖWENSTEIN, Kurt. Born on June 10, 1904 in Barmen‐Elberfeldt, Germany. He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on July 20, 1943 along with his wife Rosa. He was se‐ lected at Sobibór on 23 July 1943 to work in another camp and he was sent to Dorohucza, whilst his wife was killed on arrival on July 23, 1943. He perished in Dorohucza on November 30, 1943.

MILECZINA, Raja. Deported to Sobibór from Minsk in September 1943 along with her cousin Zina Czapnik. She was selected to work in the Trawniki Labor Camp and survived the War. MONTEZINOS, Salomon Levie. Born on May 6, 1924 in Den Haag.

He was deported from Westerbork on April 27, 1943. He arrived in Sobibór on April 30, 1943, where he was sent to Dorohucza. He perished in Dorohucza on November 30, 1943.

PENHA‐BLITS, Eddy. Eddy Blits was arrested with his wife Mirjam on February 25, 1943 in Amsterdam by the Sicherheitsdienst (SD).

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They were taken to Westerbork and then deported to Sobibór with his wife on March 10, 1943. On arrival he was selected to work in Dorohucza, a Labor Camp. According to Mirjam’s post‐ war account Eddy wrote to his sister –in‐law who was in hiding, two months after their deportation from a camp near Lublin. He perished during the Holocaust.

PENHA‐BLITS, Mirjam. On February 25, 1943 in Amsterdam, 26‐ year old Mirjam Penha‐Blits and her husband Eddy were arrested by the German Sicherheitsdienst (SD). First they were taken to the SD headquarters in the Euterpeststraat. They were then taken to Westerbork and then deported to Sobibór on March 10, 1943. They were both selected to work, she was taken to a barrack and handed over all of her personal possessions. Returned to the train they had arrived in, along with Judith Eliazer, Bertha Ensel, Sophie Huisman, Cato Polak, sisters Suze and Surry Polak and Sientje and Jetje Veterman and they were transferred to the Lu‐ blin Concentration Camp. After several days they were moved the short distance to the Alter Flugplatz (Old Airfield) camp in Lublin and there the Dutch women were employed in the clothes hall sorting the clothes that belonged to the victims who were murdered in the Aktion Reinhardt camps of Bełżec, Sobibór and Treblinka.

In October 1943 Mirjam and the other Dutch women volunteered to work in a marmalade factory in Milejow and they worked there until they were moved to the Trawniki Labor Camp, just after the Aktion Erntefest (Harvest Festival) Massacre, where they were employed sorting the clothes of those murdered.

In May 1944 the Trawniki camp was evacuated and Mirjam was once again sent to Lublin Concentration Camp where she worked in the SS laundry. With the advancing Red Army, Mirjam and the others were forced to walk to Auschwitz‐Birkenau. After a short stay there she was moved to Bergen‐Belsen Concentra‐ tion Camp. As the Third Reich diminished, she ended up in Salz‐ wedel Camp, where she was liberated, via the camp at Fall‐ ersleben.

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PEPERWORTEL, Nathan. Born on January 29, 1898. He was a driver in Amsterdam, Holland. He was deported from Westerbork to Sobibór on 20 April 1943. At the Sobibór death camp he was selected to work in Dorohucza Arbeitslager, where he became a Kapo. His wife Saartje perished in Sobibór on May 7, 1943. Nathan was murdered in Dorohucza on November 30, 1943.

PHILIPS, Meijer. Born on August 15, 1922 in Amsterdam. He lived with his family in Hilversum. He arrived in Sobibór on July 9, 1943. At the Sobibór death camp he was selected to work in Do‐ rohucza Arbeitslager. He was murdered in Dorohucza on No‐ vember 30, 1943.

POLAK, Cato. On the night of February 26, 1943 all patients and staff of the Jewish hospital in Rotterdam were rounded up by the SD and the Dutch WA forces and taken to Westerbork. 22‐year old Cato Polak, a nurse from the Hague, worked again in Westerbork as a nurse until March 10, 1943, she was put on a pas‐ senger train to Sobibór.

Selected to work, Cato and a number of other Dutch women were put back on the same train and sent to Lublin Concentration Camp, the final destination was the Alter Flugplatz (Old Airfield) where she sorted the clothes of the murdered victims of Bełżec, Sobibór and Treblinka.

In October 1943 she volunteered to work in a marmalade factory in Milejow. After the Aktion Erntefest massacre in November 1943, she was transferred to the Labor Camp at Trawniki, until June 1944, where she returned to the Lublin Concentration Camp. With the advancing Red Army, Cato was transferred to Auschwitz‐Birkenau.

She was deported to Bergen‐Belsen Concentration Camp in No‐ vember 1944 and with the Allies advancing she was sent to a mu‐ nitions factory in Raghun. She was moved for the last time to Theresienstadt near Prague, where she was liberated by the Red Army in May 1945.

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POLAK, Surry. On March 10, 1943 sisters Surry and Suze Polak were deported from Westerbork to Sobibór death camp. Selected to work, Surry and a number of other Dutch women, including her sister were put back on the same train and sent to Lublin Con‐ centration Camp, the final destination was the Alter Flugplatz (Old Airfield) where she sorted the clothes of the murdered vic‐ tims of Bełżec, Sobibór and Treblinka, and helped construct bar‐ racks.

In October 1943 she volunteered to work in a marmalade factory in Milejow. After the Aktion Erntefest Massacre in November 1943, she was transferred to the Labor Camp at Trawniki, until June 1944, where she returned to the Lublin Concentration Camp. With the advancing Red Army, Surry was transferred to Auschwitz‐Birkenau.

She was deported to a munitions factory in Raghun, as the Allies advanced. She was moved for the last time to Theresienstadt near Prague, where she was liberated by the Red Army in May 1945.

Surry contracted spotted typhus after the liberation and the sis‐ ters returned to the Netherlands after Surry had recovered.

POLAK, Suze. On March 10, 1943, sisters Surry and Suze Polak were deported from Westerbork to Sobibór death camp. Selected to work Suze and a number of other Dutch women, including her sister were put back on the same train and sent to Lublin Con‐ centration Camp, the final destination was the Alter Flugplatz (Old Airfield) where she sorted the clothes of the murdered vic‐ tims of Bełżec, Sobibór and Treblinka, and helped construct bar‐ racks.

In October 1943 she volunteered to work in a marmalade factory in Milejow. Ater the Aktion Erntefest massacre in November 1943, she was transferred to the Labor Camp at Trawniki, until June 1944, where she returned to the Lublin Concentration Camp.

With the advancing Red Army, Suze was transferred to Ausch‐ witz‐Birkenau.

She was deported to a munitions factory in Raghun, as the Allies advanced. Suze was moved for the last time to Theresienstadt 183

near Prague, where she was liberated by the Red Army in May 1945. Surry contracted spotted typhus after the liberation and the sisters returned to the Netherlands after Surry had recovered.

SCHELVIS, Jules. Born on January 7, 1921 in Amsterdam. Jules worked as a typographer and was arrested with his wife Rachel who was 20‐years old on May 26, 1943, and sent to Westerbork with other members of Rachel’s family.

They were all transported to Sobibór from Westerbork on June 1, 1943, and they arrived there on June 4, 1943, where they were all murdered, apart from Jules who was selected for work on the ramp and sent in the train that originally brought them to So‐ bibór onto the Dorohucza Labor Camp, where he worked cutting peat in very harsh conditions.

Jules Schelvis and others volunteered for work in a print‐shop at the Alter‐Flugplatz (Old Airfield), but there was no print shop, just heavy labor. After a short time on June 28, 1943 he was trans‐ ferred to the Radom ghetto along with other Dutch Jews, this time to work in a genuine print‐shop. When the Radom ghetto was finally liquidated on November 8, 1943 he was moved to the nearby Szkolna camp.

With the advance of the Red Army, Schelvis was forced to walk to Tomaszow Mazowiecki where they were locked in a rayon fac‐ tory. Schelvis was sent to Auschwitz‐ Birkenau where he was again selected on the ramp for forced labor in another camp. He was sent to work in a Labor Camp in Vaihingen near Stuttgart where he was liberated by the Allies on April 8, 1945. Jules Schelvis book on Sobibór has been quoted from extensively throughout this book. He passed away on April 3, 2016.

SCHELVIS, Salomon. Born on July 26, 1916 in Amsterdam. He lived and worked in Amsterdam as a Rag Sorter. He was deported to Sobibór death camp. He was selected on the ramp to work in the Dorohucza Labor Camp. He perished in Dorohucza on Novem‐ ber 30, 1943.

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STODEL, Abraham. Born on July 2, 1920 in Amsterdam. He lived and worked in Amsterdam as a Leather Worker. He was deported with his wife Chaja on June 1, 1943 from Westerbork. She was gassed on arrival, but he was selected to work in Dorohucza La‐ bor Camp. He perished in Dorohucza on November 30, 1943.

STRAUSS, Siegfried. Born on March 8, 1905 in Ober‐Seemen, Ger‐ many. He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork to Sobibór. At Sobibór, he was selected to work in Dorohucza Labor Camp and he perished there on November 30, 1943.

TROOTSWIJK‐HIJMANS, Annie. Born on September 29, 1917 in Amsterdam. She was deported from Westerbork to Sobibór on March 10, 1943 along with her husband Menno who was gassed on arrival. She was selected for work in Lublin at the Alter Flu‐ gplatz (Old Airfield) Camp sorting clothes of the murdered vic‐ tims of the Aktion Reinhardt camps.

She volunteered to work in a marmalade factory in Milejow, in October 1943 and around November 12, 1943, her and the other Dutch girls were sent to Trawniki Labor Camp where they sorted the clothes of the victims of the Aktion Erntefest (Harvest Festi‐ val). Annie died in Trawniki from Tuberculosis in November 1944.

VERDUIN, Sophie. On March 7, 1943, Sophie Verduin, 16 years old, was taken to Westerbork. Three days later on March 10, 1943 she was deported to Sobibór. Selected to work, Sophie and a number of other Dutch women, including her sister Lena were put back on the same train and sent to Lublin Concentration Camp, the final destination was the Alter Flugplatz (Old Airfield) where she sorted the clothes of the murdered victims of Bełżec, Sobibór and Treblinka, In September 1943 Sophie and her sister Lena were sent to the Blizyn Labor Camp where they knitted clothes for the Germans.

Lena died in Blizyn of Tuberculosis on November 30, 1943. In the

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spring of 1944 Sophie was taken to Radom and the Szkolna Labor Camp where she worked on the land.

As the Red Army advanced she was taken to Auschwitz‐Birkenau and on new years eve was sent to Bergen‐Belsen Concentration Camp where she was liberated by British forces on April 15, 1945.

VETERMAN, Jentje. In November 1942, Jentje Veterman, a 19‐year old and her sister Sientje were arrested and sent to Westerbork.

On March 10, 1943 the two sisters were deported from Westerbork to Sobibór death camp. Selected to work, Jentje and a number of other Dutch women, including her sister were put back on the same train and sent to Lublin Concentration Camp, the final destination was the Alter Flugplatz (Old Airfield) where she sorted the clothes of the murdered victims of Bełżec, Sobibór and Treblinka, and here she contracted typhoid fever, but recov‐ ered and returned to work.

In October 1943, she volunteered to work in a marmalade factory in Milejow. After the Aktion Erntefest massacre in November 1943, she was transferred to the Labor Camp at Trawniki, where she made clothes for the Germans, until June 1944. Then she re‐ turned to the Lublin Concentration Camp, where she worked in the vegetable gardens. With the advancing Red Army, Jentje was transferred to Auschwitz‐Birkenau. In September 1944 she was put on a transport to Bergen‐Belsen Concentration Camp, with‐ out her sister. She was liberated from there by the Allies and re‐ turned to the Netherlands.

VETERMAN, Sientje. In November 1942, Sientje Veterman and her sister Jentje were arrested and sent to Westerbork. On March 10, 1943 the two sisters were deported from Westerbork to Sobibór death camp. Selected to work, Sientje and a number of other Dutch women, including her sister were put back on the same train and sent to Lublin Concentration Camp, the final destina‐ tion was the Alter Flugplatz (Old Airfield) where she sorted the clothes of the murdered victims of Bełżec, Sobibór and Tre‐ blinka.

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In October 1943 she volunteered to work in a marmalade factory in Milejow. After the Aktion Erntefest Massacre in November 1943, she was transferred to the Labor Camp at Trawniki, where she made clothes for the Germans, until June 1944. Then she re‐ turned to the Lublin Concentration Camp, where she worked in the vegetable gardens. With the advancing Red Army, Sientje was transferred to Buchenwald and Lippstadt and saw the end of the war in Kaunitz. She returned to the Netherlands and was re‐ united with her sister Jentje.

VISSER, Kurt. Born on February 14, 1910 in Nuremburg, Germany.

He lived in Amsterdam. He was deported from Westerbork to Sobibór on June 1, 1943. He was selected to work in Dorohucza Labor Camp. He perished in Dorohucza on November 30, 1943.

WINS, Jozef. He was a typographer who was arrested on March 12, 1943 in Amsterdam. He was sent to Westerbork and was de‐ ported to Sobibór on May 11, 1943. Three days later he arrived in Sobibór and was selected to work in the Dorohucza Labor Camp.

Jozef and other typographers were taken to the Alter Flugplatz (Old Airfield) and on June 28, 1943 they were taken to the Radom ghetto to work in a print‐shop. When the ghetto was liquidated on November 8, 1943 he was sent to the nearby Szkolna camp, and after a while was forced to march to a factory in Tomazow‐ Mazowiecki. Jozef Wins was liberated in Dachau Concentration Camp on April 29, 1945 after a spell in the Labor Camp in Kochendorf near Heilbronn.

Sobibór Victims ‐ Deported from Germany either direct to Sobibór or via Transit Ghettos to Sobibór This is a detailed listing of Jews who were deported from the Reich to the Sobibór death camp, from the Bundesarchiv Memorial web‐ site, verified where appropriate with the Joodse Digital Monument database in the Netherlands. Where there is doubt as to whether the

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individuals were murdered in Sobibór or another camp, such as Lu‐ blin, or Auschwitz, then these people have not been included. Jews that emigrated from Germany to countries such as Holland and France have been included in a later listing.

A‐Z ABELE, Berta (née Westerfeld). Born on February 14, 1880 in Frankfurt am Main. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

ABELES, Renate (née Kahn) Born on December 9, 1882 in Frank‐ furt am Main. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

ABRAHAM, Emanuel. Born on August 15, 1879 in Treysa. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto in Poland. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

ABRAHAM, Mathilde (née Mayer). Born on March 21, 1883 in Friedelsheim. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

ABT, Bessy. Born on March 10, 1898 in Melsungen. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto in Poland.

Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

ACKERMANN, Hedwig (née Lorig). Born on April 13, 1911 in Butzweiler. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

ACKERMANN, Klara (née Schaffer). Born on September 12, 1892 in Dubiecko. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

ACKERMANN, Lana. Born on August 6, 1941 in Aidhausen. De‐ ported from Würzburg on April 25, 1942 to Krasnystaw, Poland.

She died in Sobibór.

ADLER, Adelheid (née Gollisch). Born on August 16, 1901 in Beu‐ then. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

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ADLER, Bertha (née Oppenheim). Born on January 17, 1888 in Ab‐ terode. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór, she perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

ADLER, Clothilde (née Nassauer). Born on May 26, 1882 in Wehen. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on May 24, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished.

ADLER, Ida. Born on November 9, 1889 in Niedenstein. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

AHRONSON, Klara (née Blumenthal). Born on April 4, 1888 in Oberlahnstein. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

ALEXANDER, Luise. Born on December 13, 1890 in Kauernik, Po‐ land. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

ALTHEIMER, Kathinka. Born on January 30, 1883 in Bergen. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

APPEL, Jenny (née Schwab). Born on March 4, 1888 in Berkach.

Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

APPEL, Sofia. Born on September 10, 1880 in Scholkrippen. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

APT, Benjamin. Born on July 9, 1882 in Niederaula. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto in Poland.

Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

APT, Berta (née Rosenberg). Born on January 5, 1884 in Mulbach.

Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

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ARM, Erna (née Munz). Born on March 2, 1912 in Glogow. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942. She died in So‐ bibór.

ARM, Rosel. Born on September 10, 1937 in Frankfurt am Main. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

ARNHOLZ, Bertha (née Lewin). Born on January 12, 1883 in La‐ bischin, Poland. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

ARON, Sitta. Born on June 3, 1921 in Hamburg. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

ARONSOHN, Fanny (née Rosenthal). Born on October 26, 1883 in Wetzlar. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Iz‐ bica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she per‐ ished on June 3, 1942.

ATZEL, Fanny (née Tannenberg). Born on January 1, 1887 in Schenklengsfeld. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BACARACH, Abraham. Born on September 2, 1878 in Nenterhau‐ sen. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

BACHARACH, Betty (née Müller). Born on February 16, 1889 in Herleshausen. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

BACHARACH, Frieda. Born on April 24, 1880 in Fritzlar. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

BACHARACH, Grete. Born on October 2, 1922 in Neukirchen. De‐ ported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit 190

ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

BACHARACH, Klara (née Lazarus). Born on December 8, 1893 in Appenheim. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

BACHARACH, Meta (née Spier). Born on March 31, 1895 in Hoof.

Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

BACHARACH, Sophie. Born on August 12, 1874 in Fritzlar. De‐ ported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

BACHENHEIMER, Hildegard. Born on November 4, 1921 in Wet‐ ter. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

BACHENHEIMER, Paul. Born on December 26, 1930 in Wetter.

Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

BACHMANN, Hilde (née Cohen). Born on November 18, 1897 in Preusisch. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BAER, Chana. Born on February 3, 1941 in Hannover. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

BAER, Clementine. Born on March 24, 1924 in Frankfurt am Main.

Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BAER, Gunther. Born on March 11, 1918 in Worms. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

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BAER, Irma (née Ullmann). Born on October 13, 1894 in Wester‐ burg. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BAER, Paula (née Bermann). Born on January 4, 1921 in Schwetz‐ ingen. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

BAER, Sofie. Born on August 23, 1923 in Frankfurt am Main. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BAUCHWITZ, Kurt. Born on January 27, 1881 in Sangerhausen. Im‐ prisoned in Sachsenhausen Concentration Camp. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

BAUCHWITZ, Regina (née Meyer). Born on April 7, 1888 in Labenz. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

BAUER, Rickchen (née Strauss). Born on April 15, 1886 in Rothen‐ kirchen. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BAUM, Josef. Born on October 22, 1926 in Wiesbaden. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on May 24, 1942 to the Izbica Transit Ghetto in Poland. Sent from Izbica to the Sobibór death camp where he perished on September 10, 1942.

BAUM, Toni (née Bierig). Born on February 5, 1886 in Flehingen.

Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BECK, Rosa. Born on March 6, 1890 in Mainz. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BECKER, Gertrude (née Brodreich). Born on July 5, 1899 in Himbach. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1 1942 to the Iz‐ bica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she per‐ ished on June 3, 1942.

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BEER, de, Cacille. Born on March 29, 1891 in Mesenheim. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BENEDICK, Flora (née Scheuer). Born on September 20, 1897 in Gelnhausen. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

BENEDICK, Lothar. Born on August 13, 1923 in Gelnhausen. De‐ ported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

BENEDICT, Amalie. Born on February 14, 1879 in Landau. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BERNEY, Rosalie (née Katz). Born on February 1, 1878 in Boben‐ hausen. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942. She died in Sobibór on December 31, 1942.

BERNSTEIN, Elisabeth (née Seligmann). Born on February 29, 1904 in Friedburg. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BERNSTEIN, Eva. Born on June 15, 1935 in Frankfurt am Main. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BERNSTEIN, Eva Mirjam. Born on April 2, 1938 in Berlin. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

BERNSTEIN, Jutta (née Fleischmann). Born on January 28, 1911 in Sangerhausen. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

BERNSTEIN, Lotte. Born on January 3, 1889 in Kolberg. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

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BEVERSTEIN, Adele. Born on June 5, 1894 in New York, United States of America. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BICKHARDT, Edith. Born on March 22, 1924 in Frankfurt am Main.

Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BINAMOWITSCH, Liba. Born on June 20, 1902 in Kielce, Poland.

Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BIOW, Alice. Born on April 20, 1893 in Frankfurt am Main. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BIOW, Hedwig. Born on October 14, 1894 in Frankfurt am Main.

Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BLEICH, Erna. Born on February 10, 1923 in Frankfurt am Main. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BLEICH, Ita (née Sturm). Born on April 3, 1897 in Biezdziedza, Po‐ land. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BLEICH, Ruth. Born on July 31, 1934 in Frankfurt am Main. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BLOCH, Friederike (née Levi). Born on August 5, 1896 in Schlüchtern. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11,1942.

BLOCH, Ilse. Born on May 20, 1894 in Sachsenhausen. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

BLOCH, Lina (née Kleinstrass). Born on December 7, 1881 in Steinheim. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Iz‐ bica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she per‐ ished on June 3, 1942.

BLOCH, Siegmund. Born on February 2, 1861 in Sachsenhausen.

Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

194

BLOCH, Siegmund. Born on June 2, 1878 in Schmieheim. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

BLUHM, Lotte (née Weisfeldt). Born on July 20, 1889 in Zempel‐ burg. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

BLUM, Arthur. Born on January 2, 1886 in Gauersheim. Imprisoned in Dachau Concentration Camp during 1938. Deported from Kas‐ sel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

BLUM, Caroline (née Weinberger). Born on September 22, 1892 in Bremberg. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BLUM, Hanna. Born on September 24, 1930 in Saarbrucken. De‐ ported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

BLUM, Ida (née Braumann). Born on May 6, 1887 in Unteralter‐ heim. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

BLUM, Leontine (née Lorch). Born on May 8, 1881 in Mainz. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BLUM, Martha. Born on February 5, 1898 in Helligenwald. De‐ ported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

BLUMBERG, Meta (née Lewald). Born on October 20, 1880 in Würzburg. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Iz‐ bica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she per‐ ished on October 15, 1942.

195

BLUMENFELD, Georg. Born on March 22, 1910 in Berlin. Deported from Berlin on June 13, 1942. He perished in Sobibór on Septem‐ ber 11, 1942.

BLUMENTHAL, Adolf. Born on August 3, 1919 in Niederrodenbach.

Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

BLUMENTHAL, Bernhard. Born on May 6, 1913 in Niederrod‐ enbach. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

BLUMENTHAL, Else. Born on August 24, 1886 in Nassau. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BLUMENTHAL, Hilde (née Schwarz). Born on March 2, 1912 in Rückershausen. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BLUMENTHAL, Mathilde (née Kahn). Born on February 19, 1881 in Hergershausen. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BLUTSTEIN, Fanny. Born on July 4, 1911 in Dortmund. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BODENHEIMER, Martha (née Ermann). Born on March 25, 1903 in Trier. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on October 15, 1942.

BODENHEIMER, Siegfried. Born on January 14, 1895 in Brebach.

Imprisoned in Dachau Concentration Camp. Deported from Kas‐ sel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

BORGER, Rosa (née Melamed). Born on March 24, 1896 in Glogow. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

196

BRACHOLD, Gisela (née Burstin). Born on October 22, 1880 in Janow, Poland. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BRASCH, Clotilde (née Frank). Born on February 24, 1880 in Forchheim. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Iz‐ bica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she per‐ ished on June 3, 1942.

BRAUNSBERG, Emile (née Stern). Born on June 1, 1892 in Betzi‐ esdorf. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

BRAUNSBERG, Viktor. Born on March 29, 1887 in Breuna mit Rhoda. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

BRIEFWECHSLER, Paula (née Blumenthal). Born on September 15, 1899 in Nordholen. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BRONNE, Emma (née Beisinger). Born on June 3, 1877 in Gondelsheim. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BRONNE, Gertrud. Born on June 18, 1911 in Rommersheim. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BRONNE, Ruth. Born on September 22, 1920 in Armsheim. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BRUCKMANN, Hulda. Born on December 20, 1882 in Xanten. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BUCHEIM, Johanna (née Simon). Born on May 1, 1902 in Ehrings‐ hausen. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

BUCHEIM, Riga. Born on February 22, 1933 in Ehringshausen. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

197

BUTWIES, Cornelie. Born on June 3, 1895 in Frankfurt am Main.

Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

CAHN, Berta (née Jacobi). Born on February 4, 1891 in Sonnen‐ berg. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

CAHN, Erich. Born on 2 August 2, 1877 in Ascherleben. Imprisoned in Sachsenhausen Concentration Camp until November 23, 1938.

Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

CAHN, Hedwig (née Ferse). Born on August 1, 1892 in Ober‐ listingen. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Iz‐ bica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she per‐ ished on June 3, 1942.

CAHN, Selma. Born on March 27, 1909 in Nastalten. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

CAHN, Toni. Born on May 19, 1898 in Eschwege. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

COHN, Hannacha. Born on November 12, 1938 in Halle. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

COHN, Recha (née Grunspan). Born on May 20, 1914 in Sonnberg.

Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

COHN, Thekla (née Kaufmann). Born on November 20, 1879 in Coburg. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

CZARLINSKI, Johanna. Born on November 13, 1905 in Erle. De‐ ported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit 198

ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

DANNENBERG, Emmy (née Wolfes). Born on November 15, 1877 in Aurich. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Iz‐ bica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she per‐ ished on June 3, 1942.

DANNENBERG, Ruth. Born on March 3, 1910 in Kassel. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

DANZIG, Mina. Born on August 6, 1879 in Selters. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

DAVID, Hilda. Born on May 28, 1880 in Rohrenfurth. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

DAVID, Klara (née Kahn). Born on January 20, 1879 in Freiburg.

Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942. She died in Sobibór.

DAVID, Margarethe (née Heymann). Born on July 16, 1902 in Wiesbaden. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

DECKER, Getta (née Frank). Born on February 28, 1893 in Edelf‐ ingen. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

DOLLEFELD, Clara (née Wallach). Born on February 8, 1889 in Nesselroden. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

DOLLEFELD, Mathilde. Born on November 27, 1872 in Bebra. De‐ ported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

DOENBERG, Henny (née Goldmann). Born on January 23, 1891 in Eschwege. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

199

ECKMANN, Emma (née Sulzbacher). Born on February 10, 1878 in Neustadt. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Iz‐ bica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she per‐ ished on June 3, 1942.

EHLBAUM, Hanni. Born on October 23, 1930 in Frankfurt am Main.

Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

EHLBAUM, Perla (née Bernstein). Born on November 15, 1899 in Brzesko, Poland. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

EHRLICH, Anita. Born on May 23, 1929 in Rosdorf. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

EHRLICH, Ella (née Berlin). Born on September 24, 1891 in Grosen. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

EHRLICH, Frieda. Born on January 19, 1893 in Rosdorf. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

EHRLICH, Hermann. Born on July 2, 1891 in Rosdorf. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

EHRLICH, Kathinka (née Simon). Born on October 1, 1888 in Nei‐ der Weidbach. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

EHRMANN, Henny (née Hahn). Born on February 22, 1893 in Ber‐ gen. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

EHRMANN, Leopol. Born on October 14, 1881 in Bergen. Deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

200

EHRMANN, Rosa. Born on December 13, 1891 in Frankfurt am Main. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

EICHORN, Irma (née Pfifferling). Born on February 10, 1900 in Rhine. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

EISENBERGER, Karoline (née Worms). Born on June 3, 1882 in Aschaffenburg. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

EISENSTADT, Heinz. Born on February 10, 1938 in Hanau. De‐ ported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

EISENSTADT, Henriette (née Lewkowitz). Born on November 23, 1890 in Buchsweiler. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

EISENSTADT, Herta. Born on February 4, 1913 in Strasbourg. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

EISENSTADT, Marta. Born on October 6, 1915 in Strasbourg. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

EISENSTADT, Rosa. Born on November 14, 1924 in Hanau. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

EISENSTADT, Willi. Born on June 28, 1917 in Strasbourg. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto.

Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

ELIAS, Bella (née Weinstein). Born on June 19, 1881 in Eisenach.

Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit 201

ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

ELIAS, Julie (née Pohly). Born on September 15, 1880 in Göttingen.

Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

ELLINGER, Martha (née Birnzweig). Born on May 26, 1890 in Wiesbaden. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

ELSOFFER, Selma (née Lichtenstein). Born on October 20, 1897 in Markobel. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

ELSOFFER, Wilhelm. Born on November 7, 1887 in Battenfeld. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

ENGEL, Alexander. Born on February 23, 1892 in Berlin. Deported from Berlin on June 13, 1942.

ENGELBERT, Wilhelmine (née Lipp). Born on March 26, 1888 in Bamberg. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Iz‐ bica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she per‐ ished on June 3, 1942.

EPSTEIN, Sara (née Wechsler). Born on September 30, 1913 in Heilbronn. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

ERBSEN, Lina. Born on July 19, 1919 in Frankfurt am Main. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

ERL, Sophie (née Levy). Born on November 14, 1883 in Kurschawy, Russia. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

ERMANN, Alfred. Born July 11, 1891 in Rhaumen. Imprisoned in Da‐ chau Concentration Camp during 1938. Deported from Koblenz,

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April 30–May 3, 1942 to the Krasniczyn ghetto. He perished in Sobibór on December 31, 1942.

ERMANN, Hilde. Born October 31, 1922 in Königsfeld. Deported from Koblenz, April 30–May 3, 1942 to the Krasniczyn ghetto.

ERMANN, Julia (née Gottschalk). Born May 25, 1897 in Königs‐ feld. Deported from Koblenz, April 30–May 3, 1942 to the Kras‐ niczyn ghetto. She perished in Sobibór.

ERMANN, Ruth. Born November 9, 1927 in Ahrweiler. Deported from Koblenz, April 30–May 3, 1942 to the Krasniczyn ghetto. She perished in Sobibór on December 31, 1942.

ESCHWEGE, Felix. Born on October 19, 1927 in Fulda. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto.

Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

ESCHWEGE, Gabriel. Born on November 4, 1878 in Fulda. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

ESCHWEGE, Regina (née Michel). Born on November 4, 1885 in Frankfurt am Main. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

ETTLING, Marie. Born on July 1, 1878 in Karlsruhe. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

FALKENSTEIN, Frieda. Born on June 15, 1882 in Ermsleben. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1,1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

FALKENSTEIN, Margarete. Born on April 14, 1920 in Rotenburg.

Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

203

FARNTROG, Betty. Born on October 21, 1920 in Furth. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

FEILCHENFELD, Meta (née Kohler). Born on April 6, 1904 in Kas‐ sel. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

FEILCHENFELD, Ruth. Born on September 22, 1934 in Kassel. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

FEINBERG, Sophie. Born on May 25, 1905 in Oberusel. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

FIEBELMANN, Elsie. Born on May 21, 1879 in Haselunne. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

FISCHELBERG, Genia (née Spatz). Born on September 2, 1905 in Worms. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

FISCHELBERG, Mira. Born on January 16, 1930 in Frankfurt am Main. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

FLAMM, Efraim. Born on May 14, 1879 in Nenzeuheim. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto.

Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

FLAMM, Hermine (née Fleischer). Born on May 27, 1893 in Bay‐ reuth. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

FLEDEL, Ruth. Born on April 7, 1937 in Frankfurt am Main. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

FLEDEL, Selma (née Lauh). Born on July 26, 1912 in Munich. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

FLEISCHMANN, Otto. Born on December 11, 1879 in Prichsenstadt.

Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit 204

ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

FLEISCHMANN, Rosa (née Friedmann). Born on January 26, 1878 in Kodlitz. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Iz‐ bica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she per‐ ished on June 3,1942.

FLORSHEIMER, Gertrude. Born on January 24, 1904 in Gros‐Geru.

Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

FRANK, Dora. Born on August 6, 1899 in Wiesbaden. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on May 24, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. She perished in Sobibór.

FRANK, Ernst. Born on August 31, 1877 in Glan‐Munchweiler. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to the Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

FRANK, Eva. Born on February 20, 1933 in Fulda. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

FRANK, Helena (née Zeilberger). Born on November 7, 1888 in Sulzdorf an der Lederhecke. Deported from Würzburg to Krasnystaw, Poland. She perished in Sobibór.

FRANK, Irene (née Schonfeld). Born on December 21, 1918 in Nor‐ denstadt. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

FRANK, Johanna (née Sender). Born on November 12, 1897 in Wiesbaden. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

FRANK, Melitta (née Kern). Born on December 8, 1880 in Rodal‐ ben. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

FRANK, Sara. Born on March 1, 1937 in Fulda. Deported from Frank‐ furt am Main on June 11, 1942.

205

FRANKENBERG, Brunhilde. Born on March 5, 1933 in Reckling‐ hausen. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942. She perished in Sobibór.

FRANKENBERG, Else (née Rose). Born on May 11, 1893 in Dor‐ num. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

FRANKL, Elli ( née Schachtel). Born on August 12, 1896 in Char‐ lottenbrunn. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

FREUDENBERGER, Minna (née Stern). Born on June 16, 1877 in Lautenbach. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

FREUDENTHAL, Berta (née Buchheim). Born on July 16, 1893 in Wohra/Kirchain. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

FRIED, Marrianne. Born on January 28, 1921 in Landau. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

FRIED, Selma. Born on January 10, 1889 in Nordenstadt. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942. She perished in Sobibór on December 31, 1942.

FRIEDLANDER, Minna (née Mayer). Born on February 24, 1877 in Biebrich. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

FRIEDMAN, Beate. Born on August 13, 1924 in Wiesbaden. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942. She perished in Sobibór on December 31, 1942.

FRIEDMAN, Betti (née Goldschmidt). Born on July 3, 1902 in Frankfurt am Main. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

FRIEDMANN, Edith. Born on May 23, 1921 in Wiesbaden. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

FRIEDMANN, Judith. Born on June 2, 1940 in Wiesbaden. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

206

FRIEDMANN, Lisa. Born on June 20, 1892 in Tscherkassy, Russia.

Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

FRIEDMANN, Margarete (née Schwabach). Born on April 6, 1881 in Halle. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

FRIEDMANN, Margot. Born on June 24, 1928 in Frankfurt am Main. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

FRIEDMANN, Susi. Born on June 14, 1926 in Wiesbaden. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

FRIESEM, Ruth (née Liebmann). Born on December 3, 1921 in Gei‐ sen. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

FRÜCHTER, Gisela (née Braun). Born on December 12, 1883 in Szilsarkany, Hungary. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3,1942.

FRÜCHTER, Mendel. Born on December 15, 1875 in Felsoviso, Hungary. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

FURTH, Marie (née Amann). Born on December 21, 1881 in Prague, Czech Republic. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

FULD, Bertha (née Joseph). Born on July 13, 1877 in Heppenheim.

Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

FULD, Erna (née Junghaus). Born on December 4, 1909 in Frank‐ furt am Main. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

GANS, Elfriede (née Meyer). Born on December 23, 1905 in Roten‐ burg. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit

207

ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

GANS, Else. Born on July 10, 1884 in Darmstadt. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

GANS, Judis. Born on February 18, 1940 in Kassel. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

GANS, Rosa. Born on September 17, 1905 in Jesberg. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942. She perished in Sobibór.

GANSS, Martha (née Altmann). Born on September 8, 1909 in Langenselbold. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

GEISS, Franziska (née Levi). Born on May 20, 1902 in Mannheim.

Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

GERNSHEIMER, Hans. Born on February 23, 1936 in Ruckingen.

Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

GERNSHEIMER, Lothar. Born on December 19, 1937 in Ruckingen.

Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

GERNSHEIMER, Ludwig. Born on September 2, 1897 in Ruck‐ ingen. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

GERNSHEIMER, Therese (née Levi). Born on November 16, 1909 in Gladenbach. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Iz‐ bica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she per‐ ished on June 3, 1942.

208

GLOGOWSKI, Gertrud (née Lewinberg). Born on May 25, 1888 in Biziker. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

GLÜCKAUF, Friedericke (née Reiss). Born on March 3, 1877 in Egelsbach. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

GORK, Betty (née Scheige). Born on October 27, 1895 in Schon‐ lanke, Poland. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

GOLDBERG, Frieda (née Löwenstein). Born on January 30, 1907 in Affoldern. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Iz‐ bica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she per‐ ished on June 3, 1942.

GOLDBERG, Lothar. Born on November 3, 1934 in Korbach. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto.

Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

GOLDMANN, Anna (née Seligmann). Born on November 30, 1889 in Gau‐Algesheim. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

GOLDMANN, Hugo. Born on March 24, 1885 in Gundersheim. Im‐ prisoned in Dachau concentration camp during November–De‐ cember 1938. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Iz‐ bica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he per‐ ished on June 3, 1942.

GOLDMANN, Ruth. Born on July 23, 1924 in Neunkirchen. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto.

Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

GOLDMEIER, Karohne (née Müller). Born on January 10, 1880 in Marisfeld. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

GOLDMEIER, Louis. Born on August 3, 1874 in Uttrichshausen.

Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit 209

ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

GOLDMEIER, Meta (née Goldwein). Born on October 10, 1886 in Meimbressen. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Iz‐ bica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she per‐ ished on June 3, 1942.

GOLDMEIER, Nathan. Born on August 30, 1879 in Uttrichshausen.

Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

GOLDSCHMIDT, Charlotte. Born on July 24, 1931 in Darmstadt.

Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

GOLDSCHMIDT, Felix. Born on February 28, 1895 in Schlüchtern.

Imprisoned in Dachau Concentration Camp from November 1938 until January 1939. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

GOLDSCHMIDT, Freda (née Löwenstein). Born on July 21, 1894 in Lohra. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

GOLDSCHMIDT, Freda (née Strauss). Born on November 23, 1902 in Ober‐Seemen. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

GOLDSCHMIDT, Gottfried. Born on December 4, 1902 in Ober‐ Seemen. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

GOLDSCHMIDT, Henry. Born on January 6, 1913 in Falkenberg.

Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

210

GOLDSCHMIDT, Helene (née Müller). Born on June 11, 1890 in Wernhausen. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Iz‐ bica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she per‐ ished on June 3, 1942.

GOLDSCHMIDT, Helene (née Borchert). Born on November 30, 1897 in Harmuthsachsen. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

GOLDSCHMIDT, Hilda (née Stern). Born on August 9, 1882 in Hintersteinau. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Iz‐ bica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she per‐ ished on June 3, 1942.

GOLDSCHMIDT, Hilda (née Reis). Born on July 22, 1886 in Flor‐ stadt. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

GOLDSCHMIDT, Ilse. Born on August 28, 1933 in Frohnhausen.

Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

GOLDSCHMIDT, Isidor. Born on March 27, 1907 in Langenselbold.

Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

GOLDSCHMIDT, Jenny (née Hamburger). Born on September 1, 1889 in Langenselbold. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

GOLDSCHMIDT, Johanna (née Lowenberg). Born on October 23, 1887 in Schenklengsfeld. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

211

GOLDSCHMIDT, Johanna (née Rosenbach). Born on February 4, 1888 in Hoof. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Iz‐ bica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she per‐ ished on June 3, 1942.

GOLDSCHMIDT, Juda. Born on September 22, 1897 in Schluchtern. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Iz‐ bica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she per‐ ished on June 3, 1942.

GOLDSCHMIDT, Julius. Born on January 24, 1930 in Frohnhausen.

Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

GOLDSCHMIDT, Karl. Born on July 14, 1884 in Hausen. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

GOLDSCHMIDT, Lina (née Birk). Born on November 22, 1900 in Schlüchtern. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Iz‐ bica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she per‐ ished on June 3, 1942.

GOLDSCHMIDT, Lothar. Born on June 9, 1910 in Langenselbold.

Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

GOLDSCHMIDT, Markus. Born on April 18, 1880 in Flieden. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto.

Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

GOLDSCHMIDT, Minna. Born on January 28, 1885 in Raboldshau‐ sen. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

212

GOLDSCHMIDT, Regina (née Wikowsky). Born on March 22, 1907 in Johannisburg. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

GOLDSCHMIDT, Regina (née Nordhauser). Born on April 17, 1885 in Wustensachsen. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

GOLDSCHMIDT, Selma (née Gutmann). Born on May 4, 1880 in Roth b. Nürnberg. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

GOLDSCHMIDT, Sigmund. Born on July 27, 1909 in Langensel‐ bold. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

GOLDSCHMIDT, Simon. Born on October 5, 1876 in Heubach. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto.

Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

GOLDSCHMIDT, Simon. Born on February 17, 1884 in Hersfeld.

Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

GOLDSTEIN, Cacilie (née Keins). Born on July 6, 1878 in Königs‐ hutte. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11,1942.

GOLDSTEIN, Nora. Born on May 7, 1905 in Stolp. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

GOTTLIEB, Josef. Born on May 31, 1882 in Neuhof. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

GOTTLIEB, Karoline. Born on December 10, 1875 in Neuhof. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto.

213

Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

GOTTLIEB, Lina. Born on July 19, 1881 in Neuhof. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

GOTTSCHALK, Alice (née Ullmann). Born on October 12, 1903 in Westerburg. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

She perished in Sobibór.

GOTTSCHALK, Jochanan. Born on March 26, 1940 in Aachen. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

GROSS, Eva (née Grossmann). Born on November 25, 1896 in Go‐ rodok, Ukraine. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

GROSS, Josef. Born on December 30, 1889 in Brzesko, Poland. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto.

Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

GRUMBACHER, Emilie (née Grunbaum). Born on July 17, 1877 in Poppenlauer. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

GRÜNBLATT, Olga (née Pakula). Born on July 15, 1870 in Lodz, Poland. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

GRÜNEBAUM, Bella. Born on November 13, 1901 in Bergen. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto.

Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

GRÜNEBAUM, Bella (née Strauss). Born on August 15, 1903 in Ober‐Seemen. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

214

GRÜNEBAUM, Blanka. Born on January 16, 1919 in Schlüchtern.

Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

GRÜNEWALD, Franziska. Born on March 3, 1877 in Frankfurt am Main. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

GRÜNEWALD, Ida (née Lazarus). Born on September 13, 1889 in Appenheim. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

GRÜNFELD, Margot. Born on April 17, 1927 in Vollmerz. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

GRÜNFELD, Rosa (née Hecht). Born on June 13, 1896 in Vollmerz.

Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

GUNZENHAUSER, Betty. Born on September 30, 1889 in Tauber‐ rettersheim. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

GUTHMANN, Frieda (née Gerson). Born on December 17, 1887 in Kirchberg. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

GUTKIND, Annemarie. Born on October 30, 1906 in Berlin. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto.

Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

GUTMANN, Franziska. Born on January 6, 1891 in Hamburg. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

GUTWIRTH, Fanny (née Bruder). Born on December 3, 1901 in Felsemorx, Hungary. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

HAAS, Eugenie. Born on June 2, 1901 in Wiesbaden. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

HAAS, Karoline. Born on July 14, 1880 in Neustadt. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

215

HAAS, Recha (née Moller). Born on August 18, 1900 in Frankfurt am Main. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

HAENDEL, Else (née Loser). Born on August 16, 1896 in Laufer‐ sweiler. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

HAHN, Cacille. Born on April 6, 1877 in Lissa / Leszno Poland. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

HAHN, Cacille. Born on August 14, 1900 in Kassel. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

HAHN, Franziska (née Levi). Born on October 25, 1876 in Eschwege. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

HAHN, Frieda. Born on July 21, 1903 in Bergen. Deported from Kas‐ sel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

HAHN, Johanna (née Strahlheim). Born on November 27, 1909 in Hofheim. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942. She perished in Sobibór on September 26, 1942.

HAHN, Lenni. Born on March 24, 1905 in Bergen. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

HAHN, Leonore. Born on June 26, 1902 in Kassel. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

HAIN, Paula (née Marx). Born on July 23, 1895 in Langendiebach.

Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

HAMBER, Amalie (née Mayer). Born on January 20, 1883 in Köln.

Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

216

HAMBERG, Betty (née Pulver). Born on September 11, 1897 in Westheim. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

HAMBERG, Hermann. Born on September 12, 1890 in Breuna mit Rhoda. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

HAMBERG, Moritz. Born on July 15, 1886 in Breuna mit Rhoda. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto.

Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

HAMBERG, Susanne. Born on August 11, 1929 in Breuna mit Rhoda.

Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

HAMBURGER, Heinrich. Born on April 22, 1928 in Frankfurt am Main. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

HAMMERSCHLAG, Mirjam (née Lillenfeld). Born on October 26, 1899 in Gudenberg. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

HAMMERSCHMIDT, Cilla. Born on December 14, 1879 in Jastrow.

Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

HAMMERSCHMIDT, Rosa. Born on August 29, 1886 in Roden. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

HANAU, Leonie (née Mayer). Born on December 12, 1894 in Frankfurt am Main. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

217

HANFF, Hans. Born on August 13, 1915 in Stettin. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on May 24, 1942.

HANFF, Irmgard (née Openheimer). Born on November 24, 1914 in Berlin. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on May 24, 1942.

HASE, Karl. Born on February 21, 1907 in Kassel. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

HASE, Rolf. Born on March 10, 1937 in Kassel. Deported from Kas‐ sel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

HASE, Selma (née Jakob). Born on March 15, 1901 in Osche. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto.

Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

HASENKOPF, Reisel (née Birnbach). Born on May 8, 1898 in Strzyzow. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

HECHT, Else (née Bar). Born on December 24, 1895 in Crainfeld.

Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

HECHT, Gitta (née Goldschmidt). Born on July 20, 1890 in Sterbfritz. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

HECHT, Goldina. Born on September 28, 1878 in Nesselroden. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto.

Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

HECHT, Ida. Born on February 9, 1906 in Bruckenau. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

218

HECHT, Jakob. Born on March 20, 1884 in Mottgers. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

HECHT, Jettchen. Born on June 8, 1880 in Nesselroden. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

HECHT, Jettchl (née Plaut). Born on December 21, 1897 in Rau‐ schenberg. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

HECHT, Lothar. Born on September 13, 1923 in Sterbfritz. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

HECHT, Ludwig. Born on July 26, 1923 in Sterbfritz. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

HECHT, Meier. Born on December 27, 1885 in Mottgers. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

HECHT, Sophie. Born on February 9, 1926 in Sterbfritz. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

HECHT, Steffi. Born on December 11, 1927 in Sterbfritz. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

HEILBERG, Meta (née Falkenstein). Born on December 30, 1907 in Meudt. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

HEILBERG, Selma. Born on September 26, 1911 in Westerburg. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

HEILBRONN, Julius. Born on November 19, 1897 in Falkenberg.

Imprisoned in Breitenau. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

219

HEILBRUNN, FRIEDA (née Eisemann). Born on August 2, 1887 in Laudenbach. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

HEILBRUNN, Gertrud (née Strauss). Born on June 17, 1908 in Gelnhausen. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

HEILBRUNN, Jettchen. Born on February 23, 1879 in Abterode.

Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

HEILBRUNN, Maya. Born on March 26, 1935 in Frankfurt am Main.

Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

HEILBRUNN, Meta. Born on October 15, 1883 in Oberaula. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto.

Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

HEIMENRATH, Hedwig. Born on September 16, 1881 in Gilserberg.

Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

HELFT, Kuno. Born on October 18, 1873 in Bleicherode. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

HELFT, Lucie (née Heinemann). Born on March 13, 1897 in Han‐ nover. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

HENE, Dora (née Nebel). Born on August 17, 1898 in Harburg. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

HENLEIN, Martha (née Albert). Born on December 11, 1890 in Neustadt an der Haardt. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

HERZ, Irma (née Fuld). Born on November 12, 1903 in Westerburg.

Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

220

HERZBERG, Bronja (née Wajuryb). Born on August 27, 1900 in Konskie, Poland. Deported to Poland on October 28, 1938. She perished in Sobibór on July 16, 1943.

HERZBERG, Fabisch. Born on December 7, 1896 in Włocławek, Po‐ land. Deported to Poland on October 28, 1938. He perished in Sobibór on July 16, 1943.

HES, Bernard. Born on July 16, 1879 in Hintersteinau. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

HES, Fanny (née Idstein). Born on December 25, 1872 in Babenhausen. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Iz‐ bica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she per‐ ished on June 3, 1942.

HES, Nathan. Born on December 15, 1878 in Bergen. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

HES, Paula. Born on April 16, 1895 in Bergen. Deported from Kas‐ sel–Halle on June 1,1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Iz‐ bica to Sobibor where she perished on June 3,1942 HES, Recha. Born on May 14, 1910 in Fulda. Deported from Kassel– Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

HES, Rose (née Blumenfeld). Born on July 10, 1883 in Neustadt.

Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

HESDORFER, Johanna (née Joseph). Born on January 14, 1887 in Altenbamberg. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Iz‐ bica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she per‐ ished on June 3, 1942.

HESS, Frieda. Born on June 5, 1912 in Fulda. Deported from Kassel– Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

221

HESS, Lilly (née Suser). Born on June 11, 1887 in Würzburg. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

HESS, Martha (née Weil). Born on January 21, 1880 in Hechingen.

Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

HESS, Selma (née Simons). Born on October 24, 1898, in Frankfurt am Main. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942..

HESS, Thekla (née Buchheim). Born on October 19, 1893 in Daub‐ orn. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

HEYMANN, Anna (née Lerner). Born on July 30, 1896 in Berlin.

Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942 HEYUM, Johanna (née Israel). Born on October 29, 1894 in Kirch‐ berg. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11,1942.

HIRSCH, Adele (née Simon). Born on June 28, 1905 in Ehringhau‐ sen. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

HIRSCH, Alfred. Born on January 18, 1924 in Bergheim. Deported from Koblenz, Köln–Düsseldorf on June 15, 1942.

HIRSCH, Auguste. Born on December 17, 1880 in Langenselbold.

Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

HIRSCH, Charleska (née Neuhaus). Born on March 1, 1880 in Bremerhaven. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

HIRSCH, Else (née Stock). Born on June 13, 1903 in Schidlowitz.

Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11,1942.

HIRSCH, Emma (née Katz). Born on January 2, 1882 in Korbach.

Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

222

HIRSCH, Emma (née Bach). Born on September 27, 1885 in Nieder‐Moos. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

HIRSCH, Frieda (née Lowenthal). Born on October 23, 1878 in Ueckermunde. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Iz‐ bica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she per‐ ished on June 3, 1942.

HIRSCH, Henriette (née Scharff). Born on August 23, 1897 in Frei‐ Laubersheim. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

HIRSCH, Ilse. Born on October 16, 1911 in Bergheim. Deported from Koblenz, Köln–Düsseldorf on June 15, 1942.

HIRSCH, Mirjam. Born on July 24, 1937 in Haiger. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

HIRSCH, Rosa (née Seufert). Born on March 13, 1903 in Dirmstein.

Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11,1942.

HIRSCHBERG, Alice. Born on October 27, 1920 in Fulda. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

HIRSCHBERG, Rose. Born on December 1, 1886 near Feldheim, in Graudenz, Poland. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

HIRSCHBERG, Selma. Born on May 30, 1922 in Fulda. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

HIRSCHBERGER, Betty. Born on April 17, 1908 in Oberlauringen.

Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

HIRSCHBRANDT, Helga. Born on May 11, 1924 in Alzey. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on May 24, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto.

Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished.

HIRSCHBRANDT, Ida (née Strauss). Born on April 3, 1901 in Miehlen. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on May 24, 1942 to 223

Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished.

HIRSCHBRANDT, Otto. Born on March 31, 1889 in Erbes‐Budes‐ heim. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on May 24,1942 to Iz‐ bica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he per‐ ished on December 31, 1942.

HIRSCHMANN, Salomon. Born on December 31, 1879 in Grosskrotzenburg. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

HIRSCHMANN, Sara (née Rosenberg). Born on February 27, 1886 in Lichenroth. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Iz‐ bica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she per‐ ished on June 3, 1942.

HODDIS, Jakob von (DAVIDSOHN, Hans) Born on May 16, 1887 in Berlin. A German Jewish expressionist poet, who produced the poem, ‚Weltende.‘ Von Hoddis was an anagram of his surname Davidsohn. He suffered from mental health issues and was de‐ ported from the Berndorf‐Sayn sanatorium on April 30, 1942 to the Krasniczyn ghetto in Poland. From there he was deported to Sobibór, where he perished.

HOFF, Martha (née Frankel). Born on October 5, 1890 in Mann‐ heim. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on May 24, 1942 to Iz‐ bica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she per‐ ished.

HOFLICH, Gerda. Born on June 7, 1932 in Melsungen. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

HOFLICH, Hilde (née Rothschild) . Born on February 25, 1896 in Abterode. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

224

HOFMANN, Selma (née Lowenberg). Born on August 5, 1908 in Reiskirchen. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

HOHENBERG, Ella (née Levi). Born on May 13, 1882 in Kassel. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto.

Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

HOHENBERG, Julie. Born on March 30, 1882 in Helmershausen.

Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

HOLLANDER, Elvira (née Troplowitz). Born on October 16, 1893 in Riesa. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

HOLZMANN, Erna. Born on February 12, 1894 in Homburg von der Hohe. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

HOLZMANN, Martha (née Ackermann). Born on October 29, 1896 in Wiesbaden. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

HÖRMANN, Bella. Born on December 25, 1912 in Nowy Zmigrod, Poland. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

HORN, Frieda (née Kerzner). Born on January 16, 1890 in Bohorodczany. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Iz‐ bica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she per‐ ished on June 3, 1942.

