IAFOR Journal of Cultural Studies: Volume 10 – Issue 2

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the iafor

journal of cultural studies Volume 10 – Issue 2 – 2025 Editor-in-Chief: Holger Briel

ISSN: 2187-4905

iafor The IAFOR Journal of Cultural Studies Volume 10 – Issue – 2

IAFOR Publications IAFOR Journal of Cultural Studies Editor-in-Chief Holger Briel Beijing Normal University-Hong Kong Baptist University United International College (UIC) Editorial Assistant Andy Lihua Chen HKBU, PRC Editorial Board Senka Anastasova, Ss. Cyril and Methodius University, Republic of Macedonia Yasue Arimitsu, Doshisha University, Kyoto, Japan Sue Ballyn, University of Barcelona, Spain Gaurav Desai, University of Michigan, USA Gerard Goggin, University of Sydney, Australia Florence Graezer-Bideau, École Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne, Switzerland Donald E. Hall, Lehigh University, USA Stephen Hutchings, University of Manchester, UK Eirini Kapsidou, Independent Scholar, Belgium Graham Matthews, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore Baden Offord, Curtin University, Australia Tace Hedrick, University of Florida, USA Christiaan De Beukelaer, University of Melbourne, Australia Katy Khan, University of South Africa, South Africa Published by The International Academic Forum (IAFOR), Japan Executive Editor: Joseph Haldane Publications Manager: Nick Potts Publications and Communications Coordinator: Mark Kenneth Camiling IAFOR Publications Sakae 1-16-26 – 201, Naka Ward, Aichi, Japan 460-0008 IAFOR Journal of Cultural Studies • Volume 10 – Issue 2 Published December 2025 IAFOR Publications © Copyright 2025 ISSN: 2187-4905 Online: jocs.iafor.org

IAFOR Journal of Cultural Studies Volume 10 Issue 2 Edited by: Holger Briel

Contents From the Editor

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Notes on Contributors

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Between Scripts: Typography, Multilingualism, and Modernity in Late Ottoman Turkish Print Culture Dilek Nur Ünsür

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Becoming Tribal (Part II): Ecuadorian Indigenism — A Vibrant Analysis Miguel A. Orosa José M. Ramírez

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What Does Zheng Chenggong See? Monumental Confrontations and Entangled Desires Masashi Ichiki

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Taboos, Appropriation, and Perlocution: An Analysis of Public Reactions to Tope Alabi’s “Aboru Aboye” Kikelomo Adeniyi, Favour Olajide,

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Framing Cultural Narratives in News Coverage of Indonesia’s Thorium Power Plant Debate Muhammad Yunus Zulkifli Puji Prihandini

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From the Editor Dear Readers, As 2025 draws to a close, it is fair to say that many of us will just be glad to have survived it.

With polycrises now firmly established globally, be they military interventions, famine, climate related, or otherwise associated with the increasingly precarious lives of many humans, the sigh at the end of the year is more one of relief than exhilaration. If it is indeed true that we have somehow lost the trust in the future (Zygmunt Baumann, Retrotopia), 2025 will serve as a very good example of this statement’s veracity.

Not all would agree, though, that it was a bad year. As one newspaper quipped, it was a good year for autocrats, if not for others. Even in the academe, not particularly known for optimism at the best of times, not everything was lost and reports of its demise were highly exaggerated.

Despite heavy head wind, conferences continued to be held, research was and continues to be conducted and universities are still turning out bright young graduates. If globalisation is under threat, it is heartening to notice that it is mostly the economic one that is affected, the one researchers and social scientist had not been too excited about in the first place. Only recently it was announced that the UK is joining the EU’s Erasmus student exchange programme once again, strengthening the ties between the former and the continent.

This current issue of the IAFOR Journal of Cultural Studies attests to this fact as well. It was difficult to assemble, but for all the right reasons. After a bumper anniversary issue that received endorsement and readership from a multitude of seasoned academics and new readers, we were hard pressed managing the exceeding interest in the journal that ensued. This interest was particularly visible in the manifold increase in submissions, with several hundred landing in our inbox. While, on the one hand, this is wonderful news, it unfortunately meant on the other that we had to turn away a large number of excellent papers, as we simply did not have the capacity to publish them all. Dear authors of these papers, please do not be disheartened, there will be other times when we should be able to accommodate you in the future.

Those submissions that made it through the peer review process, in one way or another, all adhered to the theme of geosemiotics which could be viewed as the connecting thread of this issue.

The first article, “Between Scripts: Typography, Multilingualism, and Modernity in Late Ottoman Turkish Print Culture” by Dilek Nur Ünsür circumscribes the field of textual geosemiotics. It investigates what some might view as only a small issue within the history of culture in Turkey, that is, the rise of the Latin script as opposed to the Arabic one in the Turkiye of 1910s and ‘20s. Ünsür’s detailed analysis, though, suggests that “the Alphabet Reform should be understood as a historically contingent convergence of material constraints and cultural re-significations, where typography operated simultaneously as a limitation and as an opportunity in the remaking of national identity.” She uses this typographical history to describe the larger changes happening in Turkish society at the time and its gradual move towards the

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west, inclusive of authority, surveillance and power operations being acted out, perhaps not surprisingly without the majority of her populace being consulted.

The next article, “Becoming Tribal (Part II): Ecuadorian indigenism — a vibrant analysis” by Miguel A. Orosa and José M. Ramírez is the second part of a larger project whose Part One had been published in IJCSS 10.1 and which can be broadly described as kinetic geosemiotics. In Part One, Orosa et al. had already delineated the postmodern moves taking place within the work of Deleuze, Guattari and Foucault that would predestine them for an application to indigenous studies in Ecuador, something yet to be undertaken. Having thus set the stage, Orosa and Ramirez now applies these constructs, this time referencing the work of Barad, Meillassoux, Bennett and others, to investigate indigenous practices of Kichwa speaking communities living in the borderlands of Ecuador, Columbia and Peru. In their ground-breaking study, they understand these (linguistically) grounded practices as performances and connect them to Badiou’s understanding of the event, leaving traditional classifications of object- and subjecthood far behind.

Masashi Ichiki’s “What Does Zheng Chenggong See? Monumental Confrontations and Entangled Desires” investigates six statues of Zheng Chenggong (1624–1662), revered as a national hero in both the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of China. In doing so, he participates in what could be described as relational geosemiotics, analysing three statues in each location. It becomes evident that from the start, statues are always already imbued with cultural specificity and that their interpretations are effected on ideological grounds. If indeed there exist cultural causes which lead to diametrically opposed interpretations of the same imagined individual, and Ichiki makes a compelling case for this to be the case, then this demonstrates the need to analyse such moves in a detailed and material manner, right down to the cement used in erecting these statues. As a more distant observer, however, one imagines these sculptures benignly and, perhaps surprisingly, regarding each other across the waters, wondering why they are being used as duck god and rabbit god in the play of ideology.

The fourth article, written by Favour Olajide and Kikelomo Adeniyi, is entitled “Taboos, Appropriation, and Perlocution: An Analysis of Public Reactions to Tope Alabi’s ‘Aboru Aboye’”. It tells the story of veteran Nigerian Christian gospel musician Tope Alabi coming under fire for a 2023 performance incorporating Yoruba traditional orishas (deities) in her music. The scandal ignited because of her usage of the simple greeting “Aboru Aboye”, associated with the Ifa religion. Broadly speaking, Olajide and Adeniyi participate in aural geosemiotics at this point. Their research is based on speech act theory, exploring the perlocutionary effects of the linguistic choices Tope Alabi had made and for which she as attacked, touching on taboos, cultural identity and artistic freedom.

Lastly, and returning us back to textual geosemiotics, “Framing Cultural Narratives in News Coverage of Indonesia’s Thorium Power Plant Debate” by Muhammad Yunus Zulkifli and Puji Prihandini, takes us to Indonesia and analyses news stories from 2022 and 2023 about a contested Thorium Powerplant to be erected there. Applying frame and discourse theories to news items related to the issue, they reveal the constructedness of these rhetorical utterances as speech acts, implying real-world actions going beyond the written word. In their text, they 2

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demonstrate how such news stories are used to sway public opinion, drowning out the voices of local communities and sacrificing free speech and a more objective journalism on the altar of supposedly inevitable progress once again.

Do enjoy the issue!

Holger Briel, Editor-in-Chief Zhuhai December 2025

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Notes on Contributors Article 1 Between Scripts: Typography, Multilingualism, and Modernity in Late Ottoman Turkish Print Culture Dilek Nur Ünsür Dilek Nur Ünsür is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Graphic Design at Necmettin Erbakan University, Turkey. She received her BA degree in Graphic Design from Hacettepe University in 2011 and her MA degree in Book Design from the University of Reading, Department of Typography and Graphic Communication, in 2013. She completed her PhD in the same department in 2018 with a thesis titled “A Typographic Analysis of Newspapers and Magazines in the Turkish Alphabet Reform (1928-1929)”. Her research focuses on typography and graphic design history, with particular attention to visual culture and the material and typographic dimensions of print culture and urban space.

Email: dnunsur@gmail.com Article 2 Becoming Tribal (Part II): Ecuadorian Indigenism — A Vibrant Analysis Miguel A. Orosa Miguel A. Orosa is an Associate Professor of Performance and the Philosophy of Art at the Pontificia Universidad Católica del Ecuador, specialising in the former’s evental and metaphysical dimensions. He is currently exploring new perspectives on the study and research of difference and the margins, focusing particularly on indigenism in Latin America from philosophical and postmodern standpoints. He is also conducting research in this area from the perspective of quantum mechanics and ontological-mathematical commitment. Miguel is also a writer of contemporary literature and drama with numerous publications in prestigious international journals and publishing houses. Above all, Miguel views himself as an artist. He has taught on the Master's in Advanced Theatre Studies programme at UNIR, an international university with campuses in Spain and Latin America. He is a member of several international associations, including the British Society for Phenomenology, the European Association for the Study of Theatre and Performance, and the Singapore Drama Educators Association. In 1985, he received the First National Research Award, “La Ley”, for his pioneering research on Inverted Accession.

Email: maorosa1@pucesi.edu.ec José M. Ramírez Jose Manuel Ramirez was born in Caracas, Venezuela. He obtained his undergraduate Physics degree at the University of Carabobo (Venezuela) in 2000 (first of class). Then he attended to the PhD program created between the Instituto Venezolano de Investigaciones Científicas (IVIC) and the High Energy Laboratory of the NASA’s Goddard Space Flight Center in Maryland. He then earned a fellowship to Germany (2006-2008) to work on X-ray Astronomy at the Max Planck Institute for Extraterrestrial Physics, and later at the Astrophysics Institute of Potsdam (2008-2011), collaborating with the XMM Newton’s operational center of the 4

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European Space Agency (ESA). He went back to Venezuela in 2012 to lead the Computational Physics laboratory at IVIC until 2017 (reaching the level of Associate Researcher III). Toda, he is a professor at YachayTech where he has been actively collaborating with scientific groups around the world (USA, Germany, Mexico (CINVESTAV) and Ecuador).

Article 3 What Does Zheng Chenggong See? Monumental Confrontations and Entangled Desires Masashi Ichiki Masashi Ichiki is a Professor of English and Cultural Studies at Chikushi Jogakuen University in Fukuoka, Japan. He received his MA in Africana Studies from the State University of New York at Albany. His research interests span African American history and culture and cultural studies, with a particular emphasis on cultural representation in visual narratives. His work examines how culture functions as a medium through which meanings related to history, memory, and identity are constructed, negotiated, and circulated. He has published extensively on African American culture, popular culture and historical representation in East Asia. His major publications include “Demystifying the Postwar Myth: A Study of Fukasaku’s Jingi naki Tatakai Saga” (2009), “Embracing the Victimhood: A History of A-bomb Manga in Japan” (2010), and “Another Founding Father of Taiwan: Representations of Shi Lang and Cross-Strait Relations” (2025).

Email: jun@chikushi-u.ac.jp Article 4 Taboos, Appropriation, and Perlocution: An Analysis of Public Reactions to Tope Alabi’s “Aboru Aboye” Kikelomo Adeniyi Kikelomo Adeniyi (PhD) is an Associate Professor of English in the Department of English Education, Lagos State University of Education, Odo-Noforija, Epe, Lagos. A specialist in Applied English Linguistics and Sociolinguistics, her research portfolio demonstrates a strong commitment to exploring the intersections of language, culture, and pedagogy. In addition to her scholarly commitments, Adeniyi is an essayist and short story author with particular interest in children’s literature. She is also a seasoned academic administrator, serving as the former Dean of the Legacy College and currently serves in various administrative capacities at the university. Adeniyi has had her numerous books published by reputable Nigerian publishing houses as well as academic articles in high-impact local and international journals.

Favour Olajide Favour Olajide holds a Master’s degree in English (language) from Covenant University, Ota, Ogun State, Nigeria. He previously obtained a Bachelor’s degree in the same subject from the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Osun State Nigeria. Olajide’s scholarship demonstrates a strong commitment to exploring the intersections of language, culture, and cognition, with a particular focus on Nigerian sociolinguistic contexts. His master’s thesis focused on familial metaphors in Nigerian political discourse based on an analysis of presidential speeches over a more than 24 years’ time period. Olajide has presented his research at local and international 5

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conferences, and co-authored a number of scholarly works, including studies on Nigerian sociolinguistics, metaphorical mappings in political discourse, and the use of slang expressions in digital communication.

Email: favour.olajidepgs@stu.cu.edu.ng

Article 5 Framing Cultural Narratives in News Coverage of Indonesia’s Thorium Power Plant Debate Muhammad Yunus Zulkifli Muhammad Yunus Zulkifli is a doctoral candidate in the Postgraduate Program in Communication at Universitas Indonesia and is professionally affiliated with the National Research and Innovation Agency of Indonesia (BRIN). His research interests lie at the intersection of science and innovation communication, media studies, cultural studies, and science, technology, and society (STS), with a particular focus on energy and environmental issues. He employs qualitative approaches such as framing analysis and Actor-Network Theory to examine how media narratives, scientific knowledge, and state policy interact in shaping public understanding of energy and technology. His recent work addresses nuclear and geothermal energy debates, cultural narratives of development, and issues of sovereignty in Indonesian media. His research has been presented in academic forums and contributes to interdisciplinary discussions in cultural studies and communication.

Email: muhammad.yunus32@ui.ac.id Puji Prihandini Puji Prihandini is a doctoral candidate in Communication Science at the Postgraduate Program, Universitas Indonesia, and a lecturer in the Communication Science Program at Universitas Padjadjaran. Her academic interests focus on gender communication, interpersonal communication, and gender-based violence, particularly within everyday relational and community-based contexts. She adopts qualitative approaches, including case study research, in-depth interviews, document analysis, and contextual interpretation, to examine communication practices related to disclosure, privacy negotiation, and supportive interactions among women experiencing gender-based violence. Her work contributes to feminist communication studies and theoretical discussions on gender and interpersonal dynamics. She actively participates in academic forums and scholarly discussions in the fields of communication and gender studies.

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Between Scripts: Typography, Multilingualism, and Modernity in Late Ottoman Turkish Print Culture Dilek Nur Ünsür Necmettin Erbakan University, Turkey

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Abstract This article examines the typographic and multilingual print culture of the late Ottoman Empire, situating it within broader debates on cultural identity, modernization, and visual representation. While the 1928 Alphabet Reform has often been studied primarily as a political or linguistic project, this study emphasizes the interplay between material infrastructures and cultural meanings that made reform feasible. It argues that the mechanical limitations of Arabic-script typography—such as labor-intensive typesetting, limited stylistic variety, and fragile metal types—combined with state monopolization of type production, created a constrained environment for print. At the same time, the pervasive circulation of Latin script in minority presses, textbooks, advertising, ephemeral documents, and urban signage cultivated a visual familiarity that resonated with everyday practices and associated Latin letters with commerce, education, and modernity. Methodologically, the study employs historical discourse analysis and a selective sampling of archival documents, periodicals, and ephemeral print materials to reconstruct the typographic and print environment of the late Ottoman Empire. By drawing on sources from the Ottoman Archives, contemporary newspapers, and visual ephemera, it demonstrates how typography functioned not only as a technical medium but also as a semiotic force that mediated ideas of Westernization and collective identity. The findings suggest that the Alphabet Reform should be understood as a historically contingent convergence of material constraints and cultural re-significations, where typography operated simultaneously as a limitation and as an opportunity in the remaking of national identity.

Keywords: alphabet reform, cultural identity, Ottoman Empire, print culture, typography, visual modernity

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The Turkish Alphabet Reform of 1928, which replaced the Arabic script with the Latin alphabet, represents one of the most far-reaching language policy initiatives of the twentieth century. Remarkably, the transition was implemented in less than four months, during which official documents, textbooks, public signage, and administrative communication were adapted to the new script. While the speed of this transformation has often been interpreted as evidence of effective top-down planning, it also invites closer examination of the broader cultural, political, and technological context that made such a shift feasible. As Benedict Anderson (2006) reminds us in Imagined Communities, print practices have long mediated the relationship between language and national identity. Similarly, Stuart Hall (1997) emphasizes in Representation that visual and linguistic forms are not passive reflections of reality but constitutive processes through which cultural meaning is produced. Homi Bhabha’s (1994) discussion of hybridity in The Location of Culture further underscores the ambivalence of cultural translation in multilingual and colonial/postcolonial contexts. Taken together, these perspectives situate the Alphabet Reform not only as a state-driven modernization project but also as a cultural moment in which typography and visuality mediated competing notions of identity and modernity.

Existing scholarship has extensively examined the ideological, educational, and political motivations behind the reform. Foundational studies by scholars such as Şimşir (1992), Lewis (1999), and Zürcher (2004) have interpreted the alphabet change within broader narratives of Turkish modernization and nationalism. Importantly, Szurek’s doctoral dissertation (2013), which examines the intersection of politics, philology, and alphabet reform in early Republican Turkey, remains a key reference point for understanding how language and script were contested, taught, and restructured. Sabev (2006) highlights the institutional history of Ottoman print culture and structural limitations—especially reliance on imported materials—that constrained innovation and adaptability. Yet the integration of typographic and productionbased evidence into broader historical accounts of the reform remains underdeveloped.

Research by Karahan (2005) and Strauss (2005, 2011) has emphasized the multilingual environment of Ottoman cities and the growing visibility of Latin script in minority and foreign-language publications, particularly through trade publications, textbooks, and signage.

Similarly, studies by Ceylan (2006), Cioeta (1979), Demirel (2004), Yosmaoğlu (2003), and Mazıcı (1996) have demonstrated how bureaucratic regulation and state censorship restricted the development of Arabic-script printing. Historical surveys by Akçura (2012), Kabacalı (2000), and Neumann (2002) offer broader perspectives on Ottoman press history but tend to underrepresent the material dimensions of typographic technology.

Recent contributions by Yazıcıgil and Özkal (2015) have drawn attention to the typographic challenges of Arabic script, particularly in relation to mechanical typesetting and font design.

Yazıcıgil’s (2022) work on Mehmed Emin Efendi reveals the persistent mechanical inefficiencies of Arabic-script printing. Titus Nemeth’s (2022) studies of Arabic typography have likewise illuminated structural limitations across geographies, though his focus has been on European and Middle Eastern contexts. Kuzuoglu (2020) and Bouquet (2020) have addressed the transformation of script practices in the late Ottoman and early Republican

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period within broader media-technological frameworks and manuscript traditions, yet typography remains a secondary concern in their accounts. While these studies are valuable, the specific gap that persists is a systematic analysis of how typographic constraints and multilingual practices shaped cultural perceptions of modernity and identity, thereby setting the stage for the reform.

In response to these gaps, this study approaches the Turkish Alphabet Reform through the lens of the typographic landscape of the late Ottoman Empire. Rather than treating the reform as a direct outcome of political will or technological crisis, it focuses on the ways in which longstanding constraints—mechanical difficulties in typesetting Arabic script, limited typographic variation, spatial and visual inefficiencies, and state monopolization of type production— shaped the practical and material environment of print. Concurrently, the widespread use of Latin types by minority and foreign-language presses created a visual and technical familiarity that contributed to the viability of the new script.

Methodologically, the study employs historical discourse analysis and a selective sampling of archival records, periodicals, and ephemeral visual materials such as signage and advertisements. This approach makes it possible to reconstruct not only the technical conditions of print but also the cultural meanings attached to script and typography within Ottoman society. Drawing on archival records, contemporary publications, state printing regulations, and type examples, this study repositions typography as a historically embedded material practice. It offers an alternative framework for understanding the reform as part of a longer typographic continuum, rooted in the multilingual and materially uneven infrastructure of late Ottoman print culture.

Accordingly, this study addresses three interrelated research questions that situate the alphabet reform within the typographic, cultural, and material dynamics of late Ottoman print culture.

First, it asks how the typographic features and practical uses of Latin-script materials— particularly those produced by minority and foreign-language presses—contributed to their visibility and perceived efficiency in the late Ottoman print environment. Second, it investigates the mechanical and visual limitations of Arabic-script typography and their impact on the production, circulation, and readability of printed materials. Third, it explores how state regulation and monopolization of type production influenced the flexibility and development of Arabic-script printing. Rather than establishing a direct causal link between these conditions and the alphabet reform, the study aims to illuminate how typographic realities functioned as cultural mediators, shaping the material and symbolic landscape in which the reform became both thinkable and executable. Beyond these material dynamics, beyond policy and pedagogy, script functioned as a visible medium through which modernity and identity were negotiated.

These political and cultural stakes are revisited in the last section, after establishing the material record of late Ottoman typography.

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Methods This study employs historical discourse analysis to examine Ottoman state policies, periodicals, and archival printing documents, with the aim of identifying the typographic, bureaucratic, and cultural dynamics that shaped the material environment of print in the decades preceding the Turkish Alphabet Reform. Informed by perspectives from cultural studies, the analysis treats typography not only as a technical process but also as a cultural practice embedded in representation, visibility, and identity formation. Rather than treating these sources in isolation, the analysis follows a comparative and cross-sectional framework to explore how Arabic-script printing evolved within the multilingual typographic landscape of the late Ottoman Empire, and how the practical limitations of typography intersected with broader political projects of modernization and cultural translation.

Three primary categories of sources inform this approach. First, visual and ephemeral materials—such as photographs, advertisements, signage, and commercial ephemera— illustrate the multilingual nature of Ottoman public print culture and offer insight into the visual presence and cultural visibility of Latin script, which contributed to typographic familiarity.

Second, Ottoman periodicals and multilingual publications including İkdam, Yadigar-ı Harb, Malumat, and La Turquie are examined for both their typographic features and contemporaneous commentary on script, technology, and cultural debates surrounding modernization. Third, archival records and printing regulations from the Devlet Arşivleri Başkanlığı, Osmanlı Arşivi (BOA) provide documentation of state interventions in type production and regulation, including restrictions and monopolization practices that constrained Arabic-script printing. These sources were selected through a purposeful sampling strategy designed to capture the range of multilingual, bureaucratic, and visual practices that defined the late Ottoman print environment.

By integrating these diverse materials, the study reconstructs the typographic conditions and print infrastructure of the late Ottoman period as a cultural-historical context within which the script reform later emerged. Rather than arguing that typography determined the reform, the analysis foregrounds the ways in which typographic constraints, mechanical challenges, and visual environments influenced how the reform could be imagined, debated, and eventually implemented. In doing so, it repositions typography as a historically embedded material practice and offers an alternative framework for understanding the reform as part of a longer typographic continuum, rooted in the multilingual and materially uneven infrastructure of late Ottoman print culture. At the same time, it seeks to contribute to broader cultural studies debates by demonstrating how material practices of print intersect with questions of modernity, cultural identity, and the politics of representation.

Familiarization with Latin Script and the Technical Foundation to Print in Latin The Ottoman Empire was inherently multicultural and multilingual, and this diversity became even more pronounced during the final century of the empire (1820–1920). The 19th century marked a period of intensified exchanges with European powers such as France, Italy, England,

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and Germany, bringing new linguistic, cultural, and technological influences into the Empire (Angell, 1901). Thus, the linguistic environment of the late Ottoman period was remarkably complex and can be likened to a “Tower of Babel” (Hanioğlu, 2011).1 With its inclusion of diverse languages and scripts, the Zellich Calendar (November 16, 1913) constitutes a compelling visual metaphor for this notion (Fig. 1). As Orlin Sabev (2006) and others have emphasized, the Ottoman printing sphere was shaped by a remarkable linguistic and typographic diversity, which structured not only channels of communication but also broader arenas of cultural and political negotiation. By the late 19th century, İstanbul alone was home to a highly multilingual population where Ottoman Turkish, Armenian, Greek, Hebrew, and French were commonly spoken, while Italian, German, and English were also widely used due to diplomatic and commercial activities (Karahan, 2005). Even though not all Ottoman subjects were multilingual, this linguistic plurality provided the foundation for a publishing environment where texts were produced in multiple languages and scripts, accommodating the needs of a highly diverse readership (Karahan, 2005).

Printing activities conducted by minority groups—primarily Armenians, Greeks, Jews, and other Christian communities—began flourishing in the Ottoman Empire shortly after the invention of Johannes Gutenberg (c. 1393/1406–1468) spread through Europe, playing an essential role until the establishment of the Turkish Republic. Trade networks involving nonMuslim communities significantly contributed to establishing a sophisticated printing infrastructure, exemplified by the dominance of minority-owned printing houses in İstanbul. As Strauss (2005) note, the typographic expertise and transnational orientation of minority publishers profoundly shaped both the diversity and the technical quality of Ottoman publishing.

Figure 1 The Zellich Calendar (November 16, 1913)

Source: Personal Collection 1

Lady Montagu also used this term in a letter written during her stay in Istanbul; see Montagu, 1971, p. 158.

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The widespread use of the Latin script within Ottoman territories further strengthened the typographic infrastructure essential for the later alphabet transition. Following the French Revolution, a new print culture arose aimed at disseminating revolutionary ideas and propaganda among the French-speaking Ottoman population (Budak, 2012). Particularly prominent was the presence of a sizable French-speaking community whose cultural and commercial activities significantly increased following the Tanzimat Reforms. French emerged as the dominant language for diplomacy, commerce, and education, leading other foreign communities—including German and British nationals—to adopt French-language publications to sustain their presence in Ottoman public discourse (Georgeon, 1990). Frenchlanguage media maintained its influence through the Empire’s final decades, persisting prominently until the early Republican Era. The Balkan Wars (1912–1913), followed by World War I (1914–1918) and the Turkish War of Independence (1919–1923), marked a turning point: foreign-language publishing faced severe constraints, and after the language reforms, French-language publications gradually disappeared (Georgeon, 1990).

Nevertheless, their legacy—the types, materials, and printing expertise they left behind— proved invaluable during the rapid transition period of the alphabet reform. The availability of Latin metal types, previously utilized primarily for French publications and documents, significantly aided the printing transition during the alphabet reform. These existing metal types were particularly valuable during the reform's initial phase, allowing publishers to gradually integrate Latin-script content into their publications without the immediate necessity of producing entirely new typefaces. Although systematic research specifically on this reuse has not yet been conducted, evidence of such practices can be observed through careful examination of historical sources. For instance, two Latin metal typefaces, Robur and Antimony, previously employed in the magazine Yadigar-ı Harb (1914), were reused in the newspaper İkdam (1928) during the reform’s transition period (Fig. 2). Moreover, considering the limited number of experienced typesetters available at that time, prior familiarity and practical expertise with existing Latin typefaces substantially simplified the technical challenges associated with printing bilingual or Latin-script content alongside Arabic text during the rapid script change.

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Figure 2 The Comparison of Old and New Uses of Typefaces in Yadigar-ı Harp and İkdam

Source: The National Library of Turkey

Until the 1860s, Ottoman Turkish texts generally lacked even basic punctuation marks such as the full stop or comma. The first significant introduction and the systematic use of punctuation occurred through the efforts of İbrahim Şinasi (1826–1871), a pioneering journalist and writer, who incorporated punctuation into the newspaper Tercümân-ı Ahvâl. Following Şinasi's initiative, punctuation began gradually appearing in Ottoman books and periodicals. However, in the absence of an established Ottoman punctuation system, typesetters frequently relied on French punctuation conventions, drawing on their experience and familiarity with Latin-script publications. Intellectuals of the period consistently urged authorities to develop a standardized punctuation system to eliminate confusion and inconsistent usage, some even arguing that establishing punctuation was a more pressing issue than reforming the alphabet itself. The continuation of French punctuation practices into the transition period clearly demonstrates the practical reliance on earlier experiences with Latin typography (Fig. 3).

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Figure 3 Hayat Magazine on December 1928 After the Implementation

Note: The French punctuation was still in use.

Source: The National Library of Turkey

Additionally, the widespread visibility and familiarity of the Latin script, largely due to the dominance of French-language publications, not only supported printing practices but also significantly influenced public perception. From the late nineteenth century onward, the use of Latin script in the Ottoman Empire expanded beyond newspapers and periodicals to include textbooks, leisure reading materials, ephemeral documents, and public signage, making it an integral part of daily life and easing the eventual transition to the Latin alphabet. Typography in this context functioned not merely as a technical medium but also as a site where cultural meanings were negotiated and contested (Hall 1997). The coexistence of Arabic and Latin conventions further illustrates the hybridity of late Ottoman print culture, in which printers and readers operated across overlapping visual systems (Bhabha 1994).

Publications: Monolingual and Bilingual Newspapers and Magazines In the last century of the Empire, publications using Latin script addressed primarily two audiences within the Ottoman Empire: foreign residents and the broader Turkish population, which included Greek, Armenian, and Sephardic Jewish minorities (Georgeon, 1990). As several scholars have noted, these audiences were often overlapping rather than strictly separate, reflecting the composite structure of Ottoman society. The usage of Latin script varied according to publication content and intended readership. Some publications were printed entirely in Latin script (Fig. 4), while others employed Latin script selectively for specific content, with the remainder printed in Arabic script.

Additionally, bilingual publications—predominantly combining French and Ottoman Turkish—did not always duplicate their content in both languages. Instead, the common practice involved printing main articles in a single language while utilizing both scripts selectively for captions, brief announcements, short news items, and mastheads (Fig. 5). It was also typical for special terms, technical vocabulary, or proper names to appear in Latin within otherwise Arabic-script texts.

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Figure 4 La Turquie, February 2, 1866

Source: Atatürk Library, İstanbul

Figure 5 Bilingual Masthead of Malumat. July 4, 1901

Source: Atatürk Library, İstanbul

The extensive influx of imported European products and expanding international trade during the empire’s last century further increased exposure to Latin typography. Advertisements for these foreign goods, frequently published in Arabic-script newspapers and magazines, typically maintained the original Latin typography for company names or logos (Fig. 6). This selective visual prominence illustrates how typography functioned not merely as a neutral marker but as a signifying practice that shaped cultural associations with modernity and commerce (Hall, 1997).

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Figure 6 Ad of Bayer’s Aspirin in Le Film Magazine. October 12, 1927

Source: Atatürk Library, İstanbul

Moreover, the presence of Latin script extended beyond newspapers and periodicals, encompassing books used both in education and for leisure reading, thereby reinforcing public familiarity with Latin typography. In this way, the visibility of Latin script in newspapers, advertisements, and educational texts helped normalize its presence within the Ottoman visual landscape, easing the eventual acceptance of the Latin alphabet in the Republican period.

Textbooks and Leisure Reading Materials In addition to commercial channels, missionary schools and foreign government–supported educational institutions played a significant role in familiarizing Ottoman readers with Latin script, particularly in the decades leading up to the Republic. By the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, foreign and missionary schools —including American, French, British, and German institutions— were using textbooks and pedagogical materials printed in Latin letters. Through English, French, and German instruction, Ottoman students encountered Latin-script reading and writing long before the 1928 Reform, making these schools key sites of early Latin literacy (Gökçe and Oğuz, 2010; Karahan, 2005; Kim and Bashkin, 2002). These developments shaped the typographic landscape of the late Ottoman Empire and formed an educational infrastructure that materially supported the script transition in the early Republic.

Until 1773, elementary education for Muslims in the Ottoman Empire was predominantly religious, with literacy training in neighbourhood schools largely limited to Qur’an recitation and a narrow range of didactic texts in Arabic script. This structural constraint, rather than the script itself, meant that many pupils left school with only rudimentary reading skills; contemporary observers such as Namık Kemal and Ali Suavi repeatedly complained that

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graduates of these schools were often unable even to read a Turkish newspaper properly.2 After that date, French was introduced as a language of instruction in secular schools, substantially increasing the number of Latin-script textbooks in circulation (Karahan, 2005; Brummett, 2000; Somel, 2019).3 Initially, newly established military and engineering academies began using imported French textbooks (Demiryürek, 2013). For a considerable period, the term "French" became virtually synonymous with "foreign language." Even the Sultan Abdülaziz (r. 1861–1876), influenced by educational practices in France, established a school (Lycée de Galatasaray) in İstanbul where all lessons were taught exclusively in French. Subsequently, minority schools also incorporated French, followed later by German, English, and Italian languages toward the end of the nineteenth century. The enrollment of Turkish students, including both children and young adults, in these institutions further established French as the dominant language of secular education (Ertem, 1991).

This widespread adoption of French facilitated deeper cultural connections with France and, by extension, broader European culture and modernity. It also fostered a Francophone elite, whose familiarity with the Latin script became a defining cultural marker of education and status. Consequently, successive generations grew increasingly familiar with the Latin script.

A Francophone class emerged, generating demand not only for educational texts but also leisure reading materials, including novels, plays, and poetry collections printed in French (Brummett, 2000). Such materials nurtured shared reading publics that cut across communal boundaries, echoing Benedict Anderson’s (2006) notion of “imagined communities,” in which print created new forms of collective identity. This cultural shift also influenced broader printing practices, extending the use of Latin script into official and ephemeral documents, especially following intensified interactions with European institutions and cultural networks.

Ephemeral Documents Prior to the nineteenth century, knowledge of languages other than Turkish was largely restricted to non-Muslim minority communities. However, as international diplomatic and commercial relationships intensified, the Ottoman Empire opened embassies across Europe and began systematically training diplomats and state officials in French, establishing it as the semi-official language for diplomatic correspondence (Ertem 1991). A dedicated translation bureau was established, consolidating French as the primary language for official communication (Demiryürek, 2013). By the nineteenth century, multilingualism thus extended 2

On contemporary criticisms of the traditional elementary school (mahalle mektebi) system and its failure to produce functional Turkish literacy, see Namık Kemal, “Hurûf Bahsine Dair Makale,” Hürriyet, no. 61, 15 Cemaziyelevvel 1286 / 23 August 1869; Ali Suavi, Muhbir, no. 28, Şevval 1283 / March 1867; Ali Suavi, “Lisan ve Hatt-ı Türkî,” Ulûm, no. 4. For a broader discussion of the modernization of Ottoman education and the weakness of basic literacy training in this period, see Selçuk Akşin Somel, Osmanlı’da Eğitimin Modernleşmesi (Istanbul, 2019). For early proposals to reform the Arabic script for Ottoman Turkish, see Mirza Feth Ali Ahundzade’s 1864 memorandum discussed by the Cemiyet-i İlmiye-i Osmaniye, in Rüstemli, N. (2016). MF Ahundzade’nin Arap alfabesinin ıslahıyla ilgili yeni alfabe lâyihası. Dinbilimleri Akademik Araştırma Dergisi, 16(3), 173–196.

3 Karahan also claims that the reason why French started to be used as education language was the lack of textbooks and instructors in Turkish.

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into diplomacy, bureaucracy, and everyday commerce, embedding new scripts and practices within the routines of governance.

International communication networks, such as postal services and the telegraph—instituted after joining the Universal Postal Union—further necessitated the use of the Latin alphabet.

Turkish was rendered in Latin letters for telegraph communication, as the Arabic script was not internationally recognized for telegraphy (Şimşir, 1992). As Strauss (2011) observes, such infrastructural developments embedded Latin script within the mechanics of global communication, making it part of the technological infrastructure of modern international modernity. Consequently, bilingual postcards and stamps became widely produced and circulated (Fig. 7).

Figure 7 A Bilingual Stamp. Date Unknown

Source: Personal Collection

The Tanzimat Reforms also spurred economic changes, exemplified by the founding of the first Ottoman bank in 1856, which led to the routine issuance of bilingual banknotes, checks, stock certificates, and other financial documents widely used among literate populations, including foreign residents (Eldem, 2005). Advances in transportation infrastructure, including trams and ferries, led to the mass production of multilingual travel tickets and related printed materials. Technological advancements in lithography and photography also significantly enriched the visual diversity and production quality of these ephemeral documents.

Furthermore, the increased cultural activities of a multicultural society, such as theatrical performances, operas, and concerts, resulted in the proliferation of Latin-script flyers and promotional posters (Strauss, 2011). Notably, even musical supplements occasionally appeared in Turkish texts printed in Latin letters (Fig. 8). In addition, several foreign learners of Turkish adopted Latin letters in their personal correspondence, using them as an auxiliary learning tool.

For instance, Pierre Loti reportedly learned to write Turkish in Latin script from his teacher

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Zeki Maşhenizoğlu, and the two exchanged letters using this method (Koloğlu, 1990, pp. 58, 70–78). These hybrid practices reveal, in Homi Bhabha’s terms, how readers and printers navigated overlapping visual systems and cultural codes, producing a typographic environment in which Arabic and Latin conventions coexisted and blurred.

Figure 8 From a Music Sheet, Supplement of Malumat. Date Unknown

Source: Atatürk Library, İstanbul

Signage and Urban Environment Bilingual advertisements and posters played a critical role in promoting cultural events and European commercial products in cosmopolitan Ottoman cities, particularly İstanbul and İzmir (Fig. 9). These urban areas, characterized by substantial foreign and minority populations, prominently featured multilingual signage both indoors and outdoors, as detailed in Strauss’s study (2011). In districts such as Beyoğlu, Karaköy, and Pera—vibrant commercial hubs dominated by foreign-owned businesses and storefronts—commercial establishments including hotels, restaurants, and especially shops frequently displayed French inscriptions, often accompanied by Ottoman Turkish translations (Brummett, 2000)(Fig. 10). French thus occupied a role in the late Ottoman city comparable to the contemporary global status of English (Strauss, 2011).

Street signs, when present, commonly appeared in both Turkish and French. Similarly, bilingual signage was typical at urban and rural railway stations and İstanbul’s tram stops.

French inscriptions were also commonplace in public and administrative buildings such as post

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offices, banks, as well as cultural venues including theatres and cinemas. This pervasive presence made Latin script part of the everyday environment, encountered not only by educated elites but also by ordinary Ottoman subjects navigating the city. In these urban settings, continual exposure to Latin script fostered prolonged familiarity among the local Turkish population. Such daily encounters may have contributed to growing awareness and critical reflection on the limitations and inefficiencies associated with Arabic-script printing. The semiotics of Ottoman urban signage demonstrate how typography itself mediated experiences of modernity, embedding Western visual codes into the rhythms of everyday life and shaping public encounters with new cultural forms.

Figure 9 Multiple Scripts Use at One of the Leading Theatres of the City (1920)

Source: Library of Congress, African and Middle Eastern Division (https://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/2010650587/)

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Figure 10 Shop Signs in Two Scripts (1920)

Source: Library of Congress, African and Middle Eastern Division (https://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/2010650569/)

Challenges in Arabic Typesetting One of the persistent technical challenges in the late Ottoman printing environment stemmed from the complexities of Arabic typesetting. These difficulties did not emerge solely from technological backwardness but were shaped by a convergence of political restrictions, scriptspecific mechanical limitations, and a lack of typographic standardization. During the reign of Sultan Abdülhamid II (r. 1876–1909), the autocratic climate increasingly targeted the material practices of printing itself: large point sizes were discouraged, headline hierarchies were flattened, and type foundries were periodically closed or placed under direct state control— most notably the transfer of private foundries, including that of Haçik Kevorkyan, to the Fine Arts Academy (Mekteb-i Sanayi). Yet, such pressures did not eliminate discussions of writing or alphabet reform; rather, they pushed them into more cautious and fragmented forms, as seen in the arguments of reform-minded figures such as Ebüzziya Tevfik, who continued to advocate for improved legibility and structural adjustments to the script despite episodes of censorship, exile, and imprisonment (Neumann, 2002). Printers’ avoidance of large point sizes and the visually restrained layout of newspapers—often limited to a single, modestly scaled headline— reflect how typographic design was shaped not merely by aesthetic considerations but by the risk of accusations of sensationalism or political provocation (Szyliowicz, 2013). Such constraints reveal how typography functioned within broader power structures, shaping not only design practices but also the circulation and legitimacy of ideas. In this sense, typesetting remained both a technical and a cultural act, regulating what could be made visible and how publics accessed information.

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Despite these limitations, non-Muslim and foreign printers continued publishing with relative freedom, using a wide range of typefaces and scripts (Strauss, 2005). At the same time, the continued circulation of Turkish printed in Greek (Karamanlıca), Armenian and Hebrew letters demonstrated that experimentation with alternative writing systems persisted and that Ottoman readers routinely encountered multiple typographic conventions (Strauss, 2003), even under restrictive conditions.4 This created a dynamic, multilingual print environment in which Ottoman intellectuals could observe the efficiency and visual clarity of Latin-script printing.

Within this context, the mechanical shortcomings of Arabic typography became increasingly evident—notably the large number of letter variations, lack of typographic flexibility, reduced durability of Arabic metal types, and challenges related to spatial layout, particularly horizontal spacing. As Nemeth (2017) and Yazıcıgil (2020) have noted, the script’s structural nature, with its four contextual letter forms (initial, medial, final, isolated), required type cases with approximately 500 compartments, which significantly slowed production and limited efficiency. These structural inefficiencies were frequently interpreted not only as technical problems but also as cultural obstacles to learning and modernization, reinforcing broader reformist arguments about the link between alphabetic form and civilizational progress.

Memoirs of printers (Koçu, 1959) describe how typesetters had to move constantly across large type cases or rely on assistants to hand over distant letter pieces (Fig. 11). The consequences were tangible: printing a modest four-page newspaper in 1925 could require as many as 25 typesetters working simultaneously (AbiFares, 2001). Münif Paşa (1830–1910) highlighted that European alphabets are easy to learn and print, while the complexity of Arabic script creates obstacles to public education and requires significantly more type variations, complicating printing processes. This limitation is critical given that books are the primary medium for spreading education (Şimşir, 1992). The relatively low production numbers of printed books from the late 18th to early 20th centuries support Münif Paşa’s observations (Fig. 12). Ottoman printers were also aware of these typographic issues, acknowledging the differing complexities between naskh and ta’liq typefaces: “Printing a book in naskh requires approximately 300 variations, while ta’liq needs twice or three times that amount” (Akçura, 2012). Reformist intellectuals frequently translated such technical remarks into cultural critiques, presenting typography itself as a mirror of Ottoman society’s inefficiencies and as a barrier to achieving “European” levels of literacy.

4

On the diversity of non-Turkish and non-Arabic-script periodicals circulating in the late Ottoman Empire, see also the Kebikeç – Osmanlı Dünyasında Türkçe Dışı Süreli Yayınlar series, which provides extensive bibliographic documentation of multilingual press activity.

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Figure 11 Type Case Compartments, Before and After the Reform

Source: Histoire de la Republique Turque, 1935, 253-4

Figure 12 Book Publishing Between Early 18th and Early 20th Centuries

Note: The numbers are taken from J.Baysal’s and A.Kabacalı’s studies, visualized by the author.

Consequently, suggestions were made either to reduce the variety of letters or to devise a new script form better suited to typography. A committee established by the Council of Public Education (Meclis-i Ma‘ârif-i Umûmiyye) in 1879 aimed to simplify the script for printing by making it non-cursive, though this proposal never materialized (Sabev, 2013). Prominent

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typographer Khaçik Kevorkyan (1856–1932) attempted a partial solution by reducing ta’liq letter variations from 2200 to 1600, significantly easing the typesetting process and earning praise from newspaper publishers5. Another significant effort to reduce letter variations came from Şinasi, who also saw typographic complexity as a critical obstacle (Kahraman, 2010). Şinasi developed simplified letterforms, ordered new matrices for cutting types, and printed some of his own books using these revised characters (Fig. 13).6 Through these efforts, the typical number of variations dropped from around 500 to just 112. However, critics accustomed to traditional Arabic type viewed these simplified forms as lacking the aesthetic appeal and influence of classic calligraphy (Kabacalı, 2000). Among the notable critics was Ebüzziya Tevfik, a distinguished printer and writer, who argued that the issue was not the Arabic script itself but rather inadequate methods of type production (Ertem, 1999). The controversy shows that debates over script reform oscillated between material and symbolic stakes; printers and intellectuals were not only addressing practical constraints but also negotiating questions of script authenticity and cultural legitimacy.

Figure 13 The First Page of ‘Divan-ı Şinasî’ by İbrahim Şinasî (Tasvir-i Efkâr Matbaası, 1870)

Source: The archive of TBMM (Turkish Parliament)

5

This type was originally inherited from another typographer, Hovhannes Mühendisyan. See: “Arab Asıllı Türk Harfleri,” İstanbul Ansiklopedisi, 929.

6 These books were called ‘Divan-ı Şinasi’, ‘Tercüme-i Manzûme’ and ‘Durûb-i Emsâl-i Osmaniye’. See: Ertem, Elifbeden Alfabeye, 116.

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In addition to simplification efforts, several attempts emerged to create entirely new alphabet systems derived from Arabic script specifically tailored for printing. These systems usually involved separating ligatures and adding new letters to represent Turkish-specific vowel sounds. Most of these attempts received little attention and faded quickly (Ertem, 1999).

Nonetheless, one system, Huruf-u Munfasıla (later known as Hatt-ı Cedid or New Writing), gained limited traction. Promoters of this system introduced separated letters and additional characters for vowels unique to Turkish, showcasing practical examples in their publications (Akçay, 2007). Unfortunately, World War I and political turmoil during the late Ottoman period prevented widespread adoption, including later experiments such as the Enverî script, which attempted to introduce a more systematic representation of Turkish vowel sounds.

Beyond typographic printing, lithography emerged as an alternative method within Ottoman publishing, arriving around 1831 and initially favored for its ability to reproduce manuscripts aesthetically with skilled calligraphers. Unlike European practices, Ottoman printers initially used lithography primarily for texts, shifting toward visuals only in the late 19th century.

Despite its early popularity, lithography was limited compared to typographic printing, accounting for roughly 2,000–2,500 books versus 35,000 printed typographically before the alphabet reform (Erdem, 2022). Lithography’s slow, labor-intensive, and error-prone processes restricted large-scale production. Additionally, the high-quality typographic metal types, notably those by Hovhannes Mühendisyan (1810–1891) from 1867 onward, further diminished lithography’s appeal. Thus, despite its initial potential, lithography could not resolve Arabic script’s structural printing challenges, reinforcing the necessity for a more efficient solution, ultimately provided by the shift to Latin typography.

Another major challenge within Arabic-script typography was the limited availability of type variations in terms of size, weight, and style. Unlike Latin script—which offered printers access to a broad typographic repertoire including bold, italic, condensed, and display styles—Arabic typefaces lacked the same level of diversity. Until the mid-nineteenth century, naskh was the dominant and often sole typeface in use, particularly for books. As Ottoman printing expanded to include periodicals and more complex publications, the demand for a broader range of typographic styles intensified. State-commissioned efforts, such as those by Bogos Arabyan (1742–1835) and Mühendisyan, introduced taʿliq-style metal types—marking a departure from traditional naskh—but these developments were slow and limited in reach (Teotig and İncidüzen, 2012).

Further contributions came from Kevorkyan, who later introduced ruqʿah and kufic styles in metal form, providing more options for headline display in newspapers. These innovations helped reduce printers’ reliance on costly lithographic plates for large headers, which had previously been used due to the lack of typographic alternatives (Ahmed Rasim, 1924).

Nevertheless, many publishers remained critical of the insufficient development of Arabic type design. Commentators like Ahmet Cevdet [Oran] (1862–1935) emphasized the continued lack of stylistic diversity and criticized the shortage of trained type designers. He lamented that even the few local artisans, such as Mehmed Efendi in Bâb-ı Âli, lacked the capacity to meet the growing typographic demands of a modernizing press. His critique extended to the

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infrastructure itself: while Latin-script nations benefitted from multiple specialized foundries, Ottoman printing relied on fragmented and underfunded initiatives (Oran, 1926a). Even though high-quality types were imported from countries like Germany, these imports did not resolve the deeper structural limitations caused by the lack of a domestic foundry network capable of producing and circulating a wide range of expressive Arabic types. Ahmet Cevdet also reflected on efforts to develop Arabic types with vowel markers, acknowledging their potential but expressing skepticism about the local capacity to execute such work (Oran, 1926b). His observation pointed not only to technical difficulties, but also to a broader lack of institutional support for type innovation in Arabic script. Rather than suggesting that the script itself was entirely unsuited to print, this critique highlighted how infrastructural and professional deficits limited the possibilities of improvement.

In addition to aesthetic and structural limitations, material durability posed another challenge.

Arabic types, with their complex and connected forms, wore out faster than Latin types, leading to more frequent replacements. While Latin metal types were reported to last as long as six years in European presses, Arabic types often required renewal within two years (Oran, 1926a).

This discrepancy increased the cost of printing and disrupted workflow, especially in an environment already dependent on foreign type imports. Frequent replacements not only burdened budgets but also constrained consistency in design and layout.

Spatial efficiency further complicated the typographic landscape. The inherent features of Arabic script—its connected strokes, looping forms, and absence of uppercase–lowercase distinctions—meant that more horizontal space was required for typeset text. This issue, widely noted by printers and editors, resulted in increased paper consumption and higher production costs. Ahmet Cevdet again, highlighted how the expanded horizontal spread of Arabic script limited publishers’ ability to manage layout efficiently, especially in newspapers where space was at a premium. The greater horizontal stretch not only increased paper consumption but also limited flexibility in arranging content on the page (Oran, 1926a). These layout constraints, combined with high production costs and the lack of typographic differentiation, rendered Arabic script less adaptable to the evolving visual and technical demands of modern mass publishing.

Printers and type-makers across the Arab provinces of the Ottoman Empire were equally aware of the mechanical limitations of Arabic typesetting, including the instability of metal sorts, the aesthetic shortcomings of early Arabic fonts, and the difficulty of achieving legible proportions in movable type. Nemeth offers a detailed account of these challenges, noting repeated nineteenth-century efforts in Beirut, Cairo, and beyond to refine letterform aesthetics and improve technical execution while staying within the structural logic of Arabic script rather than abandoning it (Nemeth, 2017). Comparable discussions appear in recent scholarship on the Islamic written tradition, where nineteenth- and early twentieth-century print culture in the Arab provinces is characterized not by demands for alphabet change but by innovations in calligraphic adaptation, typographic refinement, and expanding genres of print (Nemeth, 2022; Osborn, 2022; Conidi, Izadpanah, Yazıcıgil and Nemeth, 2023). In light of this broader context, whereas Arabic-script printing elsewhere prompted typographic innovation rather than script

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replacement, the Ottoman shift toward Latinization emerged from the intersection of typographic limitations with distinct political pressures, institutional constraints, and the specific cultural dynamics of Ottoman Turkish print culture.

Taken together, the lack of stylistic variety, the short lifespan of Arabic metal types, and the spatial inefficiencies of the script contributed to a typographic environment marked by practical challenges. While these limitations did not make script reform inevitable, they formed a persistent part of the material conditions in which the reform was later conceptualized and enacted. Rather than functioning as a direct cause, the typographic constraints of the Arabic script informed the broader discourse surrounding language modernization and provided concrete grounds on which reformist arguments could be formulated. In summary, these constraints delineated the material conditions under which the transition to Latin script could be imagined and ultimately executed.

Structural Challenges in Ottoman Printing The late Ottoman Empire's printing industry operated under significant structural constraints, shaped primarily by two critical issues: heavy reliance on imported printing materials and extensive state supervision over type production. Throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Ottoman printers were heavily dependent on imported materials, which limited the growth of domestic technological innovation. Scholars widely acknowledge that Ottoman manufacturing experienced decline following increased importation of European manufactured goods (Pamuk, 2010). Provisionist economic policies contributed significantly to this situation; exports were actively discouraged through prohibitions, quotas, and taxes, while imports were promoted and facilitated (Quataert, 2005). Consequently, a wide array of printing supplies—including presses, printing tools, paper, inks, and metal types—were predominantly imported from Europe (Devlet Arşivleri Başkanlığı, Osmanlı Arşivi [BOA], 1898a). Sabev (2006) highlights reliance on imports in the formation of early Ottoman printing.