HOXTER, Erika. Born on December 2, 1923 in Schweinsberg. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto.

Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

HOXTER, Ilse. Born on October 2, 1926 in Marburg an der Lahn.

Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit 225

ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

HOXTER, Rosa (née Nussbaum). Born on December 20, 1892 in Neukirchen. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

IDSTEIN, Therese. Born on September 24, 1889 in Homburg von der Hohe. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

IMMERGLUCK, Lotte (née Goldstein). Born on October 29, 1900 in Berlin. She perished in Sobibór on June 11, 1943.

ISAACSON, Anna (née Sondheim). Anna Isaacson, born on Feb‐ ruary 26, 1880 in Wiesenbronn, Germany. She was deported from Koblenz–Köln–Düsseldorf after living in Essen. She was deported to Izbica and then onto Sobibór where she perished on June 15, 1942.

ISAAK, Beate. Born on April 9, 1938 in Niederkleen. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

ISAAK, Betty. Born on July 20, 1907,in Hausen. Deported from Kas‐ sel–Halle on June 1,1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Iz‐ bica to Sobibor where she perished on June 3,1942 ISAAK, Billa. Born on March 1, 1884 in Oberkleen. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

ISAAK, Edith. Born on October 11, 1936 in Niederkleen. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

ISAAK, Elfriede. Born on May 2, 1929 in Oberaula. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

ISAAK, Leopold. Born on October 29, 1882 in Langenselbold. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto.

Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

226

ISAAK, Lina (née Liebermann). Born on December 11, 1880 in Hausen. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

ISAAK, Max. Born on April 5, 1879 in Oberkleen. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

ISAAK, Moritz. Born on November 17, 1884 in Oberkleen. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

ISAAK, Rahel. Born on January 5, 1935 in Berlin. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

ISAAK, Rosa. Born on October 24, 1880 in Oberkleen. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

ISAAK, Selma (née Wallach). Born on May 10, 1888 in Oberaula.

Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

ISAAK, Theodor. Born on June 19, 1914 in Oberaula. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

ISENBERG, Berta. Born on November 26, 1888 in Buchenau. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto.

Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

ISENBERG, Emilie. Born on August 18, 1883 in Volksmarson. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto.

Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

ISENBERG, Selma. Born on July 29, 1890 in Marburg an der Lahn.

Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit 227

ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

ISRAEL, Ada (née Robert). Born on September 16, 1897 in Graud‐ enz, Poland. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

ISRAEL, Amalie (née Falkenberg). Born on October 8, 1877 in Hammerstein. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Iz‐ bica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she per‐ ished on June 3, 1942.

ISRAEL, Bernhard. Born on June 30, 1886 in Dillich. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

ISRAEL, Dina (née Falkenstein). Born on May 16, 1880 in Roten‐ burg an der Fulda. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

ISRAEL, Hedwig (née Hallgarten). Born on October 5, 1895 in Winkel. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

ISRAEL, Herta. Born on May 22, 1925 in Schierstein. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11,1942.

ISRAEL, Margot. Born on January 22, 1928 in Wiesbaden. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

ISRAEL, Rosa (née Kaufmann). Born on May 9, 1880 in Gambach.

Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

ISRAEL, Rosel. Born on March 7, 1922 in Schierstein. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

ITZKOWITZ, Hilda (née Strauss). Born on July 26, 1892 in Stras‐ bourg, Alsace. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Iz‐ bica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she per‐ ished on June 3, 1942.

228

JACOB, Karl. Born on July 5, 1877 in Schmalkalden. Imprisoned in Buchenwald Concentration Camp from November 10, 1938. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto.

Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

JACOB, Klarchen. Born on December 26, 1929 in Rhoden. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto.

Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

JACOB, Louis. Born on April 8, 1896 in Freienohl. Imprisoned in Sachsenhausen concentration camp. Deported from Kassel– Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

JACOB, Rolf . Born on July 12, 1928 in Rhoden. Deported from Kas‐ sel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

JACOBS, Charlotte (née Rosenbaum). Born on March 15, 1887 in Grebenstein. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Iz‐ bica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she per‐ ished on June 3, 1942.

JACOBSOHN, Hedwig (née Cohn). Born on July 23, 1886 in Rugenwalde. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

JAHL, Karla. Born on November 22, 1887 in Mulheim. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

JAKOB, Hedwig (née Lowenthal). Born on September 16, 1883 in Meerholz. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

JERET, Etta (née Kronfeld). Born on November 4, 1908 in Lancut, Poland. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

JESSE, Rosalie (née Philipp). Born on July 29, 1887 in Ried. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

JONAS, Kurt. Born on June 23, 1890 in Hagen. He resided in Köln.

229

JONASSOHN, Hans. Born on March 5, 1927 in Köln. He resided in Köln.

JORDAN, Hedwig (née Mendel). Born on October 6, 1891 in Ebersgons. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

JORDAN, Hedwig (née Examus). Born on April 23, 1906 in Horn.

Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

JOSEPH, Helene (née Buchheim). Born on June 24, 1889 in Wohra. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

JOURDAN, Elisabeth. Born on April 6, 1894 in Mainz. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

JUDA, Berta (née Simon). Born on June 23, 1896 in Kölschhausen.

Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

JUDEL, Flora (née Susskind). Born on October 17, 1877 in Pinne, Poland. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

JULICH, Hermann. Born on October 13, 1888 in Köln.

JUNGHAUS, Rosa (née Lyon). Born on October 4, 1881 in Frank‐ furt am Main. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

JUNGHEIM, Aron. Born on July 17, 1887 in Zwesten. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

JUNGHEIM, Julchen (née Plaut). Born on April 6, 1894 in Wehrda. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

KAEMPFER, Georg. Born on December 29, 1883 in Poznan, Poland.

Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

KAEMPFER, Herta (née Bergheim). Born on February 14, 1893 in Schwersenz, Poland. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 230

to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

KAEMPFER, Irmgard. Born on January 22, 1922 in Saarbrucken.

Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

KAEMPFER, Marion. Born on March 22, 1925 in Saarbrucken. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto.

Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

KAHN, Berta. Born on August 15, 1881 in Eschwege. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

KAHN, Betti (née Nusbaum). Born on April 29, 1900 in Masbach.

Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

KAHN, Erna. Born on December 19, 1908 in Montabaur. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

KAHN, Fanny (née Katz). Born on March 5, 1887 in Munzenberg.

Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

KAHN, Frieda (née Strauss). Born on March 27, 1881 in Lauter‐ bach. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

KAHN, Frieda (née Kahn). Born on October 29, 1885 in Wiesba‐ den. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942. She per‐ ished in Sobibór on December 31, 1942.

KAHN, Frieda. Born on January 28, 1887 in Eschwege. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

KAHN, Frieda (née Strauss). Born on August 6, 1897 in Mittelsinn.

Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

KAHN, Gertrud. Born on September 13, 1919 in Biskirchen. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

231

KAHN, Henriette (née Weiss). Born on November 14, 1889 in Langenlonstein. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

KAHN, Ida (née Simon). Born on June 3, 1885 in Gladenbach. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

KAHN, Ilse. Born on September 27, 1920 in Florsheim. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

KAHN, Irma. Born on November 4, 1911 in Langendiebach. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto.

Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

KAHN, Jakob. Born on December 30, 1882 in Külsheim. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where he perished on June 3, 1942.

KAHN, Jenny (née Klein). Born on May 14, 1901 in Kirf. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

KAHN, Johanna (née Levi). Born on August 27, 1872 in Langendiebach. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica transit ghetto. Sent on from Izbica to Sobibór where she perished on June 3, 1942.

KAHN, Lore. Born on August 5, 1933 in Idstein. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

KAHN, Melitta (née Dreyfus). Born on January 6, 1895 in Watzen‐ born. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

KAHN, Selma. Born on November 19, 1890 in Esch. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

KAHN, Toni. Born on February 8, 1927 in Gemünden. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

KAHN, Werner. Born on March 14, 1935 in Kirf. Deported from Kas‐ sel–Halle on June 1, 1942. He perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

232

KAISER, Emilie (née Guggenheimer). Born on March 5, 1863 in Osterberg. Deported from Kassel‐ Halle on June 1, 1942. She per‐ ished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

KAISER, Frieda (née Schonfrank). Born on January 16, 1901 in Thalmässing. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

KAISER, Sara (née Heiser). Born on February 15, 1880 in Breiten‐ bach. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942. She perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

KAMM, Emil. Born on August 25, 1877 in Pawonkau. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942. He perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

KAMM, Rosa (née Kamm). Born on June 12, 1884 in Radostowitz, Poland. Deported from Kassel‐ Halle on June 1, 1942. She per‐ ished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

KAMM, Ruth. Born on May 3, 1926 in Weisenfels. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942. She perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

KANN, Ellen (née Kahn). Born on February 22, 1902 in Köln. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

KANTER, Kantel. Born on January 8, 1874 in Neustadt. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942. He perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

KANTER, Karoline (née Weinberg). Born on August 4, 1883 in Li‐ chenroth. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942. She per‐ ished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

KANTER, Ludwig. Born on December 30, 1906 in Neustadt. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942. He perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

KANTHAL, Baruch. Born on September 16, 1877 in Langenselbold.

Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942. He perished in So‐ bibór on June 3, 1942.

233

KANTHAL, Bertha (née Summer). Born on May 7, 1888 in Greben‐ hain. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942. She perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

KAPLAN, Hans. Born on August 6, 1928 in Pirmasens. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942. He perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

KAPLAN, Helga. Born on January 28, 1932 in Pirmasens. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942. She perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

KARLE, Olga (née Grunstein). Born on February 2, 1901 in Frank‐ furt am Main. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

KARLEBACH, Sophie. Born on December 10, 1909 in Wiesbaden.

Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

KASCHMANN, Rosi. Born on September 18, 1900 in Kassel. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942. She perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

KATZ, Berta (née Katz). Born on May 15, 1885 in Guxhagen. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942. She perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

KATZ, Berta. Born on September 23, 1887 in Nesselroden. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942. She perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

KATZ, Edith. Born on September 30, 1922 in Nieder Weidbach. De‐ ported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

KATZ, Emilie (née Löwenstein). Born on July 1, 1875 in Netra. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942. She perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

KATZ, Frieda. Born on November 26, 1912 in Nentershausen. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942. She perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

234

KATZ, Gertrud. Born on July 10, 1891 in Frauenstein. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

KATZ, Hedwig (née Plaut). Born on May 6, 1888 in Göttingen. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942. She perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

KATZ, Irma. Born on March 31, 1914 in Nentershausen. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942. She perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

KATZ, Johanna (née Rosenbaum). Born on May 15, 1876 in Horns‐ heim. Deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942. She perished in Sobibór on June 13, 1942.

KATZ, Lina (née David). Born on July 9, 1904 in Untererthal. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942. She perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

KATZ, Martha. Born on July 29, 1908 in Netra. Deported from Kas‐ sel–Halle on June 1, 1942. She perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

KATZ, Recha (née Kahn). Born on July 3, 1886 in Nieder‐Florstadt.

Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942. She perished in So‐ bibór on June 3, 1942.

KATZ, Sally. Born on November 3, 1887 in Hochstadt. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942. She perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

KATZ, Salomon. Born on July 2, 1879 in Nentershausen. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942. He perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

KATZ, Selma (née Steinberger). Born on December 25, 1879 in Angenrod. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942. She per‐ ished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

KATZ, Siegfried. Born on July 20, 1879 in Korbach. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942. He perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

235

KATZENHEIM, Alfred. Born on June 5, 1882 in Eisleben. Deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942. He perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

KATZENSTEIN, Abraham. Born on May 9, 1884 in Treysa. De‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942. He perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

KEMPNER, Friedrich‐Wilhelm. Born on August 29, 1914 in Berlin.

He was deported from Berlin to the Piaski ghetto on March 28, 1942. He was a member of the Judenrat in Piaski. He was deported to Sobibór in November 1942 where he perished.

KOCH, Johanna. Born on July 18, 1892 in Mainz. She was deported from Mainz –Darmstadt on March 25, 1942 to Piaski. From there she was taken to Sobibór, where she was selected to work in the German kitchen preparing meals for the SS. When Himmler vis‐ ited Sobibór in early 1943, she was removed from this position, as the Nazis feared she might administer poison to the German staff. Her subsequent fate is unknown.

LÖWENSTEIN, Frieda (née Schwarzchild). Born on September 10, 1884 in Massenheim, Germany. She was deported from Frank‐ furt am Main on June 11, 1942.

LÖWENSTEIN, Friederike. Born on August 18, 1872 in Fronhausen, Germany. She was deported from Kassel–Halle on June 3, 1942.

LÖWENSTEIN, Gustav. Born on December 24, 1890 in Diemerode, Germany. He was deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica, Poland. He perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

LÖWENSTEIN, Henriette. Born on June 30, 1879 in Krefeld, Ger‐ many. She was deported from Koblenz–Köln–Düsseldorf on June 15, 1942.

LÖWENSTEIN, Ilse. Born on October 10, 1923 in Idstein, Germany.

She was deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

236

LÖWENSTEIN, Julie. Born on May 29, 1881 in Eisleben, Germany.

She was deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Piaski. She died in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

LÖWENSTEIN, Lilli Lilly. Born on January 13, 1911 in Bydogoszcz, Poland. She was deported from Berlin on June 13, 1942 to Sobibór where she perished.

LÖWENSTEIN, Mathilde, Mathilda (née Rosenthal). Born on November 26, 1887 in Hohebach, Germany. She was deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

LÖWENSTEIN, Minna. Minna Löwenstein, née Cohen, was born on September 7, 1875 in Bocholt, Germany. She was deported from Koblenz–Köln–Düsseldorf on June 15, 1942.

LÖWENSTEIN, Mirjam. Born on April 25, 1889 in Ichenhausen, Germany. She was deported from Koblenz–Köln–Düsseldorf on June 15, 1942.

LÖWENSTEIN, Paula (née Gottschalk). Born on December 6, 1888 in Geilenkirchen, Germany. She was deported from Frank‐ furt am Main on June 11, 1942.

LÖWENSTEIN, Rudolf. Born on February 28, 1898 in Cheb. He was deported from Berlin on June 13, 1942.

LÖWENSTEIN, Selma (née Vogel). Born on March 12, 1891 in Nie‐ der‐Saulheim, Germany. She was deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

LÖWENSTEIN, Selma. Born on November 15, 1895 in Diemerode, Germany. She was deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica. She died in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

LÖWENSTEIN, Wilhelm. Born on December 28, 1882 in Hameln, Germany. He was deported from Koblenz–Köln–Düsseldorf on June 15, 1942.

MARX, Bettina, Babette. Born July 6, 1896 in Wiesbaden, Ger‐ many. She was deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

237

MARX, Elfriede. Born October 2, 1898 in Kassel, Germany. She was deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica. She died in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

MARX, Ella (née Strauss). Born December 4, 1881 in Gollheim, Germany. She was deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

MARX, Emil. Born June 12, 1887 in Seckmauern, Germany. He was deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica. He died in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

MARX, Emilie (née Ackerman) . Born December 23, 1878 in Weyer, Germany. She was deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

MARX, Emilie. Born January 22, 1891 in Gemunden, Germany. She was deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica. She died in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

MARX, Sara (née Barmann). Born May 2, 1855 in Haupersweiler, Germany. She was deported from Koblenz–Köln–Düsseldorf on June 15, 1942.

MARX, Solly, Samuel. Born September 25, 1877 in Biebrich, Ger‐ many. He was imprisoned in Buchenwald Concentration Camp.

He was deported from Frankfurt am Main on May 24, 1942 to Iz‐ bica, Poland. He perished in Sobibór.

NAFTANIAL, Herbert. Born on January 30, 1900 in Thorn, Poland.

He lived in Berlin and was deported from Berlin on March 28, 1942 to Piaski. From Piaski he was sent to Sobibór where he worked at sorting luggage.

In the summer of 1943 he betrayed Governor (Head Kapo) Moshe Sturm, and another Kapo Herbert Siegel, also known as Ra‐ jowiecer, because he came from the Polish town of Rejowiec, and an unknown person. Herbert was commonly known in the camp as ‘Berliner‘ because he lived in Berlin.

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Several weeks before the revolt he was attacked by Kapo‘s Pozycki, Katz (Bunio) and the Austrian Kapo Siegfried Spitz, and he was beaten so badly, he could not walk. Karl Frenzel ordered the Jews to finish him off, as ‘Berliner’ had gone over his head when betraying the Oberkapo and the Kapo’s escape plan to Gus‐ tav Wagner. Poison was mixed with barley and Berliner ate his last meal and his body was burned in Lager III. OSTER, Else. Born on April 21, 1899 in Berlin, Germany. She was deported from Koblenz–Köln–Düsseldorf. She perished in So‐ bibór on June 15, 1942.

OSTER, Julie. Born on April 17, 1938 in Rheinbach, Germany. She was deported from Koblenz–Köln–Düsseldorf. She perished in Sobibór on June 15, 1942.

RAILING, Hugo. Born on May 14, 1886 in Munich, Germany. He was arrested and imprisoned in Dachau Concentration Camp be‐ tween November 10, 1938 until December 12, 1938. Hugo was de‐ ported from Munich to Piaski, Poland on April 3 or 4, 1942. He became a member of the Judenrat in Piaski. He was deported to Sobibór during November 1942, where he perished.

ROSEN, Jacob, Jakob. Born on October 17, 1879 in Bucharest, Ro‐ mania. He was deported from Koblenz–Köln–Düsseldorf on June 15, 1942.

ROSEN, Kate, Käthe (née Neumann). Born on September 11, 1880 in Borent, Poland. She was deported from Berlin on June 13, 1942.

ROSENTHAL, Edith. Born on May 9, 1923 in Neustadt, Germany.

She was deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

ROSENTHAL, Else. Born on August 11, 1906 in Culmsee, Poland.

She was deported from Berlin on June 13, 1942.

ROSENTHAL, Ernst, Samuel. Born on September 1, 1900 in Kon‐ stanz, Germany. He was deported from Koblenz–Köln–Düssel‐ dorf on June 15, 1942. He was deported at first to Izbica, Poland and then onto Sobibór where he perished.

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ROSENTHAL, Friederike (née Lob). Born on September 26, 1872 in Tiefenbach, Germany. She was deported from Koblenz–Köln– Düsseldorf on June 15, 1942.

ROSENTHAL, Georg. Born on October 16, 1907 in Berlin, Ger‐ many. He was deported on June 13, 1942 from Berlin.

ROSENTHAL, Gerda. Born on January 17, 1930 in Wetzlar, Ger‐ many. She was deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

ROSENTHAL, Hans Albert. Born on November 27, 1910 in Munich, Germany. He was deported from Koblenz–Köln–Düsseldorf on June 15, 1942.

ROSENTHAL, Hertha. Born on December 5, 1891 in Halle, Ger‐ many. She was deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942. She perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

ROSENTHAL, Ilse. Born on October 5, 1898 in Mayen, Germany.

She was deported from Koblenz–Köln–Düsseldorf on June 15, 1942.

ROSENTHAL, Karl. Born on March 2, 1880 in Lamstedt. He was deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica, Poland. He died in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

ROSENTHAL, Käthe, Minna. Born on September 9, 1886 in Des‐ sau, Germany. She was deported on June 13, 1942 from Berlin.

ROSENTHAL, Mina (née Heilbronn). Born on June 14, 1883 in Dorndorf, Germany. She was deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

ROSENTHAL, Minna (née Wertheim). Born on March 19, 1892 in Neidenstein, Germany. She was deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica, Poland. She was then sent to Sobibór where she died on June 3, 1942.

ROSENTHAL, Minna (née Gutheim). Born on September 17, 1896 in Ungedanken, Germany. She was deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

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ROSENTHAL, Rosalie (née Hecht). Born on July 2, 1877 in Nessel‐ roden, Germany. She was deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica, Poland. She was then sent to Sobibór where she died on June 3, 1942.

ROSENTHAL, Selma (née Sondheimer). Born on September 27, 1889 in Uttrichshausen, Germany. She was deported from Kassel‐ Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica, Poland. She was then sent to So‐ bibór where she died on June 3, 1942.

ROTH, Auguste (née Rosenblatt). Born on February 6, 1883 in Zimmersrode, Germany. She was deported from Kassel‐Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica, Poland. She was then sent to Sobibór where she died on June 3, 1942.

ROTH, Emil. Born on June 11, 1881 in Solopisk, Germany. He was deported on June 13, 1942 from Berlin.

ROTH, Emilie (née Becker). Born on March 6, 1882 in Rocken‐ hausen, Germany. She was deported on June 13, 1942 from Berlin.

ROTH, Erna (née Grunpeter). Born on January 10, 1904 in Brzenskowitz. She was deported on June 15, 1942 from Koblenz– Köln–Düsseldorf.

ROTH, Hanna, Anna. Born on June 12, 1906 in Sawadka. She was deported on June 13, 1942 from Berlin.

ROTH, Heinrich. Born on August 6, 1894 in Gleiwitz. He was de‐ ported on June 15, 1942 from Koblenz–Köln–Düsseldorf.

ROTH, Inge, Inga. Born on November 15, 1930 in Gleiwitz. She was deported on June 15, 1942 from Koblenz–Köln–Düsseldorf.

SÄNGER, Betty (née Bloch). Born September 9, 1886 in Pillkallen.

She was deported from Koblenz–Köln–Düsseldorf on June 15, 1942.

SÄNGER, Flora. Born December 12, 1884 in Kischewo, Poland. She was deported from Berlin on June 13, 1942.

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SÄNGER, Frieda. Born December 14, 1884 in Czarnikau, Poland.

She was deported from Berlin on June 13, 1942.

SÄNGER, Friedrich, Siegfried, Fritz. Born on September 12, 1891 in Augsburg, Germany. He was imprisoned in Dachau Concen‐ tration Camp between November 10, 1938 and December 15, 1938.

He was deported from Munich on April 3 or 4, 1942 to Piaski, Poland. In Piaski he was appointed to the Judenrat. He was de‐ ported to Sobibór during November 1942 where he perished.

SCHLOSSER, Ernst. Born on January 16, 1884 in Sorgenloch, Ger‐ many. He was deported from Mainz–Darmstadt on March 25, 1942 to Piaski, Poland. A member of the Judenrat in Piaski, he was deported to Sobibór in November 1942 where he perished.

SCHWARZ, Clementine (née Hanau). Born on September 5, 1880 in Kerprichhemmersdorf, Germany. She was deported from Kas‐ sel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica, Poland. She perished in So‐ bibór on June 3, 1942.

SCHWARZ, Elizabeth (née Backhaus). Born on December 23, 1878 in Wittenberg, Germany. She was deported from Kassel– Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica, Poland. She perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

SCHWARZ, Fanny (née Kowler). Born on 5 January,1880 in Niko‐ lajew, Ukraine. She was deported from Frankfurt am Main on 11 June, 1942.

SCHWARZ, Harry. Born on June 8, 1928 in Castellaun, Germany.

He was deported from Koblenz–Köln–Düsseldorf on June 15, 1942.

SCHWARZ, Helene (née Birnzweig). Born on April 1, 1893 in Wiesbaden, Germany. She was deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

SCHWARZ, Irmgard (née Lillenfeld). Born on August 28, 1915 in Ruckingen, Germany. She was deported from Kassel–Halle on

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June 1, 1942 to Izbica, Poland. She perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

SCHWARZ, Leo. Born on February 23, 1897 in Marienthal, Ger‐ many. He was deported from Koblenz–Köln–Düsseldorf on June 15, 1942.

SCHWARZ, Leopold, Leo. Born on March 7, 1916 in Embken, Ger‐ many. He was deported from Koblenz–Köln–Düsseldorf on June 15, 1942 to Izbica, Poland.

SCHWARZ, Lilli (née Forst). Born on October 6, 1904 in Castel‐ laun, Germany. She was deported from Koblenz–Köln–Düssel‐ dorf on June 15, 1942.

SCHWARZ, Lina. Born on May 2, 1885 in Pirmasens, Germany. She was deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica, Poland.

She perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

SCHWARZ, Lina (née Kahn). Born on June 23, 1886 in Ruckershau‐ sen, Germany. She was deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

SCHWARZ, Moritz. Born on October 3, 1879 in Schmelz, Germany.

He was imprisoned in Dachau Concentration Camp between No‐ vember 15, 1938 and December 2, 1938. He was deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942. He died in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

SIMONS, Hans. Born on May 27, 1923 in Köln, Germany. He was deported from Koblenz–Köln–Düsseldorf on June 15, 1942.

SIMONS, Ilse (née Albesheim). Born on March 4, 1913 in Soest, Germany. She was deported from Koblenz–Köln–Düsseldorf on June 15, 1942.

STRAUSS, Adelheid (née Braunschweiger). Born on October 2, 1880 in Burghaun, Germany. She was deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica, Poland. She perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

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STRAUSS, Anna (née Rosenberger). Born on July 26, 1884 in Eschenau, Germany. She was deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica, Poland. She perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

STRAUSS, Anneliese. Born on February 15, 1936 in Herschbach, Germany. She was deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

STRAUSS, Berta. Born on September 19, 1896 in Weinheim, Ger‐ many. She was deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

STRAUSS, Bertha (née Strauss). Born on February 21, 1879 in Steinach, Germany. She was deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

STRAUSS, Berthold. Born on October 7, 1923 in Langenselbold, Germany. He was deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica, Poland. He perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

STRAUSS, Berthold. Born on June 11, 1927 in Fulda, Germany. He was deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica, Poland.

He perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

STRAUSS, Else. Born on January 30, 1897 in Ostrich, Germany. She was deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

STRAUSS, Else. Born on June 12, 1920 in Neiderrodenbach, Ger‐ many. She was deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Iz‐ bica, Poland. She perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

STRAUSS, Emma (née Nussbaum). Born on December 11, 1882 in Weimarschmieden, Germany. She was deported from Kassel– Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica, Poland. She perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

STRAUSS, Fanny (née Strauss). Born on April 7, 1877 in Geisen‐ heim, Germany. She was deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

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STRAUSS, Grete. Born on January 30, 1905 in Geisenheim, Ger‐ many. She was deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

STRAUSS, Gretel. Born on April 11, 1923 in Rod an Berg, Germany.

She was deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

STRAUSS, Hannchen (née Lorge). Born on November 17, 1893 in Harmuthsachsen, Germany. She was deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica, Poland. She perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

STRAUSS, Hanni. Born on January 31, 1920 in Berlin, Germany. She was deported from Berlin on June 13, 1942.

STRAUSS, Henni. Born on October 2, 1907 in Meerholz, Germany.

She was deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica, Po‐ land. She perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

STRAUSS, Hulda (née Eichberg). Born on July 23, 1875 in Bochum, Germany. She was deported from Koblenz–Köln–Düsseldorf on June 15, 1942.

STRAUSS, Irma. Born on February 14, 1895 in Wöllstein, Germany.

She was deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

STRAUSS, Isaak. Born on June 2, 1890 in Niederrodenbach, Ger‐ many. He was deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Iz‐ bica, Poland. He perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

STRAUSS, Karl. Born on April 22, 1876 in Grebenau, Germany. He was deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica, Poland.

He perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

STRAUSS, Liebmann. Born on December 9, 1883 in Schlüchtern, Germany. He was deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica, Poland. He perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

STRAUSS, Lucie. Born on March 28, 1886 in Pirmasens, Germany.

She was deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

STRAUSS, Margarete. Born on April 28, 1899 in Barchfeld, Ger‐ many. She was deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

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STRAUSS, Marie (née Eisenger). Born on October 28, 1877 in Mannheim, Germany. She was deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

STRAUSS, Marie (née Glass). Born on January 30, 1889 in Kat‐ towice, Poland. She was deported from Koblenz–Köln–Düssel‐ dorf on June 15, 1942.

STRAUSS, Martha (née Meyer). Born on January 7, 1887 in Beer‐ felden, Germany. She was deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica, Poland. She perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

STRAUSS, Meier. Born on January 28, 1890 in Sterbfritz, Germany.

He was deported from Koblenz–Köln–Düsseldorf on June 15, 1942.

STRAUSS, Minna (née Plant). Born on December 4, 1878 in Fri‐ elendorf, Germany. She was deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica, Poland. She perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

STRAUSS, Rosa (née Jacob). Born on December 22, 1881 in Hom‐ burg, Germany. She was deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

STRAUSS, Rosa (née Katz‐Stiefel). Born on August 30, 1899 in Ziegenhain, Germany. She was deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942, to Izbica, Poland. She perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

STRAUSS, Rosa. Born on January 5, 1901 in Heerholz, Germany. She was deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942, to Izbica, Po‐ land. She perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

STRAUSS, Sally. Born on December 5, 1899 in Grumbach, Germany.

He was incarcerated in Dachau Concentration Camp between November 15, 1938 and December 19, 1938. He was deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942, to Izbica, Poland. He perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

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STRAUSS, Selma (née Strauss). Born on November 18, 1897 in Herschbach, Germany. She was deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

STRAUSS, Siegfried. Born on August 2, 1923 in Niederrodenbach, Germany. He was deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Izbica, Poland. He died in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

WEISS, Bertha (née Levy). Born on October 6, 1881 in Mainbernheim, Germany. She was deported from Berlin on June 13, 1942.

WEISS, Charlotte (née Hirsch). Born on March 27, 1891 in Halle, Germany. She was deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942.

She perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

WEISS, Erich. Born on March 21, 1886 in Dabrowka, Poland. He was deported from Koblenz–Köln–Düsseldorf on June 15, 1942.

WEISS, Frieda (née Friedman). Born on April 12, 1892 in Rawa Ruska. She was deported from Berlin on June 13, 1942.

WEISS, Grete (née Hendler). Born on March 4, 1886 in Beuthen, Poland. She was deported from Koblenz–Köln–Düsseldorf on June 15, 1942.

WEISS, Mina (née Sonnenberg). Born on February 18, 1888 in Kel‐ sterbach, Germany. She was deported from Frankfurt am Main on June 11, 1942.

WEISS, Theodor. Born on June 4, 1876 in Halle, Germany. He was imprisoned in Sachsenhausen Concentration Camp. He was de‐ ported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942, to Izbica, Poland. He perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

ZUCKER, Chana (née Sockel). Born on September 5, 1877 in Lomza, Poland. She was deported from Kassel‐ Halle on June 1, 1942. She perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

ZUCKER, Sara. Born on July 22, 1917 in Berlin, Germany. She was deported from Berlin on June 13, 1942.

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Sobibór Victims from other European Countries excluding The Netherlands This is a partial listing, in alphabetical order, unless otherwise indi‐ cated. This list has been compiled from survivor testimony either in written accounts or interviews with Holocaust institutions such as The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum (USHMM).

BAJRACH, Abram. Born in Kalisz, Poland. Deported from a ghetto in the Lublin district, together with his brother Max. He was the youngest Kapo in the camp aged seventeen years old but he never beat anyone. This vexed the so‐called Governor–Head Kapo Moshe Sturm, and he was often cruelly beaten by the .SS. One night Abram returned to his barrack after an arduous work‐ ing day, and fell asleep. He did not hear Gustav Wagner’s order to stand up. Wagner furiously beat Abram and then shot him on the spot with his revolver, in front of all those in the barracks, including his younger brother Max. Abram was also known as Fibs.

BAJRACH, Max. The younger brother of Abram. In the camp he worked in the stable. He was severely beaten and sent to Lager III where he was executed for lightly hitting a horse, according to Toivi Blatt.

BLATT, Leon. Leon Blatt a seventeen‐year old member from Izbica, no relation to Toivi Blatt, escaped from the Waldkommando on July 20, 1943. He was caught hiding in the forest and brought back to Sobibór, where he was whipped to death in Lager II by his friend nicknamed ‘Radio.’

BLAU, Adele (née Wallisch). Born on February 18, 1898 in Schaffa, Moravia. She was deported from Vienna to Kielce along with her husband Karl on February 19, 1941. They were deported to Tre‐ blinka in 1942 and have the unique distinction of being the only husband and wife couple allowed to live.

She worked as a cook in the camp until she was taken along with her husband, who was an Oberkapo, to the Sobibór death camp 248

after the prisoner revolt. When the dismantling of the camp was completed in November 1943 she committed suicide with her husband.

BLAU, Karl. Born on February 15, 1892 in Kollersdorf, Austria. He was deported from Vienna to Kielce along with his wife Adele on February 19, 1941. They were deported to Treblinka in 1942 and have the unique distinction of being the only husband and wife couple allowed to live.

He was an Oberkapo in Treblinka, and was much feared. He and his wife were taken to the Sobibór death camp after the prisoner revolt. When the dismantling of the camp was completed in No‐ vember 1943 he committed suicide with his wife.

BOHM, Ernst. Born on December 12, 1893 in Krnov, formerly Ja‐ gerndorf, Sudetenland. He was a member of the Judenrat in Pi‐ aski. He was deported to Sobibór in November, 1942, where he perished.

BRAND, Berek. According to Sobibór survivor Eda Lichtman, Berek perished at Sobibór.

BRAND, Hanka. Hanka Brand was the sister of Eda Lichtman’s hus‐ band. She was deported from Wieliczka together with her par‐ ents Susel and Leon Weissberg in early 1943.

BRESLER, Dr. Szulim. Szulim Bresler from Kolo was a dentist in Lager I and he was in Sobibór with his son Josek. Dr. Bresler gave medical attention to SS‐man Werner Dubois after the revolt on October 14, 1943. He accompanied Dubois to the hospital in Chełm, but did not return and most probably he was executed after delivering his patient.

BRESLER, Jozek. Jozek Bresler was the son of Dr. Bresler from Kolo, as mentioned by Toivi Blatt, as having known him before So‐ bibór, suggests he was one of the Jews from Kolo resettled to Iz‐ bica.

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BRINKER, Motel. Motel Brinker was executed during the after‐ math of the Waldkommando escape on July 20, 1943.

CZEPIK, Kapo. Kapo Czepik was in charge of the Putzers in Camp I. He was active during the revolt. His fate is unknown but it is probable he perished during the revolt.

DRÜCKER, Aron. Born on May 11, 1876. He was deported on Transport 18 from Vienna to Włodawa on April 27, 1942, along with his wife Rosa. He perished in Sobibór.

DRÜCKER, Rosa. Born on January 1, 1886. She was deported on Transport 18 from Vienna to Włodawa on April 27, 1942, along with her husband Aron. She perished in Sobibór.

DRÜCKER‐EHRENFREUND, Gitla. Born in Przemysl, Poland on August 28, 1892. The wife of Martin Samuel Drucker she was murdered in Sobibór on May 28, 1943.

ELBERT, Hugo. Born on October 10, 1913 in Slovenska Lupca, Zvo‐ len, Czechoslovakia. He was transported from Liptovsky on 2 June, 1942 to Sobibór via Włodawa, where he perished.

ENGEL, A locksmith in the camp, who was responsible for killing SS‐Unterscharführer Walter Ryba in the garage during the pris‐ oner revolt on October 14, 1943.

FELDMANN, Else. Born on February 25, 1884 in Vienna, Austria.

From 1912 she was a journalist and one of the founder members of the ‘Vereinigung Sozialkritischer Schriftsteller.‘ Her books were banned by the Nazis after the Anschluss. Else was deported on Transport DA38 from Vienna to Sobibór on June 14, 1942. She perished in Sobibór on June 17, 1942.

FLAJSZHAKIER, Shaul. Shaul Flajszhakier was from Kalisz, Po‐ land. Deported to Sobibór from the Lublin district he was nick‐ named the ‘Negro‘ because of his tanned complexion. He was a kapo in the shoemakers workshop, but was beaten by the SS for not whipping his co‐prisoners.

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He improvised a song on the orders of Gustav Wagner, which described their life in the camp; “Our life is happy here We receive good food How happy, we are in the green forest Where I stay“ Eda Lichtman recalled that Shaul said to her on the night before the uprising on October 13, 1943; “Let us swear that we shall fight, and the young ones will know freedom.“ Then he knelt and kissed the ground, while we were overcome with emotion. Shaul was killed during the uprising on October 14, 1943.

FLEISCHER, Leibl. Leibl Fleischer was remembered by Eda Licht‐ man as a 13‐year old boy with a stammer. He did not survive the uprising.

FRANZ, Kapo. Kapo Franz, surname not known, was a Kapo in La‐ ger III. He was only 18‐ years old and came from Opole. His fate is unknown but in all probability he perished in the camp.

FRIEDBERG, Hans. Born on March 23, 1898, in Karlsruhe. He em‐ igrated to France in 1936. He was deported from Drancy, the transit camp near Paris on March 25, 1943 to Sobibór. It is possi‐ ble that this is the same person mentioned in other accounts by survivors as Alfred Friedberg, who convinced the Nazis he was once employed in a shoe factory in Frankfurt, and was thus se‐ lected to sort the mountains of shoes in Lager II, as left by the victims. Kurt Thomas recalled that he once lanced a boil for him, enabling him to return to work. In return Friedberg had given Kurt some gold coins. His fate is unknown.

GENJEK, Kapo. Was expected to blow the whistle for roll‐call on the day of the revolt. His fate is unknown but he probably per‐ ished in the uprising.

GISELA. An Austrian Jewess, who was thirty‐five years old. She was involved with SS‐ Scharführer Schütt. She was an actress or

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singer, who lived in the kitchen of the forester’s house, along with her niece Ruth. She was shot along with Ruth in Lager III. GOBERMAN, Moshe. Moshe Goberman was killed by the Germans for talking about a revolt according to Moshe Bahir, along with ten others, whose names are not known.

GOLDSTEIN, Schlomo. Schlomo Goldstein worked in the kitchen according to Hershel Cuckierman. He did not survive the revolt.

GOLDSTERN, Eugenie (Jenny). Born on March 1, 1884 in Odessa.

She was an Ethnologist in Vienna. She was deported on Transport DA38 from Vienna to Sobibór on June 14, 1942. She perished in Sobibór on June 17, 1942.

GRINBAUM, Esther. Eda Lichtman recalled that Esther Grinbaum, a very sentimental and intelligent young woman, feared on the night before the uprising that they would all be killed. She per‐ ished during the revolt.

GRINER, CHAIM. Chaim Griner from Izbica was killed by Johann Niemann following the revolt of the Waldkommando on July 20, 1943, as recalled by Thomas (Toivi) Blatt.

GRISHA. Grisha, forename unknown, was a Soviet Prisoner of War, who, on October 9, 1943 was given twenty‐five lashes for chop‐ ping wood in a sitting position, decided to escape with others from the death camp. Pechersky posted some of his men by the latrine by the fence to forcibly stop the escape, which indeed was the case. Grisha did not survive the revolt.

GUTTSMANN, Walther Johann. Born on May 8, 1880 in Berlin. He was deported from Berlin on March 28, 1942 to the Piaski ghetto in Poland. In the Piaski ghetto he was a member of the Judenrat.

He was deported to Sobibór in 1942 where he perished.

HALBERSTADT, Leon. Remembered by Kurt Thomas, the medical orderly, who supplied him with medication and bandages.

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HERZ, Kiewe. Remembered by Kurt Thomas, the medical orderly, who was 20‐years old. His toes were frozen and he could not walk. Wagner had him killed in Lager III on October 11, 1943.

HIRSCHMAN, Kurt. Born on October 26, 1900 in Vienna, Austria.

He was a member of the Piaski Judenrath. He was deported to Sobibór in November 1942, where he perished.

KAHN, Edgar. Born on October 12, 1907 in Merzig, Germany. He fled from Germany in 1935 with all of his family. Edgar was mar‐ ried to Thea Liselotte Salomon. They first gathered in Alençon, Normandy, France, before some relocated to the ‘Free Zone.’

Some members of the family survived the Holocaust, but most of them persished in Auschwitz‐ Birkenau.

Edgar Kahn was arrested in Lavelanet some time around Febru‐ ary 20, 1943, triggered by the killing of two Luftwaffe officers in Paris on February 13, 1943. He was imprisoned in the transit camp at Gurs. On February 26, 1943, ironically the same day his daugh‐ ter was born in Lavelanet, hidden in the attic of the local con‐ vent—he was taken to the Drancy transit camp near Paris. He was deported to Sobibór on Convoy Number 50 on March 4, 1943.

He perished in Sobibór.

KAROLEK. Nicknamed ‘Blind’ Karolek, because he only had one good eye, worked with Thomas (Toivi) Blatt in the incinerator building, burning photographs, documents, letters of the mur‐ dered Jews. He probably perished in the revolt.

KATZ, Benjamin (aka BUNIO), Kapo. He was aged 26, and arrived in the camp during 1942, from Hrubieszow, along with Moishe Sturm. He was selected to be Sturm’s assistant along with Her‐ bert Siegel. He was part of the resistance committee and played a leading role in the prisoner revolt on October 14, 1943. He was a Kapo who supervised a number of Kommandos like the Bahnhofkommando, Waldkommando and the Putzers. He did not survive the prisoner revolt.

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KUPTSHIN, Sasha. A Soviet Prisoner of War who was one of the security team who safeguarded the meetings held by Sasha Pechersky in the women’s barracks. His fate is unknown but he probably perished during the revolt.

LICHTMAN, Berek. According to Eda Lichtman, Berek was fifteen and selected to work in the laundry, whilst the rest of his family perished. He later worked in the kitchen and finally in the shoe‐ makers barracks. When SS‐Scharführer Vallaster was killed dur‐ ing the revolt, Berek helped hide the body and clean the traces of blood. He fell during the revolt, while shooting at the Guards.

LUBARTOWSKA, Helka. A beautiful dark eyed brunette and a close friend of Esther Grinbaum. Her fate is unknown but in all probability she perished during the revolt.

MARUM, Eva Brigitte. Born on July 17, 1919 in Karlsruhe, Germany.

She was the youngest of three children. Her father Ludwig was arrested by the Nazis for anti‐Nazi activity and he died in Kislau Concentration Camp on 29 March, 1934. In April 1934, Eva and her mother emigrated to France.. Her sister obtained tickets to sail to the United States of America, but she could not sail as she was nine months pregnant. She gave birth in Marseille to a boy.

Her son survived the Holocaust because she gave him to a Jewish children’s home in Limoges. She was arrested by the Germans in January 1943 and taken to the camp at Drancy, near Paris. She was deported to Sobibór from Drancy on March 25, 1943. She per‐ ished in Sobibór on March 30, 1943.

MONIEK. Moniek (forename unknown) was promoted to a Kapo when he become the conductor of the choir. He later became the Kapo of the Putzers and was involved in the Underground plan‐ ning the revolt. He perished during the revolt on October 14, 1943.

MORGENSZTERN, Rabbi Mendel. The last Rabbi in the Jewish community of Włodawa, he was a member of the Hassidic dyn‐ asty from Kock. He was deported in the summer of 1942 during 254

the so‐called ‚Children’s Action‘ when only children were sent to Sobibór. Rabbi Morgensztern voluntarily went to the train be‐ cause he wanted to accompany the children.

MUNDEK. Mundek worked in the Tailors workshop and his wife and children perished in Sobibór. Mundek was involved in the murder of Johann Niemann, as he held the new uniform, while Shubayev killed him with an axe. Mundek the hatmaker broke down and stabbed Niemann’s lifeless body with his scissors whilst calling out the names of his wife and children killed in So‐ bibór. He was gagged and put in a closet. He did not survive the revolt.

MUSSENFELD, Muniek. Muniek Mussenfeld was a Polish Jew who worked in the camp bakery. During the uprising he was killed there on October 14, 1943 together with the other bakers, accord‐ ing to Eda Lichtman.

PINES, Joseph. Joseph Pines was recalled by Moshe Bahir at the Eichmann Trial in 1961. He was his friend who had worked with him polishing the SS Officers’ boots and had also worked in the SS Casino with him. He did not survive the revolt on October 14, 1943.

POLISECKI, Mandel. Born in 1895 in Kamionka, Poland. He was the Head of the Judenrat in Piaski. He was deported to Sobibór with his wife Rozalia and daughter Mania to Sobibór in July 1942, where they all perished.

POLISECKI, Mania. Born on November 8, 1919. She worked as a waitress in the Volksküche in the Piaski ghetto. She was deported along with her parents to Sobibór in July 1942, where they all per‐ ished.

POLISECKI, Rozalia. Vice‐President of the ‘Help Committee for Refugees and Poor People‘ in the Piaski ghetto. Deported with her husband and daughter to Sobibór in July 1942, where they all perished.

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POZYCKI, Hersz. The son of Yankel who was a shoemaker and a younger brother to Szymon the Kapo who was heavily involved in the planning and execution of the prisoner revolt. Hersz took part in the killing of SS‐Oberscharführer Rudolf Beckmann, hold‐ ing him in a head‐lock grip whilst Chaim Engel stabbed Beck‐ mann in the chest several times. Hersz grabbed the fallen Nazi’s revolver. He did not survive the revolt.

POZYCKI, Szymon. Described by Dov Freiberg as a boy of twenty‐ something from Warsaw, although Thomas Blatt thought he was aged approximately thirty‐five. He was a Kapo who supervised the Waldkommando. He played a leading role in the murder of Oberkapo Berliner. He also played his part in the planning and execution of the prisoner revolt on October 14, 1943. He perished during the revolt.

RABINOWITZ, Shimon. Remembered by Eda Lichtman who cooked food for the sick in the camp, and this was nearly discov‐ ered by Karl Frenzel.

ROSENTHAL, Hedwig (née Sinshelmer). Born on May 16, 1878, in Worms, Germany. She emigrated to France. She was deported from Drancy, near Paris on 23 March 1943. She died in Sobibór.

ROTTER, Jankiel (Jankus). According to Eda Lichtman he was the nephew of Stanislaw Szmajzner. He was deported with Stanislaw Szmajzner and other family members from Opole Lubelskie in May 1942, and was selected to work as a jeweller. He was selected

by Gustav Wagner to be his Putzer.

Stanislaw Szmajzner wrote in his book ‘Hell in Sobióor’ that he learned some time after his escape from the death camp in the forest that his nephew Jankus and cousin Nojech had died on the day of the revolt against the barbed wire fences, trying to break out from the camp.

Ruth. The 22‐year old niece of Gisela from Austria, who lived in the Forester’s House. She became involved with SS‐Unterscharführer Paul Groth, and many prisoners noticed this had a positive effect 256

on Groth, who was one of the most feared SS men. She was killed in Camp III along with Gisela.

SALZ, Sala. Sala was remembered by Eda Lichtman as a blond with blue eyes, who calmed everyone in the women’s barracks on the eve of the revolt. She was probably killed during the uprising.

SCHWARTZ‐ WALDECK, Professor. From Vienna. He was a Pro‐ fessor at the Fine Arts Academy in Vienna. He specialized in painting landscapes for the SS. His fate is unknown.

SIEGEL, Herbert (aka RAJOWIECER), Kapo. This was the name given to a Kapo who hailed from the Polish town of Rejowiec. He was shot by Frenzel in Lager III, along with Moishe Sturm, Ober‐ kapo, and another Kapo in the summer of 1943 for planning an escape that was aborted. They were betrayed by Kapo Berliner.

SRULEK. He was a baker in the camp. He did not survive the revolt.

STARK, Shaul. According to Eda Lichtmann, he was from Zolkiewka, and he arrived in Sobibór in the same transport as Leon Feldhendler. He was in charge of the geese and he was whipped to death by Frenzel, Bredow, Wagner and Weiss, when a goose died. Just before he died, his last words were, “Avenge, me, comrades, avenge me.”

STURM, Moishe. From Hrubieszow he was approximately 22 years old. He was appointed the Governor / Head Kapo and carried out his duties with zeal. He was murdered by the Germans in the summer of 1943, accused of planning an escape with some of his fellow Kapo’s. He was replaced by ‘Berliner’ who had betrayed him to Frenzel.

SZMAJZNER, Nojech. A cousin of Stanislaw Szmajzner, who was deported to Sobibór from Opole Lubelskie on May 12, 1942. He worked with Stanislaw as a jeweller and later on, selected by Wagner, as a Platzmeister—gathering all the pots, pans and other utensils brought by the Jews to the camp, checking them

257

for hidden valuables. According to Stanislaw Szmajzner he per‐ ished in the revolt on October 14, 1943, against the barbed wire along with his nephew Jankus.

SZPIRO, Mira. She was deported to Sobibór from Siedliszcze. Eda Lichtman, in her statement to Yad Vashem 03/1291 wrote that Mira was a beautiful young woman who was killed during the uprising on October 14, 1943.

TUCHMAN, Zygmund. A seventeen‐year old Kapo, who was trans‐ ferred from Lager II to Lager III because whilst delivering disen‐ fectants to the secret part of the death camp they saw inside La‐ ger III and were not allowed to return.

WEISSBERG, Dr. Leon. Father‐in‐law of Eda Lichtman. He was a Doctor in Wieliczka, Poland. He was deported from there to‐ gether with his wife Susel in early 1943 to Sobibór and he arrived in the death camp wearing his doctor’s clothes. Eda Lichtman saw him for the last time on his way to Lager III. WEISSBERG, Susel. Mother‐in‐law of Eda Lichtman. She was de‐ ported from Wieliczka near Kraków to Sobibór, along with her husband Leon. Eda Lichtman saw her for the last time on her way to Lager III. WIESZUBSKI, Kapo. Remembered by Selma Engel. He took part in the revolt. He was probably killed in the uprising.

Sobibór Victims Deported from The Netherlands Once Heinrich Himmler had decided to deport Jews from the Neth‐ erlands to Sobibór death camp, nineteen transports carrying 34, 314 people between March 2, 1943 and July 20, 1943 left the transit camp in Westerbork for Sobibór. Within these transports, German Jews who had settled in the Netherlands were deported to the death camp along with native born Dutch Jews.

Three major websites have been consulted, which were the Ger‐ man State Bundesarchiv, the database Joodse Digital Monument in 258

the Netherlands, and the Yad Vashem Central Database of Shoah victims. Where it is listed that an individual might have died at So‐ bibór or another camp, then these entries have been omitted.

The listing in this book is not a definitive one, this can be found by visiting the Joodse Digital Monument. What has been included in this book are the biographical details of circa 1% of the total num‐ ber deported. The 340 plus names, should be viewed as a represen‐ tation of those Jews murdered by the Nazis. Those included contain the biographies of Jews deported from the Netherlands, where more information is available. Those names that have not been included are no less important, and they should not be forgotten. It is simply due to insufficient space, and the digital websites that are able to capture all these names may be easily consulted. However, to list a small percentage allows the reader to secure a greater understand‐ ing of their fate in the Sobibór death camp, or indeed the part they played in the history of the death camp, within the pages of this work. What is particularly chilling are the parents and the children deported and murdered together, family after family, with ruthless efficiency, on the same date and time, in Sobibór.

ADLER, Max. Born on January 1, 1864 in Schotmar a.d. Lippe. He was deported from Westerbork on May 4, 1943. He perished along with his wife Emmy on May 7, 1943.

ADLER‐ ENOCH, Emmy. Born on October 19, 1869 in Hannover, Germany. She was deported from Westerbork on May 4, 1943.

She perished along with her husband Max on May 7, 1943.

ADLER‐ HEYMANN, Sophie. Sophie was born on December 31, 1882 in Ahrweiler (Germany). Before the war she lived in Kassel.

In 1938 she settled in Amsterdam, Holland. She perished in So‐ bibór on May 21, 1943.

ASSER, Mathilde. Mathilde Asser was the daughter of Eva and was born in Amsterdam on July 25, 1901. She perished along with her mother on May 28, 1943.

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ASSER, Israel. Israel Asser was the son of Eva Asser and was born in Amsterdam on July 23, 1906. He perished in Sobibór on May 7, 1943.

ASSER‐ VET, Eva. Eva Asser‐Vet was born in Alkmaar, Holland on June 28, 1870. She perished in Sobibór on May 28, 1943.

BACHRACH, Klara. Born on December 27, 1936 in Den Haag, Hol‐ land. She was part of the children’s transport from Vught and she perished in Sobibór on July 2, 1943.

BACHRACH‐SCHWARZENBERGER, Lina. Lina was born on De‐ cember 4, 1872 in Heilbronn, Germany. She settled in Amsterdam and was deported from Westerbork to Sobibór, where she per‐ ished on March 26, 1943.

BLOCH‐WERTHEIMER, Melanie, Erika (née Wertheimer).

Born on July 31, 1871 in Regensburg, Germany. Before the war she settled in Amsterdam, Holland. She was held in Westerbork from March 6, 1943 until March 10, 1943, when she was deported to Sobibór. She perished on March 13, 1943.

BLOK‐ ELIAS, Minna. Minna Blok‐Elias was born on May 29, 1862 in Altona, Germany. She emigrated to Holland and lived in Am‐ sterdam. She died in Sobibór on July 2, 1943.