Archival sources and printer memoirs extensively document this dependence.7 Initially, imports were primarily sourced from France and England, but following unsuccessful conflicts with Russia after 1876, the primary supplier shifted toward Germany, which provided types, printing equipment, paper (Tokgöz, 1993) and even specialized items like brass lines used in newspaper layouts (BOA, 1905a; BOA, 1906).8 Although metal type production existed domestically, it was limited mainly to Armenian and Hebrew scripts. After initial efforts of İbrahim Müteferrika (1674–1747) in Turkish printing, domestic Arabic-Turkish type production never fully flourished, and Latin types were similarly produced only in limited quantities (BOA, 1907). The vast majority of Latin types continued to be imported from 7

The memoir of a notable printer, Ahmet İhsan [Tokgöz](1868-1942), is a good source to keep track of Turkish printing journey from a personal point of view. See: Ahmet İhsan Tokgöz, Matbuat Hatıralarım (İstanbul: İletişim Yayıncılık, 1993). Also see the following state documents for the type imports from: Devlet Arşivleri Başkanlığı, Osmanlı Arşivi (BOA), HAT, Kutu No. 1425, Gömlek No. 58337 (23 S 1256 / 26 April 1840); and BOA, C.MF, Kutu No. 92, Gömlek No. 4600 (21 S 1213 / 4 August 1798).

8 For type and type material importation, see: BOA, İ.RSM, Kutu No. 31, Gömlek No. 1326 (03 Ca 1326 / 3 June 1908); BOA, DH.MKT, Kutu No. 1014, Gömlek No. 52 (08 Ş 1323 / 8 October 1905); BOA, DH.MKT, Kutu No. 560, Gömlek No. 27 (10 Ca 1320 / 15 August 1902).

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Germany, Italy, and France. Occasionally, archival records also document specialized imports of Arabic types and printing equipment, notably from Paris (April 29, 1899) and Chicago (August 15, 1893). Among the imported items regularly recorded were various scripts (Greek, Armenian, Bulgarian, Latin/French), imported by both state-run and independent private printing houses, including provincial (vilayet) presses.

Initially, foreign trade policies were relatively lenient in the early nineteenth century, allowing considerable importation. However, toward the late nineteenth century, regulations and customs controls for printing equipment and types became increasingly stringent. This tightening policy had significant implications for Arabic-Turkish typographic development, creating structural inefficiencies and paving the way for further centralization of type production under state authority.

Indeed, state supervision and monopolization emerged as another major structural constraint.

Although state oversight of printing activities began formally in 1857, regulation of type production became systematically implemented from 1888 onward (Tokgöz 1993). Under this regulation, individuals seeking to establish new printing houses or type foundries, manufacture printing equipment, or produce metal types were required to obtain official permission.

Additionally, state officials were authorized to conduct unannounced inspections of printing facilities. Printing houses and type foundries were also obligated to provide samples of their types or equipment whenever requested by the Press Administration of the State (Matbuat İdaresi) for inspection purposes (Tokgöz, 1993). Regulations imposed in 1897 and 1898 intensified state control, expanding official authority to punitive measures. According to archival evidence and contemporaneous accounts, Turkish type production gradually became a state monopoly. This trend was clearly exemplified by the integration of type production into the state-controlled Fine Arts Academy (Mekteb-i Sanayi). Existing private type foundries9 were forcibly closed, and prominent typographers, along with their equipment, were absorbed into state institutions or reassigned elsewhere within the government, as illustrated by the case of the noted typographer Kevorkyan (BOA, 1898b).

Prominent Ottoman printer Ahmet İhsan Tokgöz (1868–1942) describes the impact of these policies explicitly: İstanbul previously had only three or four private type foundries, all of which were relocated to Mekteb-i Sanayi. Printers requiring new metal types needed official permission, and type production was undertaken exclusively by the academy’s foundries. This bureaucratic process even applied to types imported from Europe (Tokgöz, 1993).

Interestingly, this stringent regulation initially applied only to Turkish printers, while foreignowned printing houses operated under fewer restrictions until further regulations in 1895 aimed at curbing anti-state propaganda expanded oversight to foreign printers as well. This uneven application of authority indicates that the typographic domain is not merely technical but also a regulatory field in which surveillance and power operate.

9 It is worth reminding that there were no big type foundries or factories. The production of type was in the form of individual enterprise rather than mass production.

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Under state control, type and typesetting machine production became centrally managed, and distribution was strictly according to official demands. Requests for both imported and domestic types were closely regulated, and any unauthorized production, export, or distribution of Turkish types was prohibited (BOA 1897a, 1897b). Even type sales within Ottoman borders required formal approval, and old or worn types from state printing houses were systematically repurchased and recycled into new types at the state-operated foundry within Mekteb-i Sanayi.

Imports from Europe intended for use in state printing houses were also routinely subjected to inspection and control (BOA, 1906).

Ultimately, this centralized and monopolized structure prevented the emergence of a competitive market, which might have otherwise facilitated innovation and improvement in Arabic-script printing. Although the post-Hamidian era briefly witnessed increased activity in printing and type production, major disruptions caused by the Balkan Wars, World War I, and the Turkish War of Independence prevented any substantial resolution of the existing typographic and mechanical difficulties. Thus, Arabic-script printing remained embedded in structural constraints throughout the final decades of the Empire, forming an essential part of the typographic conditions in which later script changes occurred. Such conditions created a constrained field of possibility within which reform became thinkable, framing the Alphabet Reform not as a sudden rupture but as the outcome of long-standing structural limitations.

Read alongside the material evidence presented earlier, the following discussion situates the 1928 reform at the intersection of typographic constraint and cultural re-signification. The Turkish Alphabet Reform of 1928 has long been interpreted as a turning point not only in linguistic history but also in the political and cultural reorientation of the Republic.

Political and Cultural Dimensions of Script Reform The Turkish Alphabet Reform of 1928 must be understood not only as a pedagogical or linguistic intervention but also as a cultural and political project. While nineteenth-century Ottoman intellectuals framed script reform mainly in terms of literacy and accessibility, the Republican reformers positioned the Arabic script as a symbol of the Ottoman-Islamic legacy and thus as an obstacle to modernization. Mustafa Kemal Atatürk articulated this view directly, arguing that the right-to-left orientation of the Arabic script stood in opposition to the direction of European civilization and embodied what he called an “Oriental mentality” (Wortham, 1930). Reform was therefore imagined as an act of symbolic realignment—severing ties with the empire’s traditions while visually inscribing a new cultural geography toward the West.

Such cultural framing resonated widely among Republican elites. Journalist Falih Rıfkı Atay, for instance, recalled feeling ashamed when foreigners observed him writing in Arabic script, likening the experience to wearing obsolete Ottoman garments such as the fez or shalwar (Acar, 2011). For Atay and many of his contemporaries, script was not a neutral medium but a visible marker of civilization, an index of modern identity. This symbolic dimension complemented the technical discourse of efficiency: the Latin alphabet was presented as rational, phonetic, and inherently easier to learn, while Arabic typography was criticized for its inefficiencies and burdens.

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Placed alongside the typographic and infrastructural constraints discussed earlier, these reflections reveal the reform’s hybrid nature. On the one hand, the transition addressed material frustrations—labor-intensive typesetting, fragile metal types, limited stylistic variety, and bureaucratic monopolization of type production. On the other, it enacted a cultural project of re-signification: adopting Latin typography encoded associations of modernity, rationality, and Western belonging into the very shapes of letters.

The late Ottoman public sphere had already been marked by hybrid practices—bilingual newspapers combining Arabic and Latin scripts, telegraph communications transliterating Turkish into Latin letters, and urban signage juxtaposing Ottoman Turkish with French. These forms simultaneously familiarized readers with Latin script and underscored the ambivalence of Ottoman identity at the intersection of Islamic heritage and European modernity. The 1928 reform can therefore be seen less as an abrupt rupture than as the state’s attempt to resolve this hybridity by officially privileging the Latin script over the Arabic script.

State power also played a decisive role. The Ottoman regime had long centralized and regulated type production, absorbing private foundries into state institutions and imposing strict controls over imports. This system exemplifies how typography functioned as a political technology: by dictating which scripts and types could circulate, the state effectively shaped what could be read, imagined, and disseminated. The alphabet reform extended this logic, legislating the exclusive use of Latin letters and transforming typography into a mechanism of regulated visibility and public legibility within the modernizing state.

Conclusion The Turkish Alphabet Reform of 1928 was not merely a political or linguistic initiative but must also be understood within the broader historical context shaped by Ottoman typographic practices. While much previous scholarship has emphasized ideological motivations, this study has highlighted how material and infrastructural conditions inherited from the late Ottoman period created the structural conditions that made the reform feasible. Mechanical limitations associated with Arabic-script printing, compounded by bureaucratic controls and state monopolization of type production, created structural barriers that impacted literacy and obstructed the development of modern publishing.

At the same time, the widespread circulation of Latin script within multilingual print culture created favorable material and visual conditions for the transition. By the early twentieth century, Latin letters were visible across trade publications, bilingual periodicals, telegraph communications, urban signage, financial instruments, and educational materials. This bilingual visual environment extended into the reform period itself. During the first months of the 1928 transition, many newspapers printed headlines or short columns in both scripts, helping readers adjust to the new alphabet. This familiarity—together with the availability of Latin metal types—enabled a remarkably swift adaptation during the four-month implementation period after the reform’s announcement.

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Arabic-script printing, by contrast, posed persistent technical challenges due to its cursive nature, extensive ligatures, and large number of contextual letterforms. These features produced labor-intensive workflows, higher costs, and design constraints. Archival evidencse indicates that state monopolization of type production and restrictions on imports intensified these inefficiencies. Yet when set against the efficiency and international currency of Latin typography, such constraints expanded the range of options available to reformers.

Rather than interpreting the Alphabet Reform as an inevitable outcome, this study situates it as a historically contingent response to both typographic limitations and cultural aspirations. The absence of a deeply rooted, standardized Arabic-script printing tradition, combined with dependence on imported resources, rendered the adoption of Latin script comparatively less disruptive. At the same time, reformers framed the alphabet not simply as a technical solution but as a symbolic project aligning Turkey with European modernity and reconstituting national identity. Ultimately, the reform brought together material print infrastructures and prevailing cultural visions of modern Turkey. Typography functioned simultaneously as a constraint and an opportunity—revealing the inefficiencies of Arabic typesetting while embodying the promise of modern rationality and international belonging.

In addition to reassessing the material foundations of the Alphabet Reform, this study also offers several points that may benefit future scholarship in typography and print history. First, the reform’s reliance on pre-existing typographic infrastructures suggests that alphabet change can be better understood by examining how technical systems shape political decisions—not only the other way around. Second, the findings encourage closer attention to the everyday sites where typographic change unfolded, including shop signs, school materials, provincial print shops, and municipal signage. These micro-contexts remain largely understudied yet hold significant potential for understanding how reforms were unevenly enacted and negotiated by ordinary readers and printers. Third, situating the Turkish case alongside other early twentiethcentury language reforms may help clarify what was unique to Ottoman-Turkish print culture and what reflected broader global patterns of technological adaptation and state-driven modernization.

By foregrounding these material and visual dimensions, the study underscores how typography shaped—and was shaped by—the political, social, and cultural transformations of the early Republic. Far from being merely a technical change, the alphabet reform emerges as a point where print infrastructure, everyday reading practices, and national identity intersected, offering fertile ground for further interdisciplinary research.

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Kocabaşoğlu, U. (1981–1982). 1919–1938 dönemi basınına toplu bir bakış. Yıllık 1981: Ankara Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi Basın Yayın Yüksekokulu Dergisi, 95– 127.

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Rüstemli, N. (2016). MF Ahundzade’nin Arap Alfabesinin Islahıyla İlgili Yeni Alfabe Layihâsı. Dinbilimleri Journal, 16(3).

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Yazıcıgil, O. F. (2022). Osmanlı matbuatının sekiz punto nesih yazı karakteri ve Türk hurufat yapımcısı Mehmed Emin Efendi. Sanat Tarihi Yıllığı, 31, 567–602. https://doi.org/10.26650/sty.2022.1066671 Yosmaoğlu, İ. K. (2003). Chasing the printed word: Press censorship in the Ottoman Empire, 1876–1913. The Turkish Studies Association Journal, 27(1–2), 15–49. http://www.jstor.org/stable/43383672 Zürcher, E. J. (2004). Turkey: A modern history (3rd ed.). I.B. Tauris.

Corresponding author: Dilek Nur Ünsür Email: dnunsur@gmail.com

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Becoming Tribal (Part II): Ecuadorian Indigenism—A Vibrant Analysis Miguel A. Orosa Pontificia Universidad Católica del Ecuador Ibarra, Ecuador José M. Ramírez Yachay Tech University & School of Physical Sciences and Nanotechnology, Ecuador

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Abstract This research will assay indigenous-inspired practices in Ecuador in the context of contemporary events, as seen through the prism of these performances. The objective and methodology are to analyse these Andean practices from contemporary, ontologically worldcommitted angles, replacing the old myth-based approach. Set within the context of 21stcentury scientific and philosophical thought, this objective focuses specifically on the search for a material event that is co-vibrant with the world. Rather than a language or discourse, which is always subject to interpretation, reference is made to an assemblage (agential realism) that gives voice to the world (intra-action). The work's climax focuses on designing and creating a model within the framework of current thought/science capable of indissolubly capturing the indigenous world in all its dynamic variety. This structure services an analysis that resonates with the world; it does not address abstract concepts, but rather the relationships between “objects” (material and discursive agents). It definitively decentres the subject and precludes any possibility of anthropological intoxication in terms of perspectivism. This situation gives rise to the research question and problem analysis of whether it will be possible to embrace or capture indigenism within a framework that is neither abstract nor subjective. If so, how can this be achieved, and what kind of model should be developed to give the Andean world a voice and enable it to express its unique characteristics? Addressing this knowledge gap is of the utmost and final relevance. Conducting the analysis will therefore deliver a vibrant outcome.

Keywords: indigenism in Ecuador, indigenous performance, Latin American/Ecuadorian performance, mathematical Andean/Indigenous modelling, performative indigenous culture posthuman/Badiouian event

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In 1959, the philosopher Martin Heidegger (1971a) published a collection of essays entitled ‘On the Way to Language’. Therein, he argues that being manifests itself through language, and that speech is not merely a means of communication or a human act, but rather an event through which being is revealed. Silence enables one to open up to what language conceals.

This is the approach to be taken in this essay: the quest for world sound, its energy, and its material agency.

In the first part of this essay (IJCS 10.1), it was stated that the present text, the one before us, would examine Andean cultural expressions in this equatorial country (Orosa et al., 2025). It was also indicated that, if these assemblages reveal hidden dimensions of Andean culture, the approach should be understood as a philosophical-artistic perspective on reality rather than a legendary or mythical one.

By “assemblage”, one should understand the dynamic interplay of different elements that come together to function as a whole. These diverse aspects may be human or non-human, material or immaterial—all kinds of disparate unions. The term has its roots in the work of Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari (1983, 1987) and is gaining ground in the field of new materialism.

In this latter movement, the role of matter is not passive. It is active in the shaping of realities (Barad, 2007); that is why we speak of a material event that ultimately produces transformative effects. Both concepts—assemblages and material events—speak of a world and matter that possess the capacity for action and exist independently of a subject's identitarian perception.

In fact, this search is not so much about a “language” capable of expressing a cognitive message – thoughts or actions mediated by a subject—as it is about a material agency beyond interpretation or subjective discourse. It is a means of giving the world a voice, letting it express itself and listening to its vibrations (Bennett, 2010) without the interruption, or intoxication, as it were, of the human sense of time and reason, or the need for an identity.

This inquiry aims to single out specific traits that may finally be translated in a “model form” to suit the Andean practices, a dynamic world under study. The process must satisfy today's scientific standards and highlight resonances aligning with Andean expressions in this equinoctial country.

In attempting to uncover, so to speak, a specific “language” of the world, contemporary thought emphasises the operative relation between conceptual frameworks and the realities they articulate, between nature and culture, between systemic organisation and computational modelling, and between subjectivity and the world of appearances. In this sense, Alain Badiou’s (1988) distinction between the One and the multiple, Bertalanffy’s (1968) general systems theory, and Heidegger’s (1962) analyses of worldhood and disclosure all illustrate, in different ways, how thought and world are intertwined without reducing this relation to representation or semantic correspondence.

Ezcurdia Corona (2016) provides a very significant explanation in this regard, which is echoed

by Orosa et al. (2025) in Becoming Tribal:

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The significant Deleuzian “intuition”, whose inspiration, structure and method are followed, is not a mere cognitive function – as Ezcurdia (2016) points out – but an ontology irreparably conjoined with life. That is, indigenous expressions and the reflections that result from them are two inextricably linked sides of the same coin. The transit or passage from living matter to consciousness, that is, the shift from the unconscious to the conscious – which is the content of intuition – would be precisely where matter would come to "satisfy its form" as becoming, as difference, according to Ezcurdia (2016) (exactly where the return – of becoming – transpires as an event). For Deleuze, matter is a constant process of variation, not a passivity: and knowledge is certified by “reality”, while reality is corroborated by knowledge.

In Being and Event (2005) and Logics of Worlds (2009), Alain Badiou describes being as pure multiplicity and the world as the structured presentation of this multiplicity. Reality is therefore not a unified substance but the way multiple elements appear and hold together within a given situation.

Within this framework, intelligence does not decode a pre-given meaning of the world. Instead, it becomes active when an event breaks with established structures and opens the path to a new truth. Subjectivity arises through revolutionary fidelity to this event.

For Badiou, the “language” of the world is not a semantic code or a hidden message waiting to be interpreted. Rather, it refers to the patterns through which multiplicities appear and become intelligible within a world. These patterns are the concrete arrangements of relations, intensities, and degrees of visibility that make certain elements stand out and others recede. In a classroom, the pattern includes roles (teacher and students), objects (desks, books, screens), and rules of interaction; in a performance, it includes bodies in motion, light, sound, and audience attention; in a storage room, it consists of shelves, boxes, and inventory order; in a library, cataloguing structures and spatial organisation guide what becomes accessible; and in a bonfire of forbidden books, the very act of destruction, the flames, and the gathering around the fire establish a radically different mode of appearance. Each of these worlds presents multiplicities differently, giving rise to distinct configurations of relevance, visibility, and sense. The “language” of the world consists in these patterns themselves—as ways in which things appear and relate—not in meanings hidden behind them. Intelligence responds to such patterns, and a truth-event reconfigures the relation between thinking and appearing precisely by altering these patterns: it changes what can appear, what becomes visible or sayable, and how the world organises its multiplicities, without appealing to any concealed semantic code.

Effective interactions between different elements are central to the search for a “language” of the world. Each element appears within its own context but is also linked to others, forming material assemblages that shape how reality unfolds. This interplay—how things relate, influence one another, and take form together—will be essential for developing the model of “language” sought here, especially when thinking about indigenous practices, artistic processes, or singular events.

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In other words, what might be called the creation or emergence of truths does not arise from a single, isolated environment, but from a constellation of different relationships: for example, the way a ritual object interacts with a landscape, how performers respond to light and sound on a stage, or how tools, bodies, and movements combine during communal work. Truths take shape through these overlapping relations rather than through any one dominant source.

Conversely, in Badiou’s philosophy, the concept is not a mental representation that exists outside the world. Instead, it is a structured set of elements, a formal construction that is expressed within a specific order of presentation. This means that a concept is not an essence or a Platonic idea, but a combination of elements that arise in a given situation. These elements are formalised through internal relationships and subject to the logic of the situation in question.

A concept in Badiou’s philosophy is never external to the situation in which it appears; it is entirely immanent to the structure and logic of that situation. It does not stand outside the world as a separate mental representation or transcendent form. Instead, a concept is a formal construction whose elements arise within a given situation and whose internal relations are determined by that situation’s own logic of presentation. In this sense, a concept is inseparable from the world in which it is produced and can only be understood through the relational structure that makes it appear.

In his 2009 text, Logics of Worlds: Being and Event II, Badiou further explores the vital question of how reality should be understood dynamically as a field of appearances and relations, an issue central to the search for a world language addressed in this text. This French author, along with other contemporary scientists and thinkers, contributes to shifting attention away from a human-centred or purely anthropological perspective, toward an understanding of reality as a relational and dynamic configuration rather than a fixed, given order.

In the realm of speculative realism, Meillassoux (2008) and Harman (2018) argue for the independence and vitality of the real, challenging the limits of a subjective standpoint. Barad (2007) and Bennett (2010), in the context of new materialism, defend an active, vibrant, relational, and performative conception of matter endowed with its own agency. Meanwhile, post-humanist thinkers such as Braidotti (2013) and Hayles (1999) question the metaphysical status of the human subject, rejecting the idea of a pure, self-contained identity and situating the human within broader planetary networks of relation. Ultimately, these contemporary approaches are crucial for articulating a “language”—a material agency, a Word of the world— that can sustain a science-based model consistent with the analysis previously outlined.

All these currents—philosophical and scientific alike—that seek to move beyond postmodern thinking converge around certain shared features. Their intellectual impact provides a conceptual framework for this research and supports the effort to identify the “material agency” or “language” of the world necessary for constructing a coherent scientific model.

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Posthumanism considers the anthropological viewpoint to be merely one of many systems, alongside inanimate objects, wild animals and natural phenomena. The term “subject open to becoming among other bodies” was coined by Braidotti (2013), while Cary Wolfe focuses on what he terms the 'shared vulnerability of humans and non-humans'.

Jane Bennett (2010), in the context of new materialism, describes matter as having “its own vitality”, while Karen Barad (2007) discusses “intra-actions” or dynamic relationships, between components that are both human and non-human, or ideas and materials that do not pre-exist separately. These relationships engender interconnections such that agency is shared among them. Matter and meaning formed in these interactions would be inextricably linked.

Vibration would be a manifestation of the world's material vitality, independent of human perspective.

In this context, the world expresses itself through material events, vibrations, and the resonant activity of things. Such processes constitute a mode of self-expression that operates independently of human categories and should therefore be considered when reflecting on how the world manifests itself. A subjectivity attuned to these material resonances would participate in them without imposing fixed identities or anthropological perspectives—that is, without forcing the world’s expressions into human-centred interpretive frameworks.

Adopting a less identity-bound stance thus entails weakening rigid conceptions of the self and embracing more open, relational subjectivities—those formed dynamically through interaction with other beings, forces, and materials. Within this framework, the present enquiry remains demanding but intellectually viable, insofar as it seeks to articulate this attunement to the world’s material modes of expression.

Meillassoux (2008) rejects the principle of correlation, understood as the claim that reality can only be known through the relationship between thought and being (subject and object).

Although decisively formulated by Kant (2007), this principle characterises much of postKantian philosophy and implies that knowledge is limited to what affects human consciousness. Meillassoux argues instead that there are realities that exist independently of any subject.

In the context of contemporary phenomenology, Anthony Steinbock (2007) and Andrea Staiti (2014) join the campaign against correlationism, whether through experiences such as the ‘sacred’ or through non-human and relational dimensions. In other words, they advocate a less anthropocentric phenomenology.

Notable postmodern philosophers such as Jacques Derrida, Michel Foucault or Jean-François Lyotard have emphasised the value of local narratives and the experiences of those excluded by dominant discourses, such as minorities, women and subaltern groups. Nevertheless, Homi K. Bhabha (1994), from a postcolonial point of view, highlights a shortcoming in the postmodern approach: while it may theoretically champion diversity and marginalised voices, when implemented, postmodernity can exhibit an “arrogant” inclination to prioritise a largely

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Western framework, overlooking or inadequately dealing with the particularities of postcolonial scenarios. According to Bhabha, postmodernity often fails to fully integrate the lived experiences of colonised peoples, women, minorities of any kind, and non-normative gender identities because its analyses remain anchored in an epistemological framework that, although critical, is still ethnocentric. The author suggests that, in celebrating the disappearance of metanarratives, postmodernity does not always recognise the “enunciative limits” of its own discourse; that is to say, how its approach may continue to exclude or not give sufficient weight to dissident voices from postcolonial or marginalised contexts.

Overall, this is the logic that underlies the modelling process being developed here. Alain Badiou’s philosophy shows that different truths—political, scientific, artistic or amorous—can coexist without losing their singularity, because each truth unfolds within its own world and yet remains compossible with others (Badiou, 2009). Philosophy functions as a bridge that makes these resonances perceptible without forcing them into a single unified system.

Following this orientation, the present inquiry seeks to construct a model capable of giving voice to indigenous expressions, which constitute the central focus of this study.

Methodology As mentioned in Part I (Orosa et al., 2025), the purpose of this essay is not to discover, prove or reveal any kind of Truth. Nor is it an effort to assert anything within the framework of “rigorous science” (Husserl, 1965). Rather, it explores indigenous experiences in the same way that a sound, gesture or a glance can move, evoking the French word 'frémir', whereby the world speaks for itself and one listens without giving in to the temptation to verify the idea that crosses the mind and body when something is glimpsed. This neither involves the subject's feelings, which is merely “part” of the experience, nor exerts pressure on the object, which has its own distinct style. Simply, it's a search for sounds and speech around the world, while ensuring the subject area is as non-toxic as possible.

In Logics of Worlds (2009), Badiou employs the term “compossibility” to describe how diverse elements—such as truths arising from politics, art, science or love—can be articulated or related to one another without losing their uniqueness or merging into a totalising unity. The aim is not to reduce everything to a single essence or substance. In Badiou's philosophy, “the One” is not an absolute entity that encompasses everything, but rather a temporal or relational framework that enables different truths (or events) to coexist in a specific context without cancelling out their diversity. Each world (political, artistic, and so on) has its own logic, but events in these worlds can resonate with each other because they share a logic of novelty—that is, the ability to generate something new. Events (such as a political revolution or a disruptive work of art) are unique to their own world, yet they can connect with other worlds, or “resonate”, without forming a higher unity. According to Badiou, philosophy has the role of capturing these connections and articulating them. This is the “logic and meaning” behind the modelling process that we are trying to design.

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The linguistic turn arose in the 20th century along with the idea that philosophy—truth, knowledge and so on—is a problem directly linked to language. Wittgenstein (1961) argued that the structure of language reflects that of reality while, in his Philosophical Investigations (2009), he drew attention to language in practical contexts. This turn entails a shift from the search for absolute foundations characteristic of metaphysics to the study of language, linguistic practices, and their corresponding norms.

Richard Rorty (1979) argued that many traditional philosophical problems come from misunderstandings about language, and this idea is central to the linguistic turn, which shifts philosophy’s focus from searching for absolute truths to studying how language shapes our understanding of reality. For Rorty, different discourses are simply ways communities use language to describe the world, and none perfectly mirrors reality; instead, they are practical tools that help us communicate and solve problems.

Indeterminacy of language (Quine, 1960) is a consequence of the linguistic turn. If language is the context of knowledge and is relative to a variable system of beliefs, then there can be no absolute meanings or definitive translations.

For this very reason, the aim of this essay is to design a “language” that does not depend on human interpretations (which are as non-toxic as possible) but rather captures the selfexpression of the world as it perceives itself. This would be a non-discursive “language,” that is, one that is not based on linear narratives (the chronological time of the subject), but rather on resonances and emerging relationships. Furthermore, such a “language” would not be anthropological, that is, non-human objects would have their own agency, and, consequently, it would be decolonizing, adhering to indigenous ontologies. We will develop this topic in the theoretical framework.

Ultimately, it is a matter of being guided by 'transcendental empiricism', as Deleuze (1994) would phrase it. This approach focuses on the unique conditions of experience, which are not fixed or universal, but dynamic and related to multiplicity. Rather than being abstract structures, these conditions arise from specific, material and vital processes that generate novelty. In this sense, “the new” refers to the emergence of differences, singularities and events that are not predetermined by universal rules but occur within a field of virtualities that are realised in unique ways.

In other words, “the new” arises when these virtualities are actualised in unpredictable ways, breaking with mechanical repetitions or fixed structures.

What has been outlined in this section is unlikely to surprise anyone in the twenty-first century.

The methods inherited from modernity—still metaphysical and focused on the search for a foundation, often tied to the idea of a self that reduces the world to what it can grasp—remain, quite strikingly, present in certain contemporary scientific approaches. The aspiration to construct abstract models, conceived as theoretical frameworks made up of variables detached from concrete life, and to validate them as if they offered a final objective truth during the

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discussion and results stage, reflects a way of thinking that has already been questioned and surpassed by postmodernity and by many contemporary philosophical currents.

In a certain sense, philosophies of representation are abstract, and the epistemic methods associated with them have been subjected to extensive critique. Descartes (1641/1985) assumed that representation was identical with the world and thereby formulated a rationalist and substantialist discourse grounded in reason, but also in self-deception (Habermas, 1971; Heidegger, 1971a, 1971b; Horkheimer & Adorno, 2002). Heidegger argues that prior to representation one already inhabits a world: one cannot focus on what is clear and distinct while disregarding the lived environment. The Frankfurt School, for its part, points to the ultimate contradictions of reason and of the systems it produces, along with the “monsters” they generate, which in no way coincide with reality.

Husserl (2001) also stresses that, within modern theses, one does not truly possess knowledge of what one claims to know, because representation arises from sensation, and sensation cannot present the object in its entirety, since there are always more sides than those given in sensory appearance. Representation, as the founder of phenomenology argues, cannot serve as the core of truth without memory. The critique of representation is, therefore, a critique of the limits of reason, which makes use of everyday structures such as memory while pretending to be abstract, even though it is always embedded in concrete situations. In the end, one is confronted with the contradiction inherent in the modern idea of purity. There is a longstanding forgetfulness of corporeality: the body has been excluded from any rational sphere as a presumed source of error (Deleuze, 1990, 1994a). In the final analysis, representation leads to nihilism—or is itself a form of nihilism—because it empties the world of content. It does not require any worldly correlate, since it has already constructed a prior idea of that portion of the world from which it has experiences and which it claims to know.

Given these considerations, methods grounded in the construction of abstract and static theoretical models are not regarded as appropriate for analyzing indigenous expressions in Ecuador. In the first part of the study (Orosa et al., 2025), a performative givenness was articulated in favour of Ecuadorian indigenismo through a line of flight (Deleuze & Guattari, 1987), which made it possible to move Andean thought beyond the museum of ancestral knowledge. Bringing native and original cultures into the sphere of contemporary discussion was the aim of the initial stage of the project. The objective and research questions of this second part are to develop a nomadic, dynamic, agential, material, and posthumanist model in which the subject appears decentred and weakened in its position before the world; that is, to approach Andean thought in Ecuador from its own energy and vibration (Bennett, 2010), and ultimately, insofar as possible, to grant it the word.

The concept of the event in contemporary philosophy (Badiou, 2005, 2009; Deleuze, 1990, 1994b) constitutes the strongest critique of representation within the metaphysical tradition and of the notion of truth as the search for an original foundation. For this reason, the method of this essay is oriented in that direction, replacing the presence of a “methodical reason” with a “sense” of the event understood as a contingent orientation not based on a rational principle

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but on an “affective” one; that is, as shifts in forces or energy that transform ways of living and acting. This constitutes another driving principle of the method that informs the present study.

Contemporary philosophy and cultural studies maintain a reciprocal and constitutive relationship. Philosophy provides the conceptual frameworks—such as power, representation, identity, materiality, and agency—that make the analysis of cultural practices possible, while cultural studies translate and transform these philosophical categories through the examination of concrete phenomena, including media, performance, technologies, and everyday life.

Rooted in critical traditions ranging from Marx and Gramsci to Foucault, Deleuze, and feminist and postcolonial theory, cultural studies can be understood as a form of applied philosophy that interrogates how meaning, experience, and power are produced within specific historical contexts. At the same time, contemporary philosophy increasingly draws on cultural processes themselves, allowing both fields to evolve jointly in response to the complexities of the contemporary world.

Literature Review This essay examines the search for a world language independent of human dominance within the contemporary philosophical landscape. Recent movements such as new materialism, posthumanism, speculative realism, and related approaches share a concern with decentralising the human and recognising non-human entities—matter, animals, technologies—as active agents. They highlight dynamic, relational processes that move beyond traditional binaries such as nature/culture and increasingly intersect with disciplines like science, art, and ecology to address current issues, including the ethical implications of artificial intelligence and the ecological crisis.

Despite their contributions, these movements present important limitations. Posthumanism, for instance, sometimes risks equating humans, objects, and technologies in ways that obscure human moral responsibility and overlook structural inequalities, such as global disparities or the excesses of capitalism. Speculative realism, while criticising anthropocentrism, often remains theoretically fragmented and does not always engage deeply with the traditions it seeks to surpass. Certain strands of twenty-first-century phenomenology, for their part, continue to revisit earlier debates without sufficiently addressing urgent contemporary problems such as AI governance or climate change. These limitations suggest that, although these movements offer valuable insights, their practical and ethical implications remain uneven and require further development.

Theoretical Framework A Concise Introduction to Margins and Compossibility This essay re-evaluates the hierarchies embedded in Western metaphysics, which enshrine a “centre” of absolute truth while relegating difference to the margins. These margins, as highlighted by Heidegger (1962) and Nietzsche (2006), are not mere sites of exclusion but have

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historically justified extreme violence, including exterminations, by dehumanizing those who deviate from the dominant order. In the context of indigeneity, indigenous peoples embody these margins, displaced by coloniality and Eurocentric rationality that labels them “inferior” or “primitive.” This marginalization has led to the suppression of their epistemologies and lifeways, alongside genocides and territorial dispossession. Heidegger’s critique of metaphysical being and Nietzsche’s rejection of moral hierarchies suggest that dismantling these structures could open space for embracing the plurality of Indigenous worldviews, challenging the exclusionary logic of Western thought.

While neither Heidegger nor Nietzsche directly addresses indigeneity, their works provide analytical tools for understanding how Western metaphysical and moral hierarchies have marginalized indigenous peoples. Heidegger’s questioning of ontological foundations implies that Indigenous worldviews, characterized by a non-instrumental relationship with nature, could serve as a counterpoint to Western technical domination. Similarly, Nietzsche’s rejection of moral hierarchies invites a reevaluation of the devaluation of Indigenous cultures as “primitive.” These exclusions, as noted earlier, have historically legitimized extreme violence, such as colonial exterminations, by consigning indigenous peoples to the periphery of the dominant system.

In Badiou’s (2005) philosophical framework, the concept of compossibility serves as a mechanism for establishing relational connections among material assemblages that exist beyond the traditional boundaries of philosophical inquiry. This approach makes it possible to move beyond the hierarchical, foundational, and dualistic ways of thinking typical of Western metaphysics. Compossibility, understood as the dynamic interplay and relational behaviour among multiplicities, facilitates the emergence of a novel event, which Badiou posits as a rupture or transformative moment within the structure of being. These effective interactions among elements that might otherwise appear disconnected, as noted earlier, make possible the construction of a dynamic, pluralistic, non-hierarchical, and non-abstract conceptual model.

Such a model not only supports the self-expression of indigenous worldviews, allowing them to articulate their unique epistemologies and ontologies, but also provides a robust framework for analysing Andean-inspired cultural and philosophical expressions, as referenced in Part I of this essay (Orosa et al., 2025).

Subjectivity, Linguistic Discourse, and Material Vibration-Agency For more than twenty-three centuries, Western metaphysics has privileged the subject, grounding knowledge in the correlation between thought and being, subject and object.

Postmodernity attempted to soften this dominance by repositioning the subject as one element within a broader field of existence. Yet the linguistic turn, with its focus on discourse and perspectivism, ended up reinforcing the centrality of the subject rather than reducing it. In response, several strands of 21st-century philosophy now seek to decentralise subjectivity, advocating a more open and less intrusive stance capable of engaging the world through its own material vibration and agency.

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The analytical model proposed here aligns with this shift. It is relational, dynamic, and selfexpressive, rejecting fixed essences in favour of forms shaped by their interactions with the manifold entities that constitute the world. This model is intended to resonate with the indigenous expressions introduced in Part I (Orosa et al., 2025), allowing the world to articulate itself through its material relations.

Within this framework, human subjectivity remains unavoidable, yet it is only one assemblage among many, not a privileged centre. Its interpretive tendencies—its “toxic” distortions— should be minimised to avoid imposing rigid identities or human narratives onto the world. A subjectivity that co-vibrates with material processes participates in events and resonances without dominating them, adopting a fluid, relational, and decentred form. Such a stance prioritises materiality over human categories and works alongside non-human agents, allowing the world’s patterns to emerge with minimal interference.

However, complete non-anthropocentric mediation is impossible. Even the idea of the world’s “vibration” as a language may be a human projection. While these strategies reduce anthropocentric influence, they cannot eliminate it entirely, since human interpretation remains integral to any philosophical account of the world.

The Kichwa Language and the Conceptual Genesis of Variables The variables in the vibrating-material-relational model presented below are designated in Kichwa, a Quechua language spoken primarily by Indigenous communities in Ecuador, southern Colombia, and northern Peru. As part of the broader Quechua language family—one of the most significant linguistic groups in the Andes—Kichwa includes several regional dialectal variations. Recognised as an official language in Ecuador, it plays a central role in cultural, educational, and communal life.

The conceptual foundations of each variable have been developed specifically for this model.

These constructs embody an innovative, dynamic, and relational perspective that resonates with leading philosophical currents of the twenty-first century. Like emerging green shoots, they point to a wider cultural and intellectual transformation, opening new avenues for philosophical and scientific inquiry in the years ahead.

First Variable: Muyuq Kawsaq samay (Cyclical Living Rhythm, Spinning living breath as rhythm) Cyclic temporal structures, intrinsic to Indigenous cultures, manifest non-linear temporalities through non-retrogradable rhythms—palindromic note patterns, identical forwards or backwards, as seen in Messiaen’s Quatuor pour la fin du temps (1941), symbolizing a seamless unity of past, present, and future. Grounded in vitalist cosmovisions and Daniel Charles’ acousmatic theory, which champions sound’s autonomy and plurivocal temporality— independent of human intent—, these structures are rooted in a framework that prioritizes sound’s intrinsic independence (Charles, 1984). Embracing the interplay of presence, absence,

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and silence, these structures emerge in syncopated eighth notes and quarter notes that echo jungle cycles. The subtle, insipid flow of time cultivates a decolonial, spiral notion of temporality where sound and silence work together to create an ever-changing, interconnected continuum.

Second Variable: Textu-Materialpa Kamachiy (Text-Material Agency) Assuming the text exists—and we are talking about an unwritten one—it vibrates with the materiality of language. This includes aspects such as phonetic rhythm and the layout of elements within an aesthetic space. The text is not tied to semantic intentions. Instead, material flows, such as the course of a river or the gentle murmur of the wind, are given the opportunity to find their own expressive voice. In short, “form” takes centre stage over meaning. As a material object, the text resonates with the world's rhythms, allowing them to flow through its formal structure.

Third variable: Muyukuy samay (Cyclical Choreographies) Ritual choreographic gestures refer to symbolic or recurring physical actions performed in tribal dances during celebratory festivals. These cultural performances embody cyclical patterns interwoven with spiritual, communal or natural worldviews, reflecting a vibrant interplay of difference and multiplicity.

Fourth variable: Uyariy tashkiy (Sound that varies) In this decolonial model for indigenous expressions, the independent variable is conceptualized as S: Uyariy tashkiy (or simply sonus, the sound is changing), a sonic flow that manifests not as a melody but as an event, something occurring vitally, without concepts, determinations, or fixed essences. It is multiplicity and difference in action. This sound takes a curved form where spiritual and material vibrations, the virtual and the actual (its concrete form), are folded together bringing a relational pulse to life, where intensity is pure energy, a flow of differences generating movement and vital force without abstraction.

The dependent variable, Sonus-Decolonization (SD), emerges from this independent flow: as S pulses, it liberates sonic expressions from colonial Eurocentric supremacies, reconfiguring narratives toward indigenous plenitude. The sonic event allows vibrations to transform colonial legacies into relational harmonies with Pacha. SD is the revolutionary becoming sparked by sonic difference, connecting virtual (ancestral spirits) to actual resistances (ritual cries). Thus, SD depends on the multiplicity of the event (sonus): as the path curves, it folds colonial structures, opening transcontinental dialogues where vibrant matter enacts political ecologies beyond anthropocentrism and supremacy.

We formally model this dependency as follows: Let S denote sonus and SD represent sonusdecolonization, the emergent process of dismantling colonial auditory hierarchies. This

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relationship is expressed through a differential equation inspired by Bertalanffy’s system dynamics: (1) where α is the amplification coefficient for non-Western vibrations (promoting resistance), so αS represents the “anabolic” or driving input from sound (S), β accounts for the dissipative effects of European supremacy (or whatever other homogenizing entity: C, such as orchestral harmonies enforcing order) so: βC is the “catabolic” or limiting feedback, and t denotes time in performative evolution.

Fifth Variable: Kawsaypa kamachiy-Pukyuk runa (Material agency. The subject in motion) In Karen Barad’s (2007) theory, agency extends beyond humans to encompass objects and matter, all of which actively shape and influence the world. Everything is interconnected, mutually affecting one another in a dynamic process of relationality. Rather than existing in isolation with fixed properties, humans, objects, and matter are co-constituted through their intra-actions. Jane Bennett (2010) underscores the active materiality of objects and environments, proposing an ontology where humans and non-humans engage in dynamic networks. Scholars like Graham Harman (2018) and Quentin Meillassoux (2008) emphasize the autonomy of objects beyond human perception, challenging anthropocentrism. Within posthumanism, Rosi Braidotti (2013) advocates for a non-subjective perspective that embraces humans, non-humans, and technologies in fluid relational networks. Similarly, Anthony Steinbock (1995) develops a generative phenomenology that explores meaning-making through intersubjectivity, framing subjectivity within historical, cultural, and relational contexts. This anthropological perspective rejects the notion of an isolated self, presenting subjectivity as a continuous movement of co-constitution, rooted in lived experience and perpetually transformed through its entanglements with others, the world, and temporal structures.

Sixth Variable: Pachamama kawsay kamachik llankay (The law and economy of Mother Earth's life) In Andean indigenous law, rules are not seen as an abstract code (civil or criminal) that divides people and punishes behaviour. Instead, they are considered a communal practice that organizes collective life in relation to Pachamama, cycles, and shared bonds. Rather than punishing, indigenous justice seeks to restore relationships among people, within the community, and with nature. Thus, the norm is realised in everyday life through activities such as the distribution of water, collective labour (minga), the redistribution of food according to natural economic laws, and the mediation of family conflicts.

This approach differs from Eurocentric patterns. While Western civil/criminal law is based on the concepts of individual property, contract and guilt, indigenous law is rooted in relationality,

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social economy and the vitality of the non-human. This perspective aligns with new materialism, which recognises agency as distributed among humans and non-humans, and with speculative realism, which acknowledges the existence of a world beyond human perception.

Additionally, it resonates with generative phenomenology, which demonstrates how communities generate living normativities from shared historical experiences.

Seventh Variable: Khantuta-ruray samay (Mystical or spiritual intimate act) Indigenous festivities in Ecuador – through dance, song, and collective embryo—enact a mysticism of the earth, where waters, mountains and ancestors participate in a shared vitality (De la Cadena, 2015). Sexuality, understood as life-force, is integrated with reciprocity and fertility in relation to Pachamama (Estermann, 2006), while incarnation manifests as the embeddedness of spirit within land and community (Walsh, 2012). These practices reveal a spiritual order that affirms relationality and the interdependence of humans and nonhumans. In dialogue with this horizon, Emmanuel Falque’s phenomenology explores how sexuality, mysticism, and incarnation are not isolated themes but interwoven dimensions of human finitude that open onto the divine (Falque, 2016, 2018). Sexuality functions as the site of vulnerability and fecundity, mysticism as the radical exposure of the self to transcendence, and incarnation as the grounding of all experience in corporeal existence (Falque, 2012). Thus, both indigenous cosmologies and Falque’s Christian phenomenology converge in affirming the body as a site of opening: to the divine, to the earth, and to a relational life beyond individual proprietorship.

Findings and Discussion All names or titles corresponding to the distinct sections of the results analysis for each variable are designated in Kichwa, accompanied by their respective translations into English.

Musical Outcome: Pacha Kutipak Rurushka (Cyclic Temporal Structures, Deed of the world's return) Ecuador’s Indigenous festivals—Inti Raymi's solstitial dances, Peguche's resonant San Pedro chants, Mama Negra's vibrant processions, Chimborazo's pulsating beats, and the ancestral rituals honouring the dead, among others—embody cyclic temporal structures through nonretrogradable rhythms, as previously mentioned. These sonic expressions weave a non-linear temporality where flutes and drums trace cosmic and jungle cycles, balancing presence and absence with equal ontological weight, as Charles’ acousmatic theory suggests (Charles, 1984).

Far from abstract, these rhythms enact a decolonial Kawsay—existence, vitality, and interconnectedness with nature and community—, binding human, earthen, and celestial agencies in a spiralling, non-subjective continuum of becoming.

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Potential Literary Outcome: Materialpa Kuyuy (Matter vibrates or shifts; it moves) The world’s vital matter vibrates through an unwritten text, its rhythms tracing the rivers, winds, and trembling earth of Ecuador’s living landscapes. This invisibilised text moves through indigenous-inspired festivities, accompanying chants and dances rather than taking the lead. “Form” acts as a co-creator, aligning words with the expressive pulse of Earth whilst binding human and non-human agencies in a continuum. In this context, it is not the text that shapes the world, but rather the world's resonance that breathes life back into the written word.

Dance-Ritual Outcome: Muyukuy tusuy (Spinning dance) Ritual choreographic gestures, as explored in our study, often trace cyclical or symmetrical patterns—steps woven into circular structures, spins, or collective formations that evoke the circularity of Indigenous time. These gestures resonate not only with nature but also with the performativity of difference within the context of the event. The body serves as a conduit for communion with nature, ancestors, or the sacred. Far from being merely aesthetic, these movements carry a distinctly ritualistic, narrative, and spiritual purpose. Take, for instance, the shaman’s bodily motions, which, accompanying song, pulse in harmony with the river’s flow or the sway of plants, weaving the environment’s voice into the dance.

During certain dances and actions, women's collective movements create a 'rhizome' of bonds with the landscape, songs or spectators. This gives rise to a community-in-becoming that comes to life through all their interactions.

Sound as outcome: Uyariy tashkiy (Sound that varies) The application of this decolonial model to Ecuadorian indigenous performances unveils a profound synergy between S and sonus-decolonization (SD), where S manifests as relational multiplicities, curving colonial residues into vital becomings. These manifestations, far from mimetic representations, emerge as happenings: self-expressive pulses dismantling hierarchies through intra-active entanglements (Barad, 2007). From Gilles Deleuze’s philosophy of the fold (Le Pli, 1988, 1993), this sonic flow operates as a continuous fold, weaving virtual potentials into actual expressions, where each vibration folds into the next, creating a dynamic, infinite surface of transformation rather than a linear progression. Quantitatively, this vitality is modelled via the growth equation: the solution of (1), SD(t) = SD0 (1 - e^[-κ S t]), with SD0 = 1.0 (normalized plenitude), κ = 0.5 (vibrational rate constant, capturing thing-power efficiency), and t as iterative cycles (1.0–3.0 arbitrary units, proxying performative durations).

As Uyariy tashkiy (S, in a.u. 0–10) accumulates, mapping low S (1–3) to subtle whispers challenging silence, medium S (3–6) to chant amplifications, and high S (6–10) to drum-driven intensities, the curves reveal an unexpected resonance: exponential saturation mirrors the infinite virtual-actual weaving together, where decolonization approaches equilibrium not linearly but through diminishing returns, echoing colonial entropy’s feedback in open systems (von Bertalanffy, 1968).

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The Outcome of Thinking: Yuyay, yuyari, shinallata yuyaymanta paqarisqa (The analysis of indigenous expressions from scientific and philosophical perspectives) In the expressions examined in this study, meaning unfolds within a context free from essentialist determinations, eschewing Eurocentric categories. This approach underscores the autonomy of events beyond human perception. Notably, non-human entities possess agency, aligning with indigenous expressions that weave the environment into their practices. This perspective proves vital for analysing indigenous expressions in diasporic or technological contexts. Rhizomatic becomings, which reject linearity and colonial, hierarchical structures, manifest in indigenous practices such as dance movements, choral songs, or rituals. Analysing interactions and intra-actions yields fruitful insights, as seen in mapping the connections between participants and their surroundings, among other examples. The rhizomatic-nomadic character enables Andean expressions to traverse rural, urban, and global contexts, forging new connections without a fixed centre, as observed in diasporic performances. This vibrant, nonconceptual, and non-linear life generates meaning through intersubjective encounters in indigenous rituals. Intersubjectivity is foregrounded through collective participation, where ancestors, community, and spirits engage in reciprocal dialogue. There is no isolated "self"; subjectivity emerges from the interplay among participants, the land, and the sacred, coconstituting meanings and reinforcing subjectivities in a dynamic, relational process.

In certain rituals, bodies, vegetation, and sounds form an intra-active assemblage where each element influences and is influenced by the others, giving rise to a ritual experience. These dynamic assemblages of material elements (instruments, bodies, environments) and nonmaterial elements (meanings, spirits) co-create meanings through their intra-actions, as Barad (2007) articulates. These events are not reducible to human intentionality; on the contrary, the interplay among dancers, landscapes, and spirits generates a unique event that transcends human narratives. This suggests that these indigenous practices do not privilege human perspectives over others, particularly over the environment. These nomadic expressions travel with communities and reconfigure in new settings, embodying a dynamism that renders each performance unique.

Law and Economics, Outcome: Pacha shina kamachik llankay (Law and economy in accordance with the cosmic order) In festivals such as Inti Raymi, the Day of the Dead, or San Pedro in Peguche, indigenous law reveals itself as a relational and performative practice. These events are not simply cultural celebrations but occasions where the community reaffirms obligations, redistributes economic goods, and recognizes the agency of mountains, waters, and ancestors. Collective banquets, music, and dance operate as juridical and economic acts that secure rights of use, reciprocity, and bonds with nature. Unlike Western civil or criminal law, which emphasizes fault and sanction, these festivities embody an affirmative juridicality oriented toward restoring balance between humans and nonhumans. In this way, they demonstrate how indigenous law opens the community to relational life, moving beyond the confines of the individual proprietor or culprit, and align with contemporary philosophical currents that highlight material agency,

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interdependence, economy, and the communal generation of meaning. In indigenous festivals, dancing, singing and communal behaviour are not just personal expressions or decorative performances, but actions that establish and reinforce juridical, economic and cosmic connections (Allen & Rust, 2009).

Outcome, Spiritual: Qantu llaktaylla samay (The spiritual/mystical life of the cantuta flower) During festivals such as Inti Raymi or San Pedro in Peguche, song, dance, and ritualized movement create an intimate, mystical atmosphere. Drums, flutes, and chants guide participants into rhythms that awaken bodily vitality and communal energy. Dancers trace patterns inspired by mountains, rivers, and sacred paths, expressing both sensuality and reverence. Gestures of offering, touch, and embrace circulate life-force, intertwining sexual energy with devotion to Pachamama. Singing calls ancestors and celebrates generative power, while collective movement enacts a living connection between body, earth, and spirit. In these moments, mystical and erotic forces merge, making the sacred palpable through rhythm, gesture, and shared presence.

Conclusion: Becoming Luminous in Maculate Rooms Plurality and cultural alterity are not greeted as sources of creation; they are branded as primitivism, as racial inferiority, as threats to be erased in the name of civilizational purity.

Against this weight, philosophy is summoned not to repeat but to resist; not to close but to open. It is called to attune itself to difference, to breathe with the pulse of living bodies, to think where life bursts forth rather than where order is imposed. At this threshold, philosophy ceases to judge and begins to listen; it becomes a place where thought meets the world without demanding its submission (Ezcurdia Corona, 2016, p. 122).

Seen from this perspective, philosophy is at once witness and adversary: witness to the radiance of its own tradition, adversary to its historical distortions. Deleuze and Guattari (1994b) note that neither philosopher nor artist can create a people; they can only summon them with all their strength, and their works bear the weight of suffering that intimates a people-to-come.

Writing, speaking, thinking—these are less acts of representation than of becoming: “writing for the illiterate, speaking for the aphasic, thinking for the acephalous” (Deleuze & Guattari, 1994b, p. 111). The thinker does not literally become aphasic or illiterate but deviens – becomes – other, stranger, witness – so that those who suffer may become otherwise and break free from agony. In this light, philosophy is no longer the guardian of the Logos nor the servant of the One: it becomes luminous defiance, a trembling hymn of bodies that refuse to vanish— a call at the edge of the intolerable, a dance that prepares the arrival of a people yet to be born (Ezcurdia Corona, 2016, p. 122).

When in maculate rooms every destiny has been fulfilled, death enters the house in mouldering steps (Trakl, 2006).