BORZYKOWSKI, David. Born in Janow, Poland on February 13, 1892. He moved to Amsterdam after the First World War, an up‐ holsterer by profession. He and the rest of his family were de‐ ported to Westerbork on May 26, 1943. On June 1, 1943 he was deported ‘East’ to Sobibór and he was murdered on his arrival on June 4, 1943.

BORZKOWSKI, Herman. Herman, the only son of David and Gitla was born in Amsterdam on October 30, 1927. He was deported to Westerbork on May 26, 1943. On June 1, 1943 he was deported ‘East’ to Sobibór and he was murdered on his arrival on June 4, 1943.

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BORZYKOWSKI‐STROZ, Gitla. Born in Czestochowa, Poland on April 18, 1895. The wife of David Borzykowski, she was deported to Westerbork on May 26, 1943. On June 1, 1943 she was deported ‘East’ to Sobibór along with her husband and other members of the family, including her two daughters and son and she was murdered on her arrival on June 4, 1943.

CATS, Minny, Hanny. Born on March 6, 1920 in Haarlem, Holland.

She lived with her mother Elisabeth Speelman‐Cats, who was born on December 11, 1890. She was gassed on arrival, but Minny was selected to live. She befriended Kurt Thomas, the medical orderly. She perished during the revolt on October 14, 1943.

DALBERG, Julius Jonas. Born on May 21, 1882 in Essentho, Ger‐ many. He was a member of the Jewish Community Council in Kassel until 1933 and redactor of the‚ ‘Jüdische Wochenzeitung für Kassel, Hessen und Waldeck.’ in which he published many arti‐ cles about the Jewish history of Kassel and the surrounding areas.

In September 1933 he was arrested and spent two weeks in the Breitenau Concentration Camp near Guxhagen. After his release he emigrated together with his wife Bella to Amsterdam, Hol‐ land, where he ran a Judaica shop until 1940. He perished in So‐ bibór along with his wife Bella, on July 23, 1943.

DALBERG‐NÜSSBAUM, Bella. Born in Hersfeld, Germany on Jan‐ uary 28, 1883. Until 1933 she lived in Kassel, Germany from where she emigrated with her husband Julius to Amsterdam. She per‐ ished in Sobibór on July 23, 1943.

DEEN, Helga. Born on May 6, 1925 in Stettin. She emigrated with her parents Käthe and Willy Deen in 1934, to Holland, they lived in Tilburg. She was held in Vught transit camp between April to June 1943. She and other members of her family were deported from Westerbork on July 13, 1943. She perished in Sobibór on July 16, 1943.

DEEN, Klaus Gottfried. Born on June 22, 1928 in Stettin. His family emigrated to Holland in 1934 and in the same year he attended 261

the ‘Openbare Lagere School Number 3’ in Tilburg. He later went to the Rijks‐ HBS Koning Wilhelm II also in Tilburg.

In October 1941 he was at the Joods Lyceum in Den Bosch. He was sent to Vught transit camp and was accepted in the carpentry workshop as an apprentice. He was then sent to Westerbork be‐ tween July 3–13, 1943 and he was deported to Sobibór from Westerbork on July 13, 1943. He perished in Sobibór three days later on July 16, 1943.

DEEN, Willy. Born on March 3, 1891 in Tilburg, Holland. After living in Stettin, he returned to Tilburg with his family in 1934. A mem‐ ber of the Jewish Council in Tilburg. He was sent to Vught transit camp, where he was an administrator. He was sent, along with his family, to Westerbork between July 3–13, 1943. He was de‐ ported from Westerbork to Sobibór on July 13, 1943 where he was murdered on July 16, 1943.

DEEN‐WOLF, Käthe. Born on May 20, 1894 in Nuremburg, Ger‐ many. She emigrated with her husband Willy and family to Hol‐ land in 1934. She and other members of her family were deported from Westerbork on July 13, 1943. She perished in Sobibór on July 16, 1943.

DRESDEN, Eva. Born in Amsterdam on June 26, 1937. She died along with her mother Anna, in Sobibór on July 23, 1943. Her fa‐ ther Barend was killed in Auschwitz during 1944.

DRESDEN‐POLAK, Anna. Born in Amsterdam on November 24, 1906. She competed in the 1928 Olympic Games in Amsterdam.

She won a gold medal in the women’s gymnastics team event.

She was murdered in Sobibór along with her daughter Eva, on July 23, 1943.

DRIEDUITE, Alexander. Born on October 27, 1919. He lived and worked in Amsterdam as a Sales Representative. He was married to Mina Drieduite‐Koopman who died in Sobibór a week after him. He perished in Sobibór on July 2, 1943.

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DRIEDUITE, Celine. Born on May 9, 1922. She was the daughter of David and Evelina Drieduite. She perished in Sobibór on July 2, 1943.

DRIEDUITE, David. Born on December 23, 1892. He lived and worked in Amsterdam as a Bank Clerk. He died in Sobibór on July 2, 1943, along with his wife Evelina, son Alexander and daughter Celine.

DRÜCKER, Martin, Samuel. Born in Berlin on May 11, 1889. A mer‐ chant by profession. He emigrated to Holland in December 1936.

He was held from March 25, 1943 until May 24, 1943 in Vught transit camp, before being sent to Westerbork on May 24, 1943.

A day later on May 25, 1943 he was sent on a transport to Sobibór.

He died in Sobibór along with his wife Gitla on May 28, 1943.

DRÜCKER, Ruth. Born on March 4, 1913 in Bengel, Germany, she was the daughter of Abraham and Berta. She emigrated to Hol‐ land in 1933, and lived in Amsterdam. She was held in Westerbork between March 9–17, 1943. She was deported on March 17, 1943 and she was murdered in Sobibór, three days later on March 20, 1943.

EHRENFREUND, Leo Leib. Born on March 2, 1885 in Przemysl, Po‐ land. He lived in Berlin before emigrating to Holland, where they settled in Amsterdam. He perished in Sobibór on May 21, 1943.

EHRENFREUND, Martha (née Rosenstein). Born on November 24, 1883 in Neidenburg, Germany. She lived in Berlin with her husband Leo, before settling in Amsterdam, Holland. She per‐ ished in Sobibór on May 21, 1943.

ELIAS, Frieda. Born on January 6, 1877 in Hamburg, Germany. She emigrated to Holland with her husband Moritz and they lived in Amsterdam. She was deported from Westerbork on March 30, 1943 and she died in Sobibór on April 2, 1943.

ELIAS, Helen. Born on June 6, 1870 in Hamburg, Germany. She em‐ igrated to Holland and lived in Amsterdam. She was deported 263

from Westerbork on March 2, 1943, to Sobibór and she died there, three days later on March 5, 1943.

ELIAS, Moritz. Born on October 16, 1875 in Hamburg, Germany.

With his wife Frieda they emigrated to Holland and settled in Amsterdam. He was deported from Westerbork with his wife Frieda on March 30, 1943 and he died in Sobibór on April 2, 1943.

ELIAS‐FRANK, Bertha (née Frank). Born on June 9, 1871 in Kis‐ singen, Germany. She emigrated to Holland on July 6, 1933 and lived in Amsterdam. She was held in Westerbork from December 3, 1942 until March 10, 1943. She was deported from Westerbork on March 10, 1943 and she died in Sobibór on March 15, 1943.

FEIWEL, Jozef Chaim Benjamin. Born on October 31, 1889 in Tar‐ now, Poland. He lived and worked in Amsterdam as a Merchant.

He died in Sobibór on July 23, 1943, along with his wife Fanny, and son Norbert.

FEIWEL, Norbert. Born on September 8, 1929 in Berlin, Germany.

He was the son of Jozef and Fanny. Deported from Westerbork,, he died in Sobibór on July 23, 1943 along with his parents.

FEIWEL‐NUSSBAUM, Fanny. Born on October 15, 1905 in Munich, Germany. Married to Jozef Feiwel. Deported from Westerbork, she perished in Sobibór on July 23, 1943 along with her husband and son.

FRANK, Antonette (née Stein). Born on September 7, 1894 in Gescher, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on May 25, 1943 and she died in Sobibór on May 28, 1943.

FRANK, Elsa (née Rosenbusch). Born on December 29, 1889 in Dinslaken, Germany. She emigrated to Holland on January 2, 1939. She was deported from Westerbork on March 30, 1943 and she died in Sobibór on April 2, 1943.

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FRANK, Frederik. Born on September 3, 1886 in Gronningen, Hol‐ land. He lived in Bremen until he emigrated to Holland on Janu‐ ary 23, 1933. He was deported from Westerbork on April 6, 1943, and he perished in Sobibór on April 9, 1943.

FRANK, Hans. Born on May 26, 1894 in Quedlinburg, Germany. He emigrated to Holland and he lived and worked in Amsterdam as a Merchant. He was deported from Westerbork on July 20, 1943, and he perished in Sobibór on July 23, 1943.

FRANK, Heinrich Jonas. Born on August 21, 1880 in Köln, Ger‐ many. He emigrated to Holland and he lived and worked in Am‐ sterdam as a Lawyer. He was deported from Westerbork on March 30, 1943 and he perished in Sobibór on April 2, 1943.

FRANK, Helmut. Born on August 24, 1917 in Northeim, Germany.

He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on May 25, 1943 and he perished in Sobibór on May 28, 1943.

FRANK, Ida (née Herzfeld). Born on October 4, 1867 in Berlin, Germany. She died in Sobibór on April 30, 1943.

FRANK, Julie (née Goldschmidt). Born on June 23, 1893 in War‐ burg, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on May 25, 1943 and she perished in Sobibór on May 28, 1943.

FRANK, Julius. Born on February 12, 1873 in Kissingen, Germany.

He emigrated to Holland during August 1939. He was deported from Westerbork on March 23, 1943 and he perished in Sobibor on March 26, 1943.

FRANK, Klara (née Rosenberg). Born on September 30, 1891 in Berlin, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on May 11, 1943 and she perished in Sobibór on May 14, 1943.

FRANK, Kurt. Born on December 7, 1927 in Wittern, Germany. He emigrated to Holland on January 2, 1939. He was deported from

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Westerbork on March 30, 1943 and he perished in Sobibór on April 2, 1943.

FRANK, Leopold. Born on May 6, 1881 in Sankt Wendel, Germany.

He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on July 13, 1943 and he perished in Sobibór on July 16, 1943.

FRANK, Lucie, Rosa (née Jonas). Born on December 31, 1886 in Köln, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on March 30, 1943 and she perished in Sobibór on April 2,1943.

FRANK, Luis, Salomon. Born on October 24, 1911 in Oberhausen, Germany. He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on May 18, 1943 and he perished in Sobibór on May 21, 1943.

FRANK, Olga. Born on March 22, 1888 in Konstanz, Germany. She emigrated to Holland and lived and worked in Amsterdam as a Sales Lady. She was deported from Westerbork on May 25, 1943 and she perished in Sobibór on May 28, 1943.

FRIEDMANN, Benno. Born on June 22, 1921 in Duisburg, Germany.

The son of Jakob and Liebe. He perished in Sobibór on May 14, 1943.

FRIEDMANN, Emil. Born on September 21, 1925 in Berlin, Ger‐ many. The son of Jakob and Liebe. He perished in Sobibór on May 7, 1943.

FRIEDMANN, Jakob Salomon. Born in Rzeszow, Poland on April 28, 1894. He settled in Germany but emigrated to Holland and settled in Amsterdam. He perished in Sobibór on May 21, 1943.

FRIEDMANN, Moritz. Born on May 13, 1930 in Berlin, Germany.

The son of Jakob and Liebe. He perished in Sobibór on May 21, 1943.

FRIEDMANN, Toni. Born on August 18, 1923 in Berlin, Germany.

The daughter of Jakob and Liebe. She perished in Sobibór on May 14, 1943.

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FRIEDMANN‐SONNENBERG, Liebe, Rachela. Born on January 9, 1898 in Lancut, Poland. Wife of Jakob, she lived in Germany, but emigrated to Holland, living in Amsterdam. She died in Sobibór on May 21, 1943.

GEZANG‐GOUDEKET, Florence. Born on September 17, 1908. She was the mother of Koenrad. She perished in Sobibór on April 9, 1943.

GEZANG, Huib Koenrad. Born on January 29, 1942 in Den Haag, Holland, his mother was Florence Gezang‐Goudeket. In October 1942, an abandoned child was taken in by the creche opposite the Hollandsche Schouwburg (Dutch Theatre) in Amsterdam. The little boy was given a name Remi van Dunwijk. When the creche was closed down he was taken to Westerbork and from there he was deported to Sobibór where he perished on May 21, 1943. After the war ended, his true identity became known, his father sur‐ vived the Holocaust.

GODFRIED‐ NUSSBAUM, Margarete, Flora. Born on October 19, 1886 in Hannover, Germany. She was married to Samuel God‐ fried. She died in Sobibór on May 21, 1943 along with her hus‐ band.

HABERMAN, Abraham. Born on April 17, 1929 in Chrzanow, Po‐ land. He lived with his mother and sister in Amsterdam. He died in Sobibór on May 28, 1943.

HABERMAN, Mina. Born on January 6, 1927 in Krakow, Poland. She lived with her mother and brother in Amsterdam. She died in Sobibór on May 28, 1943.

HABERMAN‐JUNGENWIRT, Chaja Malka. Born on October 16, 1893 in Chrzanow, Poland. She lived in Amsterdam with her son and daughter at Ruyschstraat 43. She perished in Sobibór on May 28, 1943.

HAHN, Auguste, Augusta. Born on March 9, 1888 in Auerbach, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from 267

Westerbork on May 25, 1943. She perished in Sobibór on May 28, 1943.

HAMBURGER, Bertha (née Schlachter). Born on October 29, 1873 in Braunsbach, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on July 20, 1943. She died in Sobibór on July 23, 1943.

HAMBURGER, Jessie. Born on April 1, 1877 in London, England.

She died in Sobibór on July 23, 1943.

HAMBURGER, Levie. Born on November 17, 1898 in Maarsseven.

He was the head of the family, and was married to Bertha Ham‐ burger‐ Korn. And they had five children. Levie and his family were deported from Westerbork on June 1, 1943. He perished in Sobibór on June 4, 1943, along with all of his family.

HAMBURGER, Samuel. Born on February 26, 1869 in Colmberg, Germany. He settled in Holland and lived in Winterswijk. He was deported from Westerbork to Sobibór and he perished there on May 14, 1943.

HAMBURGER‐KORN, Bertha. Born on April 30, 1900 in Lichen‐ roth, Germany. She was the wife of Levie and her husband and five children perished in Sobibór on June 4, 1943, having been deported from Westerbork on June 1, 1943.

HAMME, Joel. Born on July 19, 1929 in Den Haag, Holland, the son of David and Branco. In September 1941 he was enrolled in Grade 1 of the municipal commercial secondary school in the Hague. In October 1941, Joel had to transfer to Grade 2a of the Joods Ly‐ ceum. He was deported from Vught to Westerbork on the so‐ called ‘childrens transport.’ He perished in Sobibór on June 11, 1943.

IKENBERG, Isaak. Born on May 8, 1875 in Nieheim. He lived in Gouda. He died in Sobibór on May 7, 1943.

ISRAEL, Isaak. Born on August 18, 1882 in Wietzzno. He lived in Utrecht. He died in Sobibór on July 9, 1943.

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Authors Note: There are numerous entries for Jacob Jacobs so these entries have been listed in order of date of birth: JACOBS, Jacob. Born on July 8, 1859 in Rotterdam. He perished in Sobibór on April 23, 1943.

JACOBS, Jacob. Born on January 30, 1886 in Maasluis. He worked as an Inspector. He perished in Sobibór on April 23, 1943.

JACOBS, Jacob. Born on May 9, 1886 in Amsterdam. He perished in Sobibór on April 16, 1943.

JACOBS, Jacob. Born on July 1, 1899 in Amsterdam. He lived in Am‐ sterdam. He died in Sobibór on April 2, 1943. .

JACOBS‐LAZARUS, Julie. Born on September 21, 1897 in Trier, Ger‐ many. She was the wife of Jacob Jacobs (born March 11, 1895). She perished in Sobibór on June 11, 1943 along with her husband.

JONGH, de, Lea. Born on February 16, 1919 in Amsterdam. She was the daughter of Izaak and Judic, who both perished in Auschwitz Concentration Camp on October 22, 1943. She was a nurse in the Central Jewish Lunatic Asylum in Apeldorn Bos. She perished in Sobibór on July 16, 1943.

JOURGRAU‐FRIEDMANN, Lea. Born on October 5, 1904, in Tar‐ now, Poland. She settled in the Netherlands from Palestine, probably in 1929. She was hiding from the Nazis but was caught and sent to Westerbork. From there she was deported to Sobibór where she was murdered on July 23, 1943.

KATZENSTEIN‐ROSENBLATT, Sophie. Born on July 30, 1870 in Stadthengsfeld, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She died in Sobibór on May 28, 1943.

KEIZER, Louis. Born on September 6, 1904 in Zwolle. He lived and worked in Utrecht as a Merchant. He perished in Sobibór on April 9, 1943.

269

KEIZER‐ HAAS, Rebekka, Born on December 20, 1912 in Almelo.

She was the wife of Louis and she perished in Sobibór on April 9, 1943.

KINDLER, Adolf. Born on July 3, 1899 in Rawa Ruska. He lived and worked in Rotterdam as a Merchant. He perished in Sobibór on May 7, 1943.

KINDLER, Gitta Bronia. Born on June 4, 1929 in Chemnitz, Ger‐ many. She emigrated to Holland. She perished in Sobibór on May 7, 1943.

KINDLER‐KORNFELD, Ides. Born on August 14, 1906 in Warsaw, Poland. She perished in Sobibór on May 7, 1943.

KLEEREKOPER, Elisabeth. Born on October 14, 1928 in Amster‐ dam. She was the daughter of Gerrit and Kaatje Kleerekoper. She perished in Sobibór on July 2, 1943.

KLEEREKOPER, Gerrit. Born on February 15, 1897 in Amsterdam.

He lived and worked in Amsterdam as a Secondary School teacher. Gerrit was the coach of the Dutch women’s gymnastics team during the 1928 Olympics in Amsterdam. He was deported to Sobibór with his wife Kaatje and daughter Elisabeth, and they perished on July 2, 1943. His son Leendert perished in Auschwitz‐ Birkenau in July 1944.

KLEEREKOPER‐OSSEDRIJVER, Kaatje. Born on August 29, 1895 in Amsterdam. She was the wife of Gerrit and had two children, Elisabeth and Leendert. She perished in Sobibór on July 2, 1943.

KLOOT, Jacob. Born on September 20, 1916 in Amsterdam. Jacob was an artist, living and working in Amsterdam. He was also a publisher and the owner of the Corunda on the Keizergracht. He helped people in hiding and arranged meeting venues for Under‐ ground workers by renting apartments. He operated under the alias El Pintor. On May 30, 1943 he was arrested in Leiden and via the prison at Scheveningen and Westerbork, he was deported to Sobibór where he perished on July 2, 1943.

270

KLOOT‐NORDHEIM, Helena. Born on August 1, 1903 in Amster‐ dam. She was the wife of Abraham (born July 28, 1902), and a hairdresser by profession. Helena competed in the 1928 Olympic Games in Amsterdam. She and her team‐mates won a gold medal in the team gymnastics event. She died in Sobibór along with her husband Abraham and daughter Rebecca on July 2, 1943.

KON, Mosiek Markus. Born on January 14, 1878 in Plock, Poland.

He lived and worked in Amsterdam as a Tailor. He perished in Sobibór on July 23, 1943.

KON, Szymon. Born on January 15, 1927 in Plock, Poland. He per‐ ished in Sobibór along with other members of his family, his fa‐ ther Mosiek and mother Chana on July 23, 1943.

KON, Wolf, Majlech. Born on March 14, 1902 in Łódź, Poland. He lived and worked in Amsterdam as a merchant. He perished in Sobibór along with his wife Veronika and son Szymon on May 28, 1943.

KON‐ DYDAKOV, Chana. Born on May 29, 1882 in Biezun, Poland.

She was married to Mosiek Kon. She perished in Sobibór along with her family on July 23, 1943.

KOOPMAN‐PORCELIJN, Clara. Born on June 13, 1885. She was married to Isaac Koopman who perished in Auschwitz. Clara died in Sobibór on March 20, 1943.

KOOPMAN‐VOGEL, Deborah. Born on April 12, 1873 in London, England. She was married to Levie Koopman (born October 31, 1874). She perished in Sobibór along with her husband on May 21, 1943.

KORNFELD, Josef. Born on March 28, 1885 in Nowy Sacs, Poland.

He lived and worked as a Merchant in Amsterdam. He died in Sobibór on April 2, 1943.

LAMPIE, Alida. Born on February 16, 1938 in Amsterdam. She per‐ ished in Sobibór on April 9, 1943, along with other members of her family.

271

LAMPIE, Maurits. Born on December 29, 1905 in Amsterdam. He lived with his family on Vrolikstraat 62 in Amsterdam. He per‐ ished in Sobibór along with his family on April 9, 1943.

LAMPIE, Max. Born on November 20, 1931 in Amsterdam. He per‐ ished in Sobibór on April 9, 1943.

LAMPIE, Miep. Born on November 20, 1930 in Amsterdam. She per‐ ished in Sobibór on April 9, 1943.

LAMPIE‐ POLAK, Mina. Born on January 17, 1908 in Amsterdam.

Wife of Maurits, she lived at Vrolikstraat 62, in Amsterdam. She perished in Sobibór on April 9, 1943, along with other members of her family.

LEVI, Rika. Born on April 8, 1904 in Burg Haslach. She was married to Sally. She perished in Sobibór on June 11, 1943.

LEVI, Sally. Born on March 3, 1893 in Grebenhain. He died in So‐ bibór on March 21, 1943.

LILLENTHAL, Fritz. Born on September 22, 1901 in Ehrenfeld, Ger‐ many. He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on July 13, 1943. He perished in Sobibór on July 16, 1943.

LÖWENSTEIN, Else (née Goldberg). Born on August 11, 1893 in Herford, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on July 6, 1943. She died in Sobibór on July 9, 1943.

LÖWENSTEIN, Emmi (née Posiombka). Born on January 29, 1880 in Siegen, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on July 6, 1943. She died in Sobibór on July 9, 1943.

LÖWENSTEIN, Emmi Renate. Born on February 7, 1925 in Her‐ ford, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on June 6, 1943. She died in Sobibór on June 9, 1943.

272

LÖWENSTEIN, Ernestine (née Ucko). Born on October 27, 1883 in Saarwallingen, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on March 2, 1943. She died in Sobibór on March 5, 1943.

LÖWENSTEIN, Eva Käthe (née Pels). Born on March 22, 1894 in Leer, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on July 20, 1943. She died in Sobibór on July 23, 1943.

LÖWENSTEIN, Franz H. Born on April 6, 1938 in Bocholt, Ger‐ many. He emigrated to Holland on November 27, 1939. He was deported from Westerbork on July 13, 1943. He perished in So‐ bibór on July 16, 1943.

LÖWENSTEIN, Friedrich. Born on July 14, 1888 in Gymnich, Ger‐ many. He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on July 20, 1943. He perished in Sobibor on July 23, 1943.

LÖWENSTEIN, Hannelore. Born on December 7, 1924 in Lau‐ fenselden, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was de‐ ported from Westerbork to Sobibór. She died in Sobibór on No‐ vember 30, 1943.

LÖWENSTEIN, Hedwig, Hannchen (née Katz). Born on May 16, 1870 in Aachen, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was de‐ ported from Westerbork on July 20, 1943. She died in Sobibór on July 23, 1943.

LÖWENSTEIN, Henriette (née Rosenberg). Born on January 1, 1881 in Mühlbach, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on March 10, 1943. She perished in Sobibór on March 13, 1943.

LÖWENSTEIN, Hugo . Born on September 4, 1894 in Eger. He em‐ igrated to Holland on October 31, 1933. He was deported from Westerbork on July 6, 1943. He perished in Sobibór on July 9, 1943.

273

LÖWENSTEIN, Ida (née Meyer). Born on November 8, 1868 in Gü‐ tersloh, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on March 17, 1943. She died in Sobibór on March 20, 1943.

LÖWENSTEIN, Inge. Born on October 15, 1923 in Hannover, Ger‐ many. She emigrated to Holland on January 4, 1939. She was de‐ ported from Westerbork on June 8, 1943. She died in Sobibór on June 11, 1943.

LÖWENSTEIN, Jette (née Rindskopf). Born on October 23, 1873 in Rappenau, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was de‐ ported from Westerbork on July 20, 1943. She died in Sobibór on July 23, 1943.

LÖWENSTEIN, Julius. Born on July 13, 1883 in Berlin, Germany. He emigrated to Holland on May 23, 1939. He was deported from Westerbork on March 30, 1943. He perished in Sobibór on April 2, 1943.

LÖWENSTEIN, Julius. Born on October 9, 1894 in Bocholt, Ger‐ many. He emigrated to Holland on November 27, 1939. He was deported from Westerbork on July 13, 1943. He perished in So‐ bibór on July 16, 1943.

LÖWENSTEIN, Karoline. Born on June 12, 1895 in Hochheim, Ger‐ many. She emigrated to Holland on July 1, 1939. She was deported from Westerbork on June 1, 1943. She died in Sobibór on June 4, 1943.

LÖWENSTEIN, Klara (née Krause). Born on September 14, 1903 in Darmstadt, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was de‐ ported from Westerbork on April 27, 1943. She died in Sobibór on April 30, 1943.

LÖWENSTEIN, Leopold. Born on June 28, 1905 in Frankfurt am Main, Germany. He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on March 30, 1943. He perished in Sobibór on April 2, 1943.

274

LÖWENSTEIN, Maria Anna (née Simon). Born on January 3, 1866 in Lechenich, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was de‐ ported from Westerbork on March 10, 1943. She died in Sobibór on March 13, 1943.

LÖWENSTEIN, Martha (née Eichenwald). Born on January 29, 1890 in Borghorst, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on April 27, 1943. She died in Sobibór on April 30, 1943.

LÖWENSTEIN, Otto. Born on September 2, 1889 in Belecke, Ger‐ many. He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on March 2, 1943. He perished in Sobibór on March 5, 1943.

LÖWENSTEIN, Paula. Born on September 8, 1887 in Geldern, Ger‐ many. She died in Sobibór on May 28, 1943.

LÖWENSTEIN, Rosa (née Eis). Born on August 18, 1912 in Bingen, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on July 20, 1943, along with her husband Kurt. She died in Sobibór on July 23, 1943.

LÖWENSTEIN, Selma (née Hes). Born on July 7, 1895 in Pa‐ penburg, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on March 2, 1943. She died in Sobibór on March 5, 1943.

LÖWENSTEIN, Siegfried. Born on March 16, 1906 in Ibbenburen, Germany. He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on April 27, 1943. He perished in Sobibór on April 30, 1943.

LUSTBADER‐PRESSER, Leja. Born on June 29, 1885 in Ciezkowicz, Poland. She emigrated with her daughter Helene from Vienna to the Netherlands. She perished in Sobibór on April 9, 1943.

MANUSKOWSKI, Wolf. Born on April 20, 1857 in Bialystok, Po‐ land. He perished in Sobibór on April 16, 1943.

275

MAR, De La GRAANBOOM, Esther. Born on June 16, 1867 in Brus‐ sels, Belgium. She lived alone in Utrecht. She perished in Sobibór on July 2, 1943.

MARX, Berta, Bertha, Berthel, Betty (née Gros). Born on July 18, 1870 in Bruchsal, Germany. She emigrated to Holland on August 2, 1939. She was deported from Westerbork on July 20, 1943. She perished in Sobibór on July 23, 1943.

MARX, Charlotte, (née Heilbronn). Born on April 25, 1909 in Köln, Germany. She emigrated to Holland on August 2, 1939. She was deported from Westerbork on July 20, 1943. She perished in Sobibór on July 23, 1943.

MARX, Erich. Born on November 18, 1910 in Vechta, Germany. He emigrated to Holland on April 19, 1938. He was deported from Westerbork on May 18, 1943. He perished in Sobibór on May 21, 1943.

MARX, Erna. Born on July 25, 1900 in Waldaubersheim, Germany.

She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork to Sobibór on March 23, 1943. She perished in Sobibór on March 26, 1943.

MARX, Gerda. Born on October 25, 1931 in Buren, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on July 20, 1943. She perished in Sobibór on July 23, 1943.

MARX, Julie, Julia (née Gudenberg). Born on October 9, 1881 in Luchtringen, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was de‐ ported from Westerbork on March 2, 1943. She perished in So‐ bibór on March 5, 1943.

MARX, Kurt. Born on January 14, 1912 in Vechta, Germany. He em‐ igrated to Holland on April 19, 1938. He was deported from Westerbork on May 4, 1943. He perished in Sobibór on May 7, 1943.

276

MARX, Ludwig. Born on September 8, 1873 in Heilbronn, Germany.

He emigrated to Holland during September 1939. He was de‐ ported from Westerbork on July 20, 1943. He perished in Sobibór on July 23, 1943.

MARX, Rosa (née Rosenhelm). Born on January 7, 1875 in Krombach, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was de‐ ported from Westerbork on July 20, 1943. She perished in Sobibór on July 23, 1943.

MARX, Ruth. Born on January 3, 1927 in Linz, Austria. She emi‐ grated to Holland from Bochum. She was deported from Westerbork on May 25, 1943. She perished in Sobibór on May 28, 1943.

MARX, Samuel. Born on June 8, 1894 in Freudenthal, Germany. He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on July 20, 1943. He perished in Sobibór on July 23, 1943.

MARX, Siegfried. Born on July 22, 1879 in Reichenbach, Germany.

He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on March 2, 1943. He perished in Sobibór on March 5, 1943.

MORPURGO, David. Born on July 11, 1899 in Amsterdam. He lived and worked in Amsterdam as a shipping agent. He perished in Sobibór on July 23, 1943.

MORPURGO‐ MORPURGO, Sara. Born on February 8, 1909 in Amsterdam. Married to David. She perished in Sobibór on June 11, 1943.

MÜLLER, David. Born on February 26, 1895 in Deventer. He per‐ ished in Sobibór on July 2, 1943.

MÜLLER, Izaak. Born on May 29, 1935 in Deventer. He perished in Sobibór on July 2, 1943.

NOL, Abraham. Born on November 2, 1919 in Uitgeest, Holland. He lived in Amsterdam at Linnaeuskade 14, he worked as a Book‐ Keeper. He was arrested along with his cousin Richard Nol on May 18, 1942 during an aborted escape by fishing boat to England 277

at Ijmuiden. After spells in prison he was transferred to Westerbork. He was deported from there, along with Richard to Sobibór and he perished on May 21, 1943. His Red Cross notifica‐ tion of death is included in the document section of this book.

NOL, Mozes, Richard. Born on November 8, 1920 in Amsterdam.

He was a pupil at the First Montessori School in Amsterdam. He produced drawings from models. He tried to escape with his cousin Abraham in a boat to England, but was arrested at Ijmuiden on May 18, 1942. He was taken to the convict prison at Scheveningen and from there to the Groot Seminarie Haaren, the prison on Gansstraat in Utrecht. He was deported to the Sobibór death camp from Westerbork. He perished in Sobibór on May 21, 1943.

NORD, Joseph. Born on June 26, 1930 in Zwolle, Holland. He was deported to Sobibór from Westerbork, on the so‐called Childrens Transport. He perished in Sobibór on June 11, 1943.

NORD, Mozes. Born on April 22, 1937 in Zwolle, Holland. He was deported to Sobibór from Westerbork, on the so‐called Childrens Transport. He perished in Sobibór along with his brother Joseph on June 11, 1943.

NORD, Rachel. Born on December 13, 1923 in Den Haag, Holland.

She was the daughter of Mozes and Jeanetta Nord. She worked in October 1941 as a Seamstress with the lingerie –and ready – made clothing company SIDVA (Simon de Vries Ateliiers) in Am‐ sterdam. She commenced working there in 1939. She perished in Sobibór on April 30, 1943.

NORDEN, Alexander. Born on October 10, 1875 in Hamburg, Ger‐ many. In 1938 he was incarcerated in Fuhlsbüttel Concentration Camp and upon release he emigrated to Holland, where he lived and worked in Amsterdam. He perished in Sobibór on July 23, 1943, along with his wife Caroline.

NORDEN, Betsy. She was born on December 27, 1926 in Den Haag, Holland. She was the grand‐daughter of the Conductor, Simon 278

Jacob Henrique de La Fuente and the soprano, Frederike Stre‐ letskie. She perished in Sobibór on April 30, 1943.

NORDEN, Caroline (née Mindus). Born on October 12, 1885 in Jemgrun, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported along with her husband Alexander, from Westerbork on July 20, 1943. She perished along with her husband on July 23, 1943.

NORDEN, Hartog. Born on January 15, 1929, his mother was Beile Norden‐Korn. He was deported from Vught to Westerbork on the so‐called Childrens Transport and he perished in Sobibór on June 11, 1943.

NORDEN, Henni Sophie. Born on February 15, 1923 in Zwolle. She worked in Veenendaal as a Domestic Servant for a Jewish family that survived the war. She perished in Sobibór on May 28, 1943.

NORDEN, Henriette (née Jacob). Born on January 15, 1860 in Dinslaken, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was de‐ ported from Westerbork on July 20, 1943. She perished in Sobibór on July 23, 1943.

NORDEN, Johanna (née Bachrach). Born on June 2, 1881 in Ham‐ burg, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on July 20, 1943. She perished in Sobibór on July 23, 1943.

NUNEZ‐VAS, Jacob. Born on September 20, 1906 in Amsterdam. He was known as Jaap and lived and worked in Amsterdam with his wife. He worked as a Journalist after completing secondary school education. He joined the Onafhankelijke Socialistische Partij (OSP). At first he worked for the Vaz Dias press agency.

Later he joined the ANP, where he was fired for being Jewish. He then did translations and wrote a booklet on aviation.

The first meeting of the resistance group Parool editorial board was held in his room on the Keizersgracht. He served on the ed‐ itorial board and eventually became the executive editor and wrote leading articles. During a search, his hiding place was dis‐ covered. On October 25, 1942 he was arrested in Wageningen.

279

From the Scheveningen convict prison he was deported to Westerbork and from there to Sobibór. He perished in Sobibór on March 13, 1943.

NÜSSBAUM, Benjamin. Born on November 1, 1897 in Tarnobrzeg, Poland. He lived and worked in Den Haag as a Shop‐Owner. He died in Sobibór on May 28, 1943 along with his family.

NÜSSBAUM, Betty, Amanda. Born on September 15, 1881 in Han‐ nover, Germany. She perished in Sobibór on May 21, 1943.

NÜSSBAUM, Hannelore. Born on October 21, 1929 in Abterode, Germany. She died in Sobibór on July 16, 1943.

NÜSSBAUM, Hulda. Born on January 4, 1891 in Bad Hersfeld, Ger‐ many. She died in Sobibór on July 9, 1943.

NÜSSBAUM, Maier Wolf. Born on February 10, 1874 in Fulda, Ger‐ many. He died in Sobibór on May 28, 1943.

NÜSSBAUM, Markus. Born on May 10, 1869 in Neukirchen, Ger‐ many. He perished in Sobibór on July 23, 1943.

NÜSSBAUM‐GOLDSCHMIDT, Hanchen. Born on December 5, 1873 in Heubach, Germany. She was married to Markus Nuss‐ baum. She perished in Sobibór on July 23, 1943, along with her husband.

NÜSSBAUM‐GOLDSCHMIDT, Johanna. Born on January 23, 1882 in Sterbfritz, Germany. She was married to Maier Wolf Nuss‐ baum. She died in Sobibór along with her husband on May 28, 1943.

OSTER, Raphael, Rafael. Born on February 10, 1856 in Alpen, Ger‐ many. He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork to Sobibór where he perished on May 14, 1943.

OSTER, Rosalia, Rosalie (née Windmüller). Born on February 24, 1866 in Beckum, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork and died in Sobibór on May 21, 1943.

280

PENHA, de la, David. Born on August 12, 1909 in Amsterdam. He perished in Sobibór along with his wife Judith and young daugh‐ ter Leah on July 9, 1943.

PENHA, Elias (Eddy). Born on January 24, 1912 in Amsterdam. He was the husband of Mirjam Penha‐Blits who survived by being transferred out of Sobibór to work elsewhere. He perished in So‐ bibór on March 13, 1943.

PENHA, de la, Judith. Born on September 27, 1903 in Amsterdam.

A Tailor by profession in Amsterdam. She perished in Sobibór on July 9, 1943, along with her husband David and daughter Leah.

PENHA, de la, Leah, Judith. Born on May 11, 1937 in Amsterdam.

She was the daughter of David and Judith. She perished in So‐ bibór on July 9, 1943. Her metal name tag was discovered by the archeologists Yoram Haimi and Wojciech Mazurek at the site of the former death camp.

POPPERT, Erich, Karl. Born on April 20, 1912 in Dortmund, Ger‐ many. He emigrated to Holland and lived in Zaandam. He was deported from Westerbork and perished in Sobibór on May 1, 1943.

POPPERT, Walter, Michel. Born on March 26, 1914 in Dortmund, Germany. He emigrated to Holland. He was married to Gertrud Poppert née Schonborn (Luka) and lived and worked in Amster‐ dam as a Clothing Contracting Dealer. At Sobibór he was selected to work and was a Kapo in the Waldkommando. He is listed as having perished there on October 31, 1943.

PRESSER, Kitty. Born on March 26, 1928 in Amsterdam. She was deported from Vught to Westerbork and on to Sobibór on the so‐ called Childrens Transport. She died in Sobibór on June 11, 1943.

PRESSER, Simon. Born on December 29, 1930 in Amsterdam. He was deported from Vught to Westerbork and on to Sobibór on the so‐called Childrens Transport. He died in Sobibór on June 11, 1943.

281

REITER, Frieda (née Keh). Born on August 21, 1878 in Bagienica.

She emigrated to Holland along with her husband Moritz on Au‐ gust 5, 1939. She was deported from Westerbork on April 27, 1943 and she perished in Sobibór on April 30, 1943.

REITER, Moritz, Moses. Born on July 17, 1869 in Popielniki. He em‐ igrated to Holland along with his wife Frieda on August 5, 1939.

He was deported from Westerbork on April 27, 1943 and he per‐ ished in Sobibór on April 30, 1943, along with his wife.

REITER, Moses, Karl. Born on September 6, 1926 in Karlsruhe, Germany.He emigrated to Holland on May 16, 1936. He was de‐ ported from Westerbork on July 20, 1943 and he perished in So‐ bibór on July 23, 1943.

ROSEN, Hella. Born on August 12, 1935 in Berlin, Germany. She em‐ igrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on June 8, 1943. She perished in Sobibór on June 11, 1943.

ROSEN, Margarete, Marianne (née Susskind). Born on May 10, 1904 in Stuttgart, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on June 8, 1943. She perished in So‐ bibór on June 11, 1943.

ROSENTHAL, Calman, Carl. Born on February 12, 1865 in Haaren, Germany. He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on May 4, 1943 and he died in Sobibór on May 7, 1943.

ROSENTHAL, Emma (née Segall). Born on August 20, 1875 in Gel‐ senkirchen, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was de‐ ported from Westerbork on April 6, 1943. She perished in Sobibór on April 9, 1943.

ROSENTHAL, Frieda (née Hernberg). Born on April 27, 1885 in Allenstein, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was de‐ ported from Westerbork on March 23, 1943. She perished in So‐ bibór on March 26, 1943.

282

ROSENTHAL, Gustav. Born on February 1, 1868 in Wattenschied, Germany. He emigrated to Holland in 1938. He was deported from Westerbork on July 20, 1943 and he died in Sobibór on July 23, 1943.

ROSENTHAL, Hugo. Born on August 19, 1882 in Wollin, Germany.

He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on April 27, 1943 and he died in Sobibór on April 30, 1943.

ROSENTHAL, Ide (née Schonenberg). Born on February 15, 1878 in Dortmund, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was de‐ ported from Westerbork on July 20, 1943. She died in Sobibór on July 23, 1943.

ROSENTHAL, Isidor. Born on July 29, 1875 in Haynau, Germany.

He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on March 23, 1943 and he died in Sobibór on March 26, 1943.

ROSENTHAL, Karl. Born June 26, 1866 in Stuttgart, Germany. He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on April 13, 1943. He died in Sobibór on April 16, 1943.

ROSENTHAL, Kurt. Born July 29, 1873 in Winzig, Germany. He em‐ igrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on June 29, 1943. He died in Sobibór on July 2, 1943.

ROSENTHAL, Marie (née Ganz). Born on January 18, 1905 in Wies‐ baden, Germany. She emigrated to France and then to Holland.

She was deported from Westerbork on July 6, 1943. She died in Sobibór on July 9, 1943.

ROSENTHAL, Minna (née Lob). Born on December 1, 1856 in Il‐ vesheim, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on July 20, 1943. She died in Sobibór on July 23, 1943.

ROSENTHAL, Robert. Born on April 9, 1888 in Wetzlar, Germany.

He emigrated to France and then to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on July 6, 1943. He died in Sobibór on July 9, 1943.

283

ROSENTHAL, Rosalie. Born on November 15, 1886 in Lage, Ger‐ many. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on May 11, 1943. She died in Sobibór on May 14, 1943.

ROSENTHAL, Samuel. Born on November 15, 1861 in Bergen, Ger‐ many. Emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on March 30, 1943. He died in Sobibór on April 2, 1943.

ROSENTHAL, Sofie (née Schloss). Born on February 16, 1878 in Stuttgart, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on April 13, 1943. She died in Sobibór on April 16, 1943.

ROSENTHAL, Sophie (née Löwenstein). Born on June 19, 1862 in Ems, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on April 27, 1943. She died in Sobibór on April 30, 1943.

SALOMONSON, Friedrich. Born on December 16, 1897 in Nord‐ horn, Germany. He lived in Hardenberg. He perished in Sobibór on May 21, 1943.

SALOMONSON, Hanni, Bertel. Born on February 29, 1932 in Nordhorn, Germany. She lived at Stationstraat Hardenberg. She perished in Sobibór on May 21, 1943.

SALOMONSON, Lion. Born on July 7, 1930 in Osnabruck, Ger‐ many. He lived at Stationstraat Hardenberg, along with his sister Hanni. He perished in Sobibór on May 21, 1943.

SALOMONSON, Rosalie, Johanna. Born on June 11, 1887 in Denekamp. She was a domestic servant. She perished in Sobibór on March 20, 1943.

SALOMONSON‐PHILIPS, Esther. Born on March 25, 1895 in Win‐ terswijk. She lived in Hardenberg. She perished in Sobibór on May 21, 1943.

SCHELVIS, Marie. Born on February 28, 1934 in Amsterdam. She was deported from Vught to Westerbork on the so‐called Chil‐ drens Transport. She perished in Sobibór on June 11, 1943.

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SCHELVIS‐BORZYKOWSKI, Rachel. Born on March 2, 1923 in Amsterdam. She worked and lived in Amsterdam as a Seam‐ stress. She was married to Jules Schelvis and they were deported from Westerbork on June 1, 1943. She was sent to the gas cham‐ bers and murdered on June 4, 1943, whilst Jules Schelvis was sent to Dorohucza and he survived the war and wrote a book on So‐ bibór.

SCHELVIS, Rebecca. Born on January 24, 1915 in Amsterdam. She was engaged to Raphael (Felix) Ensel, who was arrested in a raid during February 1941, a couple of days before they were due to be married. Following this she lived with her in‐laws to be at Kru‐ gerplein 36 II. One day in September 1942, she came home to find the house empty, because the entire family had been taken away.

She then moved in with her older brother Mozes and his wife.

She was arrested in March 1943, but thanks to the efforts of her boss, (she was a Seamstress), she was released the next day from the Hollandsche Schouwburg, which was a holding centre for de‐ portees. Arrested again, she was deported to Sobibór where she perished on May 28, 1943.

SCHLOSSER, Alfred. Born on December 1, 1925 in Ahaus, Germany.

He emigrated to Holland where he lived and worked in Stad Delden as an Assistant Fitter. He was deported from Westerbork on May 4, 1943 and he perished in Sobibór on May 7, 1943.

SCHLOSSER, Jettchen (née Marx). Born on July 11, 1883 in Schries‐ heim, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on June 1, 1943 and she perished in Sobibór on June 4, 1943.

SCHLOSSER, Karoline. Born on July 20, 1879 in Ahaus, Germany.

She perished in Sobibór on May 7, 1943.

SCHLOSSER, Levi. Born on December 18, 1876 in Den Ham, Hol‐ land. He settled in Germany, but returned to Holland where he lived and worked in Den Ham as a Merchant. He was deported

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from Westerbork on June 1, 1943 and he perished in Sobibór on June 4, 1943.

SCHMIDT, Erna. Born on September 8, 1928 in Oberhausen, Ger‐ many. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on May 18, 1943 and she perished in Sobibór on May 21, 1943.

SCHMIDT, Johana, Lewida (née Bachararch). Born on Septem‐ ber 9, 1890 in Lippstadt, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on May 18, 1943 and she perished in Sobibór on May 21, 1943.

SCHMIDT, Naftali, Naphtali. Born on September 18, 1914 in Köln, Germany. He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on April 27, 1943 and he perished in Sobibór on April 30, 1943.

SCHMIDT, Salomon. Born on April 23, 1887 in Tarnow, Poland. He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on May 18, 1943 and he perished in Sobibór on May 21, 1943.

SCHMIDT, Wita. Born on January 27, 1926 in Oberhausen, Ger‐ many. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on May 18, 1943 and she perished in Sobibór on May 21, 1943.

SCHRIJVER, Betje. Born on June 18, 1929 in Amsterdam. She was deported from Vught to Westerbork on the so‐called Children’s Transport. She perished in Sobibór on June 11, 1943.

SCHRIJVER, Joseph, Nardus. Born on May 30, 1911 in Amsterdam.

He lived and worked in Scheveningen as an Office Clerk. He mar‐ ried Carla Okker at Westerbork transit camp on April 24, 1943.

He perished in Sobibór on April 30, 1943.

SCHULZ, Anna (née Haas). Born on August 16, 1890 in Bingen, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on May 4, 1943 and she perished in Sobibór on May 7, 1943.

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SCHULZ , Emil. Born on February 9, 1879 in Frankenthal, Germany.

He emigrated to Holland on July 3, 1936. He was deported from Westerbork on May 4, 1943 and he perished in Sobibór on May 7, 1943.

SCHWARZ, Bertha, Irma. Born on January 17, 1901 in Frankfurt am Main. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on May 18, 1943 and she died in Sobibór on May 21, 1943.

SCHWARZ, Ellen. Born on June 25, 1908 in Kamberg, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on April 13, 1943 and she died in Sobibór on April 16, 1943.

SCHWARZ, Emma. Born on August 24, 1887 in Blatzheim, Ger‐ many. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on May 25, 1943, and she died in Sobibór on May 28, 1943.

SCHWARZ, Herbert. Born on August 18, 1905 in Köln, Germany.

He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on June 1, 1943, and he died in Sobibór on June 4, 1943.

SCHWARZ, Levi. Born on March 30, 1859 in Raesfeld, Germany. He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on May 25, 1943, and he died in Sobibór on May 28, 1943.

SCHWARZ, Lucia, Bella (née Netter). Born on January 15, 1886 in Frankfurt am Main, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on June 29, 1943, and she died in So‐ bibór on July 2, 1943.

SCHWARZ, Mathilde (née Rosenbaum). Born on April 9, 1869 in Borken, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on April 27, 1943, and she died in Sobibór on April 30, 1943.

SCHWARZ, Moritz. Born on February 29, 1872 in Bonn, Germany.

He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on March 10, 1943, and he died in Sobibór on March 13, 1943.

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SELIGMANN, Jacob, Moritz. Born on July 25, 1884 in Hamburg, Germany. He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on May 18, 1943, and he died in Sobibór on May 21, 1943.

SIMONS, Ernestine (née Blum). Born on October 27, 1893 in Lud‐ wigshafen, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was de‐ ported from Westerbork on July 20, 1943, and she died in Sobibór on July 23, 1943.

SIMONS, Ida (née Rosenberg). Born on November 14, 1881 in Verviers, Belgium. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on July 20, 1943, and she died in Sobibór on July 23, 1943.

SIMONS, Jenni (née Gans). Born on April 29, 1892 in Wisch, Ger‐ many. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on May 4, 1943, and she died in Sobibór on May 7, 1943.

SIMONS, Johanna (née Lehman). Born on January 24, 1885 in Wiesloch, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on April 13, 1943, and she died in Sobibór on April 16, 1943.

SIMONS, Johanna, Annelise (née Woudstra). Born on November 29, 1909 in Lunen, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on June 29, 1943, and she died in So‐ bibór on July 2, 1943.

SIMONS, Julchen (née Hochheimer). Born on August 28, 1881 in Sogel, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on May 4, 1943, and she died in Sobibór on May 7, 1943.

SIMONS, Max. Born on July 3, 1901 in Burgsteinfurt, Germany. He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on April 13, 1943, and he died in Sobibór on April 16, 1943.

288

SIMONS, Paul. Born on January 17, 1876 in Neus, Germany. He em‐ igrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on July 20, 1943, and he died in Sobibór on July 23, 1943.

SIMONS, Rebecca. Born on May 18, 1910 in Amsterdam. She per‐ ished in Sobibór on June 11, 1943 along with her two sons, Louis and Salomon.

SLIER, Eliazar. Born on March 26, 1890 in Amsterdam. He worked as a Typographer for the Liberal newspaper Algemeen Han‐ delsblad in Amsterdam. He was the father of Philip Slier, the sub‐ ject of the book ‘Hidden Letters.’ He perished in Sobibór on June 4, 1943.

SLIER, Elisabeth, Anna. Born on May 6, 1930 in Amsterdam. She perished in Sobibór on April 9, 1943.

SLIER, Henri. Born on January 16, 1929 in Zandvoort. He perished in Sobibór on April 9, 1943.

SLIER, Joseph. Born on April 9, 1885 in Amsterdam. He worked as a Sales Representative in Amsterdam. He perished in Sobibór on April 9, 1943.

SLIER, Leentje. Born on September 18, 1926 in Rotterdam. She worked as a Domestic Servant in Leiden. She perished in Sobibór on April 23, 1943.

SLIER, Meijer. Born on December 27, 1888 in Amsterdam. He lived and worked in Amsterdam as a Diamond Worker. He perished in Sobibór on July 16, 1943.

SLIER, Mozes. Born on November 16, 1893 in Amsterdam. He was employed by the Asscher Company in Amsterdam as a Diamond Sawyer. On February 11, 1943 he was interned in the Vught camp and on June 7, 1943 he was sent to Westerbork. A day later he was deported from Westerbork to Sobibór where he perished on June 11, 1943.

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SLIER, Philip. Born on December 4, 1923 in Amsterdam. He lived and worked in Amsterdam as a Typographer. He was incarcer‐ ated in the Molengoot Labor Camp and letters that he wrote were published in a number of books including ‘Hidden Letters’ which was published in 2007. He perished in Sobibór on April 9, 1943.

SLIER‐PLAS, Anna. Born on August 26, 1891. She had a stall selling fabrics and ornaments at the Nieuwmarkt in Amsterdam with her husband Jonas, who perished in Auschwitz. She perished in Sobibór on June 4, 1943.

SLIER‐ SALOMONSON, Saline. Born on March 14, 1890 in Denekamp. She was married to Eliazer and they had a son Philip.

She perished in Sobibór, along with her husband on June 4, 1943.

SLIER‐ VlEESCHHOUWER, Catharina. Born on June 28, 1898 in Amsterdam. She was married to Joseph and they had a son Philip.

She perished in Sobibór on April 9, 1943.

SLUIJZER, Levie. Born on November 3, 1916 in Amsterdam. He married Serline in Westerbork on February 2, 1943. Levie, before he was deported to the East, wrote as agreed to his brother Mei‐ jer, and hid the notes he had written in a spot underneath his wagon. His brother Meijer retrieved the notes when the train re‐ turned to Westerbork, about one week after its departure on April 6, 1943. The letter described the conditions of the journey through Germany, noting the destruction caused by the Allied bombing. Levie and his wife Serline were gassed at Sobibór on their arrival on April 9, 1943. The notes written by Levie survived the war and are held in the Westerbork archives. Meijer was mur‐ dered at Auschwitz on April 30, 1943.

SLUIJZER‐FINSI, Serline. Born June 11, 1911 in Amsterdam. She worked as an Insurer at the Stock Exchange. She married Levie Sluijzer in Westerbork Camp on February 2, 1943. She was de‐ ported together with Levie and other members of her family from Westerbork on April 6, 1943. She perished in Sobibór on arrival on April 9, 1943.

290

SMEER, Elisabeth. Born on April 1, 1934 in Amsterdam. She was deported from Vught to Westerbork on the so‐called Children’s Transport. She perished in Sobibór on June 11, 1943.