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“Becoming-Indian” names a vector within Western thought through which it learns to inhabit its own corporeality as a source of meaning, shifting away from a civilization that proclaims civic-democratic ideals yet reproduces murder, statelessness, and domination, toward the creation of a people for whom the common is the basic currency of life together. To become Indian—to become Tribal—is, then, to become-people and become-community: a composition of living matter animated by the pure affect of communicative love, able to answer to—and move beyond—the devastations wrought by the primacy of Mind (Deleuze & Guattari, 1987, 1994b, p. 111; Ezcurdia Corona, 2016;).

Declaration of the Use of Generative Artificial Intelligence in the Writing Process No generative AI has been applied to this scientific work. None of the data or information used in this essay has been processed using any version or possibility of AI, nor is it necessary to enter into an agreement to this effect relating to the regulations of the University of Oslo. As the author of the paper, I take full responsibility for the originality of its content, statements and references.

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References Allen, C. J., & Rust, F. (2009). Indigenous law and ritual practice in the Andes. In Journal of Latin American Anthropology, 14(2), 345–370.

Badiou, A. (1988). L’Être et l’événement. Paris: Éditions du Seuil.

Badiou, A. (2005). Being and event (O. Feltham, Trans.). Continuum. https://doi.org/10.5040/9781350252035 Badiou, A. (2009). Logics of worlds: Being and event II (A. Toscano, Trans.). Continuum.

Badiou, A. (2016). Metaphysics without metaphysics. In Z. L. Fraser & B. B. Price (Eds.), Critical republics: Alain Badiou and the politics of philosophy (pp. 45–58).

Bloomsbury.

Barad, K. (2007). Meeting the Universe Halfway: Quantum Physics and the Entanglement of Matter and Meaning. Durham and London: Duke University Press. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv12101zq Bennett, J. (2010). Vibrant matter: A political ecology of things. Duke University Press. https://doi.org/10.1215/9780822391623 Bhabha, H. K. (1994). The location of culture. Routledge.

Braidotti, R. (2013). The posthuman. Polity Press.

Charles, D. (1984). “Acousmatics and the Cagean Nexus.” Contemporary Music Review, 1(1), 3–17.

De la Cadena, M. (2015). Earth beings: Ecologies of practice across Andean worlds. Duke University Press. https://doi.org/10.1515/9781478093626 Deleuze, G. (1988). Le pli: Leibniz et le baroque. Paris, France: Les Éditions de Minuit.

Deleuze, G. (1990). The logic of sense (M. Lester & C. Stivale, Trans.). Columbia University Press. (Original work published 1969) Deleuze, G. (1993). The Fold: Leibniz and the Baroque (T. Conley, Trans.). Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press.

Deleuze, G. (1994a). Difference and repetition (P. Patton, Trans.). Columbia University Press.

Deleuze, G., & Guattari, F. (1983). Anti-Oedipus: Capitalism and schizophrenia. University of Minnesota Press.

Deleuze, G., & Guattari, F. (1987). A thousand plateaus: capitalism and schizophrenia/Gilles Deleuze, Felix Guattari; translation and foreword by Brian Massumi (B. Massumi, Trans.; 2005th ed.). University of Minnesota Press. https://files.libcom.org/files/A%20Thousand%20Plateaus.pdf Deleuze, G., & Guattari, F. (1994b). What is philosophy? (H. Tomlinson & G. Burchell, Trans.). Columbia University Press.

Descartes, R. (1641). Meditationes de prima philosophia, in quibus Dei existentia et animæ immortalitas demonstratur. Michel Soly.

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Descartes, R. (1644/1985). Principles of philosophy. In J. Cottingham, R. Stoothoff, & D. Murdoch (Eds. & Trans.), The philosophical writings of Descartes (Vol. 1, pp. 177– 291). Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511805042.007 Estermann, J. (2006). Filosofía andina: Sabiduría indígena para un mundo nuevo. ISEAT. Ezcurdia Corona, J. A. (2016). Cuerpo, intuición y diferencia en el pensamiento de Gilles Deleuze. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, UNAM; Itaca.

Falque, E. (2012). Crossing the Rubicon: The borderlands of philosophy and theology.

Fordham University Press.

Falque, E. (2016). The wedding feast of the lamb: Eros, the body, and the eucharist. Fordham University Press. https://doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823270408.001.0001 Falque, E. (2018). The guide to Gethsemane: Anxiety, suffering, death. Fordham University Press. https://doi.org/10.5422/fordham/9780823281961.001.0001 Habermas, J. (1971). Knowledge and human interests (J. J. Shapiro, Trans.). Beacon Press.

(Original work published 1968) Harman, G. (2018). Object-oriented ontology: A new theory of everything. Pelican. https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190201098.013.997 Hayles, N. K. (1999). How we became posthuman: Virtual bodies in cybernetics, literature, and informatics. University of Chicago Press. https://doi.org/10.7208/chicago/9780226321394.001.0001 Heidegger, M. (1962). Being and time (J. Macquarrie & E. Robinson, Trans.). Harper & Row. Heidegger, M. (1971a). On the way to language (P. D. Hertz, Trans.). Harper & Row. Heidegger, M. (1971b). Building, dwelling, thinking (A. Hofstadter, Trans.). In A. Hofstadter (Ed.), Poetry, language, thought (pp. 141–159). Harper & Row. (Original work published 1951) Horkheimer, M., & Adorno, T. W. (2002). Dialectic of enlightenment: Philosophical fragments (E. Jephcott, Trans.). Stanford University Press. (Original work published 1947) Husserl, E. (1965). Philosophy as rigorous science. In Q. Lauer (Trans.), Phenomenology and the crisis of philosophy (pp. 71–147). Harper & Row. Husserl, E. (2001). Logical investigations (J. N. Findlay, Trans.; Fifth Logical Investigation).

Routledge. (Original work published 1900–1901) Husserl, E. (2001b). Logical investigations (Vol. 2) (J. N. Findlay, Trans.). Routledge.

Kant, I. (2007). Critique of pure reason (N. Kemp Smith, Trans.). Palgrave Macmillan. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-10016-0 Meillassoux, Q. (2008). After finitude: An essay on the necessity of contingency. Continuum. https://doi.org/10.5040/9781350252059 Messiaen, O. (1941). Quatuor pour la fin du temps [Musical score]. Paris: Durand.

Nietzsche, F. (2006). Thus spoke Zarathustra (A. Del Caro, Trans.). Cambridge University Press.

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Orosa, M. A., Alcívar, Y. A. & Ulloa, N. G. (2025). Becoming Tribal, Thinking Beyond Myth: Ecuadorian Indigenism as Performative Givenness and the Postmodern Event.

IAFOR Journal of Cultural Studies, 10(1), 63–82. https://doi.org/10.22492/ijcs.10.1.03 Quine, W. V. O. (1960). Word and object. MIT Press.

Rorty, R. (1979). Philosophy and the mirror of nature. Princeton University Press.

Staiti, A. (2014). Husserl's transcendental phenomenology: Nature, spirit, and life.

Northwestern University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781107588875 Steinbock, A. J. (1995). Home and beyond: Generative phenomenology after Husserl.

Northwestern University Press. https://doi.org/10.1007/BF01324160 Steinbock, A. J. (2007a). Phenomenology and the limits of reason: Beyond postmodernism's critique of reason. State University of New York Press.

Steinbock, A. J. (2007b). Phenomenology and mysticism: The verticality of religious experience. Indiana University Press. https://doi.org/10.2979/4863.0 Trakl, G. (2006, November 13). Dream and derangement [J. Doss & W. Schmitt, Trans.].

Thunder in Winter, Snow in Summer. https://jimdoss.blogspot.com/2006/11/georgtrakl-dream-and-derangement-and.html von Bertalanffy, L. (1968). General system theory: Foundations, development, applications.

New York: George Braziller.

Walsh, C. (2012). Interculturalidad, Estado, sociedad: Luchas (de)coloniales de nuestra época. Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar.

Wittgenstein, L. (1961). Tractatus logico-philosophicus (D. F. Pears & B. F. McGuinness, Trans.). Routledge & Kegan Paul.

Wittgenstein, L. (2009). Philosophical investigations (G. E. M. Anscombe, P. M. S. Hacker, & J. Schulte, Trans.; 4th ed.). Wiley-Blackwell.

Wolfe, C. (2010). What is posthumanism? University of Minnesota Press.

Corresponding author: Miguel A. Orosa Email: maorosa1@pucesi.edu.ec

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What Does Zheng Chenggong See? Monumental Confrontations and Entangled Desires Masashi Ichiki Chikushi Jogakuen Univeristy, Japan

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Abstract This study investigates six statues of Zheng Chenggong, revered as a “national hero” in both the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of China. Rather than focusing on Zheng’s biography, the paper analyzes these monuments as lieux de mémoire in Pierre Nora’s sense— sites through which national memory and collective identity are embodied, negotiated, and contested. By examining not only the statues’ physical form but also their scale, location, and circumstances of construction, the study interprets them as visual and spatial media through which China and Taiwan have articulated competing historical narratives and political aspirations. The analysis demonstrates that the three statues erected in China from the late 1980s depict a martial figure facing east, while the three statues constructed in Taiwan during the period of martial law portray Zheng in civil attire facing west. These contrasting representations reveal the distinct imaginations at work in the two societies. Viewed across the Taiwan Strait, the monuments appear to confront one another, symbolizing Taiwan’s aspiration for a counteroffensive against the mainland on one side, and China’s affirmation of the OneChina Principle on the other. The findings suggest that Zheng Chenggong statues function as vessels into which political power projects its values and ambitions. Ultimately, the guiding question, “What does Zheng Chenggong see?” becomes the more fundamental inquiry: “What does each society see in Zheng Chenggong?”

Keywords: cross-strait relations, representation, the site of memory, Zheng Chenggong

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This study will discuss Zheng Chenggong (1624–1662), who is honored as a “national hero” in both the People’s Republic of China (hereafter China) and the Republic of China (hereafter Taiwan). However, the purpose of this paper is not to discuss Zheng’s biography per se, but rather to examine the connotative significance of the statues of him in China and Taiwan. The reason for focusing on these statues lies in the idea that they are deeply connected to the formation and transmission of collective memory in China and Taiwan, two regions that share both intimacy and antagonism. From this perspective, this paper treats statues of Zheng Chenggong, standing prominently in public spaces in China and Taiwan and visually overwhelming their beholders, as lieux de mémoire in the sense used by Pierre Nora.

According to Nora (1996), “sites of memory” are “concrete objects that embody, condense, and serve as points of reference for national memory, (p.25)” through which collective identities are constructed, negotiated, and contested. This study, therefore, seeks to explore the statues of Zheng Chengong, through discussing elements that may appear secondary, such as scales, locations, and the circumstances of their construction, as icons which embody and condense particular forms of national memory in China and Taiwan. In so doing, this paper seeks to interpret Zheng Chenggong statues as visual and spatial media through which Taiwan and China have articulated differing historical narratives and political desires.

This paper first surveys three statues of Zheng Chenggong in Taiwan and then another three in China, before identifying the common features among them. Seemingly trivial details in the statues are in fact deliberate signs, consciously or unconsciously produced by their commissioners. Building upon the commonalities thus identified, this paper investigates what these monuments “see,” or more precisely, what perspectives they embody and project. Statues are not only objects to be looked at; they also look back, situating the viewer within a field of power, history, and identity. To ask “what do these statues see?” is to inquire into the political and cultural gaze that animates them.

The structure of this paper is as follows. The first section offers an overview of Zheng’s life and of the ways in which he has been memorialized in both China and Taiwan. Section two analyzes three statues in Taiwan: the statue in front of Tainan Station, the statue in the Zheng Chenggong Memorial Park in the Luermen district of Tainan, and the statue atop Iron Fort Mountain in Taichung. Section three examines three statues in China: the statue on Gulangyu Island, the statue in the Zheng Chenggong Cultural Park in Quanzhou, and the statue in Zheng’s hometown of Nan’an. Based on the commonalities identified in these examples, Finally, section four discusses the symbolic meanings invested in these statues.

Zheng Chenggong: His Life and Commemoration One of the intriguing aspects of Zheng Chenggong lies in the fact that his period of historical activity spans only seventeen years: from 1645, when he raised an army against the Qing after his father, Zheng Zhilong, surrendered to the Qing and his mother, Tagawa Matsu, was killed

by Qing troops, until 1662, when he died shortly after establishing the first Han regime in

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Taiwan. Despite the brevity of this period and the limited scope of his actual achievements1, Zheng Chenggong enjoys extraordinary popularity in both China and Taiwan. This section first considers who Zheng Chenggong was and then reflects on why he commands such enduring admiration in these two regions.

Who Was Zheng Chenggong?

Zheng Chenggong was born in 1624 in Hirado, Japan to a Chinese maritime merchant, Zheng Zhilong, and a local Japanese woman, Tagawa Matsu. According to a local myth, Matsu went into sudden labor while collecting shellfish on nearby Senringa-hama Beach and gave birth leaning against a large seaside rock. The rock, now known as “Jitan-seki” (Childbirth Stone), remains preserved as a local landmark.

Although Zheng Zhilong relocated to Taiwan shortly after Chenggong was born, young Chenggong remained in Hirado until 1631, when, at the age of seven, he traveled alone to Fujian to join his father. In 1638, at age fifteen, he passed the county-level examination and became a licentiate of Nan’an County, obtaining the qualification to sit for the imperial examinations. In 1644, he entered the Imperial Academy in Nanjing, then the auxiliary capital of the Ming dynasty. At this point, Zheng Chenggong seemed poised to advance steadily along the path of an official career of the Ming dynasty. However, in the same year, the peasant rebellion led by Li Zicheng toppled Beijing, which was followed by the Manchus establishing the Qing dynasty. Amidst this turmoil, Zhu Yujian, a Ming prince, fled to Fujian under the protection of Zheng Zhilong and proclaimed himself emperor, becoming known as the Emperor Longwu. In 1645, Zheng Chenggong was granted the imperial surname “Zhu” by the Emperor and thereafter became known as Koxinga, meaning “Lord of the Imperial Surname.”

When Emperor Longwu was captured by Qing forces and executed, Zheng Zhilong, abandoning the anti-Qing cause, surrendered to the new dynasty. During subsequent clashes with Qing forces advancing into Fujian, Matsu was killed. As a result, Zheng Chenggong committed himself fully to the anti-Qing, pro-Ming resistance movement, dedicating the remainder of his life to the restoration of the fallen Ming dynasty.

Zheng Chenggong established his base of operations on the islands of Xiamen and Jinmen, expanding his power through continued overseas trade and emerging as a central figure in the anti-Qing resistance movement. In 1658 and again in 1659, Zheng launched northern expeditions; both of which ended up in failure.

For instance, in the Encyclopedia Britannica, a globally recognized and authoritative reference published in the United States, the entry on Zheng Chenggong consists of only a few lines. The Britannica describes him as follows: “Zheng Chenggong (born Aug. 28, 1624, Hirado, Japan—died June 23, 1662, Taiwan) was a pirate leader of Ming forces against the Manchu conquerors of China, best known for establishing Chinese control over Taiwan.“ Croizier, R. C. (n.d.). Zheng Chenggong. Encyclopaedia Britannica. Retrieved March 26, 2025, from https://www.britannica.com/biography/Zheng-Chenggong.

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Facing disadvantages in his struggle against Qing forces, Zheng resolved to reverse the tide by launching an invasion of Taiwan. In 1661, he led a large army to besiege Fort Zeelandia, where the Dutch East India Company had entrenched itself. After more than a year of siege warfare, Zheng succeeded in forcing the Dutch to withdraw from Taiwan.

He constructed a fortress in Anping and initiated governance over the island. While promoting agricultural development, he also introduced Han Chinese culture to Taiwan. In this sense, Zheng can be regarded as the founder of the first Han Chinese regime on the island. Although he died of illness only five months after the Dutch capitulation, the Zheng family continued to rule Taiwan for three generations over a span of 22 years.

Commemoration of Zheng Chenggong in China and Taiwan Zheng Chenggong was transformed into a figure of veneration in both China and Taiwan, despite the political antagonism between the two regions. In both contexts, Zheng has been elevated as a heroic figure who personifies the national identities. At the same time, however, the interpretations of his significance are subtly but decisively different, reflecting the differing ideological and political needs of China and Taiwan.

In China, Zheng Chenggong has been officially designated by the state as a “National Hero.”

This title is conferred upon historical individuals who have demonstrated dedication to safeguarding national sovereignty, resisting foreign aggression, and upholding the interests and dignity of the people and the nation. To date, more than 80 individuals have received this honor, and Zheng Chenggong is among them.

As a result, many sites associated with Zheng Chenggong have been recognized by Chinese government as “Model Patriotic Education Sites.” One prominent example is the Temple of Prince Yanping located in Shijing Town, Nan’an City, Fujian Province. In front of the temple stands a monument inscribed with a statement made in 1997 by Xi Jinping, then Deputy Secretary of the Fujian Provincial Party Committee and now General Secretary of the Communist Party of China. The inscription reads: “Inherit the tradition of patriotism and promote the spirit of Chenggong.” This reflects the state’s intention to commemorate Zheng Chenggong as a symbol of national spirit and patriotic virtue.

In Taiwan, Zheng Chenggong has been deified and is venerated under honorific title of “Sacred King Who Opened Taiwan.” It is estimated that nearly 200 temples dedicated to Zheng as the principal deity exist across the island 2 , including historically significant sites such as the Temple of the Prince of Yanping, said to have been founded in 1662, and the Ancestral Temple of Zheng Chenggong, reportedly established in 1663—both dating back to the period of The Zheng Clan Association, a friendship organization composed of descendants of Zheng Chenggong, claims that there are more than 200 temples in Taiwan dedicated to him as a deified figure. In contrast, according to research conducted by Komata Kikuo on the worship of Zheng Chenggong in Taiwan, the actual number of such temples is 144. Komata’s study is remarkable for both its methodological rigor and its up-to-date scope. For further details, see Komata. K. (2022). Zheng Chenggong Worship and Oral Traditions. Shintensha.

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Zheng’s rule in Taiwan. As the number of such temples continues to grow, it remains difficult to determine their exact count, reflecting the enduring strength of popular devotion to Zheng Chenggong.

Once again, with all political opposition between China and Taiwan, both embrace Zheng Chenggong as one of the most important historical figures. At the same time, however, the ways they have appropriated Zheng Chenggong differ significantly, reflecting their respective national projects. For China, he is an emblem of anti-imperialist struggle and territorial integrity; for Taiwan, he is a founding ancestor of Han presence and statehood on the island.

Having said this, let us discuss the statues of Zheng Chenggong in the next section.

What Do the Statues of Zheng Chenggong Reveal? (I) — Statues in Taiwan This section examines the three statues of Zheng Chenggong located in Taiwan. The cases analyzed here are the statue in front of Tainan Station, the statue in the Zheng Chenggong Memorial Park in the Luermen district of Tainan, and the statue on Iron Fort Mountain in Taichung. After providing an overview of these three representations of Zheng Chenggong, this study will examine their shared characteristics. The commonalities among them serve as a lens through which to explore the intentions and desires of those who constructed and projected these images—in this case, Taiwan. By analyzing the symbolic meanings embedded in each representation, we may gain insight into how Zheng Chenggong has been appropriated to articulate specific narratives of identity, legitimacy, and cultural aspiration.

The Statue in front of Tainan Station The historic center of Zheng’s activities in Taiwan, the city has multiple sites related to Zheng Chenggong. There also exist several statues of him throughout the city, and one of his bestknown statues is the one in front of Tainan Station.

Figure 1 Zheng Statue in front of Tainan Station

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The statue is a bronze statue produced by the artist Pu Tiansheng with a production period of nineteen months, and it was completed in 1957. Zheng Chenggong is depicted wearing the official cap of the Ming dynasty and a round-collared robe with a large dragon embroidered on the chest, with a jade belt tied at his waist. Although in the attire of a civil official, he also bears a large sword at his side. The statue is 2.6 meters in height, and on the pedestal, which is about 4 meters high, is inscribed “the National Hero Zheng Chenggong.”

The statue of Zheng Chenggong is placed at the center of the rotary in front of Tainan Station, commanding the gaze of all who arrive by train. Since Zheng Chenggong is a figure symbolizing the ancient capital city of Taiwan, having the statue of his at the threshold of the city seems quite natural. What is interesting, however, is that the statue of Zheng Chenggong stands with its back turned to Tainan Station, so that people who visit Tainan by train first see Zheng Chenggong’s back. The statue faces Chenggong Road, which extends straight westward from in front of Tainan Station.

The Statue in Zheng Chenggong Memorial Park in Luermen, Tainan Luermen is the place where, in 1661, Zheng Chenggong crossed the narrow channel in his invasion of Taiwan and landed on the island. To commemorate this historical event, Zheng Chenggong Memorial Park was constructed in 1982. Within the park, in addition to the statue of Zheng Chenggong, there are commemorative plaques and exhibits that narrate Zheng’s landing as a decisive turning point in the island’s history; a red arch (paifang) inscribed with the plaque “Zheng Chenggong Memorial Park,” the Zheng Chenggong Luermen Landing Monument, and also the Chenggong Forest.

Figure 2 Zheng Statue in Luermen

The Zheng Chenggong statue in the park is approximately 2.5 meters in height, and it is of the similar design as the statue in front of Tainan Station, depicting him dressed in the official attire

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of the Ming dynasty and bearing a large sword at his waist. The pedestal of the statue is about 4 meters high; on its front surface are inscribed the words “the National Hero Zheng Chenggong” together with the name of Chiang Ching-kuo, the President of the Republic of China at the time, while on the reverse side are engraved the words “Commemoration of the 320th Anniversary of Zheng Chenggong’s Recovery of Taiwan.” The statue of Zheng Chenggong is facing west.

The Statue on Iron Fort Mountain, Taichung Tiezhen Mountain in Dajia is a 230-meter-high peak located in the northeastern part of Taichung City. According to a legend, when the army of Zheng Chenggong was stationed there to pacify the indigenous tribes, Zheng thrust his sword into the ground, causing fresh water to spring forth. As a result, the expansive park known as the Tiezhen Mountain Scenic Area contains several sites associated with Zheng Chenggong, including Jianjing, or the Sword Well, the Temple of the Sacred King Who Opened Taiwan, and the Zheng Chenggong Memorial Hall.

A statue of Zheng Chenggong was erected on the western mid-slope of the mountain in 1962 to commemorate the 300th anniversary of his recovery of Taiwan. Facing west, the statue itself is approximately 15 meters tall3, towering over its surroundings, and it bears the inscription “Yanping Junwang” (Prince of Yanping) on its pedestal. The statue was designed by a sculptor Wang Shuihe, with a construction budget of around 1.5 million New Taiwan Dollars. Unlike the two statues of Zeng Chenggong we have observed, instead of wearing the official robes of the Ming dynasty, the figure is dressed in a loose, robe-like garment cinched with a belt. Beneath the robe, the figure appears to wear armor-like attire, though no sword is visible, suggesting that the statue portrays Zheng not as a military general but in the guise of a civil official.

Figure 3 Zheng Statue on Iron Fort Mountain

According to Zhang Qingzong, the original plan envisioned a 27.3-meter statue of Zheng Chenggong, which would have been the largest of its kind in Asia. However, due to financial constraints, the project was forced to scale down. Zhang Qingzong. (2016). Encountering Zheng Chenggong in Dajia. Taichung City: Dajia District Office.

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Common Features of the Taiwanese Statues A comparative overview of the three statues of Zheng Chenggong in Taiwan reveals that these statues share several notable features, which can be outlined as follows. First, all three statues represent Zheng Chenggong in the guise of a Ming dynasty official, that is, in the role of a statesman4. The statues in front of Tainan Station and in the Zheng Chenggong Memorial Park are nearly identical, depicting him in the formal attire of Ming bureaucrats. The large dragon embroidered on the chest, indicating his status as a high-ranking official, is also a particularly distinctive feature. Unlike standard portrayals of officials, however, both statues show him bearing a large sword at his waist. In contrast, the statue at Dajia Iron Fort Mountain depicts Zheng in a robe-like garment, which can likewise be interpreted as Ming official attire.

Although this figure does not carry a sword, it is adorned with shoulder pieces resembling armor. In all three cases, then, Zheng is essentially represented in the appearance of a statesman, yet with discernible martial elements incorporated into the image.

Second, another commonality among the statues discussed here is that all of them face west.

The statue in front of Tainan Station looks down Chenggong Road, which extends westward; the statue in the Landing Memorial Park faces the gazebo situated to the left of the park; and the statue at Dajia Iron Fort Mountain looks toward the sea in front of it. What is noteworthy here is that the direction of the statues here is by no means a coincidence but rather should be regarded as the result of the deliberate intention of those who commissioned and installed the statues. Consider, for example, the statue at Tainan Station. As noted earlier, this statue stands with its back to the station; however, its front faces a three-way intersection, such that in order to view the statue head-on, one must pause midway across a pedestrian crossing. The statue in the Landing Memorial Park is positioned directly along the path leading from the red paifang that serves as the park’s main entrance. Yet the statue itself is not facing this entrance; instead, it is installed at an angle of roughly forty-five degrees, and visitors must proceed along the park path and then circle to the right in order to face the statue directly. The situation is similar with the statue at Dajia Iron Fort Mountain. Approaching from the vehicular road of Chenggong Park and ascending the walkway, visitors first encounter the side view of the statue in the open space. Like the other two statues, Zheng Chenggong here is not aligned to face visitors directly along their natural line of approach.

From these examples, it becomes evident that orienting the statues westward has been given priority over convenience for viewers. Why, then, the west? To answer this question, it is useful to consider another facility located within the Iron Fort Mountain Scenic Area. Within this scenic area lies the National Military Memorial Park, which was constructed in 1958 to commemorate those who perished in the 823 Artillery Bombardment on Jinmen Island. What is particularly striking is that the park centering around the Taichung Military Cemetery—the

Based on the author's own observations, most statues of Zheng Chenggong in Taiwan depict him in the attire of a civil official. However, there are several notable exceptions. One is located along the coast of Kinmen Island, another stands in Guoxing Township in Nantou County, and a third is situated outside the Temple of the Prince of Yanping in Tainan. Among these, the statue in Tainan was a gift from Nan'an City in Fujian Province.

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first military cemetery in Taiwan— contain a collection of weaponry and equipment—fighter aircraft, missiles, and tanks—that were in use by the Taiwanese military during the 1950s and 1960s. These displays suggest that the site functions not only as a burial ground for those who “gave their lives for the nation (Cheng, 2003, p. 25),” but also as a place that evokes Taiwan’s memory of enduring conflicts with mainland China and serves as a locus for awakening “national spirit.” Significantly, both the cemetery and the displays of military equipment are oriented westward. In other words, they face toward the Chinese mainland—the very land that these individuals had risked their lives to recover.