SMEER, Jacob. Born on December 17, 1904 in Amsterdam. He worked at the Hollandia‐Kattenburg, a clothing factory in Am‐ sterdam. Jacob was arrested and accused of having distributed ‘Der Waarheid’ an illegal publication and for carrying out sabo‐ tage on the conveyor belt producing raincoats for the German Army. He perished in Sobibór on May 28, 1943.

SMEER, Jacob, Philip. Born on December 26, 1938 in Amsterdam.

He was deported from Vught to Westerbork on the so‐called Children’s Transport. He perished in Sobibór on June 11, 1943.

SMIT, Engeline (née DE VRIES). Born on November 27, 1908 in Amsterdam. She was married to Leopold Smit, the Composer.

She was deported from Amsterdam, to Westerbork and then sent East to Sobibór, where she perished with her husband on April 30, 1943.

SMIT, Leopold. Born on May 14, 1900 in Amsterdam. He was edu‐ cated at the conservatory in Amsterdam, where he studied mod‐ ulation. He was considered one of the most talented students, and was one of the first to receive his diploma cum laude. On June 28, 1925 his ‘Silhouetten’ was performed by the Concertge‐ bouworkest of Amsterdam.

From 1929 until 1937, Smit lived in Paris, where he came into con‐ tact with the Group des Six. During this time in 1933, he married Engeline de Vries, and he returned to Amsterdam in 1937. During the Nazi occupation, he taught music and in February 1943, he completed his last work ‘Sonata for Flute and Piano.’ He was de‐ ported to Sobibór along with his wife, where they both perished on April 30, 1943.

SPITZ, Siegfried. Born on April 23, 1902 in Vienna, Austria. He em‐ igrated to Holland and he lived at Transvaalstraat nr 56. He was

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deported from Westerbork to Sobibór on May 18, 1943. At So‐ bibór he was appointed to be one of the Kapo’s and following the death of Oberkapo Berliner, he was selected to take his place as head of the Kapo’s. During the murder of SS‐ Unterscharführer Friedrich Gaulstich, in the carpentry workshop, he was warned

by Kapo Pozycki, at knife‐point, not to get involved. He was killed when the camp was finally liquidated on November 30, 1943.

STERN, Maier, Meier. Born on May 20, 1873 in Neustadt, Germany.

He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on May 18, 1943. He perished in Sobibór on May 21, 1943.

STODEL, Albert, Leopold, Clement. Born on July 13, 1915 in Am‐ sterdam. He lived and worked in Amsterdam as a Textile Worker.

He married Lola Ronny Polak at the Westerbork transit camp.

He perished along with his wife on April 23, 1943.

STODEL, Chaja (née Borzykowski). Born on August 6, 1921 in Am‐ sterdam. She lived and worked in Amsterdam as a Shop Assis‐ tant. She married Abraham Stodel on December 18, 1941. She per‐ ished in Sobibór on June 4, 1943.

STODEL, Levie. Born on April 12, 1877 in Amsterdam. He owned a small shop selling vegatables in the Lazerussteeg, Amsterdam.

He perished in Sobibór on April 9, 1943.

STODEL, Lola, Ronny. Born on August 23, 1919 in Amsterdam. She lived and worked in Amsterdam as a Sales Lady and Merchant.

She married Albert Leopold Clement Strodel at the Westerbork transit camp. She perished in Sobibór on April 23, 1943 along with her husband.

STODEL, Martha. Born on September 18, 1912 in Vienna, Austria.

She lived and worked in Amsterdam as a Cutter. She perished in Sobibór on May 21, 1943.

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STODEL‐KATZ, Martha. Born on January 19, 1913 in Regensburg, Germany. She lived and worked in Den Haag as a Seamstess. She perished in Sobibór on March 13, 1943.

STRAUS‐ KUPERSCHMID, Ester, Chaje. Born on March 11, 1910 in Belżec, Poland. She perished in Sobibór on March 20, 1943.

STRAUSS, Abraham. Born on December 18, 1869 in Langen‐ schwarz, Germany. He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on July 6, 1943 and he died in Sobibór on July 9, 1943.

STRAUSS, Alice (née Guggenheim). Born on July 17, 1877 in Worms, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on April 6, 1943 and she died in Sobibór on April 9, 1943.

STRAUSS, Clara (née Mentz). Born on February 2, 1905 in Den Haag, Holland. She emigrated to Holland from Frankfurt am Main. She was deported from Westerbork on July 20, 1943 and she died in Sobibór on July 23, 1943.

STRAUSS, David. Born on November 28, 1879 in Wachenbuchen, Germany. He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on March 23, 1943 and he died in Sobibór on March 26, 1943.

STRAUSS, David. Born on November 28, 1930 in Michelstadt, Ger‐ many. He emigrated to Holland on November 22, 1938. He was deported from Westerbork on March 10, 1943 and he died in So‐ bibór on March 13, 1943.

STRAUSS, Emilie (née Helmuth). Born on March 26, 1863 in Nu‐ remberg, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on July 6, 1943 and she died in Sobibór on July 9, 1943.

STRAUSS, Emilie. Born on March 23, 1927 in Hunfeld, Germany.

She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on May 18, 1943 and she died in Sobibór on May 21, 1943.

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STRAUSS, Fritz . Born on May 14, 1905 in Frankfurt am Main, Ger‐ many. He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on July 20, 1943 and he died in Sobibór on July 23, 1943.

STRAUSS, Henriette (née Ichenhauser). Born on January 1, 1883 in Frankfurt am Main, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on March 23, 1943 and she died in Sobibór on March 26, 1943.

STRAUSS, Herbert. Born on February 16, 1932 in Michelstadt, Ger‐ many. He emigrated to Holland on November 22, 1938. He was incarcerated in Westerbork transit camp between October 30, 1942 and March 10, 1943. He was deported from Westerbork on March 10, 1943 and he died in Sobibór on March 13, 1943.

STRAUSS, Ida (née Mendel). Born on November 18, 1866 in Köln, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on May 18, 1943 and she died in Sobibór on May 21, 1943.

STRAUSS, Isaak. Born on April 26, 1870 in Urg, Germany. He emi‐ grated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on April 6, 1943 and he died in Sobibór on April 9, 1943.

STRAUSS, Isaak. Born on June 2, 1890 in Niederrodenbach, Ger‐ many. He was deported from Kassel–Halle on June 1, 1942 to Iz‐ bica, Poland. She perished in Sobibór on June 3, 1942.

STRAUSS, Johanna. Born on June 11, 1876 in Atzbach, Germany. She perished in Sobibór on July 9, 1943.

STRAUSS, Manfred. Born on April 8, 1920 in Hamburg, Germany.

He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on July 20, 1943 and he died in Sobibór on July 23, 1943.

STRAUSS, Mathilde. Born on February 7, 1907 in Homburg, Ger‐ many. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on July 13, 1943 and she died in Sobibór on July 16, 1943.

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STRAUSS, Moses. Born on January 13, 1869 in Alzey, Germany. He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on June 8, 1943 and he died in Sobibór on June 11, 1943.

STRAUSS, Selma (née Philipp). Born on April 18, 1878 in Osna‐ bruck, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork and she died in Sobibór in 1943.

STRAUSS, Therese (née Eisenmann). Born on August 17, 1867 in Mosbach, Germany. She emigrated to Holland on March 13, 1939.

She was deported from Westerbork on March 10, 1943 and she died in Sobibór on March 13, 1943.

STRAUSS, Uri. Born on April 27, 1933 in Michelstadt, Germany. He emigrated to Holland on November 22, 1938. He was deported from Westerbork on March 10, 1943 and he died in Sobibór on March 13, 1943.

STRAUSS, Werner. Born on May 10, 1923 in Minden, Germany. He emigrated to Holland on January 4, 1939. He was deported from Westerbork on May 25, 1943 and he died in Sobibór on May 28, 1943.

SÜSSKIND, Brenda. Born on February 14, 1891 in Osterode, Ger‐ many. She perished in Sobibór on March 26, 1943.

TEITELBAUM, Berta. Born on September 8, 1888 in Beilitz. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on May 18, 1943 and she died in Sobibór on May 21, 1943.

TEITELBAUM, Israel. Born on January 27, 1925 in Leipzig, Ger‐ many. He emigrated to Holland on February 15, 1939. He was de‐ ported from Westerbork on April 27, 1943 and he died in Sobibór on April 30, 1943.

THEMANS, Bernard, Salomon. Born on April 5, 1909 in Oldenzaal, Holland. He lived and worked in Utrecht as a Religious Instruc‐ tor. He perished in Sobibór on March 20, 1943, along with his wife Judik and two children, Sonja and Leon.

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THEMANS, Judik (née Simons). Born on August 20, 1904, in Den Haag, Holland. She was a member of the Dutch women’s gym‐ nastics team that won a gold medal at the 1928 Olympics in Am‐ sterdam. She perished in Sobibór on March 20, 1943, along with her husband, Bernard and their two children, Sonja and Leon.

THEMANS‐SECKEL, Bertha. Born on January 31, 1859 in Harburg, Germany. She perished in Sobibór on May 28, 1943.

TONNINGE, Mozes. Born on June 11, 1900 in Dordrecht. He lived and worked as a Tailor in Dordrecht. He perished in Sobibór on July 9, 1943.

TROOSTWIJK, Menno. Born on April 13, 1909 in Zwolle, Holland.

He lived and worked in Zwolle as a Sales Supervisor. He was de‐ ported to Sobibór with his wife, Annie, on March 13, 1943. She was selected to work in the Trawniki Labor Camp, where she per‐ ished. He was gassed in Sobibór on March 13, 1943.

TURTELAUB, Meier, Max, Meier. Born on January 8, 1925 in Dort‐ mund, Germany. He emigrated to Holland on January 5, 1939. He was deported from Westerbork on May 18, 1943 and he died in Sobibór on May 21, 1943.

UNGER, Chaim. Born on October 12, 1908 in Rozdol. He lived and worked in Amsterdam as a Merchant. He died in Sobibór on July 23, 1943.

UNGER, Erna. Born on April 14, 1884 in Kolomea. She was married to Jakob and lived in Amsterdam. She died in Sobibór on April 30, 1943.

UNGER, Heinz, Joachim. Born on September 26, 1928 in Berlin, Germany. He lived in Rotterdam. He died in Sobibór on April 16, 1943.

UNGER, Jakob, Wolf. Born December 14, 1871 in Uhnow. He lived in Amsterdam. He died in Sobibór, along with his wife Erna on April 30, 1943.

296

VALK, Ella (née Pincus). Born on January 7, 1887 in Moelln, Ger‐ many. She perished in Sobibór on May 21, 1943.

VALK, Isaak. Born on September 4, 1889 in Emden, Germany. He emigrated to Holland on December 29, 1936 . He was deported from Westerbork on May 18, 1943 and he died in Sobibór on May 21, 1943.

VALK, Iwan . Born on October 8, 1878 in Lübeck, Germany. He em‐ igrated to Holland on July 26, 1937. He was deported from Westerbork on July 13, 1943 and he died in Sobibór on July 16, 1943.

VALK, Magdalena. Born on September 28, 1933 in Goch, Germany.

She emigrated to Holland and was held in Westerbork transit camp from October 5, 1942 until May 18, 1943. She was deported from Westerbork on May 18, 1943 and she died in Sobibór on May 21, 1943.

VALK, Moses. Born on April 10, 1879 in Emden, Germany. He emi‐ grated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on April 13, 1943 and he died in Sobibór on April 16, 1943.

VALK, Selma (née Emmerich). Born on April 11, 1887 in Horstein, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on April 13, 1943 and she died in Sobibór on April 16, 1943.

VALK, Semmy. Born on May 11, 1889 in Lübeck, Germany. She em‐ igrated to Holland on December 14, 1938. She was deported from Westerbork on June 8, 1943 and she died in Sobibór on June 11, 1943.

VAN DAM, Max. Born on March 19, 1910 in Winterswijk, Holland, he was the son of Aron van Dam and Johanna Leviticus. He was a Painter and he studied at the Royal Academy of Fine Arts in Antwerp. He preferred to paint Socialist and Zionist themes. In 1938 he won the Prix de Rome for his painting Hagar and Ismael in the Desert.

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During the Nazi occupation he was hidden by his friend, Profes‐ sor Hemmelrjik, but in the course of trying to escape to Switzer‐ land he was arrested in the French Alps. He was sent to the Drancy transit camp near Paris and was sent to Sobibór on the fourth transport to Sobibór on March 25, 1943. Selected to work, Max van Dam was set up in a painters studio in Lager I, where van Dam painted landscapes and portraits of the SS and also their animals, a painting was completed of Fifi, a dog who belonged to Erich Bauer.

Karl Frenzel testified that Kapo Benjamin Katz (Bunio) from the Bahnhofkommando had told him the Dutch Jews were planning an escape on April 20, 1943, which in all probability was really a break‐out planned by Polish Jews. Seventy‐two Dutch Jews were executed in Lager III. Max van Dam was amongst the Dutch pris‐ oners but Karl Frenzel reprieved him from this mass execution, as he was in the process of painting his portrait.

It was only a reprieve, and Max van Dam was murdered in So‐ bibór on September 20, 1943.

VAN KLEEF, Saartje. Born on December 25, 1881. Married to Salo‐ mon. She was deported with him from Westerbork on June 8, 1943. She perished in Sobibór, along with her husband on June 11, 1943.

VAN KLEEF, Salomon. Born on January 12, 1887 in Amsterdam. He was a Shopkeeper. He was deported from Westerbork on June 8, 1943, along with his wife Saartje. He perished on June 11, 1943.

VAN de KAR, Abraham. Born on January 18, 1935 in Amsterdam.

He was deported from Vught to Westerbork on the so‐called Children’s Transport. He perished in Sobibór on June 11, 1943.

VAN de KAR, Anna. Born on September 6, 1930 in Amsterdam. She was deported from Vught to Westerbork on the so‐called Chil‐ dren’s Transport. She perished in Sobibór on June 11, 1943.

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VAN de KAR, David. Born on July 14, 1938 in Amsterdam. He was deported from Vught to Westerbork on the so‐called Children’s Transport. He perished in Sobibór on June 11, 1943.

VAN de KAR, Meier. Born on January 14, 1936 in Amsterdam. He was deported from Vught to Westerbork on the so‐called Chil‐ dren’s Transport. She perished in Sobibór on June 11, 1943.

VIOOL, Betje, Judik. Born on April 25, 1924 in Rotterdam, Holland.

She lived and worked in Rotterdam as a Hairdresser. She per‐ ished in Sobibór on October 31, 1943.

VIOOL, Raphael. Born on December 4, 1895 in Rotterdam. He lived and worked in Rotterdam as a Pastry Cook. He perished in So‐ bibór on October 31, 1943.

VISSER, Israel, Bernard. Born on April 16, 1918 in Amsterdam. He lived at Jodenbreestat 3, Amsterdam and he was a Merchant. He perished in Sobibór on May 28, 1943.

WAGNER, Golda (née Lewin). Born on March 22, 1857 in Ham‐ burg, Germany. She emigrated to Holland and lived in Amster‐ dam. She perished in Sobibór on April 2, 1943.

WAGNER, Ilse. Born on January 26, 1929 in Hamburg, Germany.

She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on March 30, 1943. She perished in Sobibór on April 2, 1943.

WAGNER, Johanna (née Goldstein). Born on October 11, 1896 in Hamburg, Germany. She was deported from Westerbork on March 30, 1943. She perished in Sobibór on April 2, 1943.

WAHRHAFTIG, Abraham. Born on June 4, 1931 in Berlin, Germany.

He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on April 27, 1943. He perished in Sobibór on April 30, 1943.

WAHRHAFTIG, Adolf, Adi. Born on February 3, 1928 in Berlin, Germany. He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on July 20, 1943. He perished in Sobibór on July 23, 1943.

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WAHRHAFTIG, Rosa (née Stemmer). Born on August 13, 1910, in Ludwigshafen, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was de‐ ported from Westerbork on April 27, 1943. She perished in So‐ bibór on April 30, 1943.

WEBER, Irma (née Brasch). Born on December 5, 1886, in Breslau.

She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on March 23, 1943. She perished in Sobibór on March 26, 1943.

WEIJL, Jules, Jacob. Born on January 4, 1915 in Amsterdam. He acted with the Joodisch Kleinkunst Ensemble at the Hollandsche Schouwburg during 1941 and 1942. He perished in Sobibór on July 16, 1943.

WEIJL‐LOEB, Nanny. Born on June 12, 1882 in Düren, Germany.

She perished in Sobibór on July 2, 1943.

WEISS, Babette (née Hirsch). Born on December 13, 1881 in Graud‐ enz, Poland. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on April 6, 1943. She perished in Sobibór on April 9, 1943.

WEISS, Berta. Born on April 13, 1891 in Lampertheim, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on July 6, 1943. She perished in Sobibór on July 9, 1943.

WEISS, Betti. Born on December 3, 1923 in Berlin. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on March 2, 1943.

She perished in Sobibór on March 5, 1943.

WEISS, Edith. Born on October 19, 1929 in Berlin. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on July 13, 1943. She perished in Sobibór on July 16, 1943.

WEISS, Ellen. Born on November 27, 1927 in Frankfurt am Main, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She perished in Sobibór on November 30, 1943.

WEISS, Ettel. Born on September 12, 1927 in Duisberg, Germany.

She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on June 8, 1943. She perished in Sobibór on June 11, 1943.

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WEISS, Isaak, Isidor. Born on November 23, 1917 in Düsseldorf, Germany. He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on April 13, 1943. He perished in Sobibór on April 16, 1943.

WEISS, Israel. Born on August 29, 1923 in Duisberg, Germany. He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on June 8, 1943. He perished in Sobibór on June 11, 1943.

WEISS, Lina (née Levy). Born on May 5, 1862 in Wielen, Poland.

She emigrated to Holland and lived in Amsterdam. She was de‐ ported from Westerbork on March 23, 1943. She perished in So‐ bibór on March 26, 1943.

WEISS, Mia, Ruth. Born on January 23, 1925 in Duisberg, Germany.

She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on June 8, 1943. She perished in Sobibór on June 11, 1943.

WEISS, Paula (née Studzinsky). Born on September 16, 1901 in Witten, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on March 2, 1943. She perished in Sobibór on March 5, 1943.

WEISS, Rita. Born on April 29, 1925 in Berlin. She emigrated to Hol‐ land. She was deported from Westerbork on March 2, 1943. She perished in Sobibór on March 5, 1943.

WEISS, Sally. Born on March 30, 1897 in Krojanke, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on March 2, 1943. She perished in Sobibór on March 5, 1943.

WOLF‐ NUSSBAUM, Maier. Born on February 10, 1874 in Fulda, Germany. He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on May 25, 1943. He perished in Sobibór on May 28, 1943.

ZAK, David. Born on February 23, 1935 in Amsterdam. He was de‐ ported from Vught to Westerbork on the so‐called ‘Children’s Transport’. He was deported from Westerbork on June 8, 1943 and he perished in Sobibór on June 11, 1943. A tag bearing his 301

name, Deddie, which was presumably a nickname, his address in Amsterdam and his date of birth was discovered by archaeolo‐ gists on the former Camp grounds in 2013.

ZANDER, Clara. Born on March 14, 1895 in Berlin, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on March 23, 1943. She perished in Sobibór on March 26, 1943.

ZANDER, Gertrude, Elise (née Simon). Born on August 9, 1871 in Berlin, Germany. She emigrated to Holland. She was deported from Westerbork on March 17, 1943. She perished in Sobibór on March 20, 1943.

ZEEMAN, Joseph. Born on July 6, 1914 in Duisberg, Germany. He emigrated to Holland. He was deported from Westerbork on June 29, 1943. He perished in Sobibór on July 2, 1943.

ZIJTENFELD, Jacob. Born on July 14, 1900 in Łódż, Poland. He lived and worked in Den Haag as a Merchant. He perished in Sobibór on May 7, 1943.

ZIJTENFELD, Moniek. Born on January 23, 1928 in Pabiance, Po‐ land. He perished in Sobibór on May 7, 1943.

ZIJTENFELD‐ HERSZKOWICZ, Rachela. Born on January 15, 1903 in Pabiance, Poland. She perished in Sobibór on May 7, 1943.

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Chapter XIV The Perpetrators The following chapter is based on information disclosed at the trials of those men who served at the Aktion Reinhardt camps, and from the excellent book by Sara Berger, Experten der Vernichtung: das T4 Reinhardt –Netwerk in den Lagern Bełżec, Sobibór und Treblinka.

This recent book filled in many gaps from previous research and has proved invaluable.

Almost all of these individuals came from the lower‐middle class—their fathers were factory workers, craftsmen, salesmen or shop workers. Most of the men who served in the death camps had finished extended elementary school, some lower high school and a few had attended a secondary school. Some had attended commer‐ cial schools or had received vocational training. Those who were for‐ mer euthanasia program employees were mostly former nurses, craftsmen, farm workers, or salesmen.

Almost all of the accused were members of either the NSDAP (The Nazi Party), the police, the SS (Schutzstaffel) or the SA (Sturm‐ abteilung). Some had joined these organizations before Hitler came to power, others joined the Party later. Their average age was be‐ tween thirty and forty at the time they served in the death camps.

The Personnel who ran the camps and supervised the extermina‐ tion activities were absolutely ordinary people. They were not as‐ signed to these roles because of any exceptional qualities or charac‐ teristics. The anti‐Semitism that festered within them was no doubt part of their milieu and was an accepted phenomenon among large segments of German society. Many of them were married, and most had no criminal record. They had either volunteered to serve in the SS or had been drafted into its ranks. So it was not unusual that a man wore an SS uniform but received his salary from his real em‐ ployer, the German police, or Aktion T4, the Nazi euthanasia pro‐ gram.

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These men carried out the murder of hundreds of thousands of men, women and children always loyally and without question.

What is more, they constantly displayed initiative in trying to im‐ prove the extermination process. An integral aspect of their duties was that they were also to exhibit cruelty towards their victims, and many of them contributed their own ideas and innovations for var‐ ious forms of torture that served to entertain them all. Under the Nazi regime, these perfectly ordinary people were turned into some‐ thing extraordinarily inhuman.

Source and pertinent material on the daily lives of these men in Sobibór, on their personal feelings about the tasks that they carried out, and their relationship to their innocent victims is almost non‐ existent, men more than anxious to cover up their past, were not about to sit down and record their memoirs. Even at their trials, at which some of them were forced to attest to their deeds, very little was brought out about their personal feelings and experiences. The primary sources on the behaviour of these perpetrators and their actual relationship to their victims are the testimonies of those who survived the camps, as well as some material and evidence that was submitted during their trials. The prisoners used to give nicknames to the various SS men in SS uniform, and these names were indica‐ tive of their reputations and activities in the camp. These nicknames were also a type of code to be used as a warning when a particular SS man appeared in a certain area of the camp.

Taking the above restrictions on information into account, it is nevertheless possible to compile a reasonably comprehensive staff list of Sobibór perpetrators. The staff list is compiled from known evidence and information from various sources, however scant, about the perpetrators. The SS‐garrison only comprised of about twenty to thirty men stationed in the camp at any given time, and this list contains the names of mainly SS men who were assigned duties at Sobibór during the time of its existence.

Members of the SS held key positions in the camp and many of the staff belonged to a police detachment of unknown origin. A few of these were civilians. SS men were sometimes transferred between 304

the three Aktion Reinhardt camps, and may have served in Sobibór only briefly. It cannot be ascertained as to whether this list contains all of the staff that served at the camp, as not all of the names of the camp staff or their specific functions could be gleaned from eyewit‐ ness reports. Most of the SS camp Personnel first worked in the eu‐ thanasia program (Aktion T4), although not all functions were known, but where this is recognized, it has been included.

After the three Aktion Reinhardt camps were demolished, most of the Personnel were posted to Trieste in Italy, assisting with the suppression of partisan activities. As the War drew to a close the Nazi command realized that the staff and commanders could in‐ criminate their superiors and they were consequently sent to dan‐ gerous areas where some of them, such as Christian Wirth and Franz Reichleitner were killed by partisans. As Stangl said afterwards, “We were an embarrassment to the brass. They wanted to find ways to incinerate us.”

The Head of Aktion Reinhardt GLOBOCNIK, Odilo Odilo Globocnik was born in Trieste on April 21, 1904. The son of an Austrian Croat family of petty officials and a builder by profession, he joined the Nazi Party in Carinthia, Austria in 1930 and became a ‘radical’ Leader of its cells in the province. In 1933, Globocnik en‐ tered the SS and was appointed Deputy District Leader of the NSDAP in Austria.

He was imprisoned for over a year on account of political of‐ fences, he re‐emerged as a key liaison man between Hitler and the Austrian National Socialists. He was appointed provincial Nazi Chief of Carinthia in 1936, and was further promoted to the post of Gauleiter of Vienna on May 24, 1938. He was dismissed from this position for illegal speculation in foreign exchange on January 30, 1939 and was replaced by Josef Burckel. Globocnik was pardoned by Himmler and appointed on November 9, 1939 as SS and Police Leader for the Lublin district in Poland. He was chosen by Himmler 305

as the central figure in Aktion Reinhardt, the mass‐murder program of Polish Jewry, no doubt because of his scandalous past record and well‐known virulent anti‐Semitism.

Globocnik built up a special company of SS men not subordinate to any higher authority and responsible only to Himmler. Globocnik established three death camps in Poland—Bełżec, Sobibór and Tre‐ blinka as part of Aktion Reinhardt and had a hand in the creation of Lublin (Majdanek) Concentration Camp. Globocnik also built up an economic empire, including the Jewish Labor Camps at Budzyn, Krasnik, Poniatowa, Krasnik, Trawniki, as well as a number of camps in Lublin itself. Globocnik also was responsible for clearing Polish peasant farmers from the Zamość Lands and replacing them with ethnic Germans. Globocnik and some of his cohorts amassed rich rewards from the slaughter of approximately 1.6 million Jews whose property and valuables were seized by the SS, and his various busi‐ ness interests. As his situation reports showed, Globocnik carried out Himmler’s orders with brutal efficiency and by November 1943 Aktion Reinhardt had been completed and the three death camps under his control liquidated.

On September 13, 1943 Himmler wrote to Globocnik appointing him to the post of Higher SS and Police Leader for the Adriatic Coastal Zone in Trieste, and replacing him in Lublin by Jakob Spor‐ renberg. Himmler instructed Globocnik to produce a final account‐ ing statement regarding the assets and economic achievements of Aktion Reinhardt by December 31, 1943. Globocnik provided a port‐ folio and on January 5, 1944 produced a detailed appendix. This ap‐ pendix demonstrated that 178 million Reichmarks had been added to the Reich’s coffers as a result of Aktion Reinhardt.

At the end of the War, Globocnik succeeded in evading arrest by returning to his native country in the mountains south of Klagen‐ furt. He was eventually tracked down and arrested by a British patrol at Wiessensee. He committed suicide by swallowing a cyanide cap‐ sule.

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The Deputy Head of Aktion Reinhardt HÖFLE, Hermann Julius Hermann Julius Höfle was born on June 19, 1911 in Salzburg, Austria.

He was a trained mechanic and drove a taxi in Salzburg, and then went on to own his own taxi company. He joined the Nazi Party and the SS on August 1, 1933. He led SS‐Sturmbann 1/76 after serving a brief prison sentence. He served for three months in Znaim in the Sudetenland and attended the Führerschule in Dachau. After the in‐ vasion of Poland he served in a Selbschutz unit in Nowy Sacs (Neu Sandez). During 1940, he was the Leader of the Labor Camps em‐ ployed on building the border fortifications known as the Bug‐Gra‐ ben near Bełżec, in the Lublin district.

On July 17, 1941, RFSS Heinrich Himmler appointed Odilo Glo‐ bocnik as his Plenipotentiary for the Construction of SS and Police bases in the newly occupied Eastern territories and Höfle was sent from Lublin to Mogilev to supervise construction work there.

Höfle was recalled by Globocnik to Lublin and he was responsi‐ ble for overseeing the construction of the death camp at Bełżec, and he was appointed by Globocnik to act as the Deputy Head of Aktion Reinhardt, which was the name given in 1942 to the mass murder of Polish Jewry, following the death of Reinhard Heydrich in Prague.

Höfle was highly regarded by Globocnik, and he played a leading role in the mass deportation ‘Aktions’ in Warsaw, during July–Sep‐ tember 1942, which sent hundreds of thousands of Jews to their deaths in the Treblinka death camp, and the clearance of the Białystok Ghetto during the summer of 1943.

He was married and had four children, though two of his chil‐ dren, who were twins, died, and at their graveside he lamented: ‘This is the punishment for the children of Warsaw.’ Whilst in Lublin, Höfle lived and worked in the Julius Schreck Kaserne, the Headquar‐ ters of Aktion Reinhardt at Litauer Strasse 11, according to his asso‐ ciate Georg Michalsen, who worked for Höfle in both mass deporta‐ tion ‘Aktions’ in Warsaw and Białystok.

The staff building was a three storey‐house. On the ground floor—immediately by the entrance—there was a transport squad.

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On the first floor—on one side—there was the administration, ac‐ counts and archive (documents) offices. Here the chief‐of‐staff also had a room and an ante‐room. On the second floor there was lo‐ cated the personnel department. Here Hermann Höfle also had his living quarters in one room.

Höfle, in early November 1943, also played a key administrative role in the destruction of the remaining Jewish workers, as con‐ firmed by Jakob Sporrenberg, who had replaced Globocnik as SS and Police Leader for Lublin. This mass murder frenzy, ordered by Himmler, was known as ‘Aktion Erntefest’ and this resulted in the mass murder of over 40,000 Jewish workers in a number of Labor Camps in Lublin itself, as well as at Poniatowa and Trawniki, by means of shooting in prepared mass graves.

Höfle left Lublin and briefly served as the Commander of a Guard unit at Sachsenhausen Concentration Camp. This was followed by spells of duty in Belgium and the Netherlands. He was re‐united with Odilo Globocnik who was now in Trieste, and he was amongst a group of SS men who were captured by the British Army. He was photographed beside the body of Globocnik, who had swallowed poison at Paternion, Austria on May 31, 1945.

Höfle learned in 1948 that the Polish Communist government wanted to extradite him to Poland to stand trial for war crimes he had allegedly committed there. With help he fled first to Italy and then returned to his native Austria. Making his way to Bavaria, he worked for the American Counter Intelligence Corps (CIC) as a low level Agent.

Höfle was arrested and he committed suicide on August 21, 1962 in a Vienna prison cell during pre‐trial detention.

Aktion Reinhardt – Construction Supervisor THOMALLA, Richard Born in Sabine‐bei‐Annahof, Upper Silesia on October 23, 1903. A builder by profession, he joined the SS on July 1, 1932 and a month later joined the Nazi Party. His SS Number was 41, 206. Thomalla 308

married Margarete Bruckner on October 5, 1935. He saw military service in Falkenberg and Oppeln and service in the SS in Wohlau and Breslau, all in Sliesia.

On September 6, 1940, Thomalla was transferred from Breslau to the Generalgouvernement where he saw service with the SS‐ Hilfspolizei in Czestochowa and Radom. On August 22, 1940 he was transferred by F.W. Krüger HSSPF Ost to serve under Odilo Globoc‐ nik, SSPF Lublin. From August 1940 to October 1940, he was the Sec‐ tion Leader of the SS‐Border Defence Construction Brigade (SS‐ Grenzschutz Baudienst) in Bełżec.

Thomalla was also in charge of constructing SS strong‐points in the East at branch offices in Zwiahel, then Kiev. He was recalled to Lublin by Globocnik in November 1941, and he worked for the SS‐ Bauleitung in Zamość. Thomalla was the construction Supervisor for the Sobibór and Treblinka death camps, and as such was the senior figure there, until the camps became operational. Thomalla also played a role in the Zamość district clearance and was executed by the NKVD in Jicin, Czechoslovakia on May 12, 1945.

Inspector of Aktion Reinhardt (Abteilung Reinhard–Der Inspekteur der SS‐ Sonderkommandos) WIRTH, Christian Born on November 24, 1885 in Oberbalzheim, Württemberg, in south‐west Germany. Following the completion of his education he was employed as an apprentice carpenter with the Bühler brother’s timber firm in Oberbalzheim. From 1905–1907 he served his military duty with Grenadier Regiment 123 in Ulm, and after a short break, re‐enlisted to serve another two years. After honourable discharge from the army in 1910, Wirth joined the Württemberg State police as a uniformed constable, and the same year married Maria Bantel with whom he had two sons. In 1913, Wirth transferred to the Krim‐ inalpolizei (Kripo), the plain‐clothes detective squad.

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In October 1914, he volunteered to serve in the army of Kaiser Wilhelm II and saw action on the Western Front in Flanders and northern France, in the Reserve Infantry Regiment 246 (Ulm). He received a field promotion to acting Officer (Offizier Stellvertreter) and was awarded several medals and decorations for bravery, in‐ cluding the Iron Cross I and II Class and the Gold Württemberg Mil‐ itary Service Medal. At the end of 1917, Wirth was transferred back to Stuttgart as an Officer in the Military Police (Militärpolizei) guarding a supply depot for Reserve Infantry Regiment 119. During this duty he won high praise for defending the depot against the Spartakists, the forerunners of the German Communist Party.

Wirth rejoined the Kripo in 1919 and by 1923 was the Head of Pre‐ cinct II (Dienststelle II) on Büchsenstrasse in Stuttgart. He earned a reputation for solving difficult crimes that had defeated other offic‐ ers, often by using brutal methods of interrogation. His ‘dedication and zealous methods’, finally led to questions being asked about him in the Württemberg Regional Parliament (Landtag). In 1937, Wirth was the Head or Deputy Head of all police and Party organi‐ zations in the Stuttgart area and was recruited by Reinhard Hey‐ drich’s Security Service (Sicherheitsdienst – SD) as a ‘V‐Mann (Ver‐ trauensmann), a confidential agent spying and informing on his Party and police comrades. His SS Number was 345, 464.

By 1939, Wirth had reached the rank of Kriminalinspektor, in charge of Kommisariat 5, a special detective squad for investigating serious crimes, including murder. Wirth then carried out special po‐ lice duties in Vienna and in Olmütz, Czechoslovakia. In the autumn of 1939, Wirth was appointed to the T4 euthanasia program and be‐ cause of his now well‐known reputation for administration and or‐ ganization, assisted in setting up the bureaucracy. In mid‐January he was among a group of high‐ranking Nazi officials who witnessed the first test gassing of psychiatric patients in an abandoned prison in Brandenburg‐an‐der‐Havel near Berlin. Among this group were Reichsleiter Philipp Bouhler, Head of Hitler’s private Chancellery, Dr Karl Brandt, Hitler’s escorting Physician (Begleitarzt), Dr Leo‐ nardo Conti, Secretary of State for Health, and SS‐Oberführer Viktor 310

Brack, Chief of Head Office II (Hauptamt II) of Hitler’s private Chan‐ cellery. Brack was soon to be in charge of the daily running of the euthanasia operation. At the beginning of February 1940, Wirth ar‐ rived at the first T4 euthanasia institution established in Grafeneck Castle, 60 kilometres south of Stuttgart, where he became Head of administration and security.

In May 1940, Wirth was appointed ‘roving Inspector’ of the eu‐ thanasia institutions to tighten‐up discipline among the staff, im‐ prove security, and streamline the killing process and the ensuing paperwork. He spent much of his time in the euthanasia institution in Hartheim Castle, near Linz in Upper Austria. It was here that he encountered Franz Stangl, the future Commandant of the Aktion Reinhardt death camps at Sobibór and Treblinka. At Hartheim Cas‐ tle, Stangl was in charge of administration and security. His first meeting with Wirth made a profound impression on him, as he told Gitta Sereny during their series of interviews for her book ‘Into That Darkness’: Wirth was a gross and florid man. My heart sank when I met him. He stayed at Hartheim for several days that time and often came back.

Whenever he was there he addressed us daily at lunch. And here it was again this awful verbal crudity: when he spoke about the necessity for this euthanasia operation, he was not speaking in humane or scientific terms ... he laughed. He spoke of ‘doing away with useless mouth’s, and that sentimental slobber about such people made him puke’

Just before Christmas 1941231, Wirth arrived in Bełżec and in the New Year began experimenting with various different methods of gassing

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Many well reputed accounts by noted historians state that Christian Wirth was involved in the establishment of the Chelmno death camp. No firm evidence to date, has been found that supports these claims. True Wirth was in Poland, but no testimony has been found that places him in Chelmno. Hans Bodo Gorgass, a T4 Doctor at Hadamar testified at the War Crimes Trial in Nuremburg, that ‘Wirth told me in summer 1941, that he had been transferred by the ‘foundation’ to a Euthanasia institute in the Lublin area’. (IMT Doc. NO. 4070). In addition Hans‐Heinz Schütt in 1968 under interrogation says that Wirth according to some sources was involved in euthanasia operations against the mentally ill in Chelm.

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in three primitive gas chambers, including in the early days a prim‐ itive gassing van. Among other methods tested were Zyklon B, using the exhaust from lorries and bottled carbon monoxide (CO) gas, the same method used in the euthanasia institutions. He finally decided on CO gas produced from a Russian tank engine. This method was then applied at the other two Aktion Reinhardt death camps, So‐ bibór and Treblinka, together with the ‘conveyor‐belt’ method of dealing with the victims.

Wirth ran Bełżec death camp with an iron fist and at Bełżec, he experimented until he perfected the killing process. He was feared by the staff—Germans and Ukrainians alike. After ensuring that Bełżec was operating efficiently, Globocnik appointed Wirth on the August 1, 1942 to the post of ‘Abteilung Reinhard–Inspekteur der SS‐ Sonderkommandos’ and he was based at first in the Julius Schreck Kaserne, the Headquarters of Aktion Reinhardt. At the end of the year, Wirth’s Inspectorate was moved to a building on the Old Air‐ field just outside Lublin and close to Lublin Concentration Camp (Majdanek). From mid‐August 1942, Wirth played a leading role in the re‐organization of Treblinka, including the construction of the new gas chambers, and thereafter visited the camp frequently. In September 1943, Wirth, Stangl and Globocnik were transferred to Trieste in northern Italy where Globocnik had been appointed the Higher SS and Police Leader for the Adriatic coastal region (Adri‐ atisches Küstenland). Wirth was given command of three special units formed from former Aktion Reinhardt Personnel, including many of the Ukrainian Guards, many of whom had arrived in Trieste by the end of the year. Their task was rounding‐up and deporting the remaining Italian Jews to Auschwitz‐Birkenau, and confiscating their property. Later these units were switched to anti‐partisan duty on the Istraian peninsula where they committed atrocities against the Yugoslav and Italian population.

Christian Wirth was killed by Yugoslav partisans of the First Bat‐ talion of the ‘Istrska’ (Istrian) Division on May 26, 1944 near Kozina, just outside Trieste. He was on his way to inspect one of his SS‐units in Fiume on the other side of the peninsula. Wirth was buried with 312

full military honours in the German Military Cemetery in Opicina near Trieste, but later, his remains and the remains of over 20,000 German troops killed in Italy and buried in numerous places, were exhumed and re‐interred in a new and big German Military Ceme‐ tery at Costermano, on the south‐eastern shore of Lake Garda, near Verona in northern Italy.

Sobibór Death Camp‐Commandants STANGL, Franz Paul April–August 1942 Born in Altmünster, a market town on the western shore of the Traunsee, near Gemunden in Upper Austria, on March 26, 1908. His father was already advanced in years whereas his mother was still a young woman; they had one other child, a daughter ten years older then Franz Paul. When Franz was eight years old, in 1916, his father died of malnutrition, after which his mother remarried to a widower a year later and Franz gained two step‐brothers.

After leaving school aged 15, he became an apprentice in the weaving trade and three years later qualified as a master weaver, the youngest in Austria. Five years later, in 1931, he realized his job held no further prospects for him and he applied to join the Federal Aus‐ trian Police. After acceptance and a year’s training at the police school in Linz he served his probation: firstly joining the Traffic Di‐ vision and then working with the Riot Squad. He recalled his tough training with some bitterness and that his colleagues were ‘a sadistic lot, who were indoctrinated with the feeling that everyone was against them, that all men were rotten’.

In 1935 he was transferred to the political division of the criminal investigation department in the small Austrian town of Wels and a year later he became a member of the illegal Nazi Party. After the Nazi annexation of Austria in March 1938, Stangl’s department was absorbed into the Gestapo, and the Wels police department was transferred to Linz. Stangl was promoted to the rank of Kriminal‐

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Oberassistent, under the supervision of Georg Prohaska, a Bavarian police officer. His SS Number was 296, 569.

On November 3, 1940 he joined the T4 Euthanasia program and immediately was sent to Schloss Hartheim near Linz, as Deputy Head of the administration. Later Stangl was sent to the euthanasia centre at Bernburg, where Dr Eberl was in charge, to carry out the same role. Stangl, who held the rank of Polizeioberleutnant, was also a member of the SD (Sicherheitsdienst).

In the early spring of 1942, Stangl was ordered to report to Lublin, and was appointed by Odilo Globocnik to the role of Commandant at the Sobibór death camp in eastern Poland. Stangl was in charge when the camp received its first Jewish transports in May 1942. It was in Sobibór where he exploited his weaver skills to sew himself the famous white linen uniform which later gave him a nickname ‘White Death’. He preferred to wear this uniform because of the in‐ sects and the heat in the Sobibór and Treblinka camps during the summer.

Around the period of late August 1942, Stangl was transferred from Sobibór to Treblinka to take over the command of the death camp from Dr Eberl, who had proved unequal to the task.

Stangl had a flair for organization, he maintained very little con‐ tact with the victims he sent to their deaths, or the Jewish prisoners; he was seen only on rare occasions. He received an official commen‐ dation as the “Best Camp Commandant in Poland.” Just prior to the revolt in Treblinka, which took place on August 2, 1943, Stangl, on a journey between Sobibór and Chełm was attacked by partisans on July 30, 1943 in his car on an official journey according to a KdO Lu‐ blin report dated July 31, 1943.232 After the Treblinka revolt he was posted to northern Italy, where he spent a short time at San Sabba camp in Trieste. Stangl mainly served as the Commander of Einsatz R II in the Fiume and Udine areas, where he was engaged in construction projects and actions against partisans and Jews.

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YVA 053.122.2

At the end of the War he fled to Austria, where he was interned

by US forces, because of his SS membership. From the late summer of 1947, he was imprisoned in Linz, accused of having killed men‐ tally‐ill patients at Hartheim. In May 1948, he escaped from prison and made his way to Rome in Italy. There he received help from Bishop Hudal, who arranged for a Red Cross passport and money for his flight to Syria, where he obtained a job in a textile factory in Da‐ mascus. His wife and family joined him in Syria and Stangl got a job as a mechanical engineer with the Imperial Knitting Company. In 1951 he migrated to Brazil with his family and in Sao Paulo he worked in the Volkswagen factory. It was not until the mid‐1960’s that the Nazi‐Hunter Simon Wiesenthal learned of Stangl’s whereabouts.

For a total of $7,000—one cent for every Jew killed—the informant agreed to divulge Stangl’s address and he was arrested by the Brazil‐ ian authorities and in 1967, Stangl was extradited to West Germany.

At his first hearing at the West German court, he declared that while it was true that he had been the Commandant at Treblinka; he had had nothing to do with the killing of Jews. His task, he said, “had been solely to supervise the collection and shipment of valua‐ bles brought into the camp by the victims. The individual responsi‐ ble for the killings had been Christian Wirth.” Franz Paul Stangl was tried in the Treblinka Trial in Düsseldorf in 1970 and he was sen‐ tenced to life imprisonment. He died in the Remand Prison in Düs‐ seldorf on June 28, 1971 of a heart attack.

REICHLEITNER, Franz Karl August 1942–November 1943 Franz Karl Reichleitner was born on December 2, 1906 in Ried, Aus‐ tria. He was a member of the Linz Gestapo, with the rank of Krimi‐ nalsekretär. After service in the T4 euthanasia institution at Hart‐ heim in Austria, he was appointed to the post of Commandant at the Sobibór death camp in Poland, replacing Franz Stangl, who had been transferred to Treblinka, to run that death camp in August 1942.

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Moshe Bahir, one of the Sobibór inmates who escaped during the revolt wrote about Reichleitner: Reichleitner, a man in his late forties, with an Austrian accent, was dressed always with great elegance and wore gloves. He did not have direct contact with the Jews and the transports. He knew that he could rely on his subordinates, who were very frightened of him. He ran the camp with German precision. During his time the Aktionen went smoothly, and all the transports that arrived on a certain day were liq‐ uidated. He never left them for the following day.233

He ruled the death camp more strictly than Stangl, but was seldom seen in the camp. The prisoners nicknamed him ‘Trottel’ (idiot), as that was his favourite expression. Stanislaw Szmajzner described him as obese. Reicheitner was promoted to the rank of SS‐ Hauptsturmführer as indicated on the promotion list dated March 20, 1943, along with other key members of Aktion Reinhardt. Reich‐ leitner was on leave when the revolt took place on October 14, 1943, but when he returned he was responsible for dismantling the gas chambers and other camp facilities. He was transferred to Italy and he was killed by partisans in Fiume on January 3, 1944.

HERING, Gottlieb Jakub Commandant of Bełżec August 1942–May 1943 Temporary Commandant of Sobibór November 1943 Born on June 2, 1887 in Warmbronn, near Leonberg, Württemberg.

Leaving school, he worked as an agricultural laborer on estates in the Leonberg area. In 1915 he was conscripted into a Machine Gun Company of Grenadier Regiment 123. He fought on the Western Front in northern France. He was awarded the Iron Cross First Class among other medals. Discharged from the Army in 1918 he joined the police at the end of December 1918 and served in the Kripo office at Goppingen, Württemberg. He later worked for the Stuttgart CID, where he became acquainted with Christian Wirth. From December 233

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Y. Arad, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka, University Press, 1987, Indiana , p. 188.

1939 until December 1940 he served in a team of Kripo Officers in Gotenhafen (Gdynia) dealing with the resettlement of ethnic Ger‐ mans on the Baltic coast.

In 1941 Hering was drafted into T4 and served in Bernburg, then later at Hadamar, Pirna / Sonnenstein before arriving in Bełżec death camp in July 1942. One month later in August 1942 he was appointed the Commandant of Bełżec, when Wirth became the Head of ‘Abteilung Reinhard’–Inspekteur der SS Sonderkommandos.

After the liquidation of Bełżec in May 1943, he became the Com‐ mandant of the Jewish Labor Camp at Poniatowa until its liquida‐ tion on November 4, 1943, as part of Aktion Erntefest (Harvest Fes‐ tival). Hering was the temporary Commandant of the Sobibór death camp, during the dismantling and closure of the death camp, also in November 1943.

In 1944 he was ordered to Italy, where he again replaced Chris‐ tian Wirth as Chief of Kommando R1 in Trieste after Wirth was killed by partisans. On October 9, 1945 he died in unknown circumstances in the patient’s waiting room of the Katherinen Hospital in Stettin‐ in‐Remstal, Württemburg, while under investigation by the French military authorities.

Sobibór Death Camp – Garrison A‐Z Listed in Alphabetical Order BARBL, Heinrich: Born on March 3, 1900 in Sarleinsbach, Austria.

He worked at the T4 institution at Hartheim before being sent to the Bełżec death camp in Poland where he helped install the gas pipes. He referred to himself as the Hausklemper (plumber) he worked with Erich Fuchs on the installation of gas pipes in the gas chambers in Sobibór.

BAUCH, Ernst: Born on April 30, 1911 in Grinsdorf. He served in the T4 institution at Grafeneck. He arrived in Sobibór in April 1942,

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and he worked in Lager I. He committed suicide on December 4, 1942 in Berlin. Karl Frenzel attended his funeral in Berlin.

BAUER, Hermann Erich: Born on March 26, 1900 in Berlin. A for‐ mer Tram Conductor, he also worked as a driver for T4. Bauer went to Sobibór in April 1942 and he was in charge of the gas chambers in Lager III. His SS Number was 22,113. He described himself as the Gasmeister of Sobibór during his trial. He was also the lorry driver of the camp, and he was responsible for carrying the coffins to Chełm.

In 1946 he worked in Berlin clearing the ruins. Whilst doing this he was spotted on the street by former Sobibór inmates Samuel Lerer and Estera Raab in 1949, who reported him to the Police.

On May 8, 1950, at his trial in Berlin‐Moabit he was sentenced to death for crimes committed in Sobibór. This was commuted to life imprisonment in November 1971 after the abolition of the death penalty. He died at the Berlin‐Tegel prison in 1980.

BECHER, Werner: Born on April 26, 1912 in Annaberg / Aue. He worked at the T4 institution at Pirna/Sonnenstein as a Chauffeur.

He served in Sobibór from August until November 1942, where he supervised the sorting barracks in Lager II and he also worked in Lager III. BECKMANN, Rudolf: Born on February 20, 1910 in Osnabruck. He lived in Ottmarsbocholt, Kreis Coesfeld and was a member of the Nazi Party and the SS. His SS Number was 305, 721. He served in the T4 institutions at Grafeneck and Hadamar. He arrived in So‐ bibór in April 1942 and he was in charge of the sorting Com‐ mando in Lager II. He also managed the administration of the death camp in the Forsthaus (Forester’s house) where he was killed during the revolt on October 14, 1943. Erich Bauer testified that he took his body to Lublin.

BEULICH, Max: Born on March 9, 1903. He was a male Nurse at the T4 institute Pirna / Sonnenstein. He served in Sobibór death camp, but no other details are known.

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BLAUROCK, Emil: Born on January 25, 1897. He was a male Nurse at the T4 institute Pirna / Sonnenstein. He served in Sobibór death camp. He was detained by the US Army in Bad Aiblingen, Bavaria. He was discharged from internment on April 19, 1946.

BOLENDER, Heinz Kurt: Born on May 21, 1912 in Duisberg. He joined the SS, his SS Number was 47, 553. He served at the T4 institutions at Brandenburg, Hadamar, Hartheim and Pirna / Sonnenstein. Bolender arrived in Sobibór on April 22, 1942, along with a group that included Stangl, Frenzel and Gomerski. In So‐ bibór he served in Lager III, supervising the mass graves.

In July 1942 he was arrested for perjury during his divorce case and was punished by an SS‐court in Krakow on December 19, 1942 and sent to the SS‐Penal Camp at Matzkau, near Danzig (now Gdansk, Poland). He was transferred to the DAW (Deutsche Ausrustungswerke) in Lublin, and was transferred back to Sobibór to assist with the dismantling of the Camp fol‐ lowing the revolt in October 1943.

Bolender was arrested in May 1961 and he committed suicide be‐ fore he was due to be sentenced after the first trial of Sobibór Personnel in Hagen on October 10, 1966.

BORNER, Gerhard: Born on October 28, 1905 in Dresden. He joined the SS. His SS Number was 3,832. He served at the T4 in‐ stitution at Pirna / Sonnenstein, as Chief of the economics office.

He was photographed in Sobibór at the Stangl party. After So‐ bibór he was posted to Italy. Nothing more is known.

BREDOW, Paul: Born on October 31, 1903 in Guttland, Danzig Dis‐ trict. A male Nurse who served at the T4 institutions at Grafeneck and Hartheim institutions. He was posted to the Sobibór death camp with Stangl and others. Bredow was in charge of the Laza‐ rett at Sobibór, where he displayed untold cruelty in shooting Jewish prisoners. He served in Sobibór until the spring of 1943, when he was posted to Treblinka death camp, where he was in charge of ‘Sorting Barracks A’, the clothing barracks.

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After the closure of Treblinka, he went to Trieste in Italy, and after the War he worked together with another former Sobibór staff member, Karl Frenzel in Giessen, as a Carpenter until No‐ vember 1945. In December 1945 he was killed in an accident in Göttingen.

BREE, Max: Born in Lubben / Spreewald and he arrived in Sobibór from the Treblinka death camp around June 1943. Due to his rel‐ atively late arrival, very little is known about him, other than that he supervised the Ukrainian Guards at well as the Jewish workers in the sorting barracks. He was killed during the prisoner revolt on October 14, 1943.

DACHSEL, Arthur: Born during 1890 in Bohlen, Riesa in Sachsen.

He worked at the T4 institution at Pirna / Sonnenstein, where he incinerated bodies. He served at the Bełżec death camp in Poland and in July 1942 he was transferred to the Sobibór death camp, where he supervised the Waldkommando. He was promoted to the rank of Oberwachtmeister in March 1943. After Sobibór was closed he served in Trieste and Fiume in Italy. He was remem‐ bered by Thomas (Toivi) Blatt as one of the least brutal SS men.

DIETZE, Erich: Born on November 2, 1905 and worked at the T4 institution at Pirna / Sonnenstein, as an Administrator. He was posted to Sobibór death camp. He also served in Trieste, Italy.

No further details known.

DUBOIS, Werner: Born on February 26, 1913 in Wuppertal‐Langen‐ feld. He was brought up by his grandmother. After school he worked as a Joiner, Brushmaker, Printer and on a farm. He joined the SS in January 1937 and he worked as a Driver for the Grup‐ penkommando Oranienburg, and he also served as a Driver and a Guard at the Sachsenhausen Concentration Camp. In August 1939 he was transferred to the T4 organization where he drove the buses and worked as a Burner in a number of T4 institutions in Bernburg, Brandenburg, Grafeneck and Hadamar. Following a brief spell in Russia working for the Organisation Todt, and in April 1942 was transferred to the Bełżec death camp, where he 320

admitted to shooting Jewish prisoners. In the summer of 1943, he was transferred to the Sobibór death camp, when Bełżec was closed.

In Sobibór he was in charge of the Waldkommando and he was attacked in the armoury on the day of the prisoner revolt on Oc‐ tober 14, 1943 and suffered serious wounds. Dubois was acquitted at the Bełżec trial in August 1963. However, he was sentenced to three years imprisonment at the Sobibór trial in Hagen in 1966.

EBERL, Dr. Irmfried Georg Rolf: Born on September 8, 1910 in Bregenz, Austria. He had two older brothers, Harald and Ekhard.

His mother’s name was Josefine and his father was an Engineer, named Josef Franz. He attended four years of elementary school, then Bregenz Gymnasium (Secondary School). He took his A‐ level examination on June 15, 1928 as a seventeen‐year‐ old boy, the youngest one from his class. At first he wanted to study law but later he decided in favour of medicine. He started his medical studies in 1928/29. He joined the Nazi Party on December 8, 1931 with a member number 687 095. He became the NS representa‐ tive of the student’s chamber. He was a member of the Mo‐ torsturm 1 and SA‐Sturm 14. He achieved his Doctorate in Febru‐ ary 1935 at 24 years of age as a medical Doctor. From February 20, 1935 to May 27, 1935 he was employed in the 2nd medical section of the Krankenanstalt Rudolfstiftung and from May 28, 1935 to March 8, 1936 at the Lungenheilanstalt Grimmenstein.

After a period of unemployment in Austria, Eberl went to Ger‐ many (he earned the status of a political refugee: N° 13 943), where for a month in April 1936 he was employed at the Deutsches Hygiene Institut in Dresden, and then from May 1, 1936 he was Chief of Amt für Volkswohlfahrt in Dessau near Magde‐ burg. He subsequently served at the Hauptgesundheitsamt in Berlin and from February 1940 he served at the Gemeinnützige Stiftung für Anstaltspflege, which was the code name for the T4 program.

Eberl was appointed to the post of Director of the Brandenburg euthanasia killing centre and in 1942 he went to the Bernburg 321

one, also as a Director, and to the Grafeneck euthanasia killing centre. After a brief spell on the Eastern front working for the Organisation Todt in the Minsk area, he was sent to the Sobibór death camp for training, to be the Treblinka camp Commandant.

He was appointed as the first operational Commandant of Tre‐ blinka death camp, and he was over ambitious in his desire to exceed all other camps in their destruction of the Jews. A month after becoming operational, Eberl had caused a chaotic break‐ down in operations at Treblinka, and was relieved of his com‐ mand by Globocnik, sometime towards late August 1942. Eberl’s wife Ruth (née Rehm) knew at least on August 24, 1942 that her husband’s time at Treblinka had come to an end. Her letter dated the same day, starts with the words, “Damit Du zum Schluss Deiner Tätigkeit in Treblinka” (Well, to the end of your activity in Treblinka.)

According to a post‐war statement by Fritz Bleich, who served in T4 as part of the International Military Tribunal in Nuremberg, he stated that Eberl also went to Auschwitz Concentration Camp to perform medical experiments on inmates, along with Doctor Georg Renno and Dr. Horst Schumann in October 1943, for a pe‐ riod of six months.

He served in the Wehrmacht. His second marriage left him a wid‐ ower. On the Western front he found himself in American cus‐ tody in Luxemburg at the beginning of April 1945 and was sent to the POW camp in Dietersheim near Bingen where he worked in the T.B. department. In July he was released. After the end of the war he settled at Blaubeuren. He was again imprisoned in 1947 and he committed suicide by hanging himself in February 1948 during his pre‐trial detention in the custodial prison in Ulm. At that time he was not yet accused for his activities in Treblinka but for his service in the T4 euthanasia centres.

FEIX, Reinhold: Born on July 3, 1909 in Neundorf / Oberschwarz‐ brunn, Sudetenland and he settled in Gablonz on the Neisse River. After serving in the SS Training camp at Trawniki, he

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served in the Bełżec death camp. At Bełżec he was one of the most brutal SS men on the camp’s staff.

He accompanied the last Jewish workers to the Sobibór death camp in May 1943. He was then appointed Commandant of the Jewish Labor Camp in Budzyn. He left Budzyn and disappeared.

He survived the war and died at his home in Amberg, Bavaria on May 30, 1969.

FLOSS, Erich Herbert: Born on August 25, 1912 in Reinholdsheim.

He attended extended elementary school. After school he was trained in textile dyeing, but he could not secure a position in this line of work and consequently worked in several other jobs.

He joined the SS, his SS‐Number was 281, 582.

From April 1, 1935 he served in the 2 Totenkopfsturmban Elbe and saw service in the Buchenwald Concentration Camp and he also served at the T4 institution at Bernburg. Erich Herbert Floss was to make a name for himself as the Aktion Reinhardt cremation expert which he put to good effect at Bełżec, Sobibór and Tre‐ blinka death camps, during 1943. Floss was nicknamed by the Jews at Treblinka, as Tadellos (perfect); that was his favourite ex‐ pression. Floss served mainly at the Sobibór death camp. He was one of the SS men who took the victims last possessions before they entered the ‘Tube’, leading from Lager II to the gas cham‐ bers. One week after the revolt in Sobibór, Floss escorted a group of Ukrainian Guards to the Trawniki training camp when he was killed by Wasil Hetmaniec in Zawadowka, near Chełm on Octo‐ ber 22, 1943.

FORKER, Alfred: Born on July 31, 1904. He served as a male Nurse at the T4 institution at Pirna / Sonnenstein. Forker served in Tre‐ blinka as a Guard in the sorting yard, and in the Totenlager. De‐ scribed in the testimony of his colleague, Otto Horn, as being small, with a tapering peaky face and dark blond hair.

He also served at Sobibór death camp, and when Sobibór was liquidated he was posted to Italy. No further details are known.

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FRANZ, Kurt Hubert: Born on January 17, 1914 in Düsseldorf. He attended elementary school from 1920 until 1928 in his home‐ town. From 1929 he trained as a Cook, firstly at the “Hirschquelle” restaurant, then in “Hotel Wittelsbacher Hof,” in Düsseldorf without taking his final examination.

Franz then served as a Soldier between the years of 1935 to 1937 and in October 1937 he joined the Waffen‐SS as part of the SS‐ Totenkopfstandarte Thüringen. His SS Number was 316, 909. As a member of the 6th battalion he served at the Buchenwald Con‐ centration Camp, as part of the Guard Unit. At the end of 1939, Franz was summoned to the Führer’s Chancellery in Berlin and detailed for service as a Kitchen Chief in the T4 institutions at Grafeneck, Hartheim, Sonnenstein and Brandenburg.

During March 1942, he was ordered to the Generalgouvernement, and he reported to Odilo Globocnik SSPF in Lublin, and was then posted to the Bełżec death camp. In Bełżec, Kurt Franz was re‐ sponsible for supervising the Ukrainian Guards and military training and he was promoted to the rank of SS‐Oberscharführer on April 20, 1942.

In August 1942 he was ordered to the Treblinka death camp as Deputy Camp Commandant and took over control of the Ukrain‐ ian Guard unit, and after the revolt in August 1943, he was ap‐ pointed as the last Commandant of the camp, responsible for the liquidation of the death camp, from August 27, 1943 until No‐ vember 1943.

Franz was one of the most brutal and murderous members of the camp staff when it came to the day to day running of the camp.

To the prisoners, Franz was the cruellest and most feared among the SS Personnel. His physical appearence was extremely deceiv‐ ing, he was handsome and had a round, almost baby‐face, and was nicknamed “Lalka“ (Doll) by the prisoners. He was accom‐ panied on his rounds of the camp by Barry, a Saint Bernhard cross, who attacked and maimed the prisoners on Franz’s com‐ mand. Franz is mentioned frequently in survivor accounts, who all paint the same evil picture.

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When Treblinka closed down he briefly went to the Sobibór death camp, and then to Trieste and Goriza in Italy, where he was Head of the Landeschutz school.

In May 1945, he was arrested by the Americans, but escaped back to Germany, where he was re‐arrested again by the Americans but later released. He then lived undisturbed in Düsseldorf until his arrest in 1959. He was tried as a War Criminal in the Treblinka Trial in Düsseldorf and sentenced to life imprisonment by the German Landesgericht on September 3, 1965. Kurt Franz died in an old people’s home in Wuppertal on July 4, 1998.

FRENZEL, Karl August Wilhelm: Born on August 20, 1911 in Zehdenick on the Havel, the son of a Reichsbahn employee, both his brothers were killed in the First World War. He took on a four year apprenticeship as a Carpenter, but work in this field was dif‐ ficult to find. He managed to find agricultural work, then became a Driver for a Butcher. He joined the Nazi Party and became an SA man from August 1930, and due to his fervent belief in Na‐ tional Socialism, he received a dagger of honour from Hitler per‐ sonally, which he described as “his greatest experience.“ At the end of 1939, he was employed by T4, and Frenzel first went to Grafeneck institution where he worked as a Guard, he then went to another institution at Bernburg and then onto Hadanar, where he became involved in the gassing and cremating of men‐ tally ill and disabled people.

After returning to Bernburg to help dismantle the gassing facili‐ ties, in mid‐April 1942, he was summoned to Berlin and together with other old comrades from other T4 institutions, was ordered to report to Odilo Globocnik, SS‐und Polizeiführer Lublin. Fren‐ zel was given the rank of SS‐ Oberscharführer and was posted to Sobibór, and he arrived there on April 28, 1942.

After a short while Frenzel was placed in charge of Lager I and the Bahnhofkommando, he was the one alongside Gustav Wag‐ ner, who selected the workers who were to live whilst the rest were consigned to the gas chambers. SS‐Scharführer Erich Bauer, who served with Frenzel in Sobibór, recalled: “He (Frenzel) was 325

one of the most brutal members of the permanent staff in the camp. His whip was very loose.”

Frenzel was one of the main targets of the prisoners during the revolt on October 14, 1943, but he escaped because he was in the shower. Because Franz Reichleitner was absent and Deputy Com‐ mandant Niemann was killed by the prisoners, Frenzel took command of the camp in the aftermath of the revolt.

Once Sobibór death camp had been dismantled and closed down, he was sent to join Globocnik in Trieste. He was assigned to Sondertruppe R as a Polizeihauptwachtmeister in Trieste and Fiume, hunting Jews and fighting partisans. In the spring of 1944 he was involved in a motor accident and spent a long time in a hospital in Udine.

After being captured by the American forces he was taken to a Prisoner of War Camp in the Munich area and made his way back to his home in Löwenburg in November 1945, the very day his wife Sofia died. He found employment as acting stage Manager for a film studio in Göttingen.

Frenzel was arrested for war crimes committed at Sobibór on March 22, 1962 and following a trial in Hagen he was sentenced on December 20, 1966 to life imprisonment. Karl Frenzel died in a retirement home in Garbsen / Hannover on September 2, 1996.

FUCHS, Erich: Born on April 9, 1902 in Berlin. After his education in an elementary school he trained to become a skilled Motor Mechanic and Automative Foreman. Before the Second World War he was a Driver in Berlin and he joined the Nazi Party in the early 1930’s and became a Member of the SA and later the SS. He was drafted to T4 where he worked as Dr Eberl’s Driver in the T4 institutions at Brandenburg and Bernburg, and was, as he ex‐ pressed himself, ‘an interested spectator‘ at the gassing of 50 mental patients.

In the winter of 1941, Fuchs was selected at Bernburg by Christian Wirth and posted to Bełżec death camp. At Bełżec he installed the “showers“, the disguised gassing facilities and worked as a truck Driver in the motor pool, transporting material to the 326

death camp site. In April 1942 he collected a Russian water‐ cooled petrol engine from Lemberg, which was to produce the lethal gas for exterminating the Jews at Sobibór. He installed the engine with Erich Bauer and ensured that it worked with a trial gassing of Jews.

Erich Fuchs was then posted to Treblinka to assist with the in‐ stallation of an engine in the gas chamber, which he testified: “Subsequently I went to Treblinka. In this extermination camp I installed a generator which supplied electric light for the bar‐ racks. The work in Treblinka took me about three to four busy months. During my stay there, transports of Jews who were gassed were coming in daily.“ In December 1942, Fuchs managed to arrange his release from T4 and from early 1943 he worked for the German oil company Ostland‐Öl‐Vertriebsgesellschaft in Riga. In February 1945 he be‐ came a Soldier and Member of the Waffen‐SS, where he served in a tank transport unit. In March 1945 he was wounded during a bombing raid. Fuchs was taken prisoner by the Russians, and then subsequently he was held as a Prisoner of War by the Amer‐ icans in Western Germany. He was employed by the British Army as a Driver / Mechanic in Bergen Belsen, until his release in 1946.

Fuchs worked until 1962 at a number of jobs as an Assistant Worker, Locksmith and Truck Inspector at the Technical Inspec‐ tion Agency (Technischer Überwachungs Verein—TÜV) in Ko‐ blenz, where he was arrested and held in custody from April 8, 1963. The Schwurgericht am Landesgericht Hagen sentenced him to four years imprisonment on December 20, 1966 for being an accessory to the murder of at least 79,000 people. He died in Ko‐ blenz on July 25, 1980.

GAULSTICH, Friedrich: Friedrich Gaulstich arrived in Sobibór in August 1943 and he was killed by a blow from an axe during the revolt on October 14, 1943 by Szlomo Leitman in the carpentry workshop.

GENTZ, Adolf: Born circa 1912. He served in Treblinka from August 1942, until October 1943, where he helped supervise the ramp.

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After Treblinka was closed down, Adolf Gentz was posted to the Sobibór death camp and assisted with the liquidation of that death camp. He was posted to Udine, Italy. No further details are known.

GETZINGER, Anton: Born on November 24, 1910 in Oeblarn, Aus‐ tria. He was described by his Ortsgruppenleiter as a ‘fanatical Na‐ tional Socialist and a fighter for the ideas of our Führer, Adolf Hitler.’ Getzinger served at the T4 institute at Hartheim, near Linz.

Getzinger arrived in Sobibór during April 1942 and he worked in Lager III. A few weeks before the revolt he was killed by a grenade in the Nordlager, where captured Soviet munitions were stored, in the presence of Hubert Gomerski, who explained what hap‐ pened: “We wanted to zero the aim of a machine‐gun. We took two or three hand grenades, pounded a stake into the ground and wanted to put the grenades on top to hit them and blow them up. Toni hit it and was torn to shreds.”

To cover up this embarrassing incident, an official NSDAP report of December 9, 1944 stated that Getzinger was killed in action fighting against bandits, while serving in a Sonderkommando in Serbia.

GOMERSKI, Hubert: Born on November 11, 1911 in Schweinheim, he worked at the T4 institutions at Hadamar and Hartheim. He arrived in Sobibór at the end of April 1942. Initially he was put in charge of a group of Ukrainian Guards, but then worked along‐ side Bolender and Vallaster in Lager III. Gomerski could be found on the ramp whenever a transport ar‐ rived, looking for the sick and disabled. He was known as ‘the doctor‘ because of his past experience in handling the sick, and his speciality was braining the half dead with a steel water‐can as they were taken off the trains. He also carried out executions in the Lazarett, of the sick, disabled and worker Jews sent there. He often took to balancing a bottle on the head of an Arbeitshaftling, 328

getting him to stand against a wall, and then shooting him with his carbine.

His accomplishments at Sobibór earned him a promotion to the rank of SS‐Unterscharführer at Christmas 1942. He supervised the Waldkommando and the Nordlager with the utmost brutality. He was on leave when the revolt took place in October 1943.

The Schwurgericht in Frankfurt am Main sentenced him to life imprisonment on August 25, 1950 for murdering an undisclosed number of people. He asked for a re‐trial, which started on De‐ cember 12, 1972 but this was ended prematurely due to ill‐health reasons. Hubert Gomerski died on December 28, 1999 in Frank‐ furt am Main.

GRAETSCHUS, Siegfried: Born on June 9, 1916 in Tilsit, East Prus‐ sia. After extended elementary education, he became a Farmer and was a Member of the NSDAP from 1936. He served at the Sachsenhausen Concentration Camp, as confirmed by the War Crimes Group in 1947.

Graetschus was posted to the Bełżec death camp and was in‐ volved in the early gassing experiments, including the conversion of a Post Office parcel van, into a gas‐wagon. Siegfried Grae‐ tschus was transferred to Treblinka after Bełżec from April 1942, until September 1942. Then he was transferred to Sobibór from September 1942 where he commanded the Ukrainian Guards, re‐ placing Lachmann as their Chief. Graetschus was killed during the prisoner revolt on October 14, 1943 by Jehuda Lerner.

GROMER, Ferdinand: Born on April 7, 1903 in Austria. He worked in the T4 institution at Hartheim. Gromer was posted to Sobibór in August 1942 as a Cook, although he carried out a number of roles at the death camp; overseeing the gassing and transporting the bodies to the mass graves and burying the corpses. He also supervised the Waldkommando. Erich Bauer recalled Gromer, “as a drunk who frequently resorted to violence.“ Commandant Reichleitner removed him from Sobibór because of his drinking problems. Possibly known as ‘Red Cake‘ by the prisoners.

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GROTH, Paul Johannes: Born on February 9, 1922 in Holthausen, Schwein. He served at the T4 institute at Hartheim near Linz, Austria. Groth was posted to the Bełżec death camp in January 1942. Christian Wirth transferred Groth to the Sobibór death camp in April 1942, where he supervised the sorting activities in Lager II. He was regarded by the prisoners as one of the worst sadists. However, Groth fell in love with a Jewish girl called Ruth, who was shot in Lager III. Groth was transferred back to the Bełżec death camp in December 1942. Groth was in charge of the transport that brought the last Jewish work‐brigade from Bełżec in May 1943. In 1951 his wife declared that Groth had died in order to claim her widow’s pension. SS Number 224,914.

HACKEL, Emil: Born on November 9, 1910 in the Sudetenland. He served in the T4 institute at Pirna / Sonnenstein, as a ‘burner.’ He was transferred to the Sobibór death camp, but no other details are known.

HACKENHOLT, Lorenz: Born on June 25, 1914 in Gelsenkirchen.

After attending the local elementary school until the age of 14 , he became an Apprentice Bricklayer and on passing the trade ex‐ aminations worked on various building sites.

Lorenz Hackenholt joined the SS in 1934 and as part of the 2 Totenkopf Brandenburg Division, was stationed at Oranienburg, north of Berlin. He was transferred to the Sachsenhausen Con‐ centration Camp in March 1938, where he was employed in the motor pool and as a Driver for the camp command and person‐ nel.

In November 1939 he was summoned to Voss Strasse, along with Josef Oberhauser, Siegfried Graetschus and Werner Dubois from the Sachsenhausen camp staff and was interviewed by Viktor Brack, the Head of Hauptamt II of the Führer’s Chancellery, and one of the men responsible for the euthanasia program, of killing mentally‐handicapped patients. Also interviewed that day were Kurt Franz, Fritz Jirmann and Erich Hubert Floss from Buchen‐ wald Concentration Camp and Johann Niemann and Gottfried Schwarz from Dachau Concentration Camp. After the SS‐NCO’s 330

were sworn to secrecy, informed about T4 and the euthanasia program, civilian clothes were obtained for them.

Lorenz Hackenholt drove the bus with SS NCO’s in to the Grafe‐ neck Castle T4 institute in the Swabian Alps, south of Stuttgart.

From the beginning of 1940 when Grafeneck became operational until the summer of 1941 when the gassings were stopped on Hit‐ ler’s orders, Lorenz Hackenholt served in all six T4 institutions, both as a Bus Driver and as a so‐called ‘Disinfector / Burner,‘ un‐ loading the corpses from the gas chambers and cremating them.

After the termination of the T4 gassings, Hackenholt, together with a small group of SS‐NCO’s from the Foundation, was trans‐ ferred in the autumn of 1941 to serve the SS‐Brigadeführer Odilo Globocnik the SS‐ und Polizeiführer of the Lublin Dristrict in south‐eastern Poland. From Lublin, Hackenholt was posted to Bełżec, a remote village in the far south‐eastern corner of Poland, on the railway line between Lublin and Lwow (Lemberg). It was at this spot near the railway station that the Nazis were building the first death camp.

Lorenz Hackenholt rapidly became the gassing expert of Aktion Reinhardt, he was the one who started the motor which fed the three chambers with deadly carbon monoxide fumes, when the Extermination Camp became active in March 1942. A few months later he designed and supervised the construction of a new gas chamber building at Bełżec with six chambers, and which bore his name‘Stiftung Hackenholt.‘ (Foundation Hackenholt).

In August 1942, Lorenz Hackenholt was ordered to Treblinka by Christian Wirth, the Inspector of Aktion Reinhardt Camps, in or‐ der to construct the larger gassing facility there. Erwin Lambert the T4 Construction Expert and Lorenz Hackenholt were then sent by Wirth to Sobibór death camp in order to build new gas‐ sing facilities there.

After completing this task Hackenholt returned to Bełżec death camp and he was subsequently involved in the exhumation and cremation of the gassed victims that had been buried in mass

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graves. In the spring of 1943, Lorenz Hackenholt returned to Tre‐ blinka on orders from Wirth to assist with the cremation opera‐ tion. He was one of the excavator drivers.

Following the closure of Bełżec in May 1943, Hackenholt was transferred to the Alter Flugplatz (Old Airfield) camp in Lublin, which was the main sorting, cleaning and storage depot for the vast amounts of belongings and valuables seized from the Jews murdered at Bełżec, Sobibór and Treblinka. Valuable furs were disinfected with Zyklon B in four specially constructed chambers.

After SS‐Hauptscharführer Hackenholt arrived at the airfield, he used the chambers for killing prisoners who were unfit for work.

Lorenz Hackenholt was transferred to Trieste in Italy, where he served at San Sabba and in 1944 he was awarded the Iron Cross II Class, for his dedicated service to Aktion Reinhardt.

Whilst some of his former colleagues said in interrogations after the war had ended that Hackenholt had been killed in action, it would appear that he almost certainly survived the War and was living in the Allgau area around Memmingen‐Kempten in the German–Austria border region. He was possibly spotted by his brother driving a delivery van. Lorenz Hackenholt has never been brought to trial and no further information is known.

HIRTREITER, Josef ‘Sepp’: Born on February 1, 1909 in Bruchsal, which is 20 kilometres north east of Karlsruhe. After attending extended elementary school, he trained as a Locksmith but failed the final examination. Later he worked as an unskilled Construc‐ tion Worker and Bricklayer. On August 1, 1932 he became a Mem‐ ber of the NSDAP and SA. In October 1940 he was ordered to the T4 institute at Hadamar where he worked in the kitchen and the office. In the summer of 1942 he was drafted into the Wehrmacht for a brief time before returning to Hadamar and then onto Berlin where Christian Wirth transferred him to Lublin and then onto Treblinka death camp.

Josef Hirtreiter was stationed at Treblinka from August 20, 1942 until October 1943 when he was transferred to Sobibór death 332

camp to assist with the dismantling of that camp. At Treblinka he became much feared by the Jewish prisoners, and he was known by the nickname ‘Sepp.’.

In October 1943 he was ordered to Italy where he joined an anti‐ partisan police unit. After the War he was arrested in July 1946, and accused of having served at the institute at Hadamar. He was the first of the Treblinka hangmen to be brought to trial in Frank‐ furt am Main. On March 3, 1951 he was sentenced to life impris‐ onment.

Among the crimes he was found guilty of, were those of killing many young children, aged one or two, during the unloading of transports, seizing the infants by their feet and smashing their heads against the boxcars. Because of ill‐health, Josef Hirtreiter was released from prison in 1977. He spent the last six months of his life in an old people’s home in Frankfurt am Main. He died on November 27, 1978.

HÖDL, Franz: Born on August 1, 1905 in Aschbach, Austria. He served at the T4 institute at Hartheim, where he drove the buses from April 1939 to January 1942. Thereafter he was drafted to an Organisation Todt unit in Russia where he was employed trans‐ porting wounded soldiers. He was a member of the SS, his SS Number was 302, 133.

After a period of training at the Trawniki SS‐Ausbildungslager he arrived at the Sobibór death camp in October 1942, where he op‐ erated the gassing engine in Lager III. He also chauffered Com‐ mandant Reichleitner and after the revolt helped with the dis‐ mantling of the facilities.

When Sobibór was closed down he was posted to Italy, and he witnessed the death of Franz Reichleitner who was ambushed and killed by partisans in his car.

ITTNER, Jakob, Alfred: Born on January 13, 1907 in Kulmbach. He joined the Nazi Party as early as 1926 and the SA in 1936 as a Scharführer. After working for T4 in Berlin as a Book‐Keeper, he was in the first group of arrivals at Sobibór on April 28, 1942 and remained there until the end of July 1942.

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He spent the first five weeks in administrative duties as an SS‐ Oberscharführer. The Jews had to hand over their money and other valuables as they filed past his counter naked, on their way from Lager II to the gas chambers. After that he became a Guard in Lager III, where he supervised prisoners as they extracted gold teeth from the bodies and carted the bodies over to the mass graves.

At the end of June 1942, he managed to get himself transferred back to T4 Headquarters in Berlin. In the 1966 Hagen Trial he was sentenced to four years in prison for his part in the murder of an ‘undisclosed number, though at least 68,000 Jews.’

JUHRS, Robert Emil: Born on October 17, 1911 in Frankfurt am Main. By profession he was a Painter, but he also worked as a Laborer, Caretaker, and Usher at the Frankfurt Opera House and an Office Clerk. After serving at the T4 institute at Hadamar, where he was employed as a male Nurse, Painter and Clerk until late 1941.

He was posted to the Bełżec death camp in June 1942, where he served at the ramp and at the Lazarett shooting the sick and dis‐ abled. In March 1943, he was posted to the Jewish Labor Camp at Dorohucza, where peat was dug and he remained until early No‐ vember 1943.

Juhrs escorted the Arbeitshäftlinge from Dorohucza to Trawniki, where all of them were shot during Aktion Erntefest (Harvest Fes‐ tival). Following the revolt in Sobibór in October 1943, Juhrs was sent to Sobibór to help with the dismantling of the camp and he formed a guard cordon of the last prisoners to be killed at So‐ bibór, once they had finished with the clean‐up of the death camp.

Juhrs was ordered to Italy in December 1943. He was acquitted at the Bełżec Trial at the Landesgericht Munich in 1963 and he was also acquitted at the Sobibór Trial in Hagen on December 20, 1966 on charges arising from his involvement in the demolition of the camp.

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KAMM, Rudolf: Born in 1905 in Sedenz, a village near Teplitz Schonau in the Sudetenland. He served at the T4 institute at Pirna / Sonnenstein as a ‘burner.’

He was posted to the death camp at Bełżec in 1942 and records from the nearby hospital at Tomaszow Lubelski show that he was hospitalized on June 17, 1942 until June 25, 1942 and again on De‐ cember 30, 1942 until January 31, 1943 with typhus. 234 He was transferred to Sobibór in July 1943 where he supervised the sorting barracks. He was posted to Italy. Franz Suchomel tes‐ tified that he saw him for the last time after the end of the War, in a Gasthaus between Mauthern and Hermagor, Carinthia (Aus‐ tria).

KLIER, Johann: Born on July 15, 1901 in Stadtsteinach. After com‐ pleting school he qualifed as a Master Baker. From 1934 until 1940 he worked at the Heddernheimer Copper Works factory and in the same year he was posted to the T4 institute at Hadamar, where he worked as a Construction Worker and looking after the heating system.

He was posted to Sobibór early in August 1942. He was in charge of the bakery, first outside and later inside Lager I. He also su‐ pervised the sorting and storage of the shoes in Lager II. Klier was on leave when the prisoner revolt took place on October 14, 1943 and when Sobibór was closed, he was posted to Italy. Klier was regarded as relatively humane by the prisoners and they testified to that effect at his trial in Frankfurt am Main, and on August 25, 1950 he was found not guilty. Klier died on February 18, 1955.

KONRAD, Fritz: Born on September 21, 1914. He served in the T4 institutes at Pirna / Sonnenstein and Grafeneck as a male Nurse.

He was posted to Sobibór death camp in March 1943, along with the Wolf brothers (Franz and Josef) and Willi Wendland. He worked both as a Supervisor in the sorting barracks in Lager II 234

A number of the SS Garrison were also hospitalized at Tomaszow Lubelski, in‐ cluding Schwarz and Unverhau as well as Kamm, and a number of Trawniki‐ Männer were also hospitialized, and some of them died of typhus.

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and in Lager III. Sobibór survivor, Zelda Metz testified that he was killed by one of the Shoemenders during the revolt on Octo‐ ber 14, 1943.

LACHMANN, Erich, Gustav Willie: Born on November 6, 1909 in Liegnitz. A Member of the Police he trained Ukrainian volunteers at Trawniki from September 1941 and he testified he was at So‐ bibór for only a few months from August 1943, as Oberwacht‐ meister and Chief of the Ukrainian Guards. However, it has been confirmed that in fact he was there a year earlier. Bauer recalled that Lachmann was a thieving alcoholic. Jewish survivors Abra‐ ham Marguiles and Eda Lichtman witnessed him raping young girls.

Commandant Reichleitner sent Lachmann back to Trawniki be‐ cause of his incompetence, from where he deserted with his girl‐ friend. In the Hagen Trial of 1966 he was acquitted. He died on January 23, 1972 in Wegscheid.

LAMBERT, Erwin Hermann: Born on December 7, 1909 in Schil‐ dow, Kreis Niederbarnim, near Berlin. He was a Member of the NSDAP since 1933 and a Mason by profession. In January 1940, he was recruited to T4 and his first assignment was the renovation of the T4 villa in Tiergartenstrasse 4. He installed the gas cham‐ bers at the institutes of Hartheim, Pirna / Sonnenstein, Bernburg and Hadamar.

In the spring of 1942 he was ordered to Lublin and then onto the Treblinka death camp. He arrived there with August Hengst, and under the command of Richard Thomalla was responsible for construction work on the first gas chambers and other buildings.

In August 1942 he was responsible for the demolition of a glass factory chimney in Malkinia, which was photographed by Kurt Franz, and the bricks were used in the construcion of the larger gas chambers building in Treblinka. He was called the ‘Flying Ar‐ chitect of T4,’ because he also undertook construction works at T4 establishments, such as the villa used for recreation by the death camp Personnel at Attersee.

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Erwin Lambert was also involved along with Lorenz Hackenholt in the construction of larger gassing facilities at the Sobibór death camp, as well as other construction projects at Jewish La‐ bor Camps at Dorohucza and Poniatowa. After Aktion Reinhardt ended he was posted to Trieste, Italy. Afer the War, Lambert was arrested on March 28, 1962 and was tried at the Treblinka Trial which was held in Düsseldorf during 1964/1965. He was found guilty and sentenced to four years in prison.

LUDWIG, Karl Emil: Born on November 30, 1904 in Storkow. A Driver by profession he was the Chauffeur of Reichsleiter Martin Bormann and for the T4 Headquarters. He was posted to the So‐ bibór death camp from April 1942 until January 1943 where he served in Lager III, the extermination area. In January 1943 he was posted to Treblinka, where he also served in Lager II, the exter‐ mination area. Joe Siedlicki recalled in an interview with Gitta Sereny, that Karl Ludwig was viewed as; “A good, good man. The number of times he brought me things, the number of times he helped me, the number of people he probably saved, I can hardly tell you.“ After Treblinka death camp was dismantled he served in Italy, he survived the War. MATTHES, Heinrich Arthur: Born on January 11, 1902 in Wermsdorf, Kreis Leipzig. He attended extended elementary school and became a Tailor. In 1924 he served an apprenticeship as a male Nurse and Educator and took his examinations at the mental home Pirna / Sonnenstein near Dresden.

At the Psychological Clinic in Arnsdorf, also near Dresden, he served as a male Nurse and Educator. In 1930 he worked as an Educator and Welfare Worker to an institute in Braunsdorf, near Freiburg / Sachsen, returning in October 1933 to Arnsdorf. Hein‐ rich Matthes became an SA Member in 1934. In 1939 he was drafted into the Wehrmacht, where he served as a Soldier in Po‐ land and France until September 1941. His last rank in the Wehr‐ macht was Obergefreiter.

Released from the Wehrmacht, Matthes was ordered to the Kdf (Kanzlei des Führer) where he was posted to the T4 Organization.

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He spent a short time in the photograph section. In the winter of 1941/42 he served as a Member of the Organisation Todt, in Rus‐ sia, where he served as a male Nurse in the Minsk and Smolensk areas. In February / March 1942 he returned from Russia and served in the same photographic section at T4.

In August 1942 he was ordered to Lublin, where he was drafted into the SS and given the rank of SS‐Scharführer, and despatched to Treblinka death camp, which he arrived at on August 20, 1942.

At Treblinka he was appointed by Christian Wirth as the Com‐ mander of Lager II, the Totenlager, which included the gas cham‐ bers and the burial pits.

From Treblinka he was posted to the Sobibór death camp in Sep‐ tember 1943 where he stayed until the camp was dismantled and afterwards was stationed in Berlin. In early 1944 he was posted from Berlin to Trieste in Italy, now with the rank of Polizei‐Ober‐ wachtmeister. In Trieste he fought against partisans, took part in millitary construction work and served as a Guard until the end of the War. In 1945 he was captured by US forces, but was released the same year. Returning to Germany in Nuremberg he worked as an am‐ bulance man, helped removing rubble and was employed as a male Nurse again, at the mental homes in Ansbach, Andernach and finally Bayreuth.

In the Treblinka Trial held during 1964/65 in Düsseldorf he was sentenced to life imprisonment.

MATZIG, Willy: Born on August 6, 1910 in Berg, Oberlausitz. After leaving school his first profession was as a Glasscutter. In Octo‐ ber 1933 he became a Member of the Allgemeine SS with the rank of SS‐Unterscharführer. In July 1939, he was posted to an infantry unit in Freistadt, Silesia and then in early January 1940 he was posted to an SS infantry unit in Linz. Matzig fell ill with a septic bone marrow and as a result was suspended on medical grounds and ordered to Berlin.

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In Berlin he was recruited as a Member of T4 from February / March 1940 and he served as a Guard at the Brandenburg insti‐ tute for one year, and in 1941 was posted to Bernburg, where he again served as a Guard and an Administration Assistant until August 1942.

In August 1942 he was posted to Treblinka death camp where he performed book‐keeping and administrative duties. With the or‐ derly Otto Stadie, Matzig was one of Franz Stangl’s two Senior Administrative Assistants housed in the Kommandantur. Matzig was also part of the squad which received prisoners on the ramp when transports arrived. After the Jews disembarked, Stadie or Matzig would have a brief conversation with them. They were told something to the effect that, “they were a resettlement transport, they would be given a bath and they would receive new clothes. They were also instructed to maintain quiet and dis‐ cipline. They would continue their journey the following day.“ Following the dismantling of Treblinka, Matzig was in Sobibór for a short while, and then in Trieste until the end of the War. No further details are known.

MENTZ, Willi: Born on April 30, 1904 in Schönhagen, Kreis Brom‐ berg. After school he found employment as an unskilled Worker in a sawmill and then passed his master milkman’s examination.

In 1940 he took care of cows and pigs at the T4 Grafeneck insti‐ tute and from 1941 to early summer 1942 worked in the gardens at Hadamar.

From June–July 1942 he was posted to Treblinka death camp where he was assigned at first to Camp II and then to Camp I as Chief of the Landwirtschaftskommando (Agricultural Com‐ mando). Willi Mentz was also assigned by Wirth to supervise the Lazarett, where he became one of the most brutal killers, much feared by the Jewish prisoners.

After Treblinka was dismantled he served for a short time at So‐ bibór death camp and from there he was posted to Italy, fighting partisans and persecuting Jews. After the War ended he worked

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again as a master Milkman. In the Treblinka trial held in Düssel‐ dorf during 1964/65 he was sentenced to life imprisonment.

MICHEL, Hermann: Born 1906 in Heegermühle near Berlin. He served at Grafeneck and Hartheim T4 institutes. He was posted to the Sobibór death camp from April 1942, and he was a friend of Franz Stangl, the First Commandant of Sobibór. He used to welcome the new arrivals in Lager II with a short speech in order to win their confidence by pretending that they had arrived at a Labor Camp and must be disinfected and bathed for reasons of hygiene.

He was later transferred to Treblinka in November 1942. After the War he fled to Egypt. No further details are known.

MÜLLER, Adolf: Born during 1902 in Berlin. He served in T4 and he arrived in Sobibór in late June 1943. He served predominantly in Lager II, in the sorting barracks and in charge of the Waldkom‐ mando. During the revolt he kept a group of prisoners of the Waldkommando under armed guard. When Sobibór closed he served on the Adriatic Coast in Italy. He died on March 10, 1949 in Berlin.

NIEMANN, Johann: Born on August 4, 1913 in Vollern, Ostfriesland.

He joined the SS, his SS Number was 270,600. He served at a number of Concentration Camps such as Oranienburg, Ester‐ wegen and Sachsenhausen between the years of 1934–1941. He was a member of T4 and was employed as a ‘burner‘ at the Bern‐ burg institute.

Niemann was posted to service in the East at the Bełżec death camp before being posted to Sobibór in January 1943. Niemann was promoted to the rank of SS‐Untersturmführer following Himmler’s visit to the death camp on February 12, 1943 He was acting Camp Commandant when the prisoner revolt took place on October 14, 1943 and he was killed in the Tailors barracks by a blow from an axe wielded by Alexander (Kalimali) Shubayev.

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NOWAK, Anton Julius: Born on May 22, 1907 in Janow. He super‐ vised the ‘Haircutters‘ barracks near the gas chambers. Some‐ times he supervised the Waldkommando. Survivor Estera Raab often saw him going into Lager III and said he stank of dead bod‐ ies. Anton Nowak was killed during the revolt on October 14, 1943.

NOWAK, Walter: Born on May 12, 1912 in Dresden. He worked at the T4 institute at Pirna / Sonnenstein, as a male Nurse. He was posted to the Sobibór death camp. During the euthanasia trials in Dresden in 1947, his service in Sobibór was not included in the indictment. The fact that he served in Sobibór came to light in a letter dated March 6, 1946 from the local police in Pirna, it noted that during the interrogation of his wife, she had admitted that her husband had served in the SS‐Sonderkommando at Sobibór.

A search of her house had revealed a hoard of valuable items “from a camp in Poland where Jews from many lands had been burned.“ His comrade Paul Rost confirmed that Nowak had served in La‐ ger III and that he had come across Walter Nowak after the War in an American Entlassungslager. After his release in 1947 he was pursued by the authorities but without success.

POST, Philip: Born during 1911 in Bad Vilbel, Hessen. He joined the Nazi Party and in civilian life worked as a Baker and on the rail‐ ways. He served in Treblinka from August 1942 until September 1943. He was then transferred the same month to Sobibór until the camp closed in 1943, working in the bakery. He then served in Trieste, Italy until the War ended.

PöTZINGER, Karl: Born in 1908, apparently from Leipzig. Re‐ cruited into T4, he served at the Brandenburg and Bernburg in‐ stitutions, where he incinerated the bodies. He was posted to Treblinka where he worked in the Totenlager, in charge of the burial pits, then the cremations. When Treblinka was closed he served briefly in the Sobibór death camp, before being posted to Italy. Karl Pötzinger was killed on December 22, 1944 in an air‐ 341

raid, by shrapnel and he was buried at the German Military Cem‐ etery at Costermano near Verona, Italy.

REWALD, Wenzel (Fritz): Born during 1910, possibly in Moldau. A Bricklayer by profession. He joined the SS, his SS Number was 321,745. He became affiliated with the T4 Euthanasia Program and served at the Bernburg, Hadamar, Hartheim and Pirna / Son‐ nenstein institutions. He was posted to Sobibór death camp in April 1942. He supervised the women’s undressing barrack and the construction of new barracks. During the revolt he held pris‐ oners under guard at gunpoint. After Sobibór was dismantled he was posted to Trieste, Italy.

RICHTER, Kurt: Born during 1914 in Karlsbad, Bohemia, he was a Butcher by profession. He was recruited into T4 and served at the Pirna / Sonnenstein and Hartheim institutions. Posted to the East, he first went to Treblinka death camp as a Cook, and was transferred to Sobibór death camp in October 1942, where he worked in the kitchen, and in the German Casino.

He also used to take the sick from the Ramp to the Lazarett, and he also supervised the work in the ‘haircutters‘ barracks and took part in the execution of the workers in the Waldkommando. After Sobibór he was posted to Italy, and he was killed in a fight with partisans on August 13, 1944 near Trieste. Erich Bauer testified that he transported Richter’s body to the local cemetery.

ROST, Paul: Born on June 12, 1904 in Deutschenbora near Meissen.

After attending extended elementary school he trained to be‐ come a Butcher. In 1925 he became a Member of the police in Dresden and in 1937 became a Member of the Nazi Party. On May 21, 1940 he was posted to the T4 institute at Pirna / Sonnenstein, where he commanded the police squad and transportation com‐ mand. He also served at the Hartheim institute.

Rost was posted to Sobibór death camp in April 1942, he was in‐ itially the Deputy Commandant but was succeeded by Floss and Niemann respectively. He supervised the sorting of Jewish prop‐ erty in Lager II and also had to secretly spy on the other SS staff.

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He was transferred to Treblinka in May 1943; Rost was trans‐ ferred to Trieste in December 1943 and he was promoted to Po‐ lice Lieutenant on November 9, 1944 and awarded the Kriegsver‐ dienstkreuz Class II. After the War had ended he was a Prisoner of War in a US run camp but was released and returned to his family in Dresden. He was subsequently imprisoned by the So‐ viet Millitary Authority until the summer of 1946, then once again released. He lived and worked untroubled in Dresden until his death on March 21, 1984.

RUM, Franz Albert: Born on June 8, 1890 in Berlin. By profession he was a Waiter in a night‐club, he joined the Nazi Party in 1933 and was recruited into T4 in 1939 where he worked in the photo‐ graphic section.

He was posted to Treblinka death camp in December 1942 where he supervised the Body‐Transport Commando, in the Totenlager, and he also chased the Jews into the gas chambers with a whip in hand. He was also in charge of Sorting Barracks B in the Sorting Yard. He took part in the final liquidation of Treblinka and was in the truck with Kurt Franz that went to the Sobibór death camp in November 1943. Rum was then posted to Trieste, Italy and re‐ turned to Germany after the War. He was tried in the Treblinka Trial held during 1964/65 in Düsseldorf and was sentenced to three years in prison. He died in 1970.

RYBA, Walter: Born on July 18, 1900 in Heydebreck, Kozle. He was killed in the garage during the prisoner revolt at the death camp on October 14, 1943. According to the Berlin Document Centre his name was Walter Hochberg.

SCHÄFER, Herbert: Born in Liegnitz. After service in T4, he was transferred to the SS‐Training Camp at Trawniki, near Lublin. He served in Sobibór between April and June 1942.

SCHARFE, Herbert: Born on February 13, 1913 in Königstein, Sach‐ sen. He served at the T4 institute at Pirna / Sonnenstein, em‐ ployed in the economics office. Sent to the Treblinka death 343

camp, he was in charge of the camouflage Commando. He also served at Sobibór death camp. No further details are known.

SCHIFFNER, Karl: Born on July 4, 1901 in Weiskirchlitz, under the name of Kresadlo. He attended extended elementary school and later studied at the public school in Weiskirchlitz. He served a three year apprenticeship as a Carpenter at a Trade School. He then served in the Czech army during the years 1921–23. Schiffner married in 1928 and became a Member of the Sudetendeutsche Partei and became a Member of the SA, once Czechoslovakia was occupied. He changed from the SA to the SS, “because the black uniforms looked better.“ He received the Ehrenwinkel (Chevron of Honour) because of his membership in the Sudetendeutsche Partei. He changed his name from Kresadlo to Schiffner in 1941.

Until 1942 he served at the T4 institute at Pirna / Sonnenstein and was then sent to Treblinka, where he was in charge of the camp joinery and construction team. His SS Number was 321,225.

During June / July 1943 he and a group of twelve Ukranians under his command went to Bełżec to supervise the construction of a farmhouse on the former camp site, which was to be occupied by a Ukrainian family to keep a close watch on the site.

He also served at the Sobibór death camp and from there he was posted to Trieste, in a police unit, which fought partisans until the end of the War. Schiffner made his way to Kärnten, Austria where he was captured by the British, and interned in a Prisoner of War camp at Usbach. He was released in October 1945, and he made his way to Salzburg and disappeared. No further details are known.

SCHMIDT, Fritz: Born on November 29, 1906 in Eibau, Görlitz district in eastern Saxony. A Motor Mechanic by trade, he was employed in the T4 institute at Pirna / Sonnenstein in 1940 as a Guard and a Driver and in 1941 he was transferred to Bernburg euthanasia institute. He served in Bełżec from June / July 1942 until September 1942, when he was transferred to Treblinka to supervise the maintenance and running of the gassing engines in the Upper Camp. He was also in charge of the SS‐garage and 344

supervised the metal work shop. He was transferred to Sobibór during September 1943 and he stayed there until the camp was liquidated in November 1943. After Treblinka, he served with Einsatz R in Trieste, northern Italy. Captured by the Americans at the end of the War, he was released and he returned to Germany. He was arrested by the Soviet millitary authorities, placed on trial, and on December 14, 1949, was sentenced to nine years imprisonment. He escaped and fled to West Germany, where he died on February 4, 1982, aged 76.

SCHULZE, Erich: Born during 1902 in Adlershof / Berlin. After serv‐ ing in T4, he was posted to Treblinka, where he served from Sep‐ tember 1942, until the spring of 1943. He was then transferred to Sobibór where he worked in the Forest Commando (Waldkom‐ mando) and the Penal Colony (Strafkommando) until the camp was liquidated. He was then posted to Trieste in Italy. His fate is unknown.

SCHÜTT, Hans‐Heinz: Born on April 6, 1908 in Dümmersdorf. As early as 1938 he became a Sturmbannverwaltungsführer with the SS and subsequently a Verwaltungsführer in the T4 institutes at Grafeneck and Hadamar.

From April 28, 1942 until mid‐August 1942 he was at the Sobibór death camp where he was responsible for paying the garrison and manning the counter in Lager II, taking the last money and val‐ uables from the naked Jews as they made their way to the gas chambers. Schütt also worked at the ramp and in Lager III where he was responsible for the cleanliness of the barracks that housed the Jewish Sonderkommando.

Hans‐Heinz Schütt was tried at the Sobibór War Crimes Trial in Hagen during 1965–66 and on December 20, 1966 he was found not guilty.

SCHWARZ, Gottfried: Born on May 3, 1913 in Furth. He joined the SS. His SS Number was 37, 768. He served at Brandenburg, Graf‐ eneck, and Bernburg T4 institutes as a ‘burner’. Schwarz was Deputy Commandant at Bełżec and according to Erich Fuchs 345

took part in trial gassings at Sobibór. When Bełżec was closed he was appointed Commandant of the Jewish Labor Camp at Doro‐ hucza. Ordered to Trieste, he was killed by Italian Communist partisans in San Pietro, near Civdale. He was buried at the Ger‐ man Military cemetery in Costermano, Italy.

SIEFERT, Rudolf: Born on July 29, 1913. He was a male Nurse at the T4 institute Pirna / Sonnenstein. He served in the Sobibór death camp, though no other details are known.

STEFFL, Thomas: Born in Krummau in the Sudetenland, now Czech Republic, he arrived in Sobibór death camp in February 1943. He first served in the Treblinka death camp and arrived at Sobibór shortly before the prisoner revolt on October 14, 1943.

Franz Suchomel was the only person who named this SS man and stated he was killed during the revolt.

STENGELIN, Erwin: Erwin Stengelin was born on August 10, 1911 in Tuttlingen. He served at the T4 institute at Hadamar. He was posted to the East and served at the Treblinka death camp where he was assigned to Camp I. He was transferred to Sobibór death camp in September 1943 and he was killed during the prisoner revolt on October 14, 1943.

STEUBL, Karl: Born during 1910 in Linz, Austria. He was a member of T4 and was employed as a male Nurse at the institute at Hart‐ heim. He was posted to Sobibór in April 1942 and he served there until the camp was dismantled. He supervised the sorting of clothes in Lager II, and was described by Dov Freiberg as a tall, thin Austrian. Steubl witnessed the murder of the Jews from Tre‐ blinka who were assisting with the dismantling of the structures.

He committed suicide after the War ended on September 24, 1945 in Linz, Austria.

SUCHOMEL, Franz: Born on December 3, 1907 in Krummau, Sude‐ tenland, now the Czech Republic. By profession he was a Tailor.

He worked from 1940 until 1942 in the T4 program in Berlin and at the Hadamar institute.

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Ordered together with Hirtreiter, Post, Loeffler, Sydow, Matthes and two men from Frankfurt am Main, they arrived in the Tre‐ blinka death camp on August 20, 1942. Initially he was employed at the unloading ramp, then as a Supervisor in the women’s un‐ dressing barracks, leading the victims to the ‘Tube.‘ Later, he was in charge of the Goldjuden, and the tailor shop. When Adolf Eich‐ mann and Odilo Globocnik visited Treblinka, Suchomel had to report to them about the work of the Goldjuden. In late October 1943, he was ordered to the Sobibór death camp. After the closure of Sobibór he was posted to Trieste, Italy. At the end of the War he was captured by US forces and incarcerated in a Prisoner of War Camp. In August 1945, he was released and he returned to Germany. Since 1949 he lived in Alotting, in Bavaria, which was where he was arrested on July 11, 1963. In the Treblinka Trial 1964/65 he was sentenced to six years in prison, but was released in 1969.

SYDOW, Hermann: Hermann Sydow was a docker from Hamburg prior to the Second World War. In Treblinka he was in charge of the camouflage Commando. Richard Glazar , a prisoner, recalled that Sydow was: ‘A short little guy, but very tough, with an unbe‐ lievable appetite for alcohol.‘ After Treblinka was closed down, Hermann Sydow was posted to the Sobibór death camp, and then after that was posted to Italy. No further details are known.

THOMAS, Martin: Martin Thomas served at the T4 institutes at Hadamar and Pirna / Sonnenstein as a Driver. He was posted to Sobibór death camp, no further details are known.

UNVERHAU, Heinrich: Born on November 26, 1911 in Vienenburg, Goslar. In April 1925 he became a Plumber’s Apprentice, but as a result of an accident at work, he lost the sight in his right eye, and he was forced to end his apprenticeship. He became a Mus‐ cian and from 1934 he worked as a Nurse.

In January 1940, he was ordered to join T4 and he was employed at the Grafeneck and Hadamar institutes, as a Nurse. In the win‐ ter of 1941/42 he was drafted to the Eastern Front for service in 347

the Organisation Todt looking after the wounded in Raume Wjasma.

In June 1942, he was posted to the Bełżec death camp and whilst there in November 1942 he was hospitalized at Tomaszow Lubel‐ ski with spotted typhus and this disease caused him to lose his right eye completely. At the death camp he was responsible for sorting the possessions in the railway sheds located just outside the death camp, opposite Bełżec railway station.

In the summer of 1943 he was posted to the Sobibór death camp where he supervised the cleaning up of the undressing area in Lager II and in one of the sorting barracks. Unverhau was ordered back to the former death camp site at Bełżec to help with the planting of trees to erase the traces of the crimes committed there. He repeated this role at the Treblinka death camp in Sep‐ tember 1943, returning to Sobibór in November 1943, just in time to help with the re‐planting there. Unverhau was cleared at the Bełżec Trial in 1963 and was also acquitted at the Sobibór Trial in Hagen in 1966.

VALLASTER, Josef: Born on February 5, 1910 in Silbertal, Austria.

He served in the T4 institutes of Hadamar and Hartheim. He served in the Bełżec death camp from January 1942 until April 1942 and then he was posted to Sobibór the same month (April 1942). He worked in Lager III, supervising the gassing and bur‐ ial—later burning—of the victims. He often drove the narrow‐ gauge railway engine that pulled the trucks filled with the elderly and disabled from the ramp to Lager III. One of the most brutal SS‐NCO’s in Sobibór, he was killed in the prisoner revolt on Oc‐ tober 14, 1943 in the Shoemakers’ workshop.