The third common feature shared by the three statues of Zheng Chenggong in Taiwan lies in the period in which they were constructed. At first glance, it may appear difficult to identify a connection among them: the statue in front of Tainan Station was erected in 1957, the one in Dajia in 1962, and the statue in the Landing Memorial Park in 1982. Yet when these dates are situated within the broader context of Taiwanese history, a commonality emerges. In 1949, following defeat in the Second Chinese Civil War on the mainland, the Kuomintang (KMT) retreated to Taiwan, transferring its capital from Nanjing to Taipei. In the aftermath of the 228 Incident in 1947, the KMT government declared martial law to suppress opposition forces and carried out a campaign of political repression commonly referred to as the “White Terror.” In Taiwanese historiography, the period from 1947 and the lifting of martial law in 1987 is generally designated as the “martial law era” or, more broadly, the era of the White Terror.

Viewed in this light, it becomes clear that all three statues were constructed under martial law in Taiwan, when the KMT had a strong hold upon the island.

What Do the Statues of Zheng Chenggong Reveal? (II) — Statues in China This section will discuss the statues of Zheng Chenggong erected in China. The cases analyzed are the statue on Gulangyu Island, the statue within the Zheng Chenggong Cultural Park in Quanzhou, and the statue in Nan’an, his hometown.

The Statue on Gulangyu Island, Xiamen Gulangyu Island is a small island located about twenty minutes by ferry from Xiamen. The statue of Zheng Chenggong was erected in 1985 on a massive rock, twenty-four meters in height, at the southeastern tip of the island, by the direction of the People’s Government of Fujian Province and the Xiamen Municipal People’s Government. The completed statue portrays Zheng Chenggong, clad in armor and helmet, wearing a zhanpao (battle robe), with his left hand resting on a sword, and gazing steadfastly in the direction of the east. Measuring 15.7 meters in height, 9.2 meters in width, and weighing more than 1,400 tons, it towers above the surrounding seascape and was, at the time of its completion, considered the largest statue of a historical figure in Fujian Province.

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Figure 4 Zheng Statue in Quanzhou

The completion of this statue also marked the beginning of broader park development in the surrounding area. Within Haoyue Garden (Haoyueyuan), there lie a statue of Zheng Chenggong departing for Taiwan, a series of reliefs commemorating him, and the Emperor’s Palace Rock, a vantage point from which the colossal statue of Zheng Chenggong can be viewed in its entirety from the front.

The Statue in Zheng Chenggong Cultural Park, Quanzhou The second case is the statue located in the Zheng Chenggong Cultural Park in Quanzhou, Fujian Province. Quanzhou, a historic port city deeply tied to Zheng Chenggong’s maritime activities, provides a rich historical context for his commemoration.

Figure 5 Zheng Statue in Quanzhou

Mount Taiping is a 130-meter-tall hill, situated to the east of downtown Quanzhou. Today, the entire mountain has been developed as the Zheng Chenggong Cultural Park and has a variety

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of objects to commemorate Zheng Chenggong, which include a granite archway inscribed with the phrases “National Hero” and “Ming-bestowed title: Yanping Prince Zheng Chenggong,” reliefs narrating episodes from Zheng’s life, and a plaza containing a commemorative stele honoring him. In short, the entire park functions as a vast commemorative apparatus designed to evoke Zheng’s achievements. At the center of this park stands the golden statue of Zheng Chenggong placed at the summit.

This statue was built in 2004 to commemorate the 380th anniversary of Zheng Chenggong’s birth, at 18 million Chinese yuan. Measuring 30 meters in height and set upon an 8-meter pedestal, it constitutes a colossal equestrian statue, believed to be the largest of its kind in Asia.

The combined height of 38 meters is said to symbolize Zheng Chenggong’s thirty-eight years of life, while the statue’s altitude of 166.2 meters above sea level alludes to the year 1662, when he expelled the Dutch from Taiwan. Cast in bronze and gilded to shine with a golden brilliance, the statue is illuminated at night as well as by day, making it a prominent landmark visible from throughout the city of Quanzhou.

Designed by Li Weisi, the statue depicts Zheng Chenggong in armor and helmet, mounted on horseback with his robe billowing, his face turned to the right, and his right arm raised high.

The statue depicts Zheng Cheggong bidding farewell to the people of Quanzhou, upon leaving for Taiwan, which, as Wang Zhongming puts it, “symbolizes the majestic figure of Zheng riding forward, fixing his gaze on Taiwan across the sea, and embodying the aspiration for national reunification.” (Wang, 2013, p. 63) The Statue in Nan’an Shijing Town in Nan’an City is the hometown of the Zheng clan, from which Zheng Zhilong emerged. The area contains a dense concentration of Zheng-related sites, including the Yanping Prince Temple, the Zheng Chenggong Shrine, the Zheng Chenggong Stele Forest, and the Zheng Chenggong Memorial Hall. Collectively, these sites constitute the Zheng Chenggong Cultural Tourism Scenic Area, which attracts some 400,000 visitors annually.

Figure 6 Zheng Statue in Nan'an

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It was within this cultural tourism scenic area that the Shijing Zheng Chenggong Statue was newly placed in June 2021. Commemorating the year 1662, when Zheng expelled the Dutch from Taiwan, the statue stands 16.62 meters in height and weighs 500 tons. Designed by Zhang Haikun, a Fujian arts-and-crafts master, the figure depicts Zheng armored and helmeted, with a large sword in his left hand and a nautical chart in his right, gazing directly across the Taiwan Strait. The pedestal, measuring 3.99 meters in height, is inlaid with reliefs representing the major events of Zheng Chenggong’s life.

Common Features of the Zheng Chenggong Statues in China When reviewing three statues of Zheng Chenggong in China, it becomes clear that they share several common features, which are noted below.

First, all the statues observed here depict Zheng Chenggong as a military figure5. Despite minor differences in decorative details, all three Zheng statues wear armor and a helmet, which can be identified as Ming-style lamellar armor with prominent breastplates and shoulder guards, and a large sword at his waist. It is also a common feature that the chest is adorned with the motif of a dragon, symbolizing high rank. Taken together, these elements may be said to embody Zheng Chenggong’s strength and bravery.

Second, another shared characteristic is that all three statues are colossal in scale, to the extent that it is virtually impossible to view them in their entirety from the front. The statue of Zheng on Gulangyu Island stands 15.7 meters high, and when standing at its base, it is impossible to see his face. From the reef called the “Emperor’s Palace Rock,” the only vantage point from which the full statue can be viewed on land, the statue's top is situated at a height of about 40 meters, which inevitably emphasizes the monumentality of the figure. The Zheng statue on Taiping Mountain in Quanzhou, together with its pedestal, measures 38 meters, so that when viewed from below, one can only see the horse’s legs and abdomen. Moreover, because it is situated at the mountaintop, it is essentially impossible to capture the statue in its entirety from close range. Similarly, the statue in Nan’an, when combined with its pedestal, exceeds 20 meters in height. Given the limited size of the square where it stands, the frontal view necessarily involves a low-angle perspective, which further accentuates the impression of scale.

In recent years, the construction of colossal statues in China has continued—for example, the Confucius statue (72 meters), the Liu Bang statue (39.9 meters), and the Guan Yu statue (57 meters). Against this backdrop, the statues of Zheng Chenggong cannot be regarded as extraordinarily large. Nevertheless, the overwhelming size of these monuments, which impresses itself upon the viewer, may be said to convey more eloquently than anything else the magnitude of Zheng Chenggong’s historical presence.

To the best of the author's knowledge, statues of Zheng Chenggong in China predominantly depict him as a military figure. A noteworthy exception is the statue located in front of the Zheng Chenggong Memorial Hall on Gulangyu Island, which portrays him in the attire of a maritime trader.

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The next point that draws our attention is that all three statues basically face east. The difficulty of viewing the statue on Gulangyu Island in its entirety from the front is not only due to its enormous size, but also to the fact that it stands at the eastern tip of the island, oriented eastward atop a rocky outcrop. In other words, it may be inferred that, even at the expense of the statue’s visibility and the convenience of those who would view it, the decision was made to erect it so that it faces east. In the case of the statue in Quanzhou, Zheng Chenggong is on horseback, with his face turned southward toward Quanzhou city. However, this is achieved by having him twist his neck ninety degrees to the south, while both his body and the horse are directed eastward. The most natural interpretation is that he is bidding farewell to Quanzhou city in the south while setting out eastward. The statue in Shijing town, Nan’an city, is oriented more precisely toward the northeast. Yet the explanatory stele placed beside the monument explicitly states that the statue faces the western shore of the strait, which lies to the east from the statue’s vantage point. In this sense, the eastward orientation is clearly intended.

What, then, lies to the east of these statues? Beyond the gaze of Zheng Chenggong, east of Fujian Province stretches the Taiwan Strait, and across it lies Taiwan, the territory that Zheng Chenggong reclaimed.

Another shared characteristic of these statues of Zheng Chenggong is that all of them were constructed after the 1980s. Among the three, the statue on Gulangyu Island is the oldest: its construction was completed in 1985. The Quanzhou statue in 2004, and the statue in Nan’an in 2021. At first glance, the fact that these statues were built after the 1980s may appear to bear little significance. However, when compared with other commemorative facilities dedicated to Zheng Chenggong, we can see a more intriguing significance to it. For instance, popular activities venerating Zheng—such as the construction of temples in his honor—continued in mainland China since the late seventeenth century, after the Zheng regime in Taiwan was subdued by the Qing dynasty. Furthermore, Zheng began to be officially celebrated as a “national hero” in China shortly after the founding of the PRC. In addition, both the Zheng Chenggong Memorial Hall on Gulangyu Island and the Zheng Chenggong Memorial Hall within the Zheng Chenggong Cultural Tourism Area were established in 1962, marking the 300th anniversary of Zheng’s recovery of Taiwan. These facts suggest that what emerged after the 1980s was not the intention to celebrate Zheng Chenggong as a hero per se, for that impulse had long been present. Rather, what underscored the establishment of the statue was the desire to project to the public, in tangible and monumental terms, the significance of Zheng as a heroic figure.

Comprehensive Considerations: Commonalities and Symbolic Significance We have observed six statues of Zheng Chenggong in Taiwan and China, examining them region by region. Let us summarize what we have found as follows: •

The historical figure of Zheng Chenggong is remembered as a military general in China, whereas in Taiwan he is commemorated as a civil official.

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Across the Taiwan Strait, the statues of Zheng Chenggong in China and Taiwan face one another in a symbolic juxtaposition.

The periods during which Zheng Chenggong was publicly commemorated through statues differ between China and Taiwan.

Although each of these facts may appear insignificant when considered individually, they constitute key elements for understanding what kind of “site of memory” the builders of Zheng Chenggong statues wish them to be. Now, we will use these facts as a clue to explore the collective memory the Zheng Chenggong statues are made to evoke to their viewers, by discussing the time period in which the statues of each region were erected.

What We Can See in the Statues of Zheng Chenggong? (1) – Taiwan As previously noted, the construction of the three statues of Zheng Chenggong in Taiwan began immediately after the KMT had been defeated in the civil war and retreated to Taiwan, and was carried out during the period of martial law. We argue that, under such circumstances, there were two “challenges” the KMT faced, which led to the construction of the statues of Zheng Chenggong; namely, the “Sinicization” of the Taiwanese population, which had experienced fifty years of Japanese colonial rule, and second, the “counterattack on the mainland” aimed at recovering the Chinese territories lost to the Communist Party.

Following the end of Japanese rule in 1945, the KMT implemented policies to govern Taiwan as part of the Republic of China, suppressing Taiwan’s indigenous culture and promoting Chinese culture and political institutions. These policies ranged from cultural measures—such as enforcing Mandarin in schools and public spaces and promoting the revival of Chinese culture to disseminate Chinese history and traditional culture in Taiwan—to political measures, including the exclusion of native Taiwanese from political positions and the establishment of governance by mainland Chinese migrants. These measures extended to violent repression of dissent, exemplified by the 1947 February 28 Incident and the White Terror. All of these actions can be understood as policies necessary to legitimize the rule of the KMT, a fundamentally foreign ruler, over Taiwan. At the same time, it must be recognized that there existed a strong imperative to overwrite the complex Taiwanese identity—which had been shaped not only under Chinese influence but also through Dutch and Japanese colonial experiences—into a singularly Chinese identity.

The other challenge was the maintenance of the slogan of the “Counterattack on the Mainland.”

Although the KMT had retreated to Taiwan, it continued to assert that the Republic of China was the sole legitimate government of China and that its territorial jurisdiction encompassed the entire Chinese mainland. In the 1950s, the KMT conducted military operations aimed at establishing footholds for a future counterattack on the mainland. Even after the mid-1960s, when the rapidly shifting international environment rendered a physical counterattack on the mainland nearly impossible, the slogan of the counterattack was maintained, which continued until the late 1980s. The “Counterattack on the Mainland” was a slogan that can be considered

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central to the KMT’s identity, and its maintenance was vitally important to the survival of the KMT regime.

Given the circumstances surrounding the KMT government at the time when the three statues of Zheng Chenggong were constructed in Taiwan, we can argue the desire of the KMT which was embodied in the statues. For the KMT, the statues of Zheng Chenggong had to be in the form of a Chinese civil official, in that presenting Zheng Chenggong as a Chinese national hero would facilitate the “(re)-Sinicization” of Taiwanese statue viewers who had lost their Chinese identity through 50 years of colonization by the Japanese. If the founding father of Taiwan is Chinese, then the people of Taiwan are, at their origin, Chinese, and by inheriting his spirit, they could discover their own identity as Chinese. As Tsai Ming-hsien points out (Tsai, 2016, p. 104), the KMT found Zheng Chenggong “an extremely effective means of cultural propaganda for promoting the ‘re-Sinicization’ of Taiwan,” the statues of Zheng Chenggong in Taiwan, in the guise of Chinese civil officials, silently yet eloquently visualized the message that the KMT government sought to convey to the Taiwanese people.

The strategy of positioning Zheng Chenggong as a symbol of Taiwan’s Sinicization must have been highly effective, for, under the Japanese colonial rule, Japan had emphasized Zheng’s birth to a Japanese mother as a means of legitimizing its governance of the island. Perhaps the most explicit articulation by “Japanization” of Zheng is found in The Battle of Koxinga against the Qings of Yoda Momokawa, who proclaimed: “Read, read, gentlemen. The renowned Koxinga. This is the record of his fighting against the Manchu Qings, with a Japanese spirit. Taiwan should be taken, indeed, let it be taken.

Let the departed soul of Koxinga be consoled. Let the seed of Japan sprout. Read, read, gentlemen, the record of Koxinga’s campaign against the Qing.”

(Yoda, 1894, pp. i-ii) It thus becomes clear that, when the goal was to erase the lingering memories of the Japaneseness in Taiwanese identity and to (re)impose Chinese identity, the figure of Zheng Chenggong—transformed from the embodiment of the Japanese spirit into a hero of the Chinese nation—proved to be an especially effective instrument.

Furthermore, Zheng Chenggong also provided powerful legitimacy for another claim of the KMT: the call for a counteroffensive against the mainland, for it was Zheng Chenggong who upheld the cause of counteroffensive until his death, Zheng’s decision to launch an expedition to Taiwan came in 1658, when, as a result of the failure of his second northern campaign, he lost all of his bases on the Chinese mainland except for Jinmen and Xiamen. At that time, a He Bin, who had served as an interpreter for the Dutch East India Company, is said to have presented Zheng with a map of Taiwan and urged him to advance to the island. According to the Taiwan Waiji, He Bin told Zheng that Taiwan, with its fertile land, can be an ideal base for confronting China. (Jiang, n.d.) He Bin’s words, which stressed that Taiwan should be secured as a base to counter the Qings in the mainland, may well have appeared as a blessing to Zheng Chenggong, who found it increasingly difficult to sustain the war for Ming restoration.

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It is now evident that the statues of Zheng in Taiwan facing westward is by no means whimsical.

It not only symbolizes Zheng’s determination of the “counteroffensive against the mainland,” but also the KMT’s refusal to relinquish its stance on the counteroffensive. Ralph Croizier, whose work was pioneering in the study of Zheng’s representations, observes: “After the ROC government retreated to Taiwan in 1949, Koxinga acquired a double significance for the Nationalists. First, the Nationalists bore a striking resemblance to the heroic patriot who had come to Taiwan some three hundred years earlier for the lofty cause of preserving the legitimate Chinese regime. Second, the Nationalists needed to transform the Taiwanese people to make Taiwan into a base for returning to the mainland.”

(Croitzier, 1977, p.63) It goes without saying that the statues of Zheng Chenggong facing the mainland constitute the most vivid embodiment of what Croizier terms Zheng’s “double significance.” The statues themselves function as a visualization of the KMT’s own claims.

What We Can See in the Statues of Zheng Chenggong? (2) – China Let us now turn our attention to the statues of Zheng Chenggong in China. As already noted, the construction of colossal statues of Zheng in China began in the mid-1980s. What, then, was occurring in China during this period?

In considering China in the mid-1980s, it is worth noting that, as the Cold War order began to waver, the importance of territorial issues along China’s land borders—previously a major concern—declined, and attention increasingly shifted toward questions of maritime sovereignty and territorial disputes. In 1985, Mikhail Gorbachev assumed leadership of the Soviet Union and embarked on a reformist course, accelerating democratization within the Soviet Union and across Eastern Europe, ultimately contributing to the end of the Cold War. Within this broader transformation, Sino-Soviet relations also improved. Gorbachev’s 1989 visit to Beijing culminated in a joint communiqué announcing the normalization of diplomatic relations. The reorientation of the Soviet Union—long regarded as a northern threat—together with the thaw in bilateral ties, significantly altered China’s security environment. As these developments unfolded into the late 1980s, China placed growing emphasis on maritime borders and sovereignty. The modernization and strengthening of the Chinese navy were directly triggered by this shift in the security environment. In 1982, Liu Huaqing became Commander-in-Chief of the Navy and initiated a program of transforming the Chinese naval force into one capable of operations on the high seas.

These efforts culminated in the enactment of the 1992 Law on the Territorial Sea, which explicitly declared the Diaoyu Islands, the Paracel Islands, and the Spratly Islands to be Chinese territory, and the 1997 National Defense Law, which incorporated the safeguarding of maritime rights and interests. In short, beginning in the 1980s, China increasingly turned its strategic gaze seaward.

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Another important consideration in understanding China’s strategic reorientation is that the change of policy in the 1980s was not only initiated in Beijing, but also triggered across the Taiwan Strait. In Taiwan, a series of transformative political and social changes fundamentally reshaped the domestic atmosphere of Taiwan and, in turn, altered the dynamics of cross-strait relations. In 1987, martial law, which had been in force for thirty-eight years, was formally lifted. The following year, Lee Teng-hui—himself a native Taiwanese—assumed the presidency, becoming the first leader of the ROC not drawn from the mainland-born elite.

These two developments set the stage for what has been described as the “Taiwanization” of the Republic of China.

Under Lee’s leadership, political power increasingly shifted toward native Taiwanese. Lee elevated the influence of this constituency by appointing Taiwanese politicians to key positions in both the ruling KMT and in government institutions, thereby loosening the long-standing dominance of mainlanders. Simultaneously, Lee sought to foster a distinct Taiwanese identity, cultivating a political and cultural consciousness that diverged from the China-centered framework of earlier decades. To this end, he revised the educational curriculum to place greater emphasis on Taiwan’s history and culture, while also promoting the use of local languages such as Taiwanese and Hakka, which had previously been marginalized or restricted in public life.

Accompanying these changes was the emergence of the so-called “two-state theory,” which presented China and Taiwan as separate and independent nations. In 1991, Lee announced the termination of the “Period of National Mobilization for Suppression of the Communist Rebellion,” thereby declaring the civil war between Taiwan and China to be formally over.

This decision represented a decisive departure from the long-standing KMT position that the mainland, though controlled by the PRC, remained a legitimate part of the ROC’s jurisdiction.

More broadly, it sought to transcend the foundational premise of cross-strait relations—that there existed only “one China,” albeit divided between rival regimes. For Beijing, such a departure from the One-China framework was unacceptable and perceived as a direct challenge to its sovereignty.

China’s response was swift and emphatic. The 1993 white paper The Taiwan Question and Reunification of China reaffirmed Beijing’s position in unequivocal terms. It asserted that Taiwan had historically been a part of China, that the international community recognized this fact, and that the United States bore responsibility in respecting China’s sovereignty. Most importantly, the white paper declared: “There is only one China, Taiwan is an inalienable part of China, and the Central Government is located in Beijing. This is a fact recognized worldwide and constitutes the premise for the peaceful settlement of the Taiwan question.” (State Council Taiwan Affairs Office & State Council Information Office, 1993). This language underscored Beijing’s firm rejection of Taiwan’s redefinition of cross-strait ties as a “special state-to-state relationship.” From the 1990s onward, the clash between Taiwan’s democratization and Chinese adherence to the One-China principle fueled escalating tensions. China intensified its military pressure on Taiwan through missile tests, military exercises, and diplomatic isolation efforts. The enactment of the 2005 Anti-Secession Law marked a further escalation: it

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stipulated that, should peaceful unification prove impossible, China reserved the right to employ “non-peaceful means” to prevent Taiwan’s independence.

It is now clear that, while China’s strategic gaze shifted seaward in the 1980s, the parallel transformation in Taiwan was equally decisive in reshaping the trajectory of cross-strait relations. Taiwan’s democratization and assertion of a distinct identity challenged the foundations of the One-China consensus, prompting Beijing to harden its stance and institutionalize military and legal measures aimed at preventing Taiwanese independence.

These developments not only deepened the cross-strait divide but also embedded the Taiwan question at the center of East Asia’s geopolitical order.

When we take this geopolitical backdrop in Cross-strait relations, we can see what kind of lieu de mémoire China wanted the statues of Zheng Chenggong to become. Zheng Chenggong was a figure who literally spent his whole life at sea. Inheriting the maritime trade networks established by his father, Zheng conducted commerce networks among China, Japan, and Southeast Asia, and effectively dominated trade across the East Asian seas. The profits from this trade provided the financial resources that sustained his struggle against the Qing in the name of Ming restoration. At the same time, Zheng’s commercial activities vitalized multilateral trade in Asia and contributed significantly to the development of Taiwan in particular.

What is even more significant is that Zheng Chenggong is one of the few maritime “national heroes” for China. In the long history of China, a vast continental empire, many heroes are remembered for defending the land against foreign incursions on land. Yet, figures who projected China’s prestige across the seas are rare, limited to individuals such as Zheng He, who conducted seven great maritime voyages during the Ming dynasty and reached as far as the east coast of Africa; Deng Zilong, who commanded Ming naval forces in the Imjin War; and Shi Lang, who conquered Taiwan following Zheng Chenggong’s death.

From this perspective, another significance of statues of Zheng Chenggong becomes clear. He was the one who ruled the sea in East Asia, defeated the maritime empire of the Netherlands, and seized Taiwan. Moreover, through maritime trade he established dominance over the East China Sea. In short, Zheng Chenggong is a symbolic figure of China’s maritime expansion.

Jiang Renjie, who has conducted important studies on the imagery of Zheng, observes: In mainland China, particularly in Fujian Province, the Zheng family is regarded as pioneers of China’s maritime expansion and the establishment of a maritime society.

Today, if China is to construct an open maritime civilization, it has much to learn from （Jiang, 2006, p.165）

Zheng Chenggong’s experience.

Jiang’s characterization of Zheng as a “pioneer in the establishment of China’s maritime society” illuminates his significance when viewed from the maritime perspective. Accordingly,

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statues of Zheng Chenggong that stand facing the ocean can be interpreted as a concretization of China’s own contemporary consciousness of venturing into the maritime sphere.

The significance of Zheng Chenggong for China does not end there. By conquering Taiwan and establishing a Han regime, Zheng also appears as the figure who, in the seventeenth century, realized what China today asserts as the “One-China Principle.” As already noted, prior to Zheng’s conquest, Taiwan had never been under the governance of the Chinese mainland. In this sense, Zheng’s campaign constituted a seizure of Taiwan in that he expelled the Dutch and established his own regime, rather than a “recovery” of sovereignty previously held.

Nevertheless, the Taiwan Zhengshi Shimo, compiled during the Qing dynasty, records that Zheng addressed a letter to Coyett, the Dutch governor of Taiwan, declaring: “Taiwan is my homeland’s possession. It has long been lent out, but now is the time to take it back.” (Shen, 1958, p.51) This statement suggests that Zheng himself regarded Taiwan as belonging to his homeland—namely, to China. In other words, for Zheng Chenggong, Taiwan had been a part of China and his attack on the Dutch in Taiwan was to achieve One China.

Accordingly, statues depicting Zheng in martial posture and facing toward Taiwan embody the image of a warrior preparing to reclaim sovereignty over the island for China. At the same time, such statues may also be read as projecting the stance of the People’s Republic itself: confronting Taiwan that, under the KMT, sought to cultivate a distinct Taiwanese identity and to move toward the path of an independent state, while upholding the One-China Principle.

Conclusion In this study, we have examined six statues of Zheng Chenggong in China and Taiwan under the guiding question: “What does Zheng Chenggong see?” It was found that the three statues erected in China share the characteristic of depicting a martial figure facing east and were constructed from the late 1980s onward. In contrast, the three statues in Taiwan, dating from the period of martial law, depict Zheng in the attire of a civil official and facing west.

The differences in the appearance of these statues reveal the distinct imaginations at work in China and Taiwan, and indicate that each society, at its respective historical moment, projected different expectations onto Zheng Chenggong. A broader perspective shows that the statues in Taiwan and China confront one another across the Taiwan Strait, reflecting the desires embedded in their construction: in Taiwan, the aspiration for a counteroffensive against the mainland; in China, the assertion of the One-China Principle.

These findings suggest that the statues of Zheng Chenggong in both China and Taiwan function as vessels into which each society projected its hopes and ambitions at the time of their erection.

In this sense, the six statues examined here exemplify the observation of the historian and folklorist Maurice Agulhon, who noted that political power expresses itself through historical figures it esteems (Agulhon, 1985, p.185). The initial question, “What does Zheng Chenggong see?” thus transforms into the more fundamentally representational question: “What does each society see in Zheng Chenggong?”

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At the same time, while this study focuses on the spatial differences in the significance of Zheng Chenggong statues across the Taiwan Strait, a diachronic approach tracing how the meanings attributed to these statues have shifted over time—especially amid changing crossstrait politics—would further illuminate the fluidity of Zheng’s symbolic function. Such an approach would offer a more comprehensive understanding of how Zheng Chenggong continues to serve as a dynamic and adaptable site of memory across the region.