VEY, Kurt: Born on July 12, 1901. He worked in the T4 institute at Pirna / Sonnenstein in the office. He was posted to the Bełżec and Sobibór death camps. At Sobibór he worked in Lager II and after Sobibór was closed down, he was posted to Trieste, Italy, where he was killed in a fight with partisans.

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WAGNER, Gustav Franz: Born on July 18, 1911 in Vienna, Austria.

He joined T4 and he was employed in the institutes at Hadamar and Hartheim. He joined the SS, his SS Number was 276, 962. He was posted to the Sobibór death camp in April 1942.

His robust posture earned him the nickname Welfel (Wolf) and among the Arbeitshaftlinge he was regarded as one of the most brutal and dangerous of SS men, alongside Gomerski and Fren‐ zel. Along with Frenzel he would select workers on the Ramp, either for Sobibór or outside Labor Camps such as Dorohucza or Lublin.

Heinrich Himmler promoted Wagner to the rank of SS‐Ober‐ scharführer following his visit to the death camp on February 12, 1943. He was on leave on October 14, 1943 and his absence was one of the major factors in the eventual success of the prisoner uprising.

He played a leading role in the execution of the Arbeitshaftlinge from Treblinka who were dismantling the facilities. After the end of the Second World War, he fled to Brazil, having adopted the name of Günther Mendel. In May 1978, he was traced by Simon Wiesenthal, the renowned Nazi‐hunter, and his identity was confirmed by Stanislaw Szmajzner at the Sao Paulo police sta‐ tion.

Confronted with the evidence against him, he had to admit to being Wagner from Sobibór. He was duly arrested, but requests for his extradition to the German Federal Republic and Israel could not be met because early in October 1980, according to of‐ ficial Brazilian records, Wagner committed suicide in Itabaia, Brazil. Shlomo Szmajzer however, stated that he had not been an entirely passive bystander at his death.

WALTHER, Arthur: Born on October 20, 1907 in Reichstein. A Re‐ serveleutnant der Schützpolizei. He served in the T4 institutes at Pirna / Sonnenstein and Hartheim. He served in the Sobibór death camp and when the camp closed he was posted to Italy. No further details are known.

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WEISS, Bruno: Born between 1905 and 1910, he lived in Berlin. After service in T4, he was posted to Sobibór in April 1942 and during the early phase of the death camps operation he was the Chief of Lager I, but Frenzel took over this function. He then served in Lager III, the extermination area.

He mocked the Jews through songs such as ‘Gott. Du unsere Lie‐ ber, erhöre unsere Lieder, mach dem Juden die Klapp zu, dann ha‐ ben die Menschen Ruh.‘ (Dear God, hear our song, shut up the Jews so people will have some peace and quiet). According to a statement by Alfred Ittner on July 17, 1962, Bruno Weiss was in Lager III in Sobibór. He was released from T4 because he had tu‐ berculosis. He left the camp in the spring of 1943.

WENDLAND, Wilhelm: Born during 1907 in Berlin. After service in T4 he arrived in Sobibór in March 1943 along with the Wolf brothers and Fritz Konrad. He supervised in the sorting barracks and he also supervised the Waldkommando, on the day five pris‐ oners escaped. During the revolt on 14 October 1943, he held pris‐ oners at gunpoint. He was posted to Trieste and Fiume, Italy, where he died in December 1944.

WOLF, Franz: Born on April 9, 1907 in Krumau, Sudetenland. He was a Photographer and took over the families photographic business when his father died. He served in the Czech and Ger‐ man army. He served in the T4 Euthanasia Centre at Hadamar and a psychiatric clinic in Heidelberg, where he took ‘scientific‘ photographs of the mentally ill.

He was sent to Lublin, Poland with a small group of men, and from there he was posted to Sobibór in early March 1943, along with his brother Josef, Franz Konrad and Willi Wendland. Franz Wolf usually supervised in the sorting barracks. He would mock the women who worked there with the saying; ‘Dalli, dalli, meine Damen; Arbeit macht das Leben süss.‘ (Come along now girls, work makes life worth living.)

Franz Wolf also served in the barrack near the gas chamber, where the women had their hair cut and he also sometimes su‐ pervised the Waldkommando. He survived the revolt, on October 350

14, 1943, but very quickly after the revolt he was posted to Trieste and Fiume, Italy. In 1966 the court at Hagen sentenced him to eight years in prison due to his participation in the murder of an undisclosed number of people, though at least to be 39,000.

WOLF, Josef: Born on April 18, 1900 in Krumau, Sudetenland.. Like his brother, he too was a Photographer. At the beginning of the Second World War he was a Member of the Wehrmacht (German Army) and in autumn 1941 he was ordered to report to T4.

In T4 he was also employed as a Photographer until he was posted with his brother, Fritz Konrad and Willi Wendland to So‐ bibór via Lublin in early March 1943. He supervised the sorting barracks, and in one of these he was killed during the prisoner revolt on October 14, 1943.

ZANKER, Hans: Born on September 8, 1905 in Sachsen. He served in the T4 institute at Pirna / Sonnenstein as a Cook. He served at the death camps in Poland including, Bełżec, between September 1942, and May 1943, Sobibór and Treblinka. He was transferred to Trieste in Italy. His fate is unknown.

ZASPEL, Fritz: Born on October 31, 1907. He was employed in the T4 institute of Pirna / Sonnenstein as a male Nurse. He served in the Sobibór death camp. No further details are known.

ZIERKE, Ernst Theodor Franz: Born on May 6, 1905 in Krampe, the son of a Railroad Worker. After he graduated from elemen‐ tary school, he worked as a Forester, and in 1921 he was appren‐ ticed to be a Blacksmith. After passing the blacksmith appren‐ ticeship exams he was employed in agriculture from 1925.

In 1934 he changed careers and became a Nurse at a clinic at Neu‐ ruppin near Brandenburg and was summoned to the T4 Head‐ quarters in Berlin in December 1939. He served at the T4 insti‐ tutes at Grafeneck and Hadamar. In the winter of 1941/42 he was drafted into the Organisation Todt for the care of the wounded in Russia. He returned to Germany and worked at a T4 institute at Eichberg, near Rüdesheim. He was posted to Bełżec death 351

camp in June 1942 where he served until March 1943. At Bełżec he served on the ramp.

In March 1943, he was transferred along with Robert Juhrs to the Jewish Labor Camp at Dorohucza, where peat was dug, until No‐ vember 1943. Zierke was amongst the SS who escorted the Jewish Arbeitshaftlinge from Dorohucza to the neaby Jewish Labor Camp at Trawniki, where all of them were shot, as part of Aktion Erntefest (Harvest Festival).

Zierke was sent to Sobibór death camp to help with its closure, and he formed part of the cordon that watched over the final liq‐ uidation of the Jewish workers from Treblinka. He was then posted to Italy. Zierke was acquitted at the Bełżec Trial in Mu‐ nich in 1964 and was released from custody during the Sobibór Trial in Hagen on health grounds. Zierke died on May 23, 1972.

Support Staff BUCKSTEGG, Josef: Born on March 10, 1898 in Cleve. Georg Hölzel, a Reichsbahn employee, interrogated on January 10, 1962, and who during the War was the Deputy Station Master at Zwierzyniec in the Lublin district, recalled that Buckstegg was the Station Master at Sobibór, and often concluded his phone calls with the words ‘stupid pig‘.

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Chapter XV Testimonies and Trials Official Examination on July 4, 1962 at the Criminal Detention Investigation Institute in Cologne of Arthur Matthes, born on January 11, 1902 in Wermsdorf, district Leipzig, previously SS‐ NCO in Treblinka, by profession a Senior Nurse at Health and Care Institute in Bayreuth.

Following my duties at Treblinka I arrived at the Jewish Extermina‐ tion Camp in Sobibór in the autumn of 1943. At this point in time, Treblinka had terminated its activities and a number of the Tre‐ blinka staff were being transferred to Sobibór. I myself was in So‐ bibór only a short time, namely from the autumn of 1943 until ap‐ proximately Christmas of that year. In Sobibór I was made respon‐ sible for the so‐called “estate,” this comprised of looking after two cows, four horses, twenty pigs and numbers of geese, chickens and rabbits. As assistants, I had one Ukrainian man and several women.

These were not the so‐called “worker‐Jews.” The Ukrainians were all volunteers.

The “estate” was in Camp ll—I was housed in one of the barracks outside the camp. The Officer—in charge of the camp at that time— was SS‐Hauptsturmführer Gottlieb Hering. I estimate that the then Personnel comprised of twenty men and twenty volunteers.

Some of the buildings had already been removed—I went several times into the annihilation camp, Camp lll. The aims of the camp were known to me. From the distance I could still see one building.

I did not see any ditches or mass graves. The fencing of the whole camp was still intact as were the mine‐fields which were being cleared by Wehrmacht experts. Some days after my arrival in So‐ bibór some 100 worker‐ Jews were transferred there from Treblinka who were employed in the dismantling and clearing up. They were not employed by me. In November or December of that year while I was still there, these 100 Jews were shot. One morning about 7am I 353

saw these Jews come past where I was working being led to Camp lll. They were dressed and lined up in several rows. I did not see who was in charge of the group. A number of the staff and the Ukrainian volunteers were the escorts. I was not required to participate in the executions but from my place of work I could hear the shots of the execution squad in Camp lll. In my opinion these were not salvos but single shots in Camp lll. I also heard from colleagues during the meal‐time on the same day, that they had shot these 100 Jews that morning. Afterwards the corpses in Camp lll were cremated—I as‐ sume that this was done in an open field.

Official examinations on January 24 and November 7, 1962 in Alotting, Bavaria of the accused Franz Suchomel—formerly SS‐NCO in Treblinka, born December 3, 1903 in Krummau, Czechoslovakia. At present, a master Tailor in Alotting.

In October 1943, a few days after the uprising in Sobibór I was called to the office in Treblinka. There I was informed by SS Officer Kurt Franz, the Camp Commandant that I was being transferred to the extermination camp at Sobibór, since a number of Personnel there had fallen in the uprising.

The transfer of Personnel from Treblinka to Sobibór took place in three separate groups. I was included in the first of these. Two further details arrived later. At this time I was delighted to be leav‐ ing Treblinka. My healthy common sense told me that these worker‐ Jews being employed on the dismantling of the Camp would be liq‐ uidated. For understandable reasons I did not want to have anything to do with this. With me to Sobibór came Eduard Potzinger and Hermann Sydow and two other people whose names I no longer re‐ call.

We were received in Sobibór by the Camp Commandant, Franz Reichleitner and informed of our new duties. He said that the camp was being dismantled and that we had to pack the remainders of the Jewish clothes. In this connection I remember that my immediate task was to remove the clothing of the five comrades who had lost 354

their lives. In addition I had to sort out the personal belongings of the dead and prepare these for despatch to their families. I know for certain that I dealt with the belongings of comrades Rudi Beckmann and Josef Wolf. I do not remember the names of the three other fallen comrades. After my arrival in Sobibór I could find no traces of the uprising, only near the fencing by the rail track was there evi‐ dence of damage. Members of the camp staff also showed me the spots where Wolf, Stengelin and Graetschus had been killed.

I was also glad that when I arrived in Sobibór there were no Jews.

Now I must amend this statement in that there were a few Jews in the camp, perhaps about twenty, who had voluntarily returned after the uprising, or had been in hiding. In this connection I remember clearly that two Jews, a married couple from Holland were found in Camp l hidden under the floor. By way of explanation I have to say that the barracks in Sobibór were constructed on top of metre high piles to avoid the danger of flooding. The Dutch couple had loos‐ ened the floorboards and during the day hid in the space below, they were discovered because at night the barrack was used for the prep‐ aration of food. These two Jews like all the other Sobibór Jews were killed with the Treblinka Jews to which matter I will revert in detail.

In the first half of November the remaining Treblinka Jews ar‐ rived in Sobibór. I remember exactly one morning the Treblinka Jews were lined on the barrack square of Camp l. The Jewish chief Kapo, Karl Blau, who came from Vienna stepped forward and re‐ ported to Gustav Wagner who was in charge. Then the Jews were split into groups, probably by Gustav Wagner or Karl Frenzel. Two Shoemakers and six or eight Tailors were allocated to me. The re‐ maining Jews and Jewesses were put to work on the usual camp du‐ ties and on the camp dismantling operations which were taking place enormously fast. The Jews had to work very hard while receiv‐ ing little sustenance—I know about this because they came to me to complain. At this time it was an almost daily event that the Jews employed by me came to me and told me, “Boss, last night another one hanged himself in the sleeping barrack.” When I asked why they had done this it was explained to me that they had to work hard, 355

received little to eat and from time to time were also beaten. There existed between me and the Treblinka Jews a certain trust—the Jews also suspected that their final days in Sobibór were at hand.

These suspicions were in fact justified as one day in the second half of November, Gustav Wagner announced one morning at 6am,that he had been instructed to report to Lublin that same even‐ ing that the liquidation of the last of the Jews had been carried out.

It was noticeable that this angered him—he let it be known that the Jews would have to be worked extra hard on this day to tire them out and make them unable to offer resistance. Consequently the Jews on one of the details engaged on work outside the camp were driven especially hard on that day. The unrest among the Jews was palpable. This was particularly the case with the Jews who were working for me in the tailors shop.

The chief‐Kapo, Karl Blau also came to me and asked, “Boss, has the time now come we must die?” I replied “probably” Karl Blau then said to me, “I shall now go to the barrack with my wife to take poi‐ son.” He then asked me to bury him and his wife decently. I was deeply shaken and promised to fulfil his last wish. This conversation with Blau took place in the Jewish cookhouse where he and his wife were working. A short time before the Jews working for me had been collected by Ukrainian volunteers. On this day the liquidation of the Jews took place in sections. In the course of the morning the worker‐ Jews who had been engaged on the camp dismantling operations were taken to be executed. I heard shooting at intervals, as the shots were barely perceptible I assume they were pistol shots. Afterwards the Jews who had been working in the workshops, the kitchens and the laundry in Camp l were taken to be executed.

I then went with my colleague Adolf Gentz and Johann Klier to the Jewish sleeping barracks as I thought of Karl Blau’s last words and wanted to carry out his wish. There we indeed found the corpses of Blau and his wife, as well as those of another couple, both Doc‐ tors, who had also swallowed poison. With the help of a handcart we took the corpses to the execution place which was located at the former practice shooting range in the wood outside Camp lll. As to 356

the exact location of this shooting range I can say that it was to the south‐west of Camp lll. In the course of the morning the news had filtered through that this would be the place for the executions. In any case that is where we saw the corpses of the Treblinka Jews lying on a wooden structure about 15 metres long and 2 metres high made from dry branches and other easily inflammable wood. As we ar‐ rived the structure was already alight.

Frankfurt am Main: May 23, 1962. Hearing of witness and accused Robert Juhrs born October 17, 1911 in Frankfurt am Main, previously SS‐NCO in Bełżec, presently Housemaster at a private engineering school in Frankfurt am Main.

When I arrived in Sobibór I was lodged in a one‐storey stone build‐ ing near the entrance. A number of the original staff were still in the camp. Having newly arrived I had no contact with these members of the camp Personnel. These so‐called “Oldies” kept away from us and had nothing to do with us. They simply did not notice us. Be‐ tween us and them there was an unbridgeable chasm. I was able to move freely throughout the camp, Parts lll—extermination camp and IV—munitions store, no longer existed. There everything had been levelled to the ground. I did not see the so‐called funnel made of barbed‐wire which led from Camp ll to Camp lll, it had very prob‐ ably already been removed. Even the inner fence was no longer there—likewise there were no ditches or buildings.

At this time there were still about 30 male worker‐Jews in the camp who were employed on clearing up operations. One day while I was in Sobibór these roughly 30 Jews were shot in the area of Camp lll. I was not present at these executions as at the time I was busy with clearing up duties in Camp l. The execution detail consisted of the old members of the camp staff and Ukrainian volunteers. During my stay there I only heard shots from the distance. When I left So‐ bibór a few members of the camp staff were still present. I had to report to T4 in Berlin—there I was detailed by T4 to spend a week clearing up after air raids.

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Interrogations of Former Trawnikimänner who served at Sobibór In the following pages, some of the former Trawnikimänner, the Red Army Prisoners of War who volunteered to serve the SS, provided first‐hand accounts of the Sobibór death camp, including descrip‐ tions of the camp itself and what tasks they carried out in the exter‐ mination of the Jews between 1942 and 1943, during interrogations by the Soviets. In the case of Mikhail Razgonayev, this is a detailed extract of his interrogation, as the full version contains many re‐ peated questions and answers, which do not add very much to our overall knowledge of Sobibór: Mikhail Razgonayev Interrogation The interrogation was conducted by: Deputy Director of the Investigations Department of the State Ministry of Defense, Major Nichayev.

Investigator of the Investigations Department of the State Ministry of Defense, Lt. Ribleka.

September 20, 1948 City of Dniepropetrowsk Mikhail Razgonayev described the general layout of the death camp at Sobibór: After I had completed in May 1942 the school of SS forces at Trawniki and received the title of Wachmann (Guard in the SS forces), I was sent for practical work to a special camp that was located in the township of Sobibór. The camp was in an area of Poland, about 50 kilometres from the town of Chełm and about 100–150 kilometres from the township of Trawniki, where I had undergone training as a Wachmann. The Sobibór camp was located in a forest, on an area that had been specially pre‐ pared. Not far from the Sobibór junction were the railway lines that passed the junction to the camp. There were no other residential build‐ ings or populated areas in the proximity of the camp. The camp was located within a forest clearing, in an area from which the trees had been removed. The area of the camp was 2–3 square kilometres.

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The whole area of the camp was fenced with one row of barbed wire to a height of 2 metres‐ there were no other fences around the camp, be‐ yond the barbed‐wire fence was forest. In the barbed‐wire fence, in the direction of the railway junction, there were two openings: one for the passage of trains, which was closed off with wooden gates, that were opened only when a train was arriving at the camp, and a second en‐ trance—alongside the first, for the passage of staff to the camp and for carts. This entrance was also operated through wooden gates. Both en‐ trances to the camp were carefully guarded by Wachmänner, from among the Volksdeutsche. By the camp entrances, inside the camp, there was a guard post in which was located the detail of duty Guards in charge of the entrance to the camp. There were no other entrances.

Alongside the railway line that was located within the camp, a wooden hut was built that was intended for disembarkation of people from the carriages. The unloading site was separated from the area of the camp by a barbed‐wire fence. From the unloading site, a special passageway of barbed‐wire fed to an area of the camp. Two wooden huts had been put up in the camp, termed ‘dressing rooms.’ The ‘dressing rooms’ were also fenced off with barbed‐wire, in which were special passageways from each hut that led to a large stone building that was termed ‘bath‐ house’ and it was not possible to see through them what was happening by the ‘bath‐house.’ In the part of the camp where the ‘bath‐house’ was located—a wooden hut had been put up, at which the ‘work‐detail’ that was specially allocated for work in the gas chambers, stayed.

In the other part of the camp, where the ‘dressing rooms’235 were lo‐ cated, a number of wooden huts, cut off from them, were built and used as storerooms, where the effects and clothes of the people who arrived at the camp, were sorted and kept. At the same place there were huts for a second ‘work‐detail’ that engaged in the sorting of the clothes of the people who had been exterminated at the camp. Not far from the entrance to the camp were located a number of buildings in which we stayed—we the Wachmänner, Germans—among them the ‘work detail’ in the camp; apart from that there were also other buildings—a dining room, hairdresser, laundry and others. All these buildings were also lo‐ cated within the camp, but not far from the entrance of the camp. The ‘work‐detail’ comprised over 100 people.

I personally arrived for service at the Sobibór camp in May 1942; at that time most of the camp was built and functioning, that is to say—mass 235

Whilst the term ‘dressing rooms’ is used throughout the testimony, it should be ‘undressing rooms.’

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exterminations of people had already been implemented there. How‐ ever, during the period of my service at the Sobibór camp from May 1942 to July 1943—the construction work at the camp continued. I, among others, took part in the construction of buildings for ‘dressing rooms’ and clothes stores, and in July 1943 I was sent from the Sobibór camp to the area of Rawa Ruska, in order to prepare building materials for the camp.

Mikhail Razgonayev described the garrison staffing and the Jewish work brigades: The Commander of the Sobibór death camp was a German Officer of the SS forces. I do not know his rank or surname. His Deputy was Ober‐ leutnant. Niemann, also an Officer in the SS forces. All the activity of the camp for mass destruction was performed under their direct com‐ mand. The service staff of the camp consisted of German NCO’s, the number of whom at the camp was about 30. The camp staff also com‐ prised Wachmänner from among the Volksdeutsche, whose status at the camp was higher than ours—of the Wachmänner, and was equivalent to German Soldiers. I personally during my service at the camp be‐ longed to a group of Wachmänner, comprising 70–80 persons. The group of Wachmänner, was divided into a number of platoons, about 20 per platoon. Each platoon was headed by a Wachmann or an Oberwach‐ mann, from the Volksdeutsche, who had good mastery of German.

At the Sobibór camp there were two ‘work details’, as I have testified above. One detail, comprising 50 people worked in the part of the camp where the building with the gas chambers were built; a second work detail of 10 people, mostly women, worked at the clothing stores on the sorting of effects and clothes of the people who had been exterminated at the camp. The work of the two details was commanded by Germans of the rank of NCO’s, whose surnames I do not recall. Apart from this a service detail of the camp also included a Kapo. To the position of Kapo, people were appointed from among the civilians arriving at the exter‐ mination camp. These were in effect ‘Policemen’ who supervised the work and the order within the work detail that was also made up of civilians, who had been brought to the camp for extermination pur‐ poses, but were not exterminated, because they were used for work.

In 1943, a group of Russian girls were brought to the Sobibór camp. So‐ viet citizens, who performed at the camp laundry work and cleaning.

They would launder the clothes of the Germans and ourselves—the Wachmänner—and cleaned the rooms in which the Germans lived.

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These girls, of whom there were about 20, also belonged to the service administration of the camp.

Outside the camp, beyond the barbed‐wire fence were placed Guard posts—2 Wachmänner every 200 metres, such that the whole area of the camp from the outside world was surrounded by Wachmänner, who kept between them visual and audio contact. The role of the Guards was to carefully supervise, so that none of the foreigners would come close to the camp and also to prevent escape attempts from the camp through the barbed‐wire. So that the guarding of the barbed‐wire and the camp area would be more effective, permanent Guard towers were built at the corners of the camp, and there too, Wachmänner stood on guard day and night.

In order to go from one part of the camp to the other, one had to cross special passageways, fenced with barbed‐wire, that were also carefully guarded by Wachmänner and Germans. Apart from the wire fenced pas‐ sageways, all the buildings within the camp were guarded—the residen‐ tial huts of the Wachmänner’s huts where the work details stayed, and the residential buildings of the Germans and other buildings.

Very rarely were Wachmänner sent outside the camp, and then only on the condition that someone from the Volksdeutsche accompanied them. With regard to the civilians who were brought to the camp for extermination, no regime was determined with respect to them, for they were not held at the camp and, as a rule, were exterminated on their day of arrival at the camp. Only civilians of Jewish nationality would arrive for extermination at the Sobibór camp; Men, women, old people and children of various ages would arrive.

Mikhail Razgonayev then provided a detailed description of the complete extermination process at the Sobibór death camp for his interrogators: The unloading of the trains was not undertaken in one go, but in stages.

At one time, people were taken out of approximately 10 wagons, and then another 10. The arriving civilians were told they had been brought to a camp, to a transit camp, at which they would undergo sanitary treatment and a medical board and afterwards they would receive a re‐ ferral as to exactly where to travel. Soldiers who used to accompany the train with the people were not workers at the Sobibór camp. Therefore, immediately after the unloading of the train, they would depart with empty wagons, to bring new victims. On average, two trains a day would arrive at the camp—approximately 2,000 people, who were extermi‐ nated the same day.

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Immediately after the people who were brought to the camp,were taken off the train, they were sorted according to the following criteria: all the men who were capable of moving on their own, were referred to a sep‐ arate hut that was isolated from the other huts, by a barbed‐wire fence..... women with children, who were also capable of moving on their own, were referred to another isolated hut—a ‘dressing room.’ Ear‐ lier in the description of the camp and the buildings that were in the area of the camp, I forgot to mention that, ..... at a distance from the huts‐ ’dressing rooms,’ there was a small building, that was called the ‘clinic.’

During the sorting and separation of the men and women and their re‐ ferral to the huts, that were cut off from each other, sick and weak per‐ sons were found, who were unable to move on their own. People from the ‘work detail’ would lead or carry these sick and weak civilians to the ‘clinic’ where apparently they would receive medical aid—but in fact, they, as the others, were exterminated.

It had to be added that the Germans also thought about other details that also served as camouflage for the true reason for which the people were brought to the Sobibór camp. Thus, for example, in the ‘dressing room’ there were train timetables, all sorts of posters, appealing to peo‐ ple to maintain order. When the people were invited to the ‘bath‐ house,’ each one was given a piece of soap. The lie would end only when the people went into the gas chambers, where they would discover that there was no ‘bath‐house,’ and that they had been taken there to be de‐ stroyed.

Mikhail Razgonayev described the area adjacent to the gas cham‐ bers: The people who were brought to the camp were destroyed in two ways: through suffocating gas in special gas chambers and by shooting in the area of the camp itself. The gas chambers, or as they were termed for camouflage,—‘bath‐house’ was a stone building punctiliously isolated by a system of barbed‐wire fences from other parts of the camp and hid‐ den by young trees, saplings in particular, from the view of the huts— ‘dressing rooms,’ so that the people who were in the ‘dressing rooms’ would not be able to see what was happening by the ‘bath‐house.’ The ‘bath‐house’ was distant from the ‘dressing rooms’ so that the cries emerging from the gas chambers, when the people realized that they had been tricked and were persuaded that they had been brought there not to bathe but for their destruction, could not be heard.

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Mikhail Razgonayev recalled the gas chambers:236 In the building with gas chambers, there was a wide corridor, on one side of which there were four chambers, the floor, ceiling and walls were of concrete. They had four special shower‐heads that were intended not to supply water but for the entry of exhaust gasses through which the people in the chambers were killed. Each chamber had two doors: in‐ ternal, on the corridor side through which the people would enter the chamber, and external, that opened outwards and through which the bodies would be removed. The doors—the internal and external—were closed hermetically and fitted with rubber strips that did not allow the gas to escape from the chamber.

Behind the rear wall of the building was located on a base, under an awning, a strong motor that would begin to work the moment the chambers were full and the doors were closed hermetically. From the motor led a pipe that went through the ceiling of the building corridor with the gas chambers. From the pipe would emerge into each chamber a metal pipe, ending with a shower‐head, that was used in the bath‐ houses for the supply of water. Through this system the exhaust gases from the motor would be led into the chamber. The ‘work detail’ dealt with the clearing of the chambers after the people who had been put in them had been killed and they would bring the bodies to the pits in carts.

Mikhail Razgonayev outlined what steps the Germans took to en‐ sure that the transports were dealt with effectively: Before the arrival of the train, the Germans would hold a briefing for the Wachmänner, who participated that day in the guarding of the trains and the barbed‐wire fenced passageways in the area of the camp, so as to prevent any act that might disclose the purpose for which the people had been brought to the camp.... because among the people, rumours had already spread that the Germans had camps where the extermina‐ tion of civilians of Jewish nationality was performed. The Germans feared a rebellion on the part of the people who were brought to the camp and they took all measures to prevent this, because in the event of a rebellion, it would be impossible to overcome it, despite all the means of the camp staff.

236

This description would appear to apply to the original gas chamber building, which consisted of 3 chambers not 4.

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Mikhail Razgonayev again described in greater detail the extermi‐ nation process for his interrogators, providing fresh information as to what took place: During the time of my service as a Wachmann and afterwards as an Oberwachmann at the Sobibór camp I saw the process of extermination of people with my own eyes. In the first stage, the men were extermi‐ nated. Accompanied by a Kapo, completely naked people, about 150– 200 were referred through the barbed‐wire passageways from the ‘dress‐ ing‐rooms’ to the gas chambers, without knowing they were going to die. After a certain time, when this group of 150–200 people would enter one of the gas chambers (each chamber contained 200 people), the same Kapo would return and accompany a new group of the same num‐ ber of people, who would be put into a second chamber, and so it would continue, until all 4 chambers were full.

When the last chamber was full of people, an engine of great power would be operated and for 15–20 minutes the exhaust fumes were piped into the chambers. This time was sufficient to kill the people who had been put into the chambers. After the chambers were filled with people, a sign would be given by the Germans who serviced the gas chambers, according to which an engine of great power was operated. I cannot say how the engine was built, because I do not know.

After 15–20 minutes, the people in the chambers suffocated, the doors would be opened, the gas from the chambers would leave and the ‘work detail’ would start clearing the chambers. The bodies from the cham‐ bers were taken by cart to the pits, were thrown into them and, after all the people who had arrived at the camp that day had been extermi‐ nated, the pits would be covered by soil.

Those civilians who were unable to move on their own were shot. As a rule, immediately after the unloading of the train, they would be taken by the ‘work detail’ to a separate hut, called the ‘clinic’ and they stayed there until those who could move on their own had been exterminated in the gas chambers. The number of sick from one train would come to 30–50 people, depending on the number of trains that would arrive in one day. All the sick who had stayed at the ‘clinic’ were brought by a ‘work detail,’ undressed to the pits and were shot by us—Wachmänner and the Germans at short range.

Until December 1942, the bodies used to be buried in pits in the area of the camp. From December 1942, they began to burn the bodies in large bonfires, with the help of bulldozers, that began to remove the bodies

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of those who had been exterminated previously and burn them in bon‐ fires. Members of the ‘work detail’ performed this work.

Mikhail Razgonayev recalled his part in the shooting of groups of Jews: During May–June 1942, I twice took part personally in the shooting of two groups of people. The first time, a group of 50 sick and infirm were shot by the Wachmänner, I among them. At the execution by shooting, a group of Wachmänner and Germans, about 10 in number, took part. I personally shot with a rifle and killed on this occasion not more than 5 people. The second time, also in June 1942, I participated in an execu‐ tion by shooting of a group of civilians that consisted of about 25 per‐ sons. I personally killed on that occasion, not more than 3 people.

Mikhail Razgonayev stated his change of role in the death camp: In June 1942, I was appointed by the camp command to work inside the camp as a Carpenter. I built ‘dressing rooms,’ huts for the storage of effects and clothes of the people who were being destroyed at the camp.

Apart from that, watch‐towers around the camp were built with my par‐ ticipation. In December 1942, for my loyal service in the German SS forces and for my good work as a Carpenter, I was promoted to the rank of Oberwachmann.

On average at the Sobibór camp, 1500 innocent civilians were extermi‐ nated each day. I served at the Sobibór camp until July 1943, and after‐ wards I was sent by the camp command to the area of Rawa Ruska for the preparation of building materials for the camp. I injured myself there by chance, and in November–December 1942, I was dismissed from service in the SS forces.

The minutes have been read out before me; recorded according to what I said correctly.

Mikhail Razgonayev

The interrogation of Ignat Danilchenko on the other hand, is a com‐ plete transcript of his interrogation in the city of Tyumen on No‐ vember 21, 1979, and this also covers questions about Ivan Demjanjuk, who went on to be tried by a court in Israel, where it was alledged that he was ‘Ivan the Terrible’ of Treblinka. He was found guilty but then freed on appeal, as the real ‘Ivan the Terrible’, was Ivan Marchenko. Demjanjuk though, was eventually tried in Germany as having served in Sobibór.

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Ignat Terent’yevich Danilchenko Record of Questioning of Witness November 21, 1979 City of Tyumen The Department Procurator Procuracy of the USSR Senior Legal Counsel: N.P. Kolesnikowa, in connection with the re‐ quest from the organs of justice of the USA for legal aid in the case of the suspected Nazi War Criminal Demjanjuk, in accordance with the requirements of Articles 158 and 160 of the Code of Criminal Pro‐ cedure of the RSFSR, in the Offices of the Procuracy of Tyumen Ob‐ last, questioned as a witness: Ignat Terent’yevich Danilchenko, born 1923, native of the village of Grechino, Tsarichan Rayon, Dnepropetrovsk Oblast, Ukrainian cit‐ izen of the USSR, secondary education, residing in the 4th district, No 6, Apartment No 8, city of Tobol’sk.

The responsibilities of a witness provided for by Article 73 of the Code of Criminal Procedure of the RSFSR were explained to I.T. Danilchenko and he was warned of his criminal responsibility for deliberately giving false statements, refusal to give statements or evasiveness in doing so under Articles 181 and 182 of the Criminal Code of the RSFSR. Signature of Witness: (Signature) Upon explanation of Article 17 of the Code of Criminal Procedure of the RSFSR, I.T. Danilchenko stated that he is fluent in the Russian language and that he would give his statement in the Russian lan‐ guage.

Signature of Witness: (Signature) Questioning began: 10.00am In response to the questions asked, I.T. Danilchenko stated:

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I served as an SS Guard in the Sobibór Concentration Camp in Poland from March of 1943 through to March or April (I cannot now precisely remember) of 1944.

The camp was located near a small railroad station called Sobibór, near the edge of a forest and was designed for the mass killing of persons of Jewish nationality from the Soviet Union, Poland, Holland and other nations occupied by the Nazis. Jews from Germany were also killed here.

The camp covered approximately four square kilometres and was sur‐ rounded by four rows of barbed‐wire 3 metres high. There were two en‐ trances into the camp which were closed by wooden gates on the side of the wire barrier facing the railroad siding. One gate was designed to admit railroad trains into the camp, while the other was designed for trucks. There was a smaller gate in the second gate through which Ger‐ mans and Guards passed.

A railroad platform was built in the camp, near the railroad siding, on a level with the doors on the freight cars. This was the spot where the people brought to the camp in railroad cars to be killed were unloaded.

The platform was separated from the general territory of the camp by a single row of barbed‐wire. A passage, also surrounded by barbed‐wire, led from the platform to an area where the prisoners were ordered to leave their belongings. Another passage 30–40 metres long, surrounded by barbed‐wire, led from this spot, the people were led along this pas‐ sage to so‐called “dressing rooms,” where they were forced to strip na‐ ked. The women’s hair was also cut off here. The Germans and the Guards took valuables (gold rings, earrings, watches and so on) from the prisoners. A passage approximately 3 metres wide densely sur‐ rounded by barbed‐wire intertwined with twigs and branches led from the dressing rooms.

The naked people were driven along this passage to a large stone build‐ ing with what was called the “showers.” Actually, this was a gas chamber where the arriving Jews were killed in six gas chambers (250 persons in each) by exhaust gasses from diesel engines which were located near the gas chamber. I remember hearing from other Guards (I cannot remem‐ ber their names) that there were two such diesels, supposedly from tanks. I did not personally see these engines, and I do not know pre‐ cisely where they were located in the area of the gas chamber. This final passage was densely surrounded by armed Guards on both sides, right up to the very doors of the gas chamber. When the doors of the gas chamber were opened, the people were driven into the chambers by Germans and Guards from a special detachment which worked only in this area of the camp.

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The Guards guarded the prisoners from the moment the freight cars were unloaded right up to the gas chamber in order to prevent attempts to escape and to eliminate panic and disorder which might arise among the prisoners. With the aid of the Guards, when unloading the freight cars, the Germans announced to the Jews that they would be disinfected in Sobibór and then sent to work. Therefore in the majority of cases the people walked calmly along the passages, right up to the doors of the gas chamber. Armed Guards stood on both sides of the passages, ready to open fire at the slightest sign of resistance among the prisoners. From conversations with the Guards I know that after the people were killed in the gas chamber their bodies were loaded on trolleys which ran up to the “showers” on a railroad branch line and then hauled a short distance from the area of the gas chamber, stacked on a trestle of rails and burned.

A special detachment of 50 men consisting of German Jews who were prisoners in the camp burned the bodies under the supervision of the Germans. The Jews from this detachment lived in a barracks in the area of the gas chamber. The outside of the barracks was guarded around‐ the‐clock. The gas chamber building and the place where the bodies were burned were carefully camouflaged by the Germans with trees.

However, everyone always knew when bodies were being burned, since the flame blazed over the camp, the glow could be seen for several kil‐ ometres and the unique stench of burnt flesh could be smelled in the air. I do not know who ran the diesel engines. It is possible that they were Guards, but I do not know who specifically they were. As a rule, all Jews brought to the camp were killed on the very same day. Actually, this was a factory for the mass killing of people. For six months after my arrival at the camp, an average of one or two trains delivered prisoners to the camp daily. There were approximately 25 freight cars in each train, more or less. Each car contained roughly 50–60 prisoners. All of the Jews delivered were killed on the very same day, and those who were not healthy enough to walk to the gas chamber themselves were shot in the area of the gas chamber in a so‐called “infirmary.”

Approximately 1500 Jews were killed in the camp each day. It is difficult for me to provide a more precise estimate of the number of prisoners killed each day, but there were at least 1500 of them. These included women, elderly persons and children. In addition, Jews from nearby ghettos were delivered in 5–6 trucks, with 20–25 persons in each. By late 1943, the trains full of prisoners had begun to arrive more rarely, and by the spring of 1944 they had completely stopped arriving. During this period Jews who were still being delivered from the ghettos were killed

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in the camp, but deliveries of prisoners from the ghettos also became more rare.

The Superintendent of the camp was a German SS Officer, whose name and rank I have forgotten. At the time he was 35–40 years old, tall and well‐built. I cannot now specify his other features, since so many years have passed since then. There was a company of SS Guards consisting of approximately 120 men in the camp. The company consisted of four platoons with approximately 30 men in each platoon. The company Commander was a German SS Officer. The platoon leaders were Guards of German nationality. The Commander of the 1st platoon in which I served was also of German nationality. I remember that he was either from the Donbass or from Zaporozhe. I do not remember his last name, but he was called Karl. Because he was short, the Guards gave him the nickname Karlik. I do not remember the other platoon leaders.

The platoons were formed according to height. Guards at least 180cm tall served in the 1st platoon. At that time I was 184cm tall. Of the Guards who served with me in the 1st platoon, I remember Ivan Ivchenko, who was our Cook and Ivan Demjanjuk. When I arrived at Sobibór, Demjanjuk already served in the camp as a Private in the SS Guards. I do not know Demjanjuk’s patronymic. From conversations with Demjanjuk I do know that he was from Vinnitsa Oblast. He was roughly 2–3 years older than I, had light brown hair with noticeable bald spots at that time, was heavy set, had gray eyes and was slightly taller than I, roughly 186–187cm tall.

I remember Demjanjuk’s appearance well, and I could possibly identify him. I do not know directly from where and when precisely Demjanjuk arrived at Sobibór. From what Demjanjuk said I know that like all of us (the Guards) who served in Sobibór he had been trained at the SS camp in Trawniki. I saw Demjanjuk for the first time when I arrived at So‐ bibór, he was already there. Demjanjuk told me that he served in the Soviet Army and had been taken prisoner by the Germans early in the War. I do not know under what circumstances he was taken prisoner. It is possible that Demjanjuk told me about this, but I cannot remember now. I do not know whether he had any wounds. I personally did not see any traces of wounds on Demjanjuk. At Sobibór, Demjanjuk served as a Private in the SS Guard and was dressed in a black SS uniform with a gray collar. He was always armed with a loaded rifle.

While standing guard outside the camp Demjanjuk, like the other Guards, was issued with a sub‐machine gun and ammunition. While at his post he was obligated to make sure that there were no attempts by outside persons to enter the camp or attempted escapes from it.

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Demjanjuk, like all Guards in the camp, participated in the mass killing of Jews. I also participated in this crime and I was convicted and pun‐ ished for it. While I was at the camp I repeatedly saw Demjanjuk, armed with a rifle, together with other Guards and, in many cases, myself, guard prisoners in all areas of the camp, from the unloaded platform to the entrance into the gas chamber. Demjanjuk escorted people until they reached the gas chamber to avoid violations by the prisoners of the “procedure” in which they were sent to be killed. I cannot specifically say under what circumstances or how many groups of prisoners Demjanjuk escorted to the gas chamber during his service at the camp, since this was constant, daily work.

I did not see whether Demjanjuk shot anyone while they were being sent to the gas chamber. Such cases occurred in the camp if the prison‐ ers showed any kind of resistance. It is difficult for me to say who shot the sick and weak prisoners in the “infirmary.” It is possible that they were shot by Guards on orders from the Germans, but at present I can state nothing specific about this. I do not know whether Demjanjuk par‐ ticipated in the shootings of sick prisoners. Together with Demjanjuk I had to guard the place where the prisoners were unloaded from the rail‐ road cars. I saw Demjanjuk and other Guards push the Jews with rifle butts and hit them, this was a common occurrence during unloading. It is therefore difficult to single out the actions of Demjanjuk in treating the prisoners.

Demjanjuk was considered to be an experienced and efficient Guard.

For example, he was repeatedly assigned by the Germans to get Jews in surrounding ghettos and deliver them in trucks to the camp to be killed.

I did not receive any such assignments, since I did not have sufficient experience. Demjanjuk also guarded the outside of the barracks for the special detachment which serviced the gas chamber. I saw him at this post many times, carrying a rifle. I do not know whether he served Guard duty inside the gas chamber zone. As I remember, Demjanjuk was frequently granted leave because he conscientiously carried out all of the orders from the Germans.

In March or April of 1944, Demjanjuk and I were sent from Sobibór to the city of Flossenburg in Germany, where we guarded an aircraft fac‐ tory and a Concentration Camp for political prisoners. In case we were wounded, all of the Guards at this camp, including Demjanjuk, were given a tattoo on the inside of the left arm, above the wrist, designating their blood type. I still have this tattoo, the German letter “B” designat‐ ing my blood type. I do not know what letter designated Demjanjuk’s blood type. In late autumn of 1944, in October or November, Demjanjuk

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and I (among other Guards) were sent to the city of Regensburg, or ra‐ ther from the Concentration Camp located 18–29 kilometres from Re‐ gensburg. Until April of 1945, we guarded the prisoners in this camp,who did construction work. In April of 1945, due to the approach of the Front, the entire camp was evacuated and marched towards the city of Nuremburg. I escaped along the way but Demjanjuk continued to accompany the prisoners. I suggested that he escape with me, but he refused. I have never seen Demjanjuk since then and his fate is un‐ known to me. I also know nothing about the fate of the prisoners who were on that march.

The questioning was completed at 6:15 pm.

The questioning was conducted with a rest break.

I have read the record and my statements were recorded faithfully into the record from my words. I have no additions or corrections to make.

Signature of Witness: (Signature) Questioned by: Department Procurator, Senior Legal Counsel (Signature) N.P. Kolesnikova Xerographic copy authentic: Deputy Chief of Office, Procuracy of the USSR (Signature) P.I. Ryakhovskikh Authors Notes: Karlik—a derivative of the name Karl, also meaning “dwarf” in Rus‐ sian.

The dates of service at Sobibór would appear to be incorrect, as the camp was closed by November 1943, following the prisoner revolt on October 14, 1943.

War Crimes Trials of Individual SS NCO’s Hubert Gomerski was put on trial at the Hadamar proceedings in Frankfurt in 1947. As one of those who stoked the crematorium, he was acquitted. However, in August 1950 he again faced the courts where it was proved that he had left Hadamar for Lublin in January 1942, eventually turning up in the Sobibór death camp. At Sobibór

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he was known as the ‘Doctor’ because of his past experience in deal‐ ing with the sick. 237 He was found guilty of war crimes and on August 25, 1950 he was sentenced to life in prison. 238 Another member of the Hadamar staff, Johann Klier, who was in charge of the bakery and the barracks where shoes were sorted was put on trial in Frankfurt am Main and also on August 25, 1950 he was acquitted. 239 In 1946 Erich Bauer, the former ‘Gasmeister’ at Sobibór was seen on a Berlin Street by former prisoners Samuel Lerer and Estera Raab, who reported him to the police. On May 8, 1950, at a Berlin‐Moabit court he was sentenced to death for war crimes committed at So‐ bibór. This was later commuted to life in prison and he died in the Berlin‐Tegel prison in 1980.240 Nuremburg – International Military Tribunal During the International Military Tribunal (IMT) held at Nurem‐ burg, the Sobibór death camp was hardly mentioned at all, and can be found in only four documents, and then more or less in merely general terms. For example in a statement by Kurt Gerstein on May 6, 1945 in Tübingen, he mentioned that: In Sobibór near Lublin, in Poland, I do not know exactly where, 20,000 killings per day. 241 In another document from the IMT the camp was mentioned in connection with other camps in Poland: First there were the camps of Majdanek, Sobibór, Bełżec, Chełmno and Kosow Podlaski. Tens of thousands died there. 242

237 238

239 240 241 242

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G. Reitlinger, The Final Solution, Vallentine, Mitchell, London 1953, p. 143.

Thomas (Toivi) Blatt, Sobibór—The Forgotten Revolt, H.E.P. Issaquah, 1988, p. 95.

J. Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, p. 258.

Ibid., p.247.

Nuremburg Trial Document PS2170.

Nuremburg Trial Documents PS3338.

The three death camps of Aktion Reinhardt were not covered in great detail, though Bełżec and Treblinka were covered in a little more depth, the main focus of the Allies centred on Auschwitz‐ Birkenau and it was not until the mid‐1960’s that specific in depth trials were held in then West Germany, where Personnel from all three camps were brought to answer for their alleged crimes in proper court proceedings.

Hagen – Sobibór Trial On September 6, 1965 the German court in Hagen initiated criminal proceedings against twelve former SS‐men who had served in So‐ bibór, accusing them of crimes against humanity. On December 20, 1966 the following sentences were handed out: BOLENDER, Kurt, A Hotel Porter, who was arrested in 1961. Ac‐ cused of personally killing approximately 360 Jews and of partic‐ ipation in the mass murder of approximately 86,000 Jews. Com‐ mitted suicide in prison before sentencing.

DUBOIS, Werner, A German Railroad Employee and Mechanic. He was accused of participating in the mass murder of approxi‐ mately 43,000 Jews. Found guilty of participation in the murder of at least 15,000 Jews. Sentenced to three years in prison.

FRENZEL, Karl, A Carpenter, who was arrested in 1962. He was ac‐ cused of personally killing forty‐two Jews and participating in the murder of approximately 250,000 Jews. Found guilty of person‐ ally killing six Jews and of participation in the mass murder of approximately 150,000 Jews. He was sentenced to life imprison‐ ment.

FUCHS, Erich, A Truck Driver. He was accused of participating in the mass murder of approximately 3,600 Jews. He was found guilty of participation in the murder of at least 79,000 Jews. He was sentenced to four years in prison.

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ITTNER, Alfred, A Laborer. He was accused of participating in the mass murder of approximately 57,000 Jews. He was found guilty of participation in the murder of approximately 68,000 Jews. He was sentenced to four years in prison.

JUHRS, Robert , A Porter‐Janitor. He was accused of participating in the mass murder of approximately 30 Jews. He was found not guilty.

LACHMANN, Erich, A Mason. He was accused of participating in the mass murder of approximately 150,000 Jews. He was found not guilty.

LAMBERT, Erwin, A Ceramic Tile Salesman. He was accused of participating in the mass murder of an unknown number of Jews.

He was acquitted.

SCHÜTT, Hans‐Heinz, A Salesman. He was accused of participat‐ ing in the mass murder of approximately 86,000 Jews . He was acquitted.

UNVERHAU, Heinrich, A Male Nurse and Professional Musician.

He was accused of participating in the mass murder of approxi‐ mately 72,000 Jews. He was acquitted.

WOLF, Franz, A Warehouse Clerk, arrested in 1964. Accused of per‐ sonally killing one Jew and participating in the mass murder of 115,000 Jews. He was found guilty of participating in the mass murder of at least 39,000 Jews. He was sentenced to eight years in prison.

ZIERKE, Ernst, A Saw Mill Worker. He was accused of participating in the mass murder of approximately 30 Jews. He was acquit‐ ted.243

243

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Thomas (Toivi) Blatt, Sobibór—The Forgotten Revolt, H.E.P. Issaquah, 1988, pp. 96–97.

Ukrainian Guards A number of the Trawniki‐Männer were tried in the Soviet Union after the War, and in April 1963, Sasha Pechersky was the Chief Pros‐ ecution Witness where ten former Ukrainian Guards, including Emanuel Schulz were found guilty and executed. One of the former Trawniki‐Männer was sentenced to fifteen years imprisonment. A third trial was held in Kiev in June 1965, where three former Ukrain‐ ian Guards from Bełżec and Sobibór death camps were sentenced to death and shot. 244 Ivan Demjanjuk was extradited from the United States of Amer‐ ica and tried in Jerusalem in the mid‐1980’s for War crimes, as alleg‐ edly being ‘Ivan the Terrible’ at the Treblinka death camp. He was found guilty and sentenced to death, but was later freed following a successful appeal. At the trial a Trawniki‐Männer ID‐card showed an entry stating he was posted to Sobibór. He returned to the United States of America, but was pursued by the authorities.

Former Sobibór Ukrainian Guard, Ivan Demjanjuk was eventu‐ ally brought to trial in Bonn, Germany for alleged war crimes com‐ mitted at the Sobibór death camp. In May 2011, he was convicted of 28,060 counts of being an accessory to murder and was sentenced to five years imprisonment. He died on March 17, 2012, a free man in a nursing home in the southern Bavarian town of Bad Feilnbach, af‐ ter being released pending his appeal.245 Adolf Eichmann Trial in Jerusalem During the trial in Jerusalem in 1961, of Adolf Eichmann, who was responsible for organizing the deportations of Jews to some of the death camps, a number of Jewish survivors of the Sobibór death camp testified. These included three survivors from Sobibór such as Moshe Bahir, Jakub Biskubicz and Dov Freiberg. Generally speaking, 244 245

Ibid., p. 99. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2012/mar/17/john‐demjanjuk‐nazi‐ camp‐guard‐dies

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all three men told of their arrival at the death camp, the work bri‐ gades they belonged to and the type of work they performed. They also testified about some of the SS Officers and the ill‐treatment of the prisoners, including the murderous Lazarett. In relation to Adolf Eichmann, all three men testified about Heinrich Himmler’s visits to Sobibór, and the SS retinue that accompanied him. One account for each of the three men are reproduced to increase our under‐ standing of the death camp: Moshe Bahir testified on June 5, 1961 that: The Lazarett, it was a pit, not far from the camp‐five hundred metres away from the camp and from where we were working. When we were running two hundred metres with the bundles, there was a pit and when someone was injured or had his sexual organs bitten by the dog Barry, SS‐ Unterscharführer, Paul Groth would say to him, „What happened to you, my poor man? You can’t carry on like that. Who did that to you?

Come with me to the Lazarett“. And he went with him. A few minutes later, we would hear a shot.246

Jakob Biskubicz testified on the same day: Not everybody had the opportunity, but by chance I was taken to bring a cart with a barrel of chloride. When I was passing by the two larger stores in Camp II, I detached the cart and pushed it towards Camp III. I was supposed to leave it near the gate, but I couldn’t hold the vehicle back. The gate opened and it pushed me inside. Since I knew I would not get out alive from there, I began to run back at top speed and man‐ aged to reach my place of work without anyone noticing. I kept this a secret—I am stressing this—even from the inmates of the camp who worked with me.

From a distance I saw the pit and the hollow and the small train that carried the dead bodies. I did not see the gas chambers from the inside; I only saw from the outside that there was a very prominent roof and that the floor opened and the bodies fell below. I did not see that the floor opened up—I merely saw that underneath the gas chambers, there was a hollow that already contained bodies. 247 246

247

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http://www.nizkor.org/hweb/people/e/eichmann‐adolf/transcripts/Se ssions/index‐03.html Ibid.,

Dov Freiberg, who followed on the witness stand at the same ses‐ sion, stated: Once a transport arrived from Majdanek. They were human skeletons, dressed in striped clothes. On that day, there had apparently been some breakdown in the gas chambers, and they spent the night with us, sleep‐ ing in the yard. They were people to whom nothing mattered at all.

When they were struck—they did not shout, they merely moaned. We received an order to distribute food to them. We went to give them food, and then they expended their last ounce of energy. They were ly‐ ing, one on top of the other, they rose up together, whoever was able to—they trod on each other, in order to obtain their piece of bread, and it became almost impossible to distribute the food to them.

The next morning, they were taken to the gas chambers. And in the yard, where they had been, several hundred dead were left behind dur‐ ing the night. There were even some who were not dead, and some who were dragged along. SS‐Oberscharführer Frenzel came and selected twenty men—I was one of them—and he said to us: “Don’t be afraid— you have to undress completely and carry the bodies that have remained in the yards to the carts.”