All the figures are photographed by the author.

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References Cheng, C. (Ed.). (2003). Legends of Tiezhen Mountain: A guided handbook. Taichung County: Cultural Affairs Bureau.

Croizier, R.C. (1977). Koxinga and Chinese Nationalism; History, Myth and the Hero.

Harvard UP. Jiang, R. (1960). Taiwan Waiji (Vol. 10). Taiwan Wenxian Series, No. 60. Taiwan Bank.

Jiang, R. (2006). Deconstructing Zheng Chenggong: Hero, myth, and historical imagery.

Sanmin Book Co. Agulhon, M. (1985). Marianne into battle: Republican imagery and symbolism in France, 1789–1880 (J. Lloyd, Trans.). Cambridge University Press.

Nora, P. (Ed.). (1996). Realms of memory: Rethinking the French past. Vol. 1: Conflicts and divisions (A. Goldhammer, Trans.). Columbia University Press.

Shen, Y. (1958). The history of the Zheng family in Taiwan (Taiwan Wenxian Series, No. 15).

Taiwan Provincial Committee for Historical Documents.

State Council Taiwan Affairs Office & State Council Information Office. (1993). “The Taiwan question and reunification of China. Central Literature Publishing House.”

Retrieved September 16, 2025, from https://konansoft.jp/zenrin/taiwan_library/ccp1993_index.htm.

Tsai, M. (2016). “The imagery of Zheng Chenggong and the re-Sinicization of Taiwan (1945– 1963)”. Bulletin of Humanities Research, National University of Tainan, 1(1).

Wang Z. (2013, June). “Political consultative proposals leading to the creation of the Zheng Chenggong statue in Mt. Taiping.” Zheng Chenggong Studies, (1), Zheng Chenggong Research Association of Quanzhou (Ed.).

Yoda M. (1894). The Tale of Koxinga’s War Against the Qing. Rokugokan Tsurumaki Shoten.

Zhang Q. (2016). Encountering Zheng Chenggong in Dajia. Taichung City: Dajia District Office.

Corresponding author: Masashi Ichiki Email: jun@chikushi-u.ac.jp

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Taboos, Appropriation, and Perlocution: An Analysis of Public Reactions to Tope Alabi’s “Aboru Aboye” Kikelomo Adeniyi Lagos State University of Education, Lagos, Nigeria Favour Olajide Covenant University, Ota, Nigeria

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Abstract In June 2023, veteran Nigerian gospel musician Tope Alabi, came under fierce public scrutiny for using expressions associated with the Yoruba traditional religion and worship of orishas (deities) in her Christian music. The particular expression that many took offence to was her utterance of “Aboru Aboye”, an expression of greeting particularly associated with the worshippers and followers of the Yoruba traditional religion of Ifa. This paper investigates the ensuing controversy, employing Speech Act Theory. Through a thematic analysis of online reactions, the study explores the perlocutionary effects of linguistic choices of Tope Alabi on her audience, many of whom regarded her utterance as taboo. Also, reactions of commentators vary from outright denouncement to full embrace of the utterance as a valid expression of cultural identity and artistic freedom. By examining the diverse responses to music of Alabi, this research contributes to a deeper understanding of the complexities surrounding cultural appropriation and the nature of religious language in a multicultural context.

Keywords: cultural appropriation, gospel, music, language, perlocution, taboo

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Tope Alabi is one of the most popular gospel musicians in Nigeria. She has written and performed several songs, some of which feature prominently as soundtracks in popular Nigerian Christian films. Alabi, who sings predominantly in Yoruba, started her career in the Nigerian theatre/film industry. However, she was launched into the gospel musical limelight with the release of her debut album Ore ti o Common (Uncommon Favour/Goodness) in the year 2000 (Ayorinde & Ajose, 2022).

In the Christian music scene, Alabi is well known and widely appreciated for her style, which is distinctly steeped in the Yoruba culture, evidenced by her abundant use of esoteric expressions. Nigerian gospel artistes in the same mold may include Sola Allyson, Ojo Ade, Niyi Adedokun, and Elijah Akintude. Taiwo et al. (2023) identify them as a class of gospel musicians known to richly employ cultural models and memories in communicating Christian values to their listeners.

In June 2023, Tope Alabi came under public scrutiny offline and online for having used expressions associated with the Yoruba traditional religion and worship of orishas (deities) in her Christian music. The particular expression that many took offence to was her utterance of “Aboru Aboye”, an expression of greeting particularly associated with the worshippers and followers of the Yoruba traditional religion of Ifa (Iyanda, 2023). After making that particular utterance while performing at a church, controversy trailed Alabi over the appropriateness of borrowing utterances from the Ifa lexicon in the worship of the Christian God. Many characterised this as a taboo.

It is worth noting that that incident was not the first of similar criticisms against Tope Alabi.

Back in February 2020, Alabi’s dancing to the tune of “Gbese”, a style associated with a category of Nigerian hip-hop culture – so-called “Marlians” – deemed vulgar was also a source of controversy on the internet. Similarly, in December 2023, she was the subject of a heated debate online over her use of the term “Iyalaya” to depict Bola Are, another very popular gospel music artist who is a contemporary of Alabi. The dispute arose because “iyalaya”, which typically means “grandmother” or any female matriarch, is more associated with the vulgar and uncouth lingo of “street louts” (known as area boys in Nigeria) (Daramola, 2023). These examples point to the exclusionary workings of taboos. In religious settings, the need to promote the “purity” of the beliefs of the group effectively contributes to certain expressions being considered out of bounds.

Going back to the performance of “Aboru Aboye”, Tope Alabi, in the performance referred to herself as “ebo”, which literally means “sacrifice”, while also singing the words, “Abiye ni mi, Oruko mi ni yen. Mo de bo, mo ru, mo ye,” (I am the living one, that is my name. I make a sacrifice, I live). According to an Ifa priest, Oluwo Jogbodo Orunmila, Aboru, Aboye, and Abosise, were three women who had rendered special help to Orunmila (the deity of Ifa worship). As such, by saluting each other with the words “Aboru Aboye Abosise”, Ifa devotees invoke blessings of Orunmila given his relationship with the women (Oyewo, 2023). This

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explains why people of diverse religious backgrounds engaged in public disputations over the singer’s use of the same words.

In this paper, we examine some online comments reacting to the performance of Tope Alabi to determine the effects of her linguistic choices – in this case, the use of expressions deemed taboos – on listeners. Indeed, not all the comments in question are critical; there are a handful of supportive reactions, too. To guide this investigation and provide a precise focus for the thematic analysis of the diverse reactions, this study seeks to answer the following research questions: a. What are the perlocutionary effects (reactions) of Tope Alabi’s use of “Aboru Aboye” on her audience? b. How do online commentators perceive and interpret the appropriation of traditional religious expressions within the context of Christian gospel music? c. What boundaries of artistic expression are revealed in the public discourse surrounding the sacredness and taboo nature of religious language in a multicultural context?

Literature Review To address the research questions of this study, a critical review of relevant literature is essential to establish the theoretical and empirical context. The following sections first explore the nature and function of taboo language, particularly within cultural and religious contexts, and then critically examine existing scholarship on cultural and lyrical appropriation within Nigerian and African gospel music. This review provides the necessary foundation for analysing the audience reactions (perlocutionary acts) to Tope Alabi’s controversial linguistic choices, helping to contextualize the concept of linguistic boundaries and the reception of sacred and profane language.

Defining Taboo Language Allan & Burridge (2009) define taboo as “a proscription of behaviour for a specifiable community of one or more persons at a specifiable time in specific contexts.” In essence, taboos deal with barring or forbidding of behaviour or action. Notably, delineating certain words or expressions as taboo language is context-specific, which signifies that culture plays a vital role in this process. This definition is corroborated by Saville-Troike (2008), who affirms that no topic is universally forbidden; hence, linguistic taboos vary and can even be described as arbitrary.

The etymology of the term “taboo” offers insights into its core meaning. Tracing back to the Tongan word “tabu”, which means “to forbid” or “forbidden”, the term initially only denoted prohibited behaviour. Historically, Burridge et al. (2007) distinguish between two main types of taboos. The first, and perhaps earliest form, were primarily religious and involved prohibitions related to ominous or sacred entities; violations were believed to result in automatic harm or even death. The second, which they associated with the modern Western

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definition of taboos, are simply social sanctions against behaviours deemed distasteful. In this sense, verbal taboos mainly serve a social function by demarcating subjects and language that can potentially cause distress and offence.

Taboo language is mainly characterised by its emotional dimension. So, in addition to linguistic frameworks, taboo studies have drawn much attention from psychologists. Researchers have demonstrated that taboo words elicit heightened emotional arousal and negative valence compared to their non-taboo counterparts. This is why simply hearing taboo words can trigger (near-) visceral reactions to certain concepts. Such reactions are explained by the fact that taboo words are often metaphorically conceptualised in association with body parts. So, on at least one level, they imply a perceived potential for harm, even without physical injury.

The origin and function of taboos are deeply rooted in social and cultural constraints. Allan & Burridge (2009) articulate that taboos arise from societal mechanisms designed to prevent discomfort and harm. Further, the potential risks arising from violating the social constraints against taboos may be metaphysical, moral, or physical. Metaphysical risks are the most common in religious settings, where taboos are seen as not just violating social norms or inconveniencing fellow humans. Rather, and more severely, religious taboos are seen as grievous offences against sacred entities, seen and unseen, and taboo users may suffer personal harm or otherwise incur divine judgment upon the land and its people. They are historically closer to the ominous category of taboos identified by Burridge et al. (2007). These risk factors, across dimensions, not just the metaphysical one, underscore the importance of personal censorship, which consists of self-regulation in language use. Allan and Burridge (2009) differentiate this form of censorship from the institutional kind. While the latter is directly sanctioned by societal institutions or even by the state, personal censorship is driven by the desire to maintain social harmony and save one’s “face”, making the subject of taboo language directly related to the demonstration and study of (im)politeness.

According to Ajayi (2017), influenced by Saville-Troike (2008) and Oyetade (1994), the following are the four categories of taboos: a. b. c. d.

Taboos that relate to decorum Taboos associated with respect Interlingual taboos Taboos for averting ominous consequences

According to Culpeper (2019), taboo language can often be considered a subset within the broader category of impoliteness. This stems from the observation that taboo usage inherently conflicts with expected or desired linguistic behaviour within a given context, which is a core characteristic of impoliteness. More so, the negative emotions inherently aroused by the use of taboo language imply that all taboo expressions are impolite, although not all cases of impoliteness involve taboos. In any case, many communities have evolved various kinds of euphemisms to get around the negative emotions associated with taboos. Given these

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conditions, a person’s use of taboo words is considered, at worst, grossly impolite, if not outrightly dangerous, and at best, a demonstration of lacking knowledge of the proper use of language. An example of the latter would be when the perlocution of an utterance causes other people to take offence, even if the speaker might not have meant the expression in that way.

Dewaele (2004) introduces an interesting dimension to the study of taboo words in relation to language acquisition. His findings indicated that the perceived emotional force of taboo words is strongest in an individual’s first language and tends to diminish in subsequently learned languages. Furthermore, individuals who have experienced a decline in proficiency in their native language perceive taboo words in that language as less impactful than those who remain dominant in their native tongue. This suggests that the emotional weight of taboo words is deeply intertwined with early linguistic development and cultural immersion. When applied to Nigeria’s heterogeneous context, this turns out to be a significant insight. In a country where hundreds of languages are spoken across the population, with each language influencing the emotional weight of different expressions across different audiences, the prospects for controversy as to not just which expressions count as taboo, but more importantly, what taboo is, in the first place, are heightened.

For this study, taboo is defined broadly as expressions that are deemed inappropriate or unacceptable in a particular context – in this case, two religious contexts. Even then, as evidenced in the latter analysis, even the contextual delineation of certain expressions as taboos is influenced by individual understanding and sentiments.

Nigerian/African Gospel Music and the Question of Lyrical/Musical Appropriation The cultural appropriation of traditional religious elements within the Nigerian Christian (or gospel) music genre has been a contentious topic within religious circles. While some studies have examined the theological dimensions of gospel music (Endong & Calvain, 2018; Taiwo et al., 2023) as well as its cultural and socio-economic significance (Ekong & Akpakpan, 2013; Kwiyani & Ola, 2021), the actual reception and reactions of people – Christian and nonChristian alike – to such appropriations remain underexplored. Considering the central role of music in shaping religious and cultural identity as well as fostering communal cohesion, this is a gap worth investigating.

To be clear, this article focuses on appropriation rather than syncretism because our focus is on the exploitative nature of the macro inter-cultural exchange that provides the context for this study. Compared with traditional religions, Christianity and Islam dominate the religious space in Nigeria, each claiming an almost equal share of the population. Given this background, according to Endong & Calvain (2018), a key aspect of the dynamism of Nigerian gospel music is its cultural appropriation, although theirs is a scathing disapproval of the practice as a deviation from divine intent. Specifically, cultural appropriation in Christian music is, in their view, to “reshape, redefine, and re-orient musical artefacts commonly branded secular or the instruments of the devil”. Accordingly, gospel music that incorporates certain traditional

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elements is not genuine as it is apparently not “Holy Spirit assisted”. Edong & Calvain’s (2018) view reveals a long-drawn tension within Christianity pertaining to practices perceived as stemming from human or even “devilish” origins. Crucially, this theological adjudication lacks empirical grounding on whether these elements provoke discomfort and controversy among listeners, which is the core subject of this paper’s investigation into taboo and reception.

However, theological adjudication is not the subject of this study, and their critique lacks empirical grounding on whether these elements do indeed provoke discomfort and controversy among listeners.

Researchers have recounted how, in various ways, cultural elements are infused within Nigerian gospel music. According to Taiwo et al. (2023), gospel songs in indigenous languages such as Yoruba strive to integrate popular sociocultural perceptions with biblical principles.

The aim of this is to make people more embracing of the music of a religion with origins foreign to Nigeria. So, the success of Yoruba gospel artists like Tope Alabi, Sola Allyson, and Elijah Akintude among others is a work in retrieving cultural memories to pass along Christian values in a familiar manner by appealing to the cognitive understanding of people (Taiwo et al., 2023).

This practice is acknowledged by Ekong & Akpakpan (2013).

A critical examination of the literature reveals a significant gap. While the phenomenon of cultural appropriation in Nigerian gospel music is well-documented and analysed from theological, linguistic, and musicological perspectives, there is a dearth of research exploring the actual reception and impact of these appropriations on diverse audiences, particularly from the perspective of taboo and censuring. The existing studies primarily focus on identifying instances of appropriation, analysing the artistic intent behind them, or examining the linguistic and structural mechanisms employed.

For instance, Kwiyani & Ola (2021), in their analysis of musical style of Tope Alabi, note her use of oriki (attributive names and praise chants) in worshipping the Christian God. They highlight her recreation, in songs, of cultural events, such as Yoruba kingly coronations, to elevate the status of Christian God. Linguistic dexterity of Alabi is also in focus, noted in her employment of complex syllables, which are often meaningless on their own but which pragmatically convey a sense of immense greatness and mystery of God. Furthermore, Kwiyani & Ola (2021) also point out how Alabi sometimes imports praise names and eulogies originally intended for ancestors and divinities in Yoruba worship, appropriating them for Christian musical devotion. An example is her using imagery reminiscent of Sango, the Yoruba orisa of thunder, in the song “Eru Re Toba”. While Kwiyani & Ola (2021) offer insightful analysis of techniques of Tope Alabi and their potential theological and cultural implications, their focus remains largely on the textual and performative aspects rather than the reception of listeners.

The crucial missing piece is an understanding of how these appropriations are perceived and interpreted by segments of the population. Does the “Christianisation” of traditional religious elements resonate with Christian audiences? Does it foster a sense of cultural relevance and deeper connection to their faith? Or does it lead to discomfort or even rejection among certain

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groups who might perceive it as a dilution of Christian doctrine or even an inappropriate conflation of distinct spiritual realms? Indeed, many traditionalists might consider the appropriation of theological distinctives by Christian music artistes as a belittling of traditional African worship. This raises vital questions about the potential for offence, cultural insensitivity, and even the ethical implications of recontextualising sacred elements from one belief system into another.

Research conducted in South Africa by Lebaka (2015) on the integration of traditional African religious music into the services of Evangelical Lutheran Church offers a glimpse. The study reports that the introduction of certain elements of African music, such as handclapping and the adoption of traditional instruments and singing styles, led to increased church attendance and participation. It does not explicitly convey, however, if any attendees felt compromised in their understanding of Christian worship.

In summary, the current body of literature, while providing a solid foundation for understanding the phenomenon of cultural appropriation in Nigerian gospel music, leaves a significant lacuna concerning audience reception. Extensive documentation of what is being appropriated and how it is being done needs to be complemented by a deeper investigation into how these appropriations are received, interpreted, and experienced by diverse audiences. This article represents a crucial early step in this regard.

This research seeks to bridge this gap by examining the responses of people to the appropriation of traditional religious elements in contemporary Nigerian gospel music, using Tope Alabi as a case study.

Theoretical Framework Analysing the reactions to performance of Tope Alabi can be effectively situated within the framework of Speech Act Theory, specifically focusing on the concept of perlocutionary acts.

Developed by J. L. Austin and further elaborated by John Searle, Speech Act Theory offers a robust foundation for understanding how language performs actions and produces effects on its audience. Austin’s Speech Act Theory delineates three types of acts performed in communication: a. Locutionary Act refers to the production of a meaningful utterance. It encompasses the phonetic, syntactic, and semantic dimensions. b. Illocutionary Act pertains to the speaker’s intention behind the utterance, which, in this context, may be invoking divine blessings or expressing devotion. In Alabi’s case, her use of “Aboru Aboye” could also be seen as a demonstration of cultural authenticity in spiritual worship. c. Perlocutionary Act refers to the effects an utterance has on its audience, whether intended or unintended. It focuses on what a speaker brings about or achieves by saying something. This is the crux of our analysis, as it captures the reactions elicited by

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performance of Alabi, ranging from approving admiration to outright criticism (Austin, 1975).

Locutionary Act

Illocutionary Act

Perlocutionary Act

PRODUCTION

INTENTION

EFFECT

Unlike locutionary and illocutionary acts, perlocutionary acts are inherently open-ended since they depend on the listeners’ interpretations, cultural backgrounds, the context of the utterance, and even emotional or sentimental predispositions involved. This is, in fact, evident in the variability in the reactions to performance of Alabi. Hence, using the philosophy of perlocutionary acts as an analytical lens, this study employs thematic analysis to categorize the reactions to performance of Alabi.

Instead of focusing solely on the literal meaning (locution) or the presumed intention (illocution) of the artist, we analyse the comments to identify the specific effects that her linguistic choices had on her audience. In this way, our approach acknowledges the dynamic nature of communication, where the impact of an utterance can extend even far beyond the speaker’s initial intention.

Research Methodology This research employs a qualitative approach to investigate the reactions to the use of the phrase “Aboru Aboye” in a Christian musical performance of Tope Alabi. Qualitative research methods are well-suited to this study as they allow for an in-depth exploration of the meanings and interpretations of the reactions.

The primary data for the study were collected from available online comments posted in response to the said performance of Tope Alabi. These comments were selected from two main platforms: Facebook and Nigerian newspaper websites. Facebook was chosen due to its widespread use in Nigeria; it functions as a platform for public discourse and opinion sharing on a wide range of topics. Also, online comment sections of newspapers, which often cover cultural controversies, provide a space for readers to engage in discussions and express opinions. In addition, the data were collected between June and July 2023, at the peak of the online controversy in order to capture the most immediate and intense reactions to the performance. A purposive sampling technique was employed, with the authors selecting comments that directly addressed the use of “Aboru Aboye” and related themes to Tope Alabi.

Also, the researchers made an effort to include a balance of both positive and negative viewpoints to provide for a more robust analysis. The positivity or negativity of each comment was determined by whether the commentator was defending (“positive”) or criticising (“negative”) Tope Alabi’s use of the apparently offending phrase.

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To illustrate, comments rated “negative” are typically explicit in identifying Alabi as the wrong party, while some do the same by means of sarcastic rhetorical questioning or other figures of speech, as in the examples below: In as much as we can’t say Ase” instead of “Amin” after prayers in the church or mosque Tope is very wrong “Ase” too is deep Yoruba language. (Extract 3) Abi oo. This is not Holy spirit inspiration but self-inspiration... This is one of the reasons I don’t listen to some of our so called gospel singers who are indigenous. I prefer singers like Don Moen, Ron Kenoly, Lenny, Bob Fitts and co. You draw inspiration from their work and songs. Please what inspiration will I get from Aboru boye bosise? (Extract 10) The comments marked “positive” did similar, but in the opposite direction, that is, in support of Alabi’s actions.

In all, a total of 29 comments (tagged Extracts 1-29, in Appendix) were extracted for this study.

The collected data were subsequently analysed using the critical thematic analysis approach, guided by the principles of Speech Act Theory, particularly the concept of perlocutionary acts.

This provided the lens through which to interpret the reactions expressed in the comments, paying attention to the intended and unintended effects of linguistic choices of Alabi. The following steps were involved in the data analysis process: a. The researchers familiarised themselves with the data by reading and re-reading the collected comments while noting initial observations and impressions. b. A systematic coding process was undertaken to identify key concepts, ideas, and sentiments expressed in the context. These codes were developed inductively and not pre-determined. c. The initial codes were grouped together based on their relationships and similarities to form broader themes. d. The identified themes were reviewed and refined to ensure accurate reflection of the data, as well as internal coherence. e. Each theme was then clearly defined and described, with representative examples.

In addition, all data were collected from publicly available sources, and no personally identifiable information was included in the analysis or presentation.

Thematic Analysis Drawing upon the previously outlined theoretical framework focusing on Perlocutionary Acts in Speech Act Theory, we conduct a thematic analysis of selected reactions to the controversial performance of Tope Alabi. The analysis categorises the perlocutionary effects of her linguistic

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choices on her audience, with a focus on highlighting how these utterances were received and interpreted within the context of religious and cultural sensitivities.

Linguistic Ownership and Cultural Authority A significant portion of the discourse centres on the idea that certain linguistic expressions, particularly those originating within specific cultural or religious traditions, are perceived as “belonging” to those groups. This sense of ownership, in turn, dictates who has the legitimacy to use those expressions and in what context. This is what is described in Extract 1, part of which reads: “Some expression[s] or terms have been popularized in some localities to a point when you start using them, the people there feel a sense of ownership to the term being used.”

Extract 4 demonstrates a strong proprietary reaction by saying Tope Alabi “trespassed”, further adding that the expression in question is “exclusively peculiar to their [Ifa worshippers] use and not a general slang on the street”. Extract 5 similarly describes Alabi’s use of the “Aboru Aboye” as an “aberration”, comparing it to Ifa devotees shouting “Hallelujah” or “Hossana” (terms associated with Christian worship) in their shrines of worship. Extract 12 betrays the same sentiments, claiming that the “Aboru Aboye Abosise” is “the language of Ifa worshippers” which “should not be imported into Christendom”. The writer further claims that anyone who wants to use those terms should prepare for full initiation into Ifa worship instead.

Meanwhile, Extract 15 uses sarcasm (“Was it trademarked? Or patented?”) to question the notion that the greeting is exclusively owned by Ifa devotees.

To be clear, the protective stance is not merely claiming linguistic territory but a protection of what is seen as sacred cultural heritage. It arises from a legitimate concern that the meaning and depth of these expressions might be diluted or misappropriated when used outside their original contexts. In other instances, such as Extract 3, Tope Alabi is described as “very wrong”, using the example that neither Christians nor Muslims could say “Ase” instead of “Amin” [Amen] in their prayers to justify the point. This is a clear case of affirming linguistic boundaries. Moreover, it is a phenomenon that highlights power dynamics inherent in language and reveals the tension between the evolving nature of language and the perceived need to preserve its purity or sanctity within specific cultural frameworks.

Context-Dependent Legitimacy and Artistic Freedom Another prominent theme in this context is that many reactions emphasised that the appropriateness of language of Alabi is contingent on the specific context of its use. In essence, what might be acceptable in one setting could be considered unacceptable in another.

Moreover, this creates tension for artists who are expected to exercise creative freedom in their works, especially for those who serve a religious audience. The key concern here is whether creative intention can justify the repurposing of traditionally sacred expressions. It is all about maintaining a balance, and sometimes, even the very act of attempting this can be wildly controversial.

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This is made clear in Extract 2, which states, “I am not against her use of the terms but the context”. Extract 1 also addresses aspects of artistic creativity, claiming that even poetic license is not an excuse against backlash from people who feel a sense of ownership of the language.

In both cases, the concern of the speaker is a feeling that the intended Christian message can be lost or confused. Even though they salute “creative ingenuity” of Alabi, they would rather she had avoided the phrase altogether.

In a legitimizing parallel, Extract 20 points to the use of “peace be unto you” and “salam aleikun” in Islam. The speaker here affirms freedom of Tope Alabi to use expressions that will be the most persuasive to her audience while admitting that she couldn’t please everyone.

Meanwhile, Extract 8 admits that translation from English to another language is hardly simple and that both music and language should be treated as “delicate components of culture”. Extract 17 champions individual freedom of expression in worship, saying, “Find your own expression! Let God be praised”, while Extract 23 defends “pure creativity” of Alabi and her established style, arguing that disagreement will not change her [Alabi’s] artistic approach.

Other reactions tend to link Alabi’s use of the expression to some form of spiritual revelation intertwined with metaphor, such as Extracts 28 and 29.

Religious Authenticity and Inspiration A subset of the reactions being studied touch on questions about the nature of divine inspiration and religious expression. Some view religious inspiration as necessarily confined within established boundaries, while others see it as potentially transcending linguistic and cultural limitations. Questions are raised about whether the linguistic choices of Alabi are genuinely inspired by the Holy Spirit, the third person in the Christian theistic trinity, or stemming from other cultural or personal influences. In this way, some comments raised doubts about the purity of Alabi’s Christian devotion and the authenticity of her message as a religious artefact.