This was a distance of 150–200 metres. It is hard to describe what feelings this evoked to carry the corpses on our naked bodies. The Germans urged us on all the time with blows. Everything was done at the double. We could not hold a man, we had to drag him by the legs. Halfway along the path, when for a moment, I noticed that no one was there—it was a very hot day—I let go of the body and stood there to rest. Then the ‘dead man’—whom I believed to be dead— sat up and asked me: “Is it still far to go?” This was in a weak voice, apparently with a supreme effort. I could not drag him along any‐ more. I raised him up, I put his arm around my neck, and I began walking with him. I myself was very weak. I could not walk far, but at a certain moment, I felt lashes on my back. It was Frenzel. He struck me all over my body. Of course, I threw the body down and again dragged this man and brought him to the carts.248

248

Thomas (Toivi) Blatt, Sobibór—The Forgotten Revolt, H.E.P. Issaquah, 1988, p. 99.

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Chapter XVI Epilogue The Nazis liquidated the Sobibór death camp in November 1943 and Members of the Aktion Reinhardt mass murder program were, in the main, transferred to Northern Italy to fight partisans and deport Jews on a much smaller scale.

Some of the former death camp’s facilities were used by the Ger‐ man Baudienst (Construction Service) until July 1944, when the So‐ viet Red Army liberated the area. Most of the barracks were not de‐ stroyed by the SS or the Baudienst. The ramp, for example, was used until 1947 for gathering transports of Ukrainians, who were to be resettled to the Ukraine or other areas of Poland. While these Ukrainians waited for the trains, they demolished the remaining barracks, since they needed wood for fuel or for their campfires.

The tall Forester’s watchtower was not destroyed because the Forester needed it to oversee the area, watching out for forest fires.

The former Commandants house was simply returned to the For‐ estry administration.249 In 1961, the first memorial was built, and it was in July 21, 2002 that I first set foot on the grounds of the former Sobibór death camp.

Accompanying me on this trip were Johannes Feuser, Peter Laponder, Michael Peters, Billy Rutherford and our guide in Poland, Michael Tregenza. I wrote a journal of our trip, part of which has been reproduced for this book. This journal has not been published to date: Sunday July 21, 2002 Leaving Trawniki we drove to the site of the former death camp at So‐ bibór. What struck me as we drove through the dense forest was just how remote this place was. As we pulled up to the museum parking area, we saw the railway buffer, single spur track and the ramp. Behind the ramp was a concrete road and the green coloured house, where the Sobibór Commandant once lived.

249

Robert Kuwalek in conversation with the author in 2004.

378

Peter Laponder, presumably to help him in his forthcoming construc‐ tion of a model of the Treblinka death camp for the Cape Town Holo‐ caust museum, was keen to measure, with Michael Peters, the rather ancient looking concrete well in the back garden of the former Com‐ mandant’s villa, using a length of string. To the left of the property, Billy Rutherford and myself found an odd shaped small concrete structure, that Billy thought might be the camp armoury, but I thought it was too small.

After a tour of the modern looking museum, opposite the railway buffer, Michael Tregenza approached the local Forester and he agreed to lead us into a part of Sobibór rarely seen by the general public. He took us deep into the forest. He showed us the barbed‐wire attached to the trees and he kindly let me take some. He also showed us some of the founda‐ tions of the bunkers. We were in the former so‐called Nordlager (North Camp), where the Nazis had established a munitions repair camp from July 1943.

We returned to the area of the former ramp and buffer to take photo‐ graphs of where the cattle cars unloaded. We saw the site of the former gas chambers and Billy Rutherford bent down and picked up an old spent bullet cartridge that he handed to Michael Tregenza.

We saw the two memorials dedicated to the victims of Sobibór, the first one a reddy‐brown figure of a woman and child and the second one was a huge dome which contained the ashes of the murdered victims. Lastly we retraced our steps to the ramp and went over to see the Sobibór rail‐ way station, which was directly opposite the ramp, and back into the former camp area, to where there was a timber area, full of freshly cut logs.250 In July 2004, some members from the above trip re‐visited Sobibór as part of the ARC website group trip to various locations in Poland, along with invited guests. One thing missing from the former camp area was the tall iconic Forester’s tower that had recently blown down, all you could see now was the remains of the foundations. The former Com‐ mandant’s dwelling now had a shiny new roof, but the rest of the site was largely unchanged from the visit in 2002. We were taken to see the site of the wooden road which ran through the former Nordlager, by Krystof Skwirowski. Some traces of the log road were visible. Krystof was clutching in his hand a folder produced by Billy Rutherford, on So‐ bibór, which he visited in the 1980’s and again on the ARC trip in 2002.

Krystof remembered Billy with great affection.

250

C. Webb – Journal of the ARC Trip to Poland – July 2002, unpublished.

379

In 2010, two archaeologists, Yoram Haimi and Wojciech Mazurek, one from Israel and the other from Poland, discovered the remains of a dou‐ ble fence that encircled the site of the former Nazi death camp at So‐ bibór. One year later they discovered the so‐called ‘Himmelfahrtstrasse‘ (The Road to Heaven). The memorial site was then faced with closure because of a lack of funding. All the visitor facilities had to be closed temporarily until the Foundation for Polish‐German Reconciliation and the State Museum at Majdanek stepped in to take over responsibil‐ ity for the site.

Haimi and Mazurek resumed their excavations and found the remains of fences, barracks and cremation sites, as well as skeletons. They also found a metal name‐tag belonging to a young Jewish girl, Lea Judith de la Penha, who had been deported from Amsterdam to Sobibór, where she perished in July 1943, along with her parents.

They finally reached their objective on September 8, 2014 when they uncovered the remains of a red brick wall and soon after others fol‐ lowed. The archaeologists still do not have the final proof that these are the gas chambers foundations, but everything suggests that they are— the position between the Himmelfahrtstrasse, the cremation sites, and the remains of the barrack of the Jewish prisoners responsible for re‐ moving the bodies—as well as a water‐hole.251

251

380

http://www.spiegel.de/international/zeitgeist/the‐archeological‐excavations‐t hat‐led‐to‐the‐gas‐chambers‐of‐sobibor‐a‐993733.html

Appendix 1 The Sobibór Area Labor Camps In accordance with the German plans at the very beginning of the occupation, the Lublin district was intended to become ‘the pillar of the Generalgouvernement’s agriculture policy’. In order to modern‐ ize the agriculture in this region, the German authorities wanted to regulate the small rivers and to improve the meadows. Therefore the Wasserwirtschaftsinspektion (Inspection for The Water Economy) in the Lublin district installed a network of small work camps in 1940. Jewish and Polish prisoners would work there. Chełm County became one of several centres for these camps. The Sobibór death camp was built in this district in early 1942.

In 1940, Jews mainly from the Lublin and Warsaw districts were sent to these work camps. They received an official salary of 96 Złoty per month, but this amount was poor reward for the extremely hard work in often very difficult conditions. These forced Labor Camps were set up in the swampy surroundings of Sobibór. They were lo‐ cated at Adampol, Czerniejow, Dorohusk, Kamien, Krychów, Luta, Nowosiolki, Osowa, Ruda Opalin, Sawin, Siedliszcze, Sobibór vil‐ lage, Staw‐ Sajczyce, Tomaszowka, Ujazdow, Włodawa and Zmudz.

In some places the camps were located in school buildings, aban‐ doned farms or industrial buildings. Except for the camp at Krychów, the prisoners lived in barns on private farms or in a mill, in the case of Staw‐Sajczyce. The camps were under the supervision of the German civil administration but the prisoners were guarded

by Trawniki‐Männer or by the Jewish Police in Osowa. In the camp at Sawin, the Jewish prisoners were supervised by Jewish Police and 381

Polish Guardsmen who worked for the Wasserwirtschafts‐ inspektion.

The prisoners were forced to work 8 ‐10 hours daily, most of the time they stood in the water in wet clothes, without the opportunity to change them. Food was also a major problem. Only those who came from towns close to the camps had the opportunity of obtain‐ ing some food from home. The Jews taken from the Warsaw ghetto or Warsaw district depended on the camp’s kitchens. If they had some money they could buy bread from the local peasants. In some camps like Krychów, the prisoners were killed when Camp Com‐ mandant Adolf Loeffler discovered that they had made contacts with local Poles. The Polish farmers accused of selling food to the prisoners were beaten. In Osowa these contacts were not so strictly forbidden. Because they had no money the Jews exchanged their clothes for food.

In 1941 alone, 2,500 out of 8,700 Jews from the Warsaw ghetto had to be released from the camps because of sickness. Many Jews died of starvation, typhus epidemics and the harsh working condi‐ tions. In several camps like Osowa or Sawin, they were shot in mass executions. In the autumn of 1941 in Osowa the last remaining group of 58 Jewish prisoners were executed close to the camp. Two of them survived and became Functionaries in the next period between 1942 and 1943.

In 1941, about 2,200 Jews from the Warsaw ghetto were sent to Krychów, Osowa, Sawin and Staw‐Sajczyce. The number of people who were released from these camps during June /July 1941, when almost all the large buildings were taken over by the German Wehr‐ macht at the beginning of the War against the Soviet Union, is not known. In Osowa the average number of prisoners was 400–500 people, in Siedliszcze approximately 2,000 and in Sawin 700–800.

Krychów was the largest camp within this network, located south‐west of Sobibór close to Hansk village. It was built before the War as a detention camp for Polish criminals. Even then the prison‐ ers had to regulate the rivers of this region. In 1940 the Hansk local

382

administration received an order from the German civil administra‐ tion to prepare buildings of the former camp for transports of Gyp‐ sies. These were Gypsies from the Gypsy camp in Bełżec. The whole group of Gypsies have been estimated to have been between 1,000 and 1,500 people. According to the statements by Polish witnesses from Hansk, the Gypsies in Krychów were not guarded and not forced to work. Most of them could not speak Polish. They ex‐ changed their clothes for food and begged for money. In the autumn of 1940 they were deported from Krychów. Some of them were sent to Siedlce ghetto.

Between the end of 1940 and early 1941 most of the prisoners in Krychów were Jews from the Warsaw ghetto and local Polish and Ukrainian farmers, arrested for not having paid their impositions.

Around 1,500 prisoners in Krychów, according to witnesses in Hansk, were beaten by the Guards and suffered from starvation and illness. 150 Jews worked as manual workers. Many Jews had to work in fields that belonged to the German ‘Colonists’, or at the manors taken over by the Germans. Even women and children between 8 and 12 years old, had to work there. With the beginning of Aktion Reinhardt all of these forced Labor Camps were reserved for Jews only. After their families had paid sums of money for their release, they were set free at the beginning of 1942.

The Jews arrived from the liquidated ghettos in the surroundings of Sobibór, Rejowiec, Siedliszcze, Sawin, Włodawa and Chełm or were sent after selection to the Sobibór death camp. On the ramp in the Sobibór death camp, the transports from abroad were subjected to selections. People from Slovakia, Holland, Germany and Austria did not realize or could not believe that their relatives and friends were being led away to be murdered in the gas chambers. Sobibór was almost unique in selecting large groups of prisoners to work in other camps. It is unknown how many people were selected at So‐ bibór for work in the forced Labor Camps.

Franz Stangl, the Commandant of Sobibór recalled in an inter‐ view with Gitta Sereny, his visit to the Krychów Labor Camp in April 1942: 383

“Baurat Moser suggested we make a round of the camps he supplied in the district. The first camp I saw was about half‐way between Chełm and Sobibór, a farm called Krychów. It employed two to three hundred Jewish women, mostly German or at least German‐speaking. I went in there to look around. There was nothing—you know—sinister about it: they were quite free, if you like; it was just a farm where the women worked under the supervision of Jewish Guards. Well I suppose you could call them Jewish Police. As I say I looked around and the women seemed quite cheerful—they seemed healthy. They were just working, you know. They were armed with weissen Schlagmitteln (white imple‐ ments for beating)”.252

Aside from the difficult conditions of life and work, in spring and summer mosquitoes were a big problem and selections in the camps were regularly organized. Sick people and children were sent by horse‐drawn carts or by foot to the Sobibór death camp. In the camps located very close to Sobibór, the inmates knew about the death camp. This psycholological pressure shattered their will to re‐ sist and survive. In many Polish testimonies, the witnesses men‐ tioned the passivity of the prisoners. In Osowa village, 7 kilometres away from Sobibór and surrounded by a vast forest, no prisoners escaped from the camp, although some Poles attempted to help them.

SS‐Arbeitslager Dorohucza, which was located halfway between Lublin and Chełm, some five kilometres from Trawniki became op‐ erational in late February and early March, 1943. Here prisoners were forced to dig peat, in very harsh condtions. Out of the 500 Jews, about half of them were Dutch Jews selected on the ramp at the So‐ bibór death camp.253 The Commandant of Dorohucza was SS‐Hauptscharführer Gott‐ fried Schwarz, who had served with distinction at the Bełżec death camp. According to other SS Officers, Robert Juhrs and Ernst Zierke,

252 253

384

Gitta Sereny, Into That Darkness, Pimlico London, 1974, p. 107.

Jules Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, p. 120.

who also served at Bełżec and Sobibór death camps, it was con‐ firmed that the last Commandant of Dorohucza was Fritz Tauscher, who also served at Bełżec death camp.254 Dorohucza was liquidated during the Aktion Erntefest Massacre in November 1943 when the Jewish prisoners in most of the Jewish Labor Camps were brutally massacred in early November 1943. Rob‐ ert Juhrs recalled the events: After the Jews had vacated their barracks, their quarters were searched.

Then the Jews guarded by the police unit left in the direction of Trawn‐ iki. I found out later that all the Jews from this Commando were shot near the trenches within the Trawniki command area. A few days after the operation, we received orders from Lublin to go to Sobibór.255

Only during the final liquidation of the Adampol Labor Camp near Włodawa on August 13, 1943, did some of the prisoners who were in contact with the partisans, try to organize a resistance and fight against the police. It is important to mention that most of the in‐ mates in Adampol were Polish Jews who knew their fate. During the liquidation of this camp, 475 Jewish prisoners were executed on the spot. Most of the foreign Jews had no possibility of escaping because they did not know the language, the region or the people. In Sawin, successful escapes by two Czech Jews are known, one of those who escaped lost his mother during a selection in Sawin, and only found out after the War that Sawin was not far away from the Sobibór death camp.

In other camps the biggest group of prisoners were Jews from outside of Poland. Polish witnesses very often mention their fre‐ quent close contact with Czech Jews. Polish farmers realized that among the deportees were Jews who had converted to Christianity.

For example, in Sawin, a Dentist from Czechoslovakia was a member of the Church choir and her son played the violin during mass.

Christian Jews from Czechoslovakia were also in Krychów.

Zygmunt Leszczynski from Hansk stated:

254 255

Ibid., p.124.

Jules Schelvis, Sobibór, Berg – Oxford – New York, 2007, p. 127.

385

Among the Jews who were in the camp in Krychów there were also Cath‐ olics. I saw how, during the transport to Krychów some of them stopped before the cross which was close to the street and they crossed them‐ selves and prayed. I saw also that some of them wore small crosses on the chest.

In the summer and autumn of 1943 most of these camps were liqui‐ dated and their inmates were sent to the Sobibór death camp. From Krychów the prisoners were taken on horse‐drawn wagons. From Sawin they had to walk and many of them were killed on the way to the death camp.

Henryk Stankiewicz from Sawin made a statement: I remember we were together with my father in front of our house 5–8 metres away from the street. Suddenly we saw the ‘Kalmuk’ (probably a Ukainian Guard) and behind him several hundred marching people in a column. They walked very slowly and looked starved and dirty. Several of them took off their hats and told us words of farewell: “Goodbye Mr Stankiewicz we are going to the fire.”

After the selections in the Labor Camps and during their final liqui‐ dation the Germans forced the Polish farmers to use their horse‐ drawn wagons to transport the old people and the invalids. Just be‐ fore the main gate of the death camp in Sobibór the Poles had to abandon the wagons and Ukrainian Guards from the camp drove the wagons through the gate. Then the Poles heard the victims screaming and after one or two hours the wagons were brought back to them.

Probably the last camp to be liquidated was in Luta village. The camp existed according to the testimonies of local inhabitants, until the Sobibór revolt on October 14, 1943. The inmates from Luta ob‐ served a group of Sobibór death camp prisoners who tried to escape to the nearby forest. After the revolt the Jews from Luta were taken to the death camp and murdered.

In Osowa, a small cemetery can be seen with graves of the pris‐ oners who died in the camp. It is very difficult to say how many peo‐ ple passed through the Sobibór work camps or perished there.

386

Primary Sources www.deathcamps.org – Robert Kuwalek and Chris Webb.

Jules Schelvis, Sobibór (Berg – Oxford – New York 2007) .

387

Appendix 2 List of Trawniki Männer Who Served at Sobibór Death Camp Name ANTONOV, Wasil BAIDIN, Ilya BARANDTIMOV, Sabit BATARONOV, Aglam BELYI, Michail BIALOWAS, Jan BIELAKOW, B. BIELINSKI BILIK, Ivan BODESSA BOGUNOV, Dimitrij BRANDECKI, Felix BUSINNIJ, Prokofi CHABIBULIN, Achmed CHROMENKO, Chariton DALKE, Heinrich DANILCHENKO, Ignat

DEMJANJUK, Ivan

Additional Information

Sentenced and executed in the USSR From Lvov

Volksdeutscher Sentenced and imprisoned in the USSR. See Statement under interro‐ gation Tried in Israel for War Crimes com‐ mitted in the Treblinka death camp, for being ‘Ivan the Terrible’ Found guilty then acquitted. Re‐tried in Bonn, Germany for War Crimes com‐ mitted in Sobibór. Sentenced in Ger‐ many but died in 2011

389

DEPTYAREV, Vasili DIMIDA, Konstantinl DOMERATZKI, Jakob DUDA, Wlodzimierz DUDKO, Michal DZIRKAL, Karl ENGELHARD, Jakow FEDORENKO, Ivan FLUNT, Miron FROLOV, Gennardi GEUSLER GONCHARENKO, Anatoli GONCHARENKO, Nikolai GONCHAROW, Efim GORDIENKO, Nikolai GORLOV, Fedor HETMANIEC, Wasil HOTOROWICZ, Jan INDYUKOV, Ivan ISAENKO, Aleksei IVCHENKO, Ivan IWASHENKO, Piotr JARYNIUK, Ivan JECHAI, Iosof JEFIMOV, Wasili JERMOLDAYEV, Ivan JUDIN, Nikolai KABRIOV, Nurgali KAISER, Aleksy KAKORACH, Ivan KARAKASZ, Iwan KARAS, Pavel KARIMOV, Fetich KARPENKO, Alexander KISILEW, Viktor

390

Oberwachtmeister Volksdeutscher

Dismantling Commando – Killed Er‐ ich Floss on October 22, 1943

A cook in the death camp

Volksdeutscher – served in Italy, pho‐ tographed with Hödl and Gomerski.

Deserted from the camp on Decem‐ ber 25, 1942 along with 3 Jewish pris‐ oners—killed in the village of Kozia Gorka

KLATT, Ivan KOSCHEKUK, Piotr KOSCHEMYKIN, Jakov KOSZEWADZKI, Volodia KOSTENKOW, Emil KOZACZUK, Piotr KOZLOWSKI, Iwan KRAWCHENKO, Filip KRUPA KRUPINEWICH, Mikolaii KUDIN, Pavel KURAKOV, Leonid KUSEVANOV, Michail LIBODENKO LORENZ, Friderich LYACHOV, Gregorli LYACHOV, Ivan MALINOWSKI MAKARENKO, Pawel MARTYNOW, Nikolai MARTYNOW, Terentij MASHENKO, Andrei MATWIEJENKO, M. MAUER MEDVEDEV, Nikolai MIKOLAYENKO, Semion MORDWINICHEV, Pavel NABIYEW, Bari NAGORNYI, Andrej NIJKO, Wasily NIKOFOROW, Ivan OLEXENKO, Anatoli PANASHUK, Ivan PANKOV, Anatoli PANKOW, Vassily PAWLI, Nikolai PAULENKO

Volksdeutscher. Killed in the Revolt October 14, 1943

Deserted from Sobibór Operated the Gas Chamber in Lager III

Volksdeutscher, Oberwachmann

Sentenced and executed in the USSR Volksdeutscher

Sentenced and executed in the USSR

Also served at Bełżec Mentioned in KdO Report October 12, 1943

PICHEROV, Dimitrii

391

PODIENKO, W. RAZGONAYEV, Mikhail RESCHETNIKOV, Michail REZVERCHY, Igor RIMKUS, Tadas RUDENKO, Piotr RYSCHKOV, Vasily SABIROV, Chares SBESNIKOV, Petro SCHEVCHENKO, Dimitrii SCHIRPEV, Kamil SCHREIBER, Klaus SCHULTZ, Emanuel SELEZNEV, Mikolaj SENJONOW SERGIENKO, Grigorij SERIK, Dimitrij SHICHAVIN, Pavel SHUKOW, Ivan SIRENKO, Maxim SIROTENKO, Vladmir SOKOREV, Semion SOKUR, Kuzma SZILPNY, Heinrich SZULC, Emanuel

TICHONOWSKI, Fedor TISCHENKO, Ivan USTINNOKOV, Ivan VAKUTENKO, Ivan VASKIN, Kuzma VOLYNIETS, Efim WASEM, Yakob WEDENKO, Fiodor YASKO, Aleksander ZABERTNEV, Konstantin ZAJCEW, J

392

Sentenced and executed in the USSR See statement under interrogation

Volksdeutscher. Oberwachmann

Volksdeutscher. Killed in the Revolt October 14, 1943 Volksdeutscher Mentioned in the KdO Report Octo‐ ber 12, 1943

Volksdeutscher Also served in Treblinka. Possibly the same person as Emanuel Schultz above Sentenced and executed in the USSR

Gruppenwachmann

Sentenced and executed in the USSR

ZISCHER, Emil

Volksdeutscher. Deserted from the camp on December 25, 1942 along with 3 Jewish prisoners—killed in the village of Kozia Gorka

393

Illustrations and Sources

Front Cover Sobibór Station with Reichsbahn Personnel (Hessisches Hauptarchiv, Wiesbaden, Germany)

Railtracks by Sobibór Sign 2004 (Chris Webb Private Archive)

395

Thomas ‘Toivi’ Blatt in Izbica 1995 (Chris Webb Private Archive)

396

Introduction: Chris Webb – HMD Northampton University (Source: Claire Feldman)

397

Fig. 1

Globocnik on the ramp at Sobibór (Source: Wikimedia Com‐ mons. © Bundesarchiv, Bild 146‐1990‐087‐10 / Unknown. Li‐ censed under CC‐BY‐SA 3.0 (s. https://creativecommons.org/li‐ censes/by‐sa/3.0/de/deed.en))

Fig. 2

Borner, Frenzel, Stangl, Bauer and Wagner in the Swallow’s Nest with two unknown women. (The Ghetto Fighters' House Mu‐ seum, Israel / The photo archive)

398

Fig. 3

Hubert Gomerski boxing match with a Jewish worker prisoner, under the shadow of the Forester’s Tower (Source: Hessisches Hauptarchiv, Wiesbaden, Abtl. 461, Nr. 36346 Bd. 13 , Blatt 2062)

399

Fig. 4.

400

Hubert Gomerski photographed with Jewish prisoners who took part in boxing matches in Sobibór (Source: Hessisches Hauptar‐ chiv, Wiesbaden, Abtl. 461, Nr. 36346 Bd. 13 , Blatt 2062)

Fig. 5.

Gomerski and an unidentified German Officer during the boxing match in Sobibór (Source: Hessisches Hauptarchiv, Wiesbaden, Abtl. 461, Nr. 36346 Bd. 13 , Blatt 2062)

401

Fig. 6.

Funeral service at Chełm for SS men killed during the Revolt— October 1943 (The Ghetto Fighters' House Museum, Israel / The photo archive)

Fig. 7.

Gottlieb Hering by the graves at the Chełm Military Cemetary (The Ghetto Fighters' House Museum, Israel / The photo ar‐ chive)

402

Fig. 8.

Groth, Hering, unknown, unknown, Bolender and Zierke cele‐ brate (The Ghetto Fighters' House Museum, Israel / The photo archive)

Fig. 9.

Sobibór General View 1944 (Holocaust Historical Society, UK)

Fig. 10.

Wirth, Reichleitner, Vallaster – (Holocaust Historical Society, UK – courtesy of NARA, Washington DC)

403

Fig. 11.

Karl Frenzel and Erich Bauer in Italy (The Ghetto Fighters' House Museum, Israel / The photo archive)

Fig. 12.

Johann Niemann (The Ghetto Fighters' House Museum, Israel / The photo archive)

404

Fig. 13.

Ernst Bauch (Holocaust Historical Society, UK – courtesy of NARA, Washington DC)

Fig. 14.

Erich Floss (The Ghetto Fighters' House Museum, Israel / The photo archive)

405

Fig. 15.

Siegfried Graetschus (The Ghetto Fighters' House Museum, Is‐ rael / The photo archive)

Fig. 16.

Jakob Alfred Ittner and Paul Groth (The Ghetto Fighters' House Museum, Israel / The photo archive)

406

Fig. 17.

Alex Kaiser, Franz Hödl, and Hubert Gomerski in Italy (The Ghetto Fighters' House Museum, Israel / The photo archive)

407

Fig. 18.

Anton Nowak (The Ghetto Fighters' House Museum, Israel / The photo archive)

Fig. 19.

Karl Ludwig and Philip Post (The Ghetto Fighters' House Mu‐ seum, Israel / The photo archive)

408

Fig. 20.

Franz Nowak (Holocaust Historical Society, UK)

Fig. 21.

Wenzel Rewald (The Ghetto Fighters' House Museum, Israel / The photo archive)

409

Fig. 22.

Kurt Richter (The Ghetto Fighters' House Museum, Israel / The photo archive)

Fig. 23.

Hans‐Heinz Schütt (The Ghetto Fighters' House Museum, Israel / The photo archive)

410

Fig. 24.

Kurt Vey (Holocaust Historical Society, UK)

Fig. 25.

Sepp Vallaster at his wedding (Holocaust Historical Society, UK – courtesy of NARA, Washington DC)

411

Fig. 26.

Fritz Tauscher, Reinhold Feix, Unknown, Max Gringers, Ernst Zierke, Lorenz Hackenholt, Arthur Dachsel and Heinrich Barbl, outside the Kommandantur at Bełżec (Regional Museum Tomas‐ zow Lubelski, Poland)

Fig. 27.

Group photo including Lachmann, Gomerski and Dubois (The Ghetto Fighters' House Museum, Israel / The photo archive)

412

Fig. 28.

Walther Nowak, Erich Bauer, Kurt Bolender and Hubert Go‐ merski in Trieste (The Ghetto Fighters' House Museum, Israel / The photo archive)

Fig. 29.

Emil Blaurock (The Ghetto Fighters' House Museum, Israel / The photo archive)

413

Fig. 30.

Sobibór Train Station (Hessisches Hauptarchiv, Wiesbaden, Ger‐ many)

Fig. 31.

Adolf Gentz, Hermann Sydow, Willi Bolitz, Karl Ludwig, Willi Mentz and Wilhem Miete at Attersee, Austria (The Ghetto Figh‐ ters' House Museum, Israel / The photo archive)

414

Fig 32.

The Former Catholic Church—which served as the Lazarett in 1943 (The Ghetto Fighters' House Museum, Israel / The photo archive)

Fig 33.

Franz Reichleitner at Hartheim (Holocaust Historical Society, UK – courtesy of NARA, Washington DC)

415

Fig 34.

Franz Wolf (The Ghetto Fighters' House Museum, Israel / The photo archive)

Fig 35.

Lorenz Hackenholt receives the Iron Cross in Trieste (The Ghetto Fighters' House Museum, Israel / The photo archive)

416

Fig 36.

Philipp Post (The Ghetto Fighters' House Museum, Israel / The photo archive)

Fig 37.

Fritz Konrad (The Ghetto Fighters' House Museum, Israel / The photo archive)

417

Fig 38.

Rudolf Beckmann, second from right, Willi Mentz far right, Graf‐ eneck 1940 (ARC Website)

Fig 39.

Arthur Walter (Holocaust Historical Society, UK – courtesy of NARA, Washington DC)

418

Fig 40.

Herman Michel (The Ghetto Fighters' House Museum, Israel / The photo archive)

Fig 41.

Seidel, Bredow, Gomerski in Italy (The Ghetto Fighters' House Museum, Israel / The photo archive)

419

Fig 42.

Wendland and Potzinger (The Ghetto Fighters' House Museum, Israel / The photo archive)

Fig 43.

Ernst Zierke in Italy (The Ghetto Fighters' House Museum, Israel / The photo archive)

420

Fig 44.

Erich Fuchs on the Russian Front (Holocaust Historical Society, UK)

Fig 45.

Izbica Railway Station (Chris Webb Private Archive)

421

Fig 46.

Chełm Railway Station (Chris Webb Private Archive)

Fig 47.

Germans guard a deportation train (Chris Webb Private Archive)

422

Fig 48.

Sobibór Ramp – July 2002 (Chris Webb Private Archive)

Fig 49.

Sobibór North Camp – Barbed‐Wire Fence – July 2002 (Chris Webb Private Archive)

423

Fig 50.

Sobibór North Camp – Bunker Foundations ‐ July 2002 (Chris Webb Private Archive)

Fig. 51.

Sobibór Former Commandants Villa ‐ July 2002 (Chris Webb Pri‐ vate Archive)

424

Fig. 52.

Sobibór Former Commandants Villa – Rear View – July 2002 (Chris Webb Private Archive)

Fig. 53.

Sobibór Armoury – July 2002 (Chris Webb Private Archive)

425

Fig. 54.

Sobibór Forester’s Tower – July 2002 (Chris Webb Private Ar‐ chive)

Fig. 55.

Sobibór Railway Buffer – July 2002 (Chris Webb Private Archive)

426

Fig. 56.

Sobibór Sign – July 2004 (Chris Webb Private Archive)

Fig. 57.

Sobibór ‘Tube’ – July 2004 (Chris Webb Private Archive)

427

Fig. 58.

Sobibór Railway Station – July 2004 (Chris Webb Private Ar‐ chive)

Fig. 59.

Chris Webb, Artur Hojan, Krystof Skwrowski – Sobibór – July 2004 (Chris Webb Private Archive – courtesy of Paul Denton)

428

Fig. 60.

Group by a Sobibór Sign – July 2004 (Chris Webb Private Archive – courtesy of Paul Denton)

Fig. 61.

Carmelo Lisciotto by a Sobibór Sign near the Buffer – July 2004 (Chris Webb Private Archive – courtesy of Cameron Munro)

429

Fig. 62.

Sobibór Monument – July 2004 (Chris Webb Private Archive)

Fig. 63.

Sobibór Points – July 2004 (Chris Webb Private Archive – cour‐ tesy of Cameron Munro)

430

Fig. 64.

Sobibór Ramp and Station – July 2004 (Chris Webb Private Ar‐ chive – courtesy of Cameron Munro)

431

Documents, Drawings, Maps and Sources

Doc. 1.

Sobibór Camp Layout June 1943 – Drawing by William ‘Billy’ Rutherford (Chris Webb Private Archive)

433

Doc. 2.

434

Deportations to Sobibór Map – (courtesy of Sir Martin Gilbert)

Doc. 3.

Abraham Nol – Dutch Red Cross Notification (Holocaust Histor‐ ical Society UK)

435

Doc. 4.

436

Mathilde Asser Transport List (Westerbork Museum, Holland)

Doc. 5.

Ernst Bauch Fragebogen – Personnel File (NARA Washington DC, USA)

437

Doc. 6.

438

Letter from Ganzenmüller to Karl Wolf regarding transports (Yad Vashem, Israel)

Doc. 7.

Gas Chambers building in Sobibór ‐ courtesy of Billy Rutherford (Chris Webb Archive)

Doc. 8.

Gerhard Boerner personnel file (NARA Washington DC, USA)

439

Doc. 9.

440

Gustav Wagner document (Wiener Library, London, UK)

Doc. 10.

Jenny Khan Postcard from Krasnystaw (Chris Webb Private Ar‐ chive)

Doc. 11.

Johann Niemann personnel file Service Record 1934–1943 (Yad Vashem, Israel)

441

Doc. 12.

442

Piaski Judenrat members document (Holocaust Historical Soci‐ ety UK)

Doc. 13.

Gertrud Poppert – Schönborn (Luka) Transport List (Westerbork Museum, Holland)

443

Doc.14.

444

Sobibór Revolt – Intercepted German Police Decode 15 October 1943 (National Archives, Kew, UK)

Doc. 15.

Sobibór Munitions – Intercepted German Police Decode 27 Oc‐ tober 1943 (National Archives Kew, UK)

445

Doc 16.

446

Wien – Sobibór Transport Report Part 1(Yad Vashem, Israel)

Doc. 16.

Wien – Sobibór Transport Report Part 2 (Yad Vashem, Israel)

447

Doc. 17.

448

Treblinka – Sobibór Waybill Transfer of prisoners (Yad Vashem, Israel)

Doc. 18.

Christian Wirth extract promotion letter from his personnel file 19 August 1943 (NARA Washington DC, USA)

449

Doc. 19.

450

Irmfried Eberl letter from Sobibór, page 1 (Hessisches Hauptar‐ chiv, Wiesbaden, Germany)

Doc. 19.

Irmfried Eberl letter from Sobibór, page 2 (Hessisches Hauptar‐ chiv, Wiesbaden, Germany)

451

Doc. 20. Heinrich Himmler’s Program of Visits ‐ Trawniki and Sobibór July 1942 (Holocaust Historical Society, UK)

452

Doc. 21.

Handwritten note regarding material for SS Sonderkommando Sobibór (Yad Vashem, Israel)

453

Doc. 22. Letter to Dr. Helmuth Knochen – Regarding the deportation of Jews from France to Sobibór (Centre de Documentation Juive Contemporaine ‐ CDJC Paris)

454

Doc. 23.

Telegram from Eichmann Berlin to Heinz Roethke Paris regard‐ ing transports from Paris on 23–25 March to Cholm (Yad Vashem, Israel)

455

Doc. 24. Waybill Transport of prisoners from Treblinka to Sobibór, No‐ vember 4, 1943 (Source: Wikimedia Commons. © Bundesarchiv, Bild 183‐C0509‐0049‐006. Licensed under CC‐BY‐SA 3.0 (s. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by‐sa/3.0/de/de ed.en))

456

Doc. 25.

Security Police Lublin – Notification of escaping Jews from the Waldkommando (Yad Vashem, Israel)

457

Doc. 26. Security Police Lublin – Notification of the Revolt on October 14, 1943. (Yad Vashem, Israel)

Doc. 27. Security Police Lublin – Report on SS men killed and missing fol‐ lowing the Revolt (Yad Vashem, Israel)

458

Doc. 28. Security Police Lublin – Report on two Jews being shot (Yad Vashem, Israel)

Doc. 29. Security Police Lublin – Report on the murder of Erich Herbert Floss (Yad Vashem, Israel)

459

Doc. 30. Security Police Lublin – Report on the attack by partisans of Franz Stangl near Cholm (Yad Vashem, Israel)

460

Doc. 31.

Report by Police Chief Tischer Cholm – regarding shootout in‐ volving Trawnikimänner and a Jewess from Sobibór dated Janu‐ ary 7, 1943 (NIOD Amsterdam, Holland)

461

Doc. 32.

462

Anton Getzinger ‐ Fragebogen (Hartheim Museum, Austria)

Doc. 33.

Einsatz Reinhard – Promotion List (Yad Yashem, Israel)

463

Doc. 34. Franz Stangl document from his personnel file (NARA Washing‐ ton DC, USA)

464

Doc. 35.

Franz Hödl document from his personnel file (Yad Vashem, Is‐ rael)

Doc. 36. Hans‐Heinz Schütt document from his personnel file (Yad Vashem, Israel)

465

Doc. 37.

466

Sobibór–Lublin Shipment List April 16, 1943 (Włodowa Museum, Poland)

Doc. 38. Sobibór – Two Trawnikimänner fleeing from Sobibór (Yad Vashem, Israel)

467

Doc. 39. Drancy – Sobibór Transport List Extract Joseph Duniec (Centre de Documentation Juive Contemporaine – CDJC Paris)

468

Doc. 40. Sobibór Area Census 1943 (Holocaust Historical Society, UK)

Doc. 41.

Hubert Gomerski War Crimes Card Index (National Archives, Kew, UK)

469

Doc. 42. Karl Frenzel War Crimes Card Index (National Archives Kew, UK)

470

Doc. 43. Siegfried Graetschus War Crimes Card Index (National Archives Kew, UK)

471

Doc. 44. Wirth and Reichleitner – SIPO and SD Befehlsblatt (Bundesar‐ chiv, Germany)

472

Doc. 45. Reichleitner’s Death Notice – SIPO and SD Befehlsblatt (Bun‐ desarchiv, Germany)

473

Doc. 46. Gustav Wagner Entry (Bundesarchiv, Germany)

474

Doc. 47. Paul Rost document from his personnel file (Bundesarchiv, Ger‐ many)

475

Doc. 48. Paul Groth SS Befehlsblatt Entry 1938 (Bundesarchiv, Germany)

476

Equivalent Ranks SS‐Reichsführer SS‐Oberstgruppenführer SS‐Obergruppenführer SS‐Gruppenführer SS‐Brigadeführer SS‐Oberführer SS‐Standartenführer SS‐Obersturmbannführer SS‐Sturmbannführer SS‐Hauptsturmführer SS‐Obersturmführer SS‐Untersturmführer SS‐Sturmscharführer SS‐Hauptscharführer SS‐Oberscharführer SS‐Scharführer SS‐Unterscharführer SS‐Rottenführer SS‐Sturmmann SS‐Oberschütze SS‐Schütze

Reichs Leader General Lieutenant General Major General Brigadier General Senior Colonel Colonel Lieutenant Colonel Major Captain First Lieutenant Second Lieutenant Sergeant Major Master‐Sergeant Sergeant First Class Staff Sergeant Sergeant Corporal Acting Corporal Private First Class Private

477

Glossary of Nazi Terms Abteilung: A branch, section or sub‐section of a main department or office (Hauptamt, Amtsgruppe or Amt, q.v.) Also a military or paramilitary unit of up to battalion strength, i.e. approximately 700 men.

Aktion Reinhardt: The code name used in honour of Reinhard Heydrich for the mass murder of Polish Jewry.

Allgemeine‐SS: General body of the SS consisting of full‐time, part‐ time, and inactive or honorary members, as distinct from the Waffen‐SS (see entry for Waffen‐SS).

Amt: A directorate or an office of a ministry.

Amtsgruppe: A branch of a Hauptamt.

Anschluß: Annexation of Austria to the German Reich in March 1938.

Arbeitslager: Labor/Work Camp.

Außenstelle/Außendientstelle: Out‐station of an office, agency or ministry.

Befehlshaber der Sicherheitspolizei und des SD: Commander in Chief of the SIPO and SD. Deutsche Ausrüstungswerke (DAW): German Armaments Factories.

Gau: One of the 42 main territorial divisions of the Nazi Party.

Gauleiter: The highest ranking party official in a Gau, responsible for all political and economic activity, mobilization of labor and civil defence.

479

Geheime Staatspolizei (Gestapo): Secret State Police which became Amt IV of the RSHA in September 1939. Headed by SS‐ Obergruppenführer Heinrich Müller.

Generalgouvernement: German‐occupied Poland administered

by Hans Frank from his Headquarters in Kraków.

Hauptamt: A main or central office.

Höhere SS‐ und Polizeiführer: Higher SS and Police Leader.

Himmler’s personal representative in each military region. Also established in the occupied territories. Nominally the commander of all SS and police units in his area, as well as acting liaison officer with the military and senior regional authorities.

Judenrat: Jewish Councils established by the Nazis for Jewish self‐ administration, in all its various facets, food, housing, labor allocation, welfare, police, economic, and social..

Kapo: A prisoner‐functionary in the Nazi camps who was assigned by the SS camp staff to supervise labor brigades, maintain discipline, or fulfil administrative tasks.

Kanzlei des Führers: Hitler’s Chancellery Kommando: A brigade, squad, or detail.

Kommissariat: A Regional HQ of the police; also a political administration in the occupied eastern territories (for example: Reichskommissariat Ukraine).

Kreishauptmann: The principal district official Generalgouvernement and occupied territories.

in

the

Kriminalpolizei (Kripo): Criminal Police, the plainclothed detective squads which together with the Gestapo formed the Sicherheitspolizei. In 1939 the Kripo became Amt V of the Reichssicherheitshauptamt (RSHA).

Headed by Reichskriminaldirektor Arthur Nebe.

Lagerälteste: Camp elder, a senior prisoner in a Nazi camp.

480

Leitstelle: A Regional HQ of the Gestapo or Kripo established at the HQ of a Military District or capital of a county.

Oberkapo: Senior Kapo in a Nazi camp.

Oberzugführer: Senior platoon leader; in charge of the platoon leaders.

Ordnungspolizei (Orpo): Order Police. The regular uniformed police, comprising the Schützpolizei (Schupo), Gendarmarie (rural constabulary), and Feuerschützpolizei (fire‐fighting police), together with certain technical and auxiliary services.

Organisation Todt: A paramilitary government organization used mainly for the construction of strategic highways and military installations.

Reichsgau: One of eleven regions formed from territories annexed by the Reich.

Reichskanzlei: Chancellery of the Reich directed by Hans Lammers.

Referat: A sub‐section within a Gruppe.

Referent: The official in charge of a Referat.

Reichsführer‐SS: Reich Leader of the SS Heinrich Himmler’s SS title from June 1936.

Reichskriminalpolizeiamt (RKPA): Berlin HQ of the Kriminalpolizei (Kripo) which in September 1939 became Amt V of the Reichssicherheitshauptamt (RSHA).

Reichssicherheitshauptamt (RSHA): Reich Security Main Office, formed in September 1939 and combined the Sicherheitspolizei and the Sicherheitsdienst (SD). It was both an SS‐Hauptamt and a branch of the Reich Ministry of the Interior.

Schutzpolizei (Schupo): Protection Police. The regular uniformed municipal constabulary forming the bulk of the Ordnungspolizei.

481

Sicherheitsdienst (SD): Security Service. The intelligence branch of the SS headed by Reinhard Heydrich.

Sicherheitspolizei (Sipo): Security Police, comprising the Kripo and Gestapo, headed by Reinhard Heydrich.

Sonderkommando: A special unit of the SS employed for police and political tasks in occupied territories. Also used to denote the special brigades of prisoners in Auschwitz who dealt with the corpses.

SS‐Leibstandarte “Adolf Hitler”: Hitler’s bodyguard regiment.

The oldest of the SS militarized formations, established in 1933.

Commanded by Joseph “Sepp” Dietrich.

SS‐ und Polizeiführer: SS and Police Leader. In command of a district in the eastern occupied territories, subordinate to a Höhere SS‐ und Polizeiführer.

Standarte: SS or SA formation equivalent to a regiment, i.e. approximately 3,000 men.

Sturmabteilung (SA): Storm Detachment, also called the “Brown Shirts” in accordance with their uniform. The original Nazi paramilitary organization founded in 1921.

Sturmbann: An SA or SS unit, equivalent to a battalion, i.e. 750– 1,000 men.

SS‐Totenkopfverbände: SS Death’s Head units that guarded the concentration camps. In 1939 they formed the nucleus of the SS‐ Totenkopf division, one of the first field formations of the Waffen‐SS. SS‐Verfügungstruppen: The pre‐War militarized formations of the SS, renamed the Waffen‐SS in 1939.

Volksdeutsche: Ethnic Germans.

Vorarbeiter: Foreman of a team of workers.

482

Waffen‐SS: Fully militarized SS formations. Initially composed of the SS‐Verfügungstruppen and the SS‐Totenkopf units. During the Second World War it comprised of 40 divisions, both German and non‐German units.

Wehrkreis: Military region, usually indicated on maps by a Roman numeral.

Wehrmacht: The German Armed Forces, i.e. the army, air force, and navy.

Wirtschafts‐ und Verwaltungshauptamt (WVHA): Administration and Economic Main Office of the SS, formed from the SS‐Hauptamt Haushalt‐und Bauen in 1940. Headed by Oswald Pohl, the WVHA supervised the SS economic enterprises and administered the concentration camps.

Zugführer: Military term for a platoon leader.

483

Selected Bibliography ARAD, Yitzhak, Bełżec, Sobibór, Treblinka (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987) ARAD, Yitzak, The Holocaust in the Soviet Union (University of Ne‐ braska Press and Yad Vashem, Jerusalem, 2009) BEM, Dr Marek, Sobibór Extermination Camp 1942–1943 (Stichting Sobibór, Amsterdam, 2015) BERGER, Sara, Experten der Vernichtung: das T4 Reinhardt‐Netwerk in den Lagern Bełżec, Sobibór und Treblinka (Hamburger Institut für Sozialforschung, Hamburg, 2013) BIALOWITZ, Philip, A Promise At Sobibór (The University of Wis‐ consin Press, Wisconsin, 2010) BLATT, Thomas (Toivi), Sobibór The Forgotten Revolt (H.E.P Is‐ saquah, 1988) BLATT, Thomas (Toivi), From the Ashes of Sobibór (Northwestern University Press, Evanston, Illinois, 1997) BLATT, Thomas (Toivi), Sobibór: Zapomniane powstanie (Włodawa: Muzeum Pojezerza Łęczyńsko – Włodawskiego we Włodawie, 2010) BÖHM, Dr. Boris, Nationalsozialistische Euthanasiaverbrechen in Sachsen (Dresden Pirna: Kuratorium Gedenkstätte Sonnen‐ stein,1996) BÖHM, Dr. Boris, Sonnenstein Heft 3 (Pirna: Kuratorium Gedenk‐ stätte Sonnenstein, 2001) FREIBERG, Dov, To Survive Sobibór (Gefen Publishing House Jeru‐ salem, 2007)

485

GRABHER, Michael, Irmfried Eberl: “Euthanasie“‐ Arzt und Kom‐ mandant von Treblinka (Peter Lang GmgH, Frankfurt am Main, 2006) GILBERT, Martin, The Holocaust—The Jewish Tragedy, (Collins, London, 1986) GRABITZ, Helge, SCHEFFLER, Wolfgang, Letzte Spuren, (Hentrich, Berlin, 1993) HILBERG, Raul, Die Vernichtung der europäischen Juden, Band 2 (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 1990) HOFFMANN, Dr. Ute Hoffmann and SCHULZE, Dietmar, National‐ sozialistische Zwangssterilisation und Euthanasie in der Landes‐ Heil und Pflegeanstadt Bernburg, Dessau 1997.

KLEE, Ernst, Reich Das Kulturlexikon zum Dritten Reich (Fischer S. Verlag GmbH, 2007) KLEE, Ernst, Was sie taten – Was sie wurden (Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 1986) KLEE, Ernst, DRESSEN, Willi, RIESS, Volker, The Good Old Days (Hamish Hamilton, London, 1991) LANZMANN, Claude, Shoah—An Oral History of the Holocaust (Pantheon Books, New York, 1986) LONGERICH, Peter, The Unwritten Order (Tempus, Stroud, 2001) NOVITCH, Miriam, Sobibór Martyrdom and Revolt (Holocaust Li‐ brary New York, 1980) POPRZECZNY, Joseph Hitler’s Man in the East—Odilo Globocnik (McFarland, 2004) RASHKE, Richard, Escape from Sobibór (University of Illinois Press, Urbana and Chicago, 1995) REITLINGER, Gerald, The Final Solution (Vallentine, Mitchell, Lon‐ don, 1953)

486

SAFRIAN, Hans, Die Eichmann‐Männer (Europaverlag, Wien –Zu‐ rich, 1993) SCHELVIS, Jules, Sobibór. A History of a Nazi Death Camp (Berg, Oxford, New York, 2007) SERENY, Gitta, Into That Darkness—From Mercy Killing To Mass Murder (Pimlico, London, 1974) SLIER, Deborah and SHINE, Ian, Hidden Letters, (Star Bright Books, New York, 2008) SZMAJZNER, Stanislaw, Hell in Sobibór – 1979 (unpublished copy) WEBB, Chris, Bełżec: The Death Camp Laboratory (H.E.A.R.T/ Hol‐ ocaust Historical Society, 2012) WEBB/ CHOCOLATY, The Treblinka Death Camp, (ibidem‐Verlag, Stuttgart, 2014) WISTRICH, Robert, Who’s Who in Nazi Germany (Routledge, Lon‐ don, 1995) Publications Holocaust and Genocide Studies Volume 25, Number 1, Spring 2011 – Foot Soldiers of the Final Solution: The Trawniki Training Camp and Operation Reinhard, Peter Black, USHMM, Oxford Univer‐ sity Press.

Unpublished Works WEBB, Chris, Journal of the ARC Trip to Poland, July 2002 Articles TREGENZA, Michael, Articles on Lorenz Hackenholt, Richard Tho‐ malla, Christian Wirth

487

Sources and Acknowledgements Websites www.bundesarchiv.de/gedenkbuch www.deathcamps.org www.holocausthistoricalsociety.org.uk www.holocaustresearchproject.org www.joodsmonument.nl www.sobibórinterviews. nl http://www.spiegel.de/international/ http://www.yadvashem.org Archives Berlin Document Centre, Germany Bundesarchiv, Berlin, Germany Bundesarchiv, Ludwigsburg, Germany Gedenkstätte Sonnenstein, Germany Ghetto Fighters House, Israel Grafeneck Gedenkstätte, Germany Hessisches Hauptarchiv Wiesbaden, Germany Holocaust Historical Society, UK

489

Landgericht Hamburg and Landgericht Düsseldorf, Germany Lern‐ und Gedenkort Schloss Hartheim, Austria Michael Tregenza Archive, Lublin, Poland National Archives (NARA) , Washington DC, USA National Archives Kew, London, UK NIOD Amsterdam, Holland Sobibór Museum, Włodawa, Poland Tall Trees Archive, UK United States Holocaust Memorial Museum (USHMM), Washing‐ ton DC, USA Wiener Library, London, UK Yad Vashem, Jerusalem, Israel Acknowledgements ABDO, Alexander, Hessisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Wiesbaden, Ger‐ many ABUYS, Guido, Kamp Westerbork, Holland BEIER, Undine, Bundesarchiv, Germany BLATT, Thomas, Sobibór Survivor BOHM, Dr. Boris, Sonnenstein Memorial, Germany BROWN, Dr. Llewellyn, Paris, France BORGERT, Dr. Heinz – Ludger, Hauptarchiv Ludwigsburg, Ger‐ many CHOCHOLATY, Michal, Historian and Author, Pilsen, Czech Re‐ public CONSTANDY, Michael, Westmoreland Resarch, USA 490

EIGELSBERGER, Peter, Schloss Hartheim FELDMAN, Professor Matthew ‐ Teesside University, England FELDMAN, Claire FERRERO, Shaul, Yad Vashem, Jerusalem, Israel GILBERT, Sir Martin, Historian and Author, UK GRABHER, Michael, Author HANEJKO, Eugenius, Director Regional Museum Tomaszow Lubel‐ ski, Poland HANEJKO, Tomasz, Director Bełżec Memorial Museum, Poland HOJAN, Artur ‐ T4 Association, Berlin ITZKOVICH, Dafna – Ghetto Fighters House, Israel JAROS, Marek, Wiener Library, United Kingdom KATZ, Lilli‐ Mai KROESEN, Peter, Stadtarchief, Amsterdam, Netherlands KUWALEK, Robert, Historian and Author, Lublin, Poland LANGE, Valerie, ibidem‐Verlag, Hannover, Germany LUGNER, Hans McDONOUGH, Professor Frank, John Moores University, Liverpool MOSCOVITZ, Emmanuelle – Yad Vashem, Jerusalem, Israel MÜHLBERGER, Tania Helene, Warwick graduate in modern lan‐ guages and literature MUNRO, Cameron, T4 Association, Berlin, Germany O’NEIL, Dr. Robin, Author and Historian, Salisbury, UK OLEKSY‐ZBOROWSKI, Tomasz ‐ Sobibór Museum, Włodawa, Po‐ land

491

OREN, ZVI, Director of Archive Photographs, Ghetto Fighters House, Israel PARZER, Robert, T4 Association, Berlin, Germany PRIWITZER, Sebastian, Gedenkstatte Grafeneck, Germany RUTHERFORD, William (‘Billy‘) SCHARNETZKY, Julius SCHELVIS, Jules, Sobibór Survivor SCHWANINGER, Florian, Schloss Hartheim, Austria SCHWARZ, Dr. Ursula ‐ DOEW, Austria SILBERKLANG, Dr. David ‐ Yad Vashem, Israel SPYRAKIS, Clare SPYRAKIS, Heather SPYRAKIS, Mark STADLER, Harry TREGENZA, Michael, English Historian and Author, Lublin, Poland TYAS, Steven VAN LIEMPT, Martin WEBB, Frederick John WEBB, Shirley WITTE, Peter, Historian and Author, Germany WOOD, Melanie, Heathfield, UK YACOBI, Benny ZIEMER, Daniel, Sonnenstein Memorial, Germany ZOODSMA, Marieke, NIOD Amsterdam, Holland

492

Index of Names A

Apt, Bertha 189 Arad, Yitzhak 29 Arm, Erna 190 Arm, Rosel 190 Arnholz, Bertha 190 Aron, Sitta 190 Aronsohn, Fanny 190 Asser, Israel 260 Asser, Mathilde 259 Asser‐Vet, Eva 259–260 Atzel, Fanny 190

Abele, Berta 188 Abeles, Renate 188 Abraham 40, 43 Abraham, Emanuel 188 Abraham, Mathide 188 Abt, Bessy 188 Ackermann, Hedwig 188 Ackermann, Klara 188 Ackermann, Lana 188 Adejes, Albert 178 Adler‐Enoch, Emmy 259 Adler, Adelheid 188 Adler, Bertha 189 Adler, Clothilde 189 Adler, Ida 189 Adler, Max 259 Adler‐Heymann, Sophie 259 Ahronson, Klara 189 Alexander, Luise 189 Alster, Shlomo 75, 148, 157, 177 Altheimer, Kathinka 189 Antonov, Wasil 389 Appel, Jenny 189 Appel, Sofia 189 Apt, Benjamin 189

B Bacarach, Abraham 190 Bacarach, Betty 190 Bacarach, Frieda 190 Bacarach, Grete 190 Bacarach, Klara 191 Bacarach, Meta 191 Bacarach, Sophie 191 Bache 106 Bachenheimer, Hildegard 191 Bachenheimer, Paul 191 Bachman, Hilde 191 Bachrach, Klara 260 Bachrach‐Schwarzenberger, Lina 260 Baer, Chana 191 493

Baer, Clementine 191 Baer, Gunther 191 Baer, Irma 192 Baer, Paula 192 Baer, Sofie 192 Baidin, Ilya 389 Bajrach, Abram 248 Bajrach, Max 248 Bantel, Maria 309 Barandtimov, Sabit 389 Barbl, Heinrich 42, 317 Bardach, Antonius 157 Bataronov, Aglam 389 Bauch, Ernst 317 Bauchwitz, Kurt 192 Bauchwitz, Regina 192 Bauer, Erich 40, 42–44, 48– 50, 53, 71, 89, 134–135, 137, 144, 153, 166, 171, 298, 318, 325, 327, 329, 336, 342, 372 Bauer, Rickehen 192 Baum, Josef 192 Baum, Toni 192 Bayko 113 Becher, Werner 318 Beck, Rosa 192 Becker, Gertrude 192 Beckmann, Rudolf 50, 71, 86, 94, 128, 130–132, 141, 160– 161, 256, 318, 355 Beer de, Cacille 193 Belyi, Michail 389 494

Benda, Adalbert 150–151 Benedick, Flora 193 Benedick, Lothar 193 Benedict, Amalie 193 Benzler, Hermann 150 Berger, Sara 303 Berney, Rosalie 193 Bernstein, Elisabeth 193 Bernstein, Eva 193 Bernstein, Eva Mirjam 193 Bernstein, Jutta 193 Bernstein, Lotte 193 Beulich, Max 318 Beverstein, Adele 194 Bialowas, Jan 389 Bialowitz, Philip 66, 74, 79, 123–124, 132, 157–158, 173 Bialowitz, Symcha 79–80, 125, 133, 158 Bickhardt, Edith 194 Bielakow, B 389 Bielinski 389 Bilik, Ivan 389 Binamowitsch, Liba 194 Biskubicz, Jakub 129, 134, 139, 158, 375–376 Blatt, Fajgele 158 Blatt, Hersz 158 Blatt, Leon 121, 158, 248 Blatt, Thomas Toivi 36, 63, 66–69, 72, 82, 86–87, 91, 97–99, 121, 136–138, 158, 165, 168, 170, 172–173, 176,

248–249, 252–253, 256, 320 Blau, Adele 152, 248–249 Blau, Karl 152, 248–249, 355– 356 Blaurock, Emil 319 Bleich, Erna 194 Bleich, Fritz 322 Bleich, Ita 194 Bleich, Ruth 194 Bloch, Friederike 194 Bloch, Ilse 194 Bloch, Lina 194 Bloch, Siegmund 194 Bloch, Siegmund 195 Bloch‐Wertheimer, Melanie 260 Blok‐Elias, Minna 260 Blow, Alice 194 Blow, Hedwig 194 Bluhm, Lotte 195 Blum, Arthur 195 Blum, Caroline 195 Blum, Hanna 195 Blum, Ida 195 Blum, Leontine 195 Blum, Martha 195 Blumberg, Meta 195 Blumenfeld, Georg 196 Blumenthal, Adolf 196 Blumenthal, Bernhard 196 Blumenthal, Else 196 Blumenthal, Hilde 196

Blumenthal, Mathilde 196 Blutstein, Fanny 196 Bochniak 120 Bockenfeld, Dr. 110 Bodenheimer, Martha 196 Bodenheimer, Siegfried 196 Bodessa 41, 152–153, 389 Bogunov, Dimitrij 389 Bohm, Ernst 249 Bojarski 165, 176 Bolender, Kurt 31, 44–46, 50, 52, 71, 73, 83–85, 89, 153, 319, 328, 373 Borger, Rosa 196 Bormann, Martin 337 Borner, Gerhard 319 Bornstein, Moshe 159 Borzykowski, David 260–261 Borzykowski, Herman 260 Borzykowski‐Stroz, Gitla 260–261 Bouhler, Philipp 310 Brachold, Gisela 197 Brack, Viktor 311, 330 Brand, Berek 249 Brand, Hanka 249 Brandecki, Felix 389 Brandt, Dr. Karl 310 Brasch, Clothilde 197 Braunsberg, Emile 197 Braunsberg, Viktor 197 Bredow, Paul 38, 71, 94, 257, 319 495

Bree, Max 320 Bresler, Dr. Szulim 249 Bresler, Jozek 249 Briefwechsler, Paula 197 Brinker, Motel 250 Bronne, Emma 197 Bronne, Gertrud 197 Bronne, Ruth 197 Bruckmann, Hulda 197 Bruckner, Margarete 309 Brunner, Alois 57–58 Bucheim, Johanna 197 Bucheim, Riga 197 Buckstegg, Josef 352 Buhler Brothers 309 Burckel, Josef 305 Businnij, Prokofi 389 Butwies, Cornelie 198

C Cahn, Berta 198 Cahn, Erich 198 Cahn, Hedwig 198 Cahn, Selma 198 Cahn, Toni 198 Cats, Minny Hanny 172, 175, 261 Chabibulin, Achmed 389 Chelmicki, Count 59 Chromenko, Chariton 389 Cohen, Abraham 178 Cohen, Alex 178 Cohen, Saartje 178 496

Cohn, Hannacha 198 Cohn, Recha 198 Cohn, Thekla 198 Conti, Dr. Leonardo 310 Cuckierman, Hershel 72, 78, 97, 159, 252 Cuckierman, Josef 72, 78, 159 Czapik, Kapo Czapnik, Zina 178, 180 Czarlinski, Johanna 198 Czepik, 250

D Dabizja 69 Dachsel, Arthur 97–98, 320 Dalberg‐Nüssbaum, Bella 261 Dalberg, Julius 261 Dalke, Heinrich 389 Danilchenko, Ignat 35, 365– 366, 389 Dannenberg, Emmy 199 Dannenberg, Ruth 199 Danzig, Mina 199 David, Hilda 199 David, Klara 199 David, Margarethe 199 Decker, Getta 199 Deen, Helga 261 Deen, Klaus 261 Deen, Willy 261–262 Deen‐Wolf, Kathe 261–262 Demjanjuk, Ivan 30. 365–366, 369–371, 375, 389

Deptyarev, Vasili 390 Dietze, Erich 320 Dmida, Konstantin 390 Doenberg, Henny 199 Dollerfeld, Clara 199 Dollerfeld, Mathilde 199 Domeratzki, Jakob 390 Dreiduite, David 263 Dreiduite, Eveline 263 Drescher, Josef 159 Dresden, Barend 262 Dresden, Eva 262 Dresden‐Polak, Anna 262 Drieduite, Alexander 262–263 Drieduite, Celine 263 Drieduite‐Koopman, Mina 262 Drucker, Abraham 263 Drücker, Aron 250 Drucker, Berta 263 Drücker, Gitla 263 Drücker, Martin 250 Drücker, Martin 263 Drücker, Rosa 250 Drücker, Ruth 263 Drücker‐Ehrenfreund, Gitla 250 Dubois, Werner 140–141, 249, 320–321, 330, 373 Duda, Wlodzimierz 390 Dudko, Michal 390 Duniec, Josef 101, 157, 159 Dzirkal, Karl 390

E Eberl, Dr. Irmfried 31, 60, 314, 321–322, 326, Eberl, Ekhard 321 Eberl, Harald 321 Eberl, Josef 321 Eberl, Josefine 321 Eberl, Ruth 322 Eckmann, Emma 200 Eggert 142–143 Ehlbaum, Hanni 200 Ehlbaum, Perla 200 Ehrenfreund, Leo 263 Ehrenfreund, Martha 263 Ehrlich, Anita 200 Ehrlich, Ella 200 Ehrlich, Frieda 200 Ehrlich, Hermann 200 Ehrlich, Kathinka 200 Ehrmann, Henny 200 Ehrmann, Leopol 200 Ehrmann, Rosa 201 Eichmann, Adolf 25, 58, 93– 94, 102, 117, 157–158, 162, 255, 347, 375–376 Eichorn, Irma 201 Eicke, Theodor 65 Eisenberger, Karoline 201 Eisenstadt, Heinz 201 Eisenstadt, Henriette 201 Eisenstadt, Herta 201 Eisenstadt, Marta 201 497

Eisenstadt, Rosa 201 Eisenstadt, Willi 201 Elbert, Hugo 250 Elias, Bella 201 Elias, Frieda 263–264 Elias, Helen 263 Elias, Julie 202 Elias, Moritz 263–264 Elias‐Frank, Bertha 264 Eliazer, Judith 178–179, 181 Ellinger, Martha 202 Elsoffer, Selma 202 Elsoffer, Wilhelm 202 Engel (Camp Locksmith) 135, 250 Engel (Wijnberg), Selma 89, 103, 130, 160–161, 172, 258 Engel, Alexander 202 Engel, Chaim 68, 89, 130–132, 160–161, 256 Engel, Emilchen 160–161 Engelbert, Wilhelmine 202 Engelhard, Jakow 390 Ensel, Bertha 179, 181 Ensel, Raphael 285 Epstein, Sara 202 Erbsen, Lina 202 Erl, Sophie 202 Ermann, Alfred 202 Ermann, Hilde 203 Ermann, Julia 203 Ermann, Ruth 203 Eschwege, Felix 203 498

Eschwege, Gabriel 203 Eschwege, Regina 203 Ettling, Marie 203

F Fajgenbaum, Jakub 161 Falkenstein, Frieda 203 Falkenstein, Margarete 203 Farntrog, Betty 204 Federenko, Feodor 30 Fedorenko, Ivan 390 Feilchenfeld, Meta 204 Feilchenfeld, Ruth 204 Feinberg, Sophie 204 Feinerl 113 Feiwel, Jozef 264 Feiwel, Norbert 264 Feiwel‐Nüssbaum, Fanny 264 Feix, Reinhold 322 Feldhendler, Leon 47, 103, 124–126, 161, 169, 257 Feldman, Else 250 Fellenbaum‐Weiss, Hella 161, 168 Feuser, Johannes 378 Fiebelmann, Elsie 204 Fischelberg, Genia 204 Fischelberg, Mira 204 Fischmann, Josef 57 Flajszhakler, Shaul 250–251 Flamm, Efraim 204 Flamm, Hermine 204 Fledel, Ruth 204

Fledel, Selma 204 Fleischer, Leibl 251 Fleischmann, Otto 204 Fleischmann, Rosa 205 Florsheimer, Gertrude 205 Floss, Erich Herbert 42, 53, 137, 152, 323, 330, 342, 390 Flunt, Miron 390 Forker, Alfred 323 Fraenkel 109 Frank, Antonette 264 Frank, Dora 205 Frank, Elsa 264 Frank, Ernst 205 Frank, Eva 205 Frank, Frederick 265 Frank, Hans (Quedlinberg) 265 Frank, Hans 99 Frank, Heinrich 265 Frank, Helena 205 Frank, Helmut 265 Frank, Ida 265 Frank, Irene 205 Frank, Johanna 205 Frank, Julie 265 Frank, Julius 265 Frank, Klara 265 Frank, Kurt 265 Frank, Leopold 266 Frank, Lucie 266 Frank, Luis 266 Frank, Melitta 205

Frank, Olga 266 Frank, Sara 205 Frankenberg, Brunhilde 206 Frankenberg, Else 206 Frankl, Elli 206 Franz, Kapo 251 Franz, Kurt 31, 324–325, 330, 336, 343, 354 Freiberg, Dov 34, 52, 73, 79, 86–88, 90, 96, 128, 135, 149, 162, 256, 346, 375, 377 Freiberman, Szama 162, 168 Frenzel, Karl 31, 48, 50, 65– 67, 69, 71, 76–78, 83, 90– 92, 94, 97, 103, 121–122, 125–126, 133, 137, 153, 158, 162, 164, 171, 175, 239, 256–257, 298, 318–320, 325–326, 349–350, 355, 373, 377 Frenzel, Sofia 326 Freudenberger, Minna 206 Freudenthal, Berta 206 Fried, Marrianne 206 Fried, Selma 206 Friedberg, Hans 251 Friedlander, Minna 206 Friedman, Beate 206 Friedman, Betti 206 Friedmann, Benno 266 Friedmann, Edith 206 Friedmann, Emil 266 Friedmann, Jakob 266–267 499

Friedmann, Judith 206 Friedmann, Lisa 207 Friedmann, Margarete 207 Friedmann, Margot 207 Friedmann, Moritz 266 Friedmann, Susi 207 Friedmann, Toni 266 Friedmann‐Sonnenberg, Liebe 266–267 Friesem, Ruth 207 Frolov, Gennardi 390 Fruchter, Gisela 207 Fruchter, Mendel 207 Fuchs, Erich 40–42, 317, 326– 327, 345, 373 Fuente, de la, Jacob 279 Fuld, Bertha 207 Fuld, Erna 207 Furth, Marie 207

G Gabcik, Jozef 24 Gans, Elfriede 207 Gans, Else 208 Gans, Judis 208 Gans, Rosa 208 Ganss, Martha 208 Gaulstich, Friedrich 132, 165, 292, 327 Geiss, Franziska 208 Geniek 127, 251 Gentz, Adolf 327–328, 356 Gernsheimer, Hans 208 500

Gernsheimer, Lothar 208 Gernsheimer, Ludwig 208 Gernsheimer, Therese 208 Gerstein, Kurt 372 Gerung, Pani 59 Gerung, Wladzimier 59 Getzinger, Anton 41, 71, 79, 97, 328 Geusler 390 Gezang‐Goudeket, Florence 267 Gezang, Huib 267 Girzik, Ernst 57–58 Gisela 89, 251, 256–257 Glazar, Richard (Goldschnid) 347 Globocnik, Odilo 24–26, 28– 30, 49, 58–61, 96, 118, 144–146, 305–309, 312, 322–326, 331, 347 Glogowski, Gertrud 209 Gluckauf, Friedericke 209 Gluecks, Richard 118 Goberman, Moshe 252 Godfried, Samuel 267 Godfried‐Nüssbaum, Mar‐ garete 267 Goebbels, Dr. Josef 28 Gokkes, Catharina 162–163, 167, 172 Goldberg, Frieda 209 Goldberg, Lothar 209 Goldfarb, Moshe 163, 166, 168

Goldmann, Anna 209 Goldmann, Hugo 209 Goldmann, Ruth 209 Goldmeier, Karohne 209 Goldmeier, Louis 209 Goldmeier, Meta 210 Goldmeier, Nathan 210 Goldschmidt, Charlotte 210 Goldschmidt, Felix 210 Goldschmidt, Freda 210 Goldschmidt, Gottfried 210 Goldschmidt, Helene 211 Goldschmidt, Henny 210 Goldschmidt, Hilda 211 Goldschmidt, Ilse 211 Goldschmidt, Isidor 211 Goldschmidt, Jenny 211 Goldschmidt, Johanna 211 Goldschmidt, Johanna 212 Goldschmidt, Juda 212 Goldschmidt, Julius 212 Goldschmidt, Karl 212 Goldschmidt, Lina 212 Goldschmidt, Lothar 212 Goldschmidt, Markus 212 Goldschmidt, Minna 212 Goldschmidt, Regina 213 Goldschmidt, Selma 213 Goldschmidt, Sigmund 213 Goldschmidt, Simon 213 Goldstein, Cacilie 213 Goldstein, Eugenie 252

Goldstein, Nora 213 Gomerski, Hubert 44, 46–47, 50, 56, 71, 77, 79, 89, 94, 106–107, 157, 169, 319, 328–329, 349, 371, 390 Gompertz, Clara 179 Goncharenko, Anatoli 390 Goncharenko, Nikolai 390 Goncharow, Efim 390 Gordienko, Nikolai 390 Gork, Betty 209 Gorlov, Fedor 390 Göth, Amon 27, 30 Gottlieb, Josef 213 Gottlieb, Karoline 213 Gottlieb, Lina 214 Gottschalk, Alice 214 Gottschalk, Johanna 214 Graetschus, Siegfried 35, 71, 75, 88, 130, 166, 176, 329– 330, 355 Grinbaum, Esther 127, 252, 254 Griner, Chaim 252 Grinman 71 Grisha 252 Gromer, Ferdinand (Red Cake) 44, 50, 61, 71, 329 Gross, Eva 214 Gross, Josef 214 Grossman, Dr. 109 Groth, Paul (Poul) 50, 71, 73, 80–81, 168, 256, 330, 376 501

Grumbacher, Emilie 214 Grünblatt, Olga 214 Grünebaum, Bella 214 Grünebaum, Blanka 215 Grünewald, Franziska 215 Grünewald, Ida 215 Grünfeld, Margot 215 Grünfeld, Rosa 215 Grynspan, Chyl 149 Guenther, Wilhelm 150 Gunzenhauser, Betty 215 Guthmann, Frieda 215 Gutkind, Annemarie 215 Gutmann, Franziska 215 Guttsmann, Walther 252 Gutwirth, Fanny 215

H Haas, Eugenie 215 Haas, Karoline 215 Haas, Recha 216 Haberman, Abraham 267 Haberman, Mina 267 Haberman‐Jungenwirt, Chaja 267 Hackel, Emil 330 Hackenholt, Lorenz 62, 330– 332, 337 Haendel, Else 216 Hahn, Auguste 267 Hahn, Cacille 216 Hahn, Franziska 216 Hahn, Frieda 216 502

Hahn, Johanna 216 Hahn, Leni 216 Hahn, Leonore 216 Haimi, Yoram 281, 380 Hain, Paula 216 Halberstadt, Leon 77, 252 Hamber, Amalie 216 Hamberg, Betty 217 Hamberg, Hermann 217 Hamberg, Moritz 217 Hamberg, Susanne 217 Hamburger, Heinrich 217 Hamburger, Levie 268 Hamburger, Samuel 268 Hamburger‐Hamburger, Jes‐ sie 268 Hamburger‐Korn, Bertha 268 Hamme, Branco 268 Hamme, David 268 Hamme, Joel 268 Hammerschlag, Mirjam 217 Hammerschmidt, Cilla 217 Hammerschmidt, Rosa 217 Hanau, Leonie 217 Hanff, Hans 218 Hanff, Irmgard 218 Hannel, Salomea 163 Hase, Karl 218 Hase, Rolf 218 Hase, Selma 218 Hasenkopf, Reisel 218 Hecht, Else 218

Hecht, Gitta 218 Hecht, Goldina 218 Hecht, Ida 218 Hecht, Jakob 219 Hecht, Jettchen 219 Hecht, Jettchl 219 Hecht, Lothar 219 Hecht, Ludwig 219 Hecht, Meier 219 Hecht, Sophie 219 Hecht, Steffi 219 Heilberg, Meta 219 Heilberg, Selma 219 Heilbronn, Julius 219 Heilbrunn, Frieda 220 Heilbrunn, Gertrud 220 Heilbrunn, Jettchen 220 Heilbrunn, Maya 220 Heilbrunn, Meta 220 Heim, Franz 117 Heimenrath, Hedwig 220 Helft, Kuno 220 Helft, Lucie 220 Hemmelryik, Professor 298 Hene, Dora 220 Hengst, August 336 Henlen, Martha 220 Hering, Gottlieb 31, 316–317, 353 Hermann, Bella 225 Herszmann, Josef 163 Herz, Irma 220

Herz, Kiewe 77, 253 Herzberg, Bronja 221 Herzberg, Fabisch 221 Hes, Bernard 221 Hes, Fanny 221 Hes, Nathan 221 Hes, Paula 221 Hes, Recha 221 Hes, Rosa 221 Hesdorfer, Johanna 221 Hess, Frieda 221 Hess, Lilly 222 Hess, Martha 222 Hess, Selma 222 Hess, Thekla 222 Hetmaniec, Wasil 152, 323, 390 Heydrich, Reinhard 24–25, 307, 310 Heymann, Anna 222 Heyum, Johanna 222 Hilvert 113 Himmler, Heinrich 25–27, 29–30, 58, 93–95, 99, 145, 258, 305–308, 340, 349, 376 Hirsch, Adele 222 Hirsch, Alfred 222 Hirsch, August 222 Hirsch, Charleska 222 Hirsch, Else 222 Hirsch, Emma 222 Hirsch, Emma 223 503

Hirsch, Frieda 223 Hirsch, Henriette 223 Hirsch, Ilse 223 Hirsch, Mirjam 223 Hirsch, Rosa 223 Hirschberg, Alice 223 Hirschberg, Rose 223 Hirschberg, Selma 223 Hirschberger, Betty 223 Hirschbrandt, Helga 223 Hirschbrandt, Ida 223 Hirschbrandt, Otto 224 Hirschman, Kurt 253 Hirschmann, Salomon 224 Hirschmann, Sara 224 Hirtreiter, Josef 332–333, 347 Hitler, Adolf 26, 107, 146, 305, 325, 328 Hochmann, Moshe 129, 163 Hoddis, von, Jakob 224 Hödl, Franz 41, 62, 153, 333, 390 Hoff, Martha 224 Hoffmann, Otto 25 Höfle, Hermann Julius 26–27, 30, 117–118, 307–308 Hoflich, Gerda 224 Hoflich, Hilde 224 Hofmann, Selma 225 Hohenberg,Ella 225 Hohenberg, Julie 225 Hollander, Elvira 225 Holzblatt 110 504

Hölzel, Georg 352 Holzheimer, Franz 34, 108, 113 Holzmann, Erna 225 Holzmann, Martha 225 Honigman, Zyndel 121, 163, 165 Hormann, Bella 225 Horn, Frieda 225 Horn, Otto 323 Hotorowicz, Jan 390 Hoxter, Erika 225 Hoxter, Ilse 225 Hoxter, Rosa 226 Hudal, Bishop 315 Huisman, Sophie 180–181

I Idstein, Therese 226 Ikenberg, Isaak 268 Immerglück, Lotte 226 Indyukov, Ivan 390 Isaacson, Anna 226 Isaak, Beate 226 Isaak, Betty 226 Isaak, Billa 226 Isaak, Edith 226 Isaak, Elfriede 226 Isaak, Leopold 226 Isaak, Lina 227 Isaak, Max 227 Isaak, Moritz 227 Isaak, Rachel 227 Isaak, Rosa 227

Isaak, Selma 227 Isaak, Theodor 227 Isaenko, Aleksei 390 Isenberg, Berta 227 Isenberg, Emilie 227 Isenberg, Selma 227 Israel, Ada 228 Israel, Amalie 228 Israel, Bernhard 228 Israel, Dina 228 Israel, Hedwig 228 Israel, Herta 228 Israel, Isaak 268 Israel, Margot 228 Israel, Rosa 228 Israel, Rosel 228 Ittner, Alfred 45, 50, 53, 333, 350, 374 Itzkowitch, Michael 148, 164 Itzkowitz, Hilda 228 Ivchenko, Ivan 369, 390 Iwashenko, Piotr 390

J Jacob, Karl 229 Jacob, Klarchen 229 Jacob, Louis 229 Jacob, Rolf 229 Jacobs, Charlotte 229 Jacobs, Jacob 269 Jacobs‐Lazarus, Julie 269 Jacobsohn, Hedwig 229 Jahl, Karla 229

Jakob, Hedwig 229 Jaryniuk, Ivan 390 Jechai, Josof 390 Jefimov, Wasili 390 Jeret, Etta 229 Jermoldayev, Ivan 390 Jesse, Rosalie 229 Jirmann, Fritz 330 Jonas, Kurt 229 Jonassohn, Hans 230 Jongh de, Isaak 269 Jongh de, Judic 269 Jongh de, Lea 269 Jordan, Hedwig 230 Joseph, Helene 230 Jourdan, Elisabeth 230 Jourgrau‐Friedmann, Lea 269 Juda, Berta 230 Judel, Flora 230 Judin, Nikolai 390 Juhrs, Robert 153, 334, 352, 357, 374, 384–385 Julich, Hermann 230 Junghaus, Rosa 230 Jungheim, Aron 230 Jungheim, Julchen 230

K Kabriov, Nurgali 390 Kaempfer, Georg 230 Kaempfer, Herta 230 Kaempfer, Irmgard 231 Kaempfer, Marion 231 505

Kahn, Berta 231 Kahn, Betti 231 Kahn, Edgar 253 Kahn, Erna 231 Kahn, Fanny 231 Kahn, Frieda 231 Kahn, Gertrud 231 Kahn, Henriette 232 Kahn, Ida 232 Kahn, Ilse 232 Kahn, Irma 232 Kahn, Jakob 232 Kahn, Jenny 232 Kahn, Johanna 232 Kahn, Lore 232 Kahn, Melitta 232 Kahn, Selma 232 Kahn, Thea 253 Kahn, Toni 232 Kahn, Werner 232 Kaiser, Alex 152–153, 390 Kaiser, Frieda 233 Kaiser, Sara 233 Kakorach, Iwan 390 Kamm, Emil 233 Kamm, Rosa 233 Kamm, Rudolf 335 Kamm, Ruth 233 Kann, Ellen 233 Kanter, Kantal 233 Kanter, Karoline 233 Kanter, Ludwig 233 506

Kanthal, Baruch 233 Kanthal, Bertha 234 Kaplan, Hans 234 Kaplan, Helga 234 Karakasz, Iwan 390 Karas, Pavel, 390 Karimov, Fetich 390 Karle, Olga 234 Karlebach, Sophie 234 Karolek, Blind 82, 253 Karpenko, Alexander 390 Kaschmann, Rosi 234 Katz, Benjamin (Bunio) 65, 129, 253, 298 Katz, Berta 234 Katz, Edith 234 Katz, Emilie 234 Katz, Frieda 234 Katz, Gertrud 235 Katz, Hedwig 235 Katz, Irma 235 Katz, Johanna 235 Katz, Lina 235 Katz, Manuel 114 Katz, Martha 235 Katz, Recha 235 Katz, Sally 235 Katz, Salomon 235 Katz, Selma 235 Katz, Serka 100, 164, 173 Katz, Siegfried 235 Katzenheim, Alfred 236

Katzenstein, Abraham 236 Katzenstein‐Rosenblatt, So‐ phie 269 Keizer, Louis 269–270 Keizer‐Haas, Rebekka 270 Kempner, Friedrich‐Wilhelm 236 Kessler 108 Kindler, Adolf 270 Kindler, Gitla 270 Kindler‐Kornfeld, Ides 270 Kisilev, Viktor 64, 166, 390 Klatt, Ivan 144, 166, 176, 391 Kleerekoper, Elisabeth 270 Kleerekoper, Gerrit 270 Kleerekoper, Leendart 270 Kleerekoper‐Ossedrijver, Kaatje 270 Klier, Johann 124, 153, 335– 356, 372 Klein, Lajos 113 Kloot, Abraham 271 Kloot, Jacob 270 Kloot, Rebecca 271 Kloot‐Nordheim, Helena 271 Klukowski, Zugmunt 115 Knochen, Dr. Helmuth 102 Koch, Johanna 95, 236 Kohn, Abram 164 Kolesnikowa, N.P. 366, 371 Kon, Mosiek 271 Kon, Szymon 271 Kon, Veronika 271

Kon, Wolf 271 Kon‐Dydakov, Chana 271 Konrad, Fritz 132, 335, 350–351 Koopman, Isaac 271 Koopman, Levie 271 Koopman‐Porcelijn, Clara 271 Koopman‐Vogel, Deborah 271 Kopf, Josef (Kopp) 119, 121, 164, 170 Kornfeld, Chaim 120–121, 164– 165 Kornfeld, Josef 271 Koschekuk, Piotr 391 Koschemykin, Jakov 391 Kostenko, Emil 44, 53, 391 Kostmann, Fridek 165, 176 Koszewadski, Volodia 78, 391 Kozaczuk, Piotr 391 Kozlowski, Iwan 391 Krawchenko, Filip 391 Krawczak, Z 34 Krüger, Friedrich‐Wilhem 25, 309 Krupa 391 Krupinewich, Mikolaii 391 Kubis, Jan 24 Kudin, Pavel 391 Kuptshin, Sasha 254 Kurakov, Leonid 391 Kusevanov, Michail 391 Kwiatkowski 64, 166

507

L Lachmann, Erich 50, 78, 329, 336, 374 Lambert, Erwin 61, 153, 331, 336–337, 374 Lampie, Alida 271 Lampie, Maurits 272 Lampie, Max 272 Lampie, Miep 272 Lampie‐Polak, Mina 272 Lanzmann, Claude 32 Laponder, Peter 378–379 Leitman, Shlomo 106, 124, 126, 128, 132, 137, 147, 165, 175 Lejst, Chaim 165 Lerch, Ernst 26 Lerer, Samuel 69, 165–166, 171, 318, 372 Lerner, Jehuda 130, 163, 166, 176 Lerner, Manja 166 Leszczynski, Zygmunt 385 Levi, Rika 272 Levi, Sally 272 Leviticus, Johanna 297 Libidenko 391 Licht, Aron 121, 166 Lichtman, Eda 56, 74, 78, 82, 90, 100, 127, 136, 163–164, 167, 172–173, 249, 251–252, 254–258, 336 Lichtman, Itzhak 167 508

Lichtman, Berek 167, 254 Lieberman, Pesia 64, 166 Lillenthal, Fritz 272 Litwinowski, Yefim 167 Loeffler, Alfred 347 Loeffler, Johann 113 Lorenz, Friedrich 391 Löwenstein, Else 272 Löwenstein, Emmi 272 Löwenstein, Ernestine 273 Löwenstein, Eva 273 Löwenstein, Franz 273 Löwenstein, Frieda 236 Löwenstein, Friederike 236 Löwenstein, Friedrich 273 Löwenstein, Gustav 236 Löwenstein, Hannelore 273 Löwenstein, Hedwig 273 Löwenstein, Henriette 236 Lowenstein, Henriette 273 Löwenstein, Hugo 273 Löwenstein, Ida 274 Löwenstein, Ilse 236 Löwenstein, Inge 274 Löwenstein, Jette 274 Löwenstein, Julie 237 Löwenstein, Julius 274 Löwenstein, Karoline 274 Löwenstein, Klara 274 Löwenstein, Kurt 180 Löwenstein, Leopold 274 Löwenstein, Lilli 237

Löwenstein, Maria 275 Löwenstein, Martha 275 Löwenstein, Mathilde 237 Löwenstein, Minna 237 Löwenstein, Mirjam 237 Löwenstein, Otto 275 Löwenstein, Paula 237 Lowenstein, Paula 275 Löwenstein, Rosa 180 Lowenstein, Rosa 275 Löwenstein, Rudolf 237 Löwenstein, Selma 237 Lowenstein, Selma 275 Löwenstein, Siegfried 275 Löwenstein, Wilhelm 237 Lubartowska, Helka 127, 254 Ludwig, Karl 59, 89, 337 Lustbader‐Presser, Johanna 275 Lyachov, Gregorli 391 Lyachov, Ivan 391

M Machles, Szmul 162, 167–168 Makarenko, Pawel 391 Malinowski 391 Mansbacher, Herta 114 Manuskowski, Wolf 275 Mar, de la Graanboom, Est‐ her 276 Marchenko, Ivan 30, 365 Marguiles, Abraham 129, 167– 168, 336

Marmeladnik 119 Martynow, Nikolai 391 Martynow, Terentij 391 Marum, Eva 254 Marum, Ludwig 254 Marx, Berta 276 Marx, Bettina 237 Marx, Charlotte 276 Marx, Elfriede 238 Marx, Ella 238 Marx, Emil 238 Marx, Emilie 238 Marx, Erich 276 Marx, Erna 276 Marx, Gerda 276 Marx, Julie 276 Marx, Kurt 276 Marx, Ludwig 277 Marx, Rosa 277 Marx, Ruth 277 Marx, Samuel 277 Marx, Sara 238 Marx, Siegfried 277 Marx, Solly 238 Mashenko, Andrei Matthes, Heinrich 31, 337, 347, 353 Matwiejenko, M 391 Matys 162, 167–168 Matzig, Willy 338–339 Mauer 391 Mayer, Hermann 114–115 509

Mayerhofer, Max 58 Max 72 Mazurek, Wojciech 281, 380 Mazurkewitch, Semion 148, 168 Medvedev, Nikolai 391 Menche, Chaskiel 66, 168, 170 Mendel 168 Mendel, Gunther 349 Mentz, Willy 31, 339 Metz, Zelda 76, 96, 168–169, 171, 336 Michalsen, Georg 26, 307 Michel, Hermann 42–43, 50, 52, 56, 71, 340 Miete, August 31 Mikolayenko, Semion 391 Mileczina, Raja 178, 180 Misnerowiec 64, 166 Moniek 126, 129, 254 Montezinos, Salomon 180 Mordwinichev, Pavel 391 Morgensztern, Rabbi Mendel 254–255 Morpurgo, David 277 Morpurgo‐Morpurgo, Sara 277 Moser, Baurat 32, 34, 59, 384 Müller, Adolf 340 Müller, David 277 Müller, Heinrich 25 Müller, Izaak 277 Mundek 255 510

Mussenfeld, Muniek 255

N Nabiyew, Bari 391 Naftanial, Herbert (Berliner) 66, 124–125, 238–239, 256–257, 292 Nagornyi, Andrej 391 Nauman, Rudolf 33 Neumann, Julius 114 Nichayev, Major 358 Niemann, Johann 83, 121, 129, 159, 163, 173, 252, 255, 326, 330, 340, 342, 360 Nijko, Wasily 391 Nikoforow, Ivan 391 Nol, Abraham 277–278 Nol, Richard 277–278 Nord, Joseph 278 Nord, Jeanetta 278 Nord, Mozes 278 Nord, Rachel 278 Norden, Alexander 278–279 Norden, Betsy 278 Norden, Caroline 279 Norden, Hartog 279 Norden, Henni 279 Norden, Henriette 279 Norden, Johanna 279 Norden‐Korn, Beile 279 Nowak, Anton 341 Nowak, Walter 341 Nunez‐Vas, Jacob 279

Nüssbaum, Benjamin 280 Nüssbaum, Betty 280 Nüssbaum, Hannelore 280 Nüssbaum, Hulda 280 Nüssbaum, Maier 280 Nüssbaum, Markus 280 Nüssbaum‐Goldschmidt, Hannchen 280 Nüssbaum‐Goldschmidt, Jo‐ hanna 280

O Oberhauser, Josef 43, 60, 93, 330 Okker, Carla 286 Olexenko, Anatoli 391 Ondyke 113 Oster, Else 239 Oster, Julie 239 Oster, Raphael 280 Oster, Rosalia 280

P Panashuk, Ivan 391 Pankov, Anatoli 391 Pankov, Vassily 63, 391 Parkola, Franciszek 146 Paulenko 391 Pawli, Nikolai 391 Pechersky, Alexander (Sasha) 91, 96, 107, 124–126, 128– 129, 133, 135, 137, 146–149, 159, 161, 164–165, 167–171, 173, 176, 252

Pelc, Josel 91, 170 Penha, de la, David 281 Penha, de la, Judith 281 Penha, de la, Leah 281, 380 Penha, Elias 281 Penha‐Blits, Eddy 180–181 Penha‐Blits, Mirjam 180–181 Pepperwortel, Nathan 182 Pepperwortel, Saartje 182 Perlmütter, 161 Peters, Michael 378–379 Philips, Meijer 182 Picherov, Dimitrii 391 Piescikowski 64, 166 Pines, Joseph 93–94, 255 Piwonski, Jan 32–33, 51, 153 Platnicki, Naum 170 Plotnikow, Chaim 170 Podchlebnik, Hella 168 Podchlebnik, Schlomo 119, 121, 164, 168, 170 Podienko, W. 392 Pohl, Helmut 57–58 Pohl, Oswald 95–96 Polak, Cato 181–182 Polak, Surry 181, 183–184 Polak, Suze 181, 183 Polisecki, Mandel 255 Polisecki, Mania 255 Polisecki, Rozalia 255 Pompe Family 172 Poppert, Erich 281 511

Poppert, Walter 66, 170, 281 Poppert‐Schönborn, Gertrud (Luka) 147, 170, 281 Post, Philip 347 Pötzinger, Karl 341, 354 Powroznik, Haim 170 Pozycki, Hersz 160, 171, 256 Pozycki, Szymon 66, 125–127, 171, 239, 256, 292 Pozycki, Yankel 171, 256 Presser, Kitty 281 Presser, Simon 281 Prohaska, Georg 314 Pruckner, Ludwig 150

R Raab, Estera (Terner) 76, 87, 128, 166, 168, 171, 318, 341, 372 Rabinowitz, Shimon 256 Radio 121, 248 Railing, Hugo 239 Raschendorf 113 Razgonayev, Mikhail 358, 360–365, 392 Reichleitner, Karl 29–30, 61– 62, 94, 102–103, 120, 144– 145, 305, 315–316, 326, 329, 333, 336, 354 Reinelt, Adolf 151 Reiter, Frieda 282 Reiter, Moritz 282 Reiter, Moses 282 Renno, Dr. Georg 322 512

Reschetnikov, Michail 392 Rewald, Wenzel 137, 342 Rezverchy, Igor 392 Ribleka, Lt. 358 Richter, Kurt 71, 137, 342 Rimkus, Tadas, 392 Roethke, Heinz 102 Rosen, Hella 282 Rosen, Jacob 239 Rosen, Kate 239 Rosen, Margarete 282 Rosenfeld, Semion 133, 171 Rosenthal, Calman 282 Rosenthal, Edith 239 Rosenthal, Else 239 Rosenthal, Emma 282 Rosenthal, Ernst 239 Rosenthal, Frieda 282 Rosenthal, Friedericke 240 Rosenthal, Georg 240 Rosenthal, Gerda 240 Rosenthal, Gustav 283 Rosenthal, Hans 240 Rosenthal, Hedwig 256 Rosenthal, Herta 240 Rosenthal, Hugo 283 Rosenthal, Ide 283 Rosenthal, Ilse 240 Rosenthal, Isidor 283 Rosenthal, Karl 240 Rosenthal, Karl 283 Rosenthal, Kathe 240

Rosenthal, Kurt 283 Rosenthal, Marie 283 Rosenthal, Mina 240 Rosenthal, Minna 240 Rosenthal, Minna 283 Rosenthal, Robert 283 Rosenthal, Rosalie 241 Rosenthal, Rosalie 284 Rosenthal, Samuel 284 Rosenthal, Selma 241 Rosenthal, Sofie 284 Rosenthal, Sophie 284 Rost, Paul 341–343 Rotenberg, Azik 149, 171 Roth, Auguste 241 Roth, Emil 241 Roth, Emilie 241 Roth, Erna 241 Roth, Hanna 241 Roth, Heinrich 241 Roth, Inge 241 Rotter, Jankiel, (Jankus) 83, 139, 256, 258 Rudenko, Piotr 392 Rum, Franz 343 Ruth 89, 252, 256, 330 Rutherford, William (Billy) 378–379 Ruzka 127 Ryakhovskikh, P. 371 Ryba, Walther (Hochberg) 135, 250, 343 Ryschkov, Vasily 392

S Sabirov, Chares 392 Safran, Ilona (born Stern, Ur‐ sula) 89, 162–163, 167, 172, 174 Sala 128 Salomonson, Friedrich 284 Salomonson, Hanni 284 Salomonson, Lion 284 Salomonson, Rosalie 284 Salomonson‐Philips, Esther 284 Salz, Sala 257 Sänger, Betty 241 Sänger, Flora 241 Sänger, Frieda 242 Sänger, Friedrich 242 Sbesnikov, Petro 392 Schäfer, Herbert 343 Scharfe, Herbert 343 Schelvis, Jules 105, 184, 285 Schelvis, Marie 284 Schelvis, Mozes 285 Schelvis, Rachel 105, 184, 285 Schelvis, Rebecca 285 Schelvis, Salomon 184 Schevchenko, Dimitrii 392 Schiffner, Karl 344 Schirpev, Kamil 392 Schlögel, Konrad 151 Schlosser, Alfred 285 Schlosser, Ernst 242 513

Schlosser, Jettchen 285 Schlosser, Karoline 285 Schlosser, Levi 285 Schmidt, Erna 286 Schmidt, Fritz 344 Schmidt, Johanna 286 Schmidt, Naftali 286 Schmidt, Salomon 286 Schmidt, Wita 286 Scholz, Erich 150 Schreck, Julius 27, 307, 312 Schreiber, Klaus 136, 392 Schrijver, Betje 286 Schrijver, Joseph 286 Schultz, Emanuel 392 Schulz, Anna 286 Schulz, Emanuel 375, 392 Schulz, Emil 287 Schulze, Erich 345 Schumann, Dr. Horst 322 Schütt, Hans‐Heinz 44, 53, 251, 345, 374 Schwartz‐Waldeck, Professor 257 Schwarz, Bertha 287 Schwarz, Clementine 242 Schwarz, Elizabeth 242 Schwarz, Ellen 287 Schwarz, Emma 287 Schwarz, Fanny 242 Schwarz, Gottfried 42, 330, 345, 384 Schwarz, Harry 242 514

Schwarz, Helene 242 Schwarz, Herbert 287 Schwarz, Irmgard 242 Schwarz, Leo 243 Schwarz, Leopold 243 Schwarz, Levi 287 Schwarz, Lilli 243 Schwarz, Lina 243 Schwarz, Lucia 287 Schwarz, Mathilde 287 Schwarz, Moritz 243 Schwarz, Moritz 287 Schwarz, Walter 172 Sebok, Dr. 110 Seleznev, Mikolaii 392 Seligman, Jacob 288 Sender 137 ‐138, 173 Senjonow 392 Sereny, Gitta 42, 49, 59, 311, 337, 383 Sergienko, Grigorij 392 Serik, Dimitrij 392 Shaleyev, Nikolay 30 Shichavin, Pavel 392 Shubayev, Alexander 129, 147–148, 169, 173, 340 Shukov, Ivan 392 Siedlicki, Joe 337 Siefert, Rudolf 346 Siegel, Herbert (Rajzowiczer) 65, 238, 253, 257 Siegel, Jossel 77, 173 Simons, Ernestine 288

Simons, Hans 243 Simons, Ida 288 Simons, Ilse 243 Simons, Jenni 288 Simons, Johanna 288 Simons, Johanna, Annelise 288 Simons, Julchen 288 Simons, Louis 289 Simons, Max 288 Simons, Paul 289 Simons, Rebecca 289 Simons, Salomon 289 Sirenko, Maxim 392 Sirotenko, Vladmir 392 Skwirowski, Krystof 379 Slier, Elisabeth 289–290 Slier, Eliazar 289 Slier, Henri 289 Slier, Jonas 290 Slier, Joseph 289–290 Slier, Leentje 289 Slier, Meijer 289 Slier, Mozes 289 Slier, Philipp 289–290 Slier‐Plas, Anna 290 Slier‐Salomonson, Saline 290 Slier‐Vieeschhouwer, Cath‐ arina 290 Sluijzer, Levie 290 Sluijzer, Meijer 290 Sluijzer‐Finsi, Serline 290 Smeer, Elisabeth 291

Smeer, Jacob 291 Smeer, Jacob, Philip 291 Smit, Engeline 291 Smit, Leopold 291 Sobel Dr. 113 Sobelman, Cvi 173 Sobol, Bella (Bajle) 100, 164, 173 Sokorev, Semion 392 Sokur, Kuzma 392 Speelman‐Cats, Elisabeth 261 Spitz, Siegfried 66, 239, 291 Sporrenberg, Jakob 144–146, 306, 308 Srulek 257 Stadie, Otto 339 Stangl, Franz 29, 31, 42–43, 48–49, 58–61, 65, 70–71, 81, 89,.305, 311–316, 319, 339–340, 383 Stangl, Theresa 59–60 Stankiewicz, Henryk 386 Stark, Shaul 72, 257 Steffl, Thomas 132, 346 Stengelin, Erwin 346, 355 Stern, Albert 172 Stern, Maier 292 Steubl, Karl 71, 89, 162, 346 Stödel, Abraham 185 Stodel, Abraham 292 Stödel, Albert 292 Stödel, Chaja 185 Stodel, Chaja 292 515

Stödel, Levie 292 Stödel, Lola 292 Stödel‐Katz, Martha 293 Straten, van, Rosette 173 Straten, van, Serline 173 Straus‐Kuperschmid, Ester 293 Strauss, Abraham 293 Strauss, Adelheid 243 Strauss, Alice 293 Strauss, Anna 244 Strauss, Anneliese 244 Strauss, Berta 244 Strauss, Bertha 244 Strauss, Berthold 244 Strauss, Clara 293 Strauss, David 293 Strauss, Else 244 Strauss, Emilie 293 Strauss, Emma 244 Strauss, Fanny 244 Strauss, Fritz 294 Strauss, Grete 245 Strauss, Gretel 245 Strauss, Hannchen 245 Strauss, Hanni 245 Strauss, Henni 245 Strauss, Henriette 294 Strauss, Herbert 294 Strauss, Hulda 245 Strauss, Ida 294 Strauss, Irma 245 516

Strauss, Isaak 245 Strauss, Isaak 294 Strauss, Johanna 294 Strauss, Karl 245 Strauss, Liebman 245 Strauss, Lucie 245 Strauss, Manfred 294 Strauss, Margarete 245 Strauss, Marie 246 Strauss, Martha 246 Strauss, Mathilde 294 Strauss, Meier 246 Strauss, Minna 246 Strauss, Moses 295 Strauss, Rosa 246 Strauss, Selma 247 Strauss, Selma 295 Strauss, Siegfried 185 Strauss, Siegfried 247 Strauss, Solly 246 Strauss, Therese 295 Strauss, Uri 295 Strauss, Werner 295 Streibel, Karl 63 Streletskie, Frederike 279 Strumph 34 Sturm, Moishe 65, 125, 238, 248, 253, 257 Suchomel, Franz 335, 346– 347, 354 Süsskind, Brenda 295 Swoboda 162 Sydow, Hermann 347, 354

Szilpny, Heinrich 392 Szklarek, Moshe (Bahir) 44, 80, 83, 93, 102, 123, 157, 252, 255, 316, 375–376 Szmajzner, Josef 174 Szmajzner, Mosze 174 Szmajzner, Nojech 55, 139, 174, 256–257 Szmajzner, Posel 174 Szmajzner, Rryrka 174 Szmajzner, Stanislaw 40, 43, 54–55, 61, 66, 70–72, 81, 83, 97, 127, 133, 138–139, 159, 173–175, 256–258, 316, 349 Szilpny, Heinrich 392 Szpiro, Mira 258 Szulc, Emanuel 392 Szymiel, Leon 174

T Taborinsky, Boris 106, 165, 175 Tauscher, Fritz 385 Taussig, Piroska 112 Teitelbaum, Berta 295 Teitelbaum, Israel 295 Theimer, Rudolf 151 Themans, Bernard 295–296 Themans, Judik 296 Themans, Leon 296 Themans, Sonja 296 Themans‐Seckel, Bertha 296 Thomalla, Richard 32, 42, 308–309, 336

Thomas, Kurt (Ticho) 69, 77, 139, 163, 175, 251–253, 261 Thomas, Martin 347 Tichonowski, Fedor 392 Tischenko, Ivan 392 Tischer 64 Tonninge, Mozes 296 Trager, Chaim 175 Tregenza, Michael 378–379 Trootswijk, Menno 185, 296 Trootswijk‐Hijmans, Annie 185, 296 Tsibulsky, Boris (Cybulski) 125–126, 128–129, 146–148, 159, 169 Tsudik, 162 Tuchman, Zygmund 258 Turtelaub, Meier 296 Tyas, Steven 117

U Unger, Chaim 296 Unger, Erna 296 Unger, Heinz 296 Unger, Jakob 296 Unverhau, Heinrich 153, 347– 348, 374 Ustinnokov, Ivan 392

V Vakutenko, Ivan 392 Valk, Ella 297 Valk, Isaak 297 517

Valk, Iwan 297 Valk, Magdalena 297 Valk, Moses 297 Valk, Selma 297 Valk, Semmy 297 Vallaster, Josef 41, 50, 56, 71, 132, 254, 328, 348 Van Dam, Aron 297 Van Dam, Max 90, 297–298 Van de Kar, Abraham 298 Van de Kar, Anna 298 Van de Kar, David 299 Van de Kar, Meier 299 Van Kleef, Saartje 298 Van Kleef, Salomon 298 Vaskin, Kuzma 392 Verduin, Lena 185 Verduin, Sophie 185–186 Veterman, Jetje 181, 186–187 Veterman, Sientje 181, 186– 187 Vey, Kurt 348 Viool, Betje 299 Viool, Raphael 90, 299 Visser, Israel 299 Visser, Kurt 187 Volyniets, Efim 392 Voroshilov, 148, 159, 169 Vries, de, Simon 278

W Wagner, Golda 299

518

Wagner, Gustav 31, 48, 50,63– 64, 70–72, 75, 77, 79–84, 87–91, 120, 125, 152–153, 158, 165, 171, 174, 239, 248, 251, 253, 256–257, 325, 349, 355–356 Wagner, Ilse 299 Wagner, Johanna 299 Wahrhaftig, Abraham 299 Wahrhaftig, Adolf 299 Wahrhaftig, Rosa 300 Wajcen, Aleksy 175 Wajcen, Szmul 82, 165, 176– 177 Wajspapir, Arkadij 76, 130, 146–148, 166, 176 Waks, Berl 176 Walther, Arthur 349 Wang, Abram 121, 165, 176 Wasem, Yakob 392 Wat, Commandant 107 Weber, Irma 300 Wedenko, Fiodor 392 Weijl Loeb, Nanny 300 Weijl, Jules 300 Weisbecker, Otto 105 Weiss, Babette 300 Weiss, Berta 300 Weiss, Bertha 247 Weiss, Betti 300 Weiss, Bruno 50, 71, 257, 350 Weiss, Charlotte 247 Weiss, Edith 300

Weiss, Ellen 300 Weiss, Erich 247 Weiss, Ethel 300 Weiss, Frieda 247 Weiss, Grete 247 Weiss, Isaak 301 Weiss, Israel 301 Weiss, Lina 301 Weiss, Mia 301 Weiss, Mina 247 Weiss, Paula 301 Weiss, Rita 301 Weiss, Sally 301 Weiss, Theodor 247 Weissberg, Dr. Leon 249, 258 Weissberg, Susel 249, 258 Wendland, Wilhelm 137, 141, 335, 350–351 Werwyk, Kalmen 75, 157, 177 Wiesenthal, Simon 315, 349 Wieszubski, Kapo 131, 258 Wins, Jozef 187 Wirth, Christian 27–30, 42– 43, 60, 62–63, 93, 144, 305, 309–312, 315–317, 326, 330–332, 338–339 Wolf, Franz120, 137, 140, 335, 350–351, 374 Wolf, Josef 69, 120, 132–133, 140, 335, 350–351, 355 Wolf‐Nüssbaum, Maier 301 Wullbrandt, Erich 142

Y Yasha 91, 170 Yasko, Alexander 392 Yehiel 149, 172

Z Zabertnev, Konstantin 392 Zajcew, J 392 Zak, David 301–302 Zander, Clara 302 Zander, Gertrud 302 Zanker, Hans 351 Zaspel, Fritz 351 Zeeman, Joseph 302 Zelinger 149, 172 Zielinski, Andrew 177 Zielinski, Regina (Born Feld‐ man) 75–76, 168, 171, 177 Zierke, Ernst 351–352, 374, 384 Zijtenfeld, Jacob 302 Zijtenfeld, Moniek 302 Zijtenfeld‐Herszkowicz, Ra‐ chela 302 Zischer, Emil 64, 166, 393 Ziss, Meir 82, 93, 177 Zucker, Chana 247 Zucker, Sara 247 Zukow 167

519

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