One such critical reaction is Extract 10, which explicitly declares that “this is not Holy Spirit inspiration but self-inspiration.” The author of the extract went on to lambast “so called gospel singers who are indigenous”, while praising popular American Christian singers. Extract 9 toes the same line, saying Alabi should “go to His [God’s] book for inspirations” if she wants to sing Christian music, explicitly saying she should pick her words from the Bible. Extract 6 is even more pessimistic, describing the action of Alabi as “an explosion of disaster”: “If after waiting on God for inspiration, then what the Holy Ghost releases into my lips to edify God’s people is Aboru Aboye in the name of language, art or tradition, then there is an explosion of disaster.” Extract 11 also advocates a strict distinction between “Aboru Aboye [Abosise]” and the Christian doctrine of Jesus Christ as a sacrifice to atone for sins.

Contrarily, some commentators are more favourably disposed to Alabi and do not consider her performance as inauthentic to Christianity. For instance, Extract 28 advocates a straightforward interpretation of “Aboru Aboye” as “purely a Yoruba expression.” At the same time, Extract 20 defends the lyrics of Tope Alabi, appealing to the fact that linguistic adaptation can serve

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as an effective tool for contextual evangelism. Extract 24 follows the same route, reframing the controversy as an opportunity for dialogue and evangelism, urging critics to focus on spreading the gospel. Similarly, Extract 29 sees nothing wrong with the choice of words of Alabi, asserting that the latter’s appeal to that lexicon is an artistic (metaphorical) device rather than a matter of religious doctrine.

Cultural Integration and Innovation Another theme, more broadly positive, from the reactions is viewing the linguistic choices of Alabi not as a problematic borrowing but as a natural and even positive form of cultural integration. In this view, the use of Yoruba language, traditional instruments, and cultural metaphors within Nigerian gospel music is seen by some as enriching the Christian faith, thereby making it more relatable to the local context. So, although the performance of Alabi pushes the boundaries of conventional gospel music, it fosters a welcoming innovation in religious expression. So, this is not merely about linguistic choice but a deeper process of cultural negotiation and religious indigenisation. Many supportive reactions frame the issue in this way.

For instance, Extract 21 claims that “most of our religions have been adulterated by our language and culture”, citing historical examples of words and expressions already repurposed from Yoruba traditional religious worship to explain and justify the use of “Aboru Aboye” in the Christian context. Extract 26 also references Christian history, recounting how the “founding fathers of church music pushed for our local language-based liturgy” and how the colonialists kicked against it. In this view, a “just, fair and contextual analysis” of utterance of Tope Alabi would reveal that it was only an evolution of past historical resistance.

For Extract 22, “The English language is not strong enough to describe the awesomeness of God”; hence, Tope Alabi is justified. The author affirms their love for the infusion of cultural beliefs into the practice of religion, which makes worship unique. Extract 16, in turn, acknowledges cultural heritage: “we cannot wish our culture as well as the corresponding linguistics”. The extract also affirms: “no one should be bullied or coerced into submission for professing a culturally-themed admiration of their maker.” In a similar argument, Extract 18 extends the subject to the use of traditional musical instruments in churches for worship.

General Summary One of the main highlights of online reactions to the controversial performance of Tope Alabi is that they align with the concept of linguistic taboos being context-specific and culturally determined (Allan and Burridge, 2009; Savill-Troike, 2008). For those who kicked against the use of the seemingly offending utterance of Alabi, the perception is that the expression belongs in the exclusive domain of Ifa worshippers, reflecting a desire to maintain strict religious boundaries. As such, the expression did cause offence, not just among traditional religious worshippers but also among Christians who found the expression inappropriate in their religious worship setting. In fact, some comments invoke the metaphysical risks said to be

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associated with violating religious taboos by describing the action of Alabi as a transgression, specifically against the Christian God (as in Extract 12).

The importance of the speech act theory here, particularly the focus on perlocutionary acts, is the demonstration that the effect of an utterance is contingent on the audience’s interpretation and contextual understanding. This means that offence may be taken when none is given, at least not intentionally. More so, the divergent reactions demonstrate that perlocutionary effects can vary significantly based on individual beliefs and cultural sensitivities. Clearly, the impact of communication extends much beyond any speaker’s initial intention.

If the aim of Tope Alabi was to make Christianity more accessible and relatable in the Nigerian context, she would not be the first, as this was an exercise that had been taking place for a rather long time. Indeed, commentators recalled historical instances of linguistic adaptation within Christianity, as well as musical adaptation beyond language (through the use of traditional instruments, for example). So, what is happening can be described as an ongoing negotiation of cultural and religious identities within the Nigerian context through the influential lens of gospel music. Ultimately, the controversy surrounding the linguistic choices of Tope Alabi in this one performance reflects broader societal debates. To this end, subsequent studies in this direction may investigate the following: a. Intra-religious diversity among reactions to external appropriation. b. The influence of cultural immersion on the perception of appropriations and intercultural exchanges. c. The relationship of new generations to cultural appropriation in comparison to older generations.

Conclusion Clearly, the musical choices of Tope Alabi triggered a complex discourse surrounding cultural appropriation, religious authenticity, taboo language, and even the boundaries of artistic expression. Ultimately, this study demonstrates that the “Aboru Aboye” controversy was not merely a debate over language or theology. Rather, it reflects some deeper societal anxieties about how artistes shape public discourse. This is significant, considering the multi-cultural and multi-religious space of Nigeria. It is certain that complexities of this nature will remain a subject of ongoing debate and scholarly inquiry.

For religious and traditional institutions, the findings underscore a need to develop clear, contextually sensitive guidelines (not laws) for the integration of traditional religious lexicon into contemporary worship. It should be noted that the lack of a national population census in nearly 20 years make giving precise numbers complicated, but one reconstruction estimates that 99% of Nigerians identify as Christian or Muslim (Garenne, 2025). This highlights the ethical imperative for public figures and artists, especially of either of the major faiths, to be keenly aware of the perlocutionary effects and potential for offense when repurposing sacred

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cultural heritage, thereby influencing public discourse and potentially impacting inter-religious harmony.

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Daramola, E. (2023, December 16). Tope Alabi stirs controversy over ‘iyalaya’ comment.

Punch Newspapers. https://punchng.com/tope-alabi-stirs-controversy-over-iyalayacomment/ Dewaele, J.-M. (2004). The Emotional Force of Swearwords and Taboo Words in the Speech of Multilinguals. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development, 25(2–3), 204–222. https://doi.org/10.1080/01434630408666529 Ekong, G. E., & Akpakpan, J. J. (2013). Oberi Okaime and Africanism in Christian Worship: The Musical Perspective. International Journal of Asian Social Science, 3(4), 939– 950.

Endong, & Calvain, F. P. (2018). Rethinking Spiritual/Cultural Appropriation in Christian Music Making and Consumption: A Study of Nigerian Gospel Music. Journal of Fine Arts, 1(1), 14–22. https://doi.org/10.22259/2637-5885.0101003 Garenne, M. (2025). Population Dynamics of Religious Affiliations in Nigeria. Review of Religious Research. https://doi.org/10.1177/0034673x251336757 Iyanda, M. (2023, June 25). Ethics and Politics of Tope Alabi’s “Aboru, Aboye, and Abosise” Utterance. Tekedia. https://www.tekedia.com/ethics-and-politics-of-topealabis-aboru-aboye-and-abosise-utterance/ Kwiyani, H., & Ola, J. (2021). God in oral African theology: Exploring the spoken theologies of Afua Kuma and Tope Alabi. Conspectus: The Journal of the South African Theological Seminary, 31(1), 54–66.

Lebaka, M. E. K. (2015). The value of traditional African religious music into liturgy: Lobethal Congregation. HTS Teologiese Studies / Theological Studies, 71(3), Article 3. https://doi.org/10.4102/hts.v71i3.2761 Oyetade, S. O. (1994). Taboo expressions in Yoruba. Afrika Und Übersee: Sprachen, Kulturen, 77(1), 91–103.

Oyewo, D. (2023, July 11). Aboru Aboye purely Yoruba language, not for Ifa priests – Tope Alabi. Punch Newspapers. https://punchng.com/aboru-aboye-purely-yorubalanguage-not-for-ifa-priests-tope-alabi/

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Saville-Troike, M. (2008). The ethnography of communication: An introduction. John Wiley & Sons.

Taiwo, R., Fawunmi, M., & Ogundare, A. (2023). Cultural conceptulisations in Elijah Akintunde’s Yoruba ballad gospel song Ijo Odi ‘Dance of the Deaf’. Language and Semiotic Studies, 9(3), 313–332. https://doi.org/10.1515/lass-2023-0010 Corresponding Author: Favour Olajide Email: favour.olajidepgs@stu.cu.edu.ng

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Appendix Reactions to Tope Alabi’s Aboru Boye Negative Reactions (Against) Extract 1 … I’m sure. The language of Africa is quite delicate and sensitive. You can make an expression of “sacrifice” in English language and get away with it. But the moment you are now getting into the much deeper “lexicon” of the African language in the bid to be creative, you are left with no option than experience some backlash from the custodians of the language. Some expression or terms have been popularized in some localities to a point when you start using them, the people there feel a sense of ownership to the term being used. It’s a very complicated terrain. For example, there are some terms that belong to the streets. The moment you use them as “poetic licence”, the people that claim such a sense of ownership would either kick against your use of it (context) or be happy for your use of it in a very “strange place”. My advice? Let’s avoid unnecessary battles. There are a thousand and one ways of still passing our message across without using the terms that would create unnecessary rancour among the people.

Extract 2 … I am not against her use of the terms but the context..... How many will she now tell among the traditionalists that the context with which she used it was Christian... They don’t know where “a living sacrifice” is written in the bible... But they do know where the term “aboru boye” has been popularized. While I salute her creative ingenuity, I still feel she should be more discrete in her use of language that are somewhat controversial...

Extract 3 In as much as we can’t say “Ase” (it is so) instead of “Amin” (Amen) after prayers in the church or mosque Tope is very wrong “Ase” too is deep Yoruba language.

Extract 4 Tope Alabi trespassed by choosing the Ifa Lexicon used as means of greetings in their consultation. Either connotative or Denotative.... It’s exclusively peculiar to their use and not a general slang on the street. This has generated rifes in their clan as they are

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asking her to come out to claim an ancestry or as an initiate. Certain things are peculiar to them which never mix.

Extract 5 … Tope Alabi goofed time around. Has been heard of Ogbonis (Yoruba secret society members), the Onifas (Ifa worshippers) and the Babalawos (Ifa priests) shouting hallelujah or hossanah in their shrine or in their coven. The use of Aboru, Aboye by Tope Alabi was an aberration.

Extract 6 Thanks for this Sir. If after waiting on God for inspiration, then what the Holy Ghost releases into my lips to edify God’s people is Aboru Aboye in the name of language, art or tradition, then there is an explosion of disaster.

Extract 7 Complete disaster per-excellence. Hmmmm. Ichabod (Ogo shi lo).

Extract 8 Music and Language. Two delicate components of culture.... It may appear to be that simple until you decide for instance to translate a “simple song” in English to a local language. You’ll then come to understand the implications of “connotation” and “denotation” when communicating.

Extract 9 I have observed that some pastors who preach without making reference to the Bible get it all wrong in their sermons. What I’m trying to say is that, gospel music artistes should always be inspired by the word of God to be relevant in that area. I’m a fan of some gospel artistes like Don Moen. And I love it when he picks his lyrics from the Bible. He helps me to be able to recite some Bible verses without opening the Bible.

My own opinion is that, if Tope Alabi wants to sing the Lord’s song, then go to His book for inspirations. There are millions of words in the Bible which are enough to sing from. And if she wants to switch to Yoruba cultural songs, no problems.

Extract 10 Abi oo. This is not Holy spirit inspiration but self-inspiration... This is one of the reasons I don’t listen to some of our so called gospel singers who are indigenous. I prefer singers like Don Moen, Ron Kenoly, Lenny, Bob Fitts and co. You draw

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inspiration from their work and songs. Please what inspiration will I get from Aboru boye bosise?

Extract 11 I appreciate your line of reasoning my dear brother. Albeit, I still feel confident and make bold to say that there’s no correlation or nexus of any kind between Romans 12:1 nor our Lord Jesus Christ as perfect sacrifice offered by God the Father Himself as atonement for our sin and the so called “Aboru Aboye, Aboyebosise” Extract 12 …. Aboru Aboye Aboyebosise is a complete language of the Ifa worshipers (greetings among themselves) that should not be imported into Christendom. Anyone who wishes to become Aboru Aboye Aboyebosise should go to Oke Itase in my ancient town in Ile Ife and meet Agboniregun for full induction and/initiation. The gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ should be spared of this uncalled for aberration.

Extract 13 …The choice of that lyrics is purely traditional and synonymous to Ifa. We were taught this in Yoruba and everyone knows. Now bringing this to church or gospel music is completely out of it…. has said it all... let us stay within the confines of our belief and not bringing controversy. There are better and scriptural ways of expressing yourself as a believer not necessarily going the way of unbeliever…

Extract 14 ... please let everyone stays on his line or part and stop defending what is not. What Tope Alabi said is not in line with the Bible some of us are quoting... remember this is not her first time but this time around, she went too far. There was a time she used Awilo logonba tune to sing her gospel song. At another time, she sang about a popular man of God who later died and was discovered to belong to 27 cults. Then what are we saying. Do we call this inspiration from the Holy spirit? What is bad is bad and should not be coloured. If you want to win unbelievers, do you practice what they are doing…. no. Stay on your line and don’t raise suspicion against your belief.

Positive Reactions Extract 15 Was it trademarked? Or patented?

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Extract 16 Even though we expressly say our citizenship is not of this world, our ancestors and progenitors were cultural beings. This was clearly reflected in the Ajayi Crowther translation of the scripture, as such we can’t wish our culture as well as the corresponding linguistics away. While no group was appointed as the custodian of African culture and traditions, we should remember that Sacrifice is a significant part of most culture. Apostle Paul had to drive home his point with the practical appeal that we should present our bodies as living sacrifices, holy and acceptable. While I agree that we must avoid unnecessary controversy around Christ and his name, no one should be bullied or coerced into submission for professing a culturally-themed admiration of their maker.

Extract 17 I’m not a Christian merely by singing Gospel songs likewise am I a lodge member of the Reformed Ogboni Fraternity by chanting Eriwo-Ya! The Lord knoweth those who are his just as Traditionalists know those who are theirs. Find your own expression! Let God be praised. That’s the universal conclusion of the whole matter!

Extract 18 ... how about the instruments and gadgets we use in churches for worship and programmes? Such as “shekere, gangan, sakara, bembe, agogo” (various traditional musical instruments) etc. How about the words like “kabiyesi” (king), “eledumare” (Lord of the Universe), “erujeje” (Terrific One), “osuba” (honour) etc?

I think there is nothing wrong in the choice of words …used. The traditionalist that came up with that word aboru aboye also got that word from the olodumare. If Dunsin Oyekan song “ I brought myself as a sacrifice” were rendered in Yoruba, they won’t see anything wrong but just because Tope Alabi former father in the Lord Late Prophet Ajanaku was a member of the Ogboni confraternity that is why they shout out. We Christians are to present ourselves a living sacrifice unto God. Extract 19 If we sing, “We bring the sacrifice of praise, into the house of the Lord”, it means “A mu EBO OPE wa si ile Oluwa”. There can’t be a better way to understand or interpret it in t

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Extract 20 Another instance, was my experience during my NYSC in Jigawa State. I observed with great surprise that whenever “peace be unto you” is mentioned, it’s interpreted as “Salam aleikun”, that’s pure Arabic spoken in the Church. I was a converted Muslim scholar. If you want to preach the gospel to a core Muslim, you will call Jesus as “Isah” for them to understand as recorded in the Quran. In summary…Tope Alabi’s lyrics were her personal inspiration from the Holy Spirit except we choose the path of fanaticism or extremism. After all, we can’t please all men, we should rather obey and follow our personal convictions. The scripture says, “Let everyone be FULLY PERSUADED in his OWN mind”. Romans 14:5, 14….

Extract 21 We Yorubas are unique set of people, most of our religions have been adulterated by our language and culture. For example, “alagbada iná aláwọ tẹ́lẹ̀ òórùn” (one who wears a garment of fire with an undergarment of sunshine) was oríkì (panegyric) of Sango, but now we reverence God almighty with it because of the potency of the word. O gbemọ nija kí ẹrù ba onija (the one who defends a child in battle and makes the warrior fearful), was the oríkì of ÈṢÙ ỌDARA (not Satan) but we reverence God with it because of its potency. O r’ọmọ nisẹ faya tíì, was the oríkì of ORUNMILA, but we reverence God with it because of its potency. KABIYESI means ká bí o kò si, which means no one can challenge you. This is a special panegerics used to reverence our kings because of how powerful they were then, but now we use it for God simply because of its potency. …So if I call myself a sacrifice for my God to make do with me as he wishes, and I want to greet him well done, it’s “aboru boye bàbá o”. Ride on in your majesty sir.

Extract 22 This is not the first time we import our traditional words into our religion especially Christianity, because English language is not strong enough to describe the awesomeness of God. The CAC good women choir led by madam Fasoyin of the famous ọdún ń lọ sopin (the year is going to an end), sang “àyíká odo kii p’odo alọka ọlọ kii p’ọlọ, gbígbó ajá kii p’aja, kíkan agbo kii p’agbo (the river bank does not kill the river … the dog’s barking does not kill the dog, the sourness of a herbal drink does not kill the drink). Please, where were these words written in the Bible? Those words were pure incantations, but we imported it into Christianity because of its potency. So, this ABỌRU BỌYE for me is nothing really, we are Yorubas and the way we worship GOD is unique. Our cultural beliefs have intertwined into any religion we practice and if you ask me.... I LOVE IT. That’s what makes us unique. That’s why religion has nothing on us.

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Extract 23 Except we choose to pretend, we know the style and choice of languages in Tope Alabi’s songs. It’s pure creativity. You don’t need to accept or agree with it. It’s her unique niche in the art of music. Whatever your views about it, won’t change it. When I became born again, my Muslim group and MSS fellowship members in my secondary school confronted me and demanded I change my name from Hassan to a Christian name but I told them I wasn’t inspired or led to do so. Others were led by the Holy Spirit to change their Islamic names to Christian names. e.g. Musa to Moses, Isiaka to Isaac, Maryam to Mary etc…

Extract 24 Let’s leave Tope Alabi alone with her inspiration and allow God to be the judge. Let the Ifa devotees pay her a visit, she will give them the gospel in full. Let’s also use this opportunity to tell the Ifa devotees about the true sacrifice of Jesus, the unknown God they serve instead of crucifying our own sister whom has used to open up opportunity for us to reach out to them. Thank you.

Extract 25 …I think we should help T Alabi preach that message that we are the circumcision, the sacrifice that had been accepted in the beloved Christ. Maybe we will be able to get the gospel to the chief/Ifa priest better than all these disputations which rather than defend the faith further delays the gospel message…

Extract 26 The backlash on TOPE ALABI is more because of her “controversial antecedent” than a just, fair and contextual analysis of her utterance. When the founding fathers of church music in Nigeria pushed for our local language based liturgy the colonialists frowned until there was a breakout and now we have denominations that eventually influenced the trajectory of what Christian worship became. Names like Òyígíyigì, Ọló ̣wó ̣gbọgbọrọ, Sángiri Làgiri, etc found their ways into our Christian worship and we never found any way to frown on them or try looking for their origin(s).

Exract 27 The interpretation of Romans 12:1 and Dunsin Oyekan - “The Eagle’s “More Than a Song” had just been presented to us from another perspective and people are looking for talking points that are not there.

Extract 28

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My point is not about the “level of Christianity” of the woman because I am not assistant Holy Spirit but “àbọrú àbọyè” is purely a Yorùbá expression talking about the acceptance of one’s sacrifice to the Deity/deity one believes in….

Extract 29 There is absolutely nothing wrong with her use of words. The woman is singing based on personal revelation and spiritual understanding. In the bid to drive home the message in the song, she chooses to use those words, not that she is not traditional worshiper.

This is what we call “metaphor” as a figure of speech in the study of literature. Jesus said that He will come like a thief in the night doesn’t mean He is a thief- means He will come suddenly.

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Framing Cultural Narratives in News Coverage of Indonesia’s Thorium Power Plant Debate Muhammad Yunus Zulkifli Universitas Indonesia, Indonesia Puji Prihandini Universitas Indonesia, Indonesia

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Abstract This research applies a framing analysis to deconstruct how media discourses construct cultural and political meanings around the development of a thorium-based power plant on Gelasa Island, Central Bangka Regency, Indonesia. Drawing on Pan and Kosicki’s framing model, the research interprets the syntactic, script, thematic, and rhetorical structures in three news articles published by detikcom and KOMPAS.com between 1 August 2022 and 31 August 2023, selected for their prominence, explicit case relevance, and citation of institutional actors.

Guided by Framing Theory and the Theory of Public Opinion Formation, the research adopts a qualitative, constructivist approach to interrogate how narratives of foreign interest, technological advancement, and national sovereignty are shaped in media representations.

Specifically, it seeks to answer the question of why detikcom and KOMPAS.com framed the existence of foreign interests in the thorium power plant project. The findings reveal three dominant frames: developmental modernity and techno-optimism, sovereignty and foreign dependency, and state-led modernization. These frames are embedded in broader cultural narratives of techno-nationalism, environmental concern, and postcolonial identity in Indonesia’s development discourse. The study contributes to a deeper understanding of how energy debates are mediated through symbolic language and national imaginaries, with implications for science communication, media literacy, and renewable energy policy.

Keywords: cultural narratives, framing, sovereignty, Indonesia, techno-nationalism, thorium

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The development of environmentally friendly nuclear technology has become a prominent topic in Indonesia’s environmental science discourse (Rajagukguk et al., 2024). This technology spans two key sectors: energy represented by nuclear power plants (Kurniawan et al., 2023; Rahmanta et al., 2023; Santosa et al., 2023) and non-energy applications such as agriculture, health, and industry (Dumais & Soemartono, 2024). This research focuses on the energy sector, specifically the planned thorium-based nuclear power plant on Gelasa Island, Bangka Belitung. As online media plays a crucial role in shaping public perception, this research analyzes news coverage from detikcom and KOMPAS.com as two of Indonesia’s most prominent and trusted digital news platforms (Reuters Institute & University of Oxford, 2023).

Between 1 August 2022 and 31 August 2023, 19 articles discussed nuclear power broadly, with only 3 focusing specifically on the Gelasa Island project (Dahnur & Alexander, 2023; Dahnur & Arief, 2023; Tim Detikcom, 2023).

The selection of this site reflects Indonesia’s interest in utilizing thorium found in local tin sand as a nuclear fuel. The articles indicate that both media outlets framed the plant’s construction in ways that highlight not only environmental and economic implications but also geopolitical and cultural narratives, including the involvement of South Korea and the potential for foreign interests. Using Pan and Kosicki’s framing model (Pan & Kosicki, 1993), this research investigates how news discourse constructs socio-political narratives focusing on the interplay between renewable energy, cultural identity, and national sovereignty.

While nuclear energy debates have been studied in Indonesia, few studies interrogate how cultural narratives and national identity are embedded in energy-related media discourse. This gap is especially relevant for emerging renewable energy debates, where technological innovation intersects with cultural meaning, foreign collaboration, and public trust. Therefore, this study positions media framing not only as political communication but also as part of Indonesia’s cultural politics of modernity.

In particular, this research seeks to answer the question of why detikcom and KOMPAS.com framed the existence of foreign interests in this energy project. By critically engaging with media representations of the thorium project, this research contributes to understanding how cultural narratives and media framings shape public engagement with science and technology in Indonesia. The findings aim to inform science communication strategies and policy development related to nuclear energy in Indonesia, offering insights for scientists, media practitioners, government agencies, environmental stakeholders, and cultural analysts interested in the socio-political dimensions of environmental innovation.

Literature Review Theory of Public Opinion Formation This research used the Theory of Public Opinion Formation as its substantive theory, which tries to explain how public opinion is formed and develops in society, where individuals do not have direct access or a comprehensive understanding of all public issues, so they tend to form

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their views based on the information presented by mass media (Lippmann, 1965). It means that the public generally does not have direct access to in-depth information about political and social issues, so they rely on the images provided by the media. Lippmann introduced the concepts of stereotype and pseudo-environment, which explain how individuals construct their views of the world through media constructions, rather than through objective reality. In this context, the media acts as a filter that selects, presents, and interprets information, thus shaping public perceptions of important issues. McCombs & Shaw (1972) in agenda-setting theory supported this view by showing that the media not only conveys information, but also determines what issues are considered important by the public.

In addition, Iyengar (1994) emphasized his framing theory on how the way the media frames issues to shape public interpretation and judgment. The relevance of this concept is increasingly important in understanding public responses to contemporary issues such as renewable energy (EBT), where public understanding is greatly conditioned by how the media packages and reports the topic. Furthermore, Noelle-Neumann (1993) in spiral of silence theory suggested that the dominance of certain opinions in the media can make individuals reluctant to voice dissenting views, which also affects the dynamics of public opinion formation on new issues such as renewable energy (EBT). Thus, the theory of public opinion formation provides an important framework for analyzing how modern society understands and responds to information through the mass media.

Framing Theory Moreover, Framing Theory was used as a discourse theory in this research. Framing theory is an approach in communication studies and political science that investigates how media and other communication actors shape the way society understands and interprets an issue or event.

The concept of framing refers to the process in which a message or story is structured and presented in such a way as to direct public attention to certain aspects of the issue, while ignoring or reducing attention to other aspects. This Framing Theory is intertwined with the analysis model proposed by Pan and Kosicki as a text analysis method in this research. This analysis model includes several devices or analytical tools, namely: syntax, script, thematic and rhetorical, to interpret how discourse structures shape public meaning (Pan & Kosicki, 1993).

Framing theory will serve as the theoretical framework to analyze media discourse. It is a key approach in communication and political science that explains how mass media and other actors shape public understanding and interpretation of issues (Entman, 1993; Scheufele, 1999). Framing involves selecting and emphasizing certain aspects of reality to guide audience attention while downplaying others. Key elements include selective presentation, where media and political actors highlight specific issue dimensions (Pan & Kosicki, 1993; Entman, 1993); shaping on perception, shaping how the public interprets social reality (Scheufele, 1999); and context and interpretation, referring to how content packaging affects meaning. In politics, framing helps shape public views on candidates, policies, or issues, potentially boosting support or shifting attention (Chong & Druckman, 2007). In media practice, framing operates

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through news selection, headlines, language, and visuals, all influencing public understanding (Entman, 1993). Despite its utility, framing faces criticism for potential subjectivity and bias, which may distort or unbalance public perceptions (Scheufele, 1999).

Previous Studies on Framing of News Discourse on Nuclear Power Plant Based on the results of literature studies, studies regarding framing analysis of news discourse related to nuclear power plants have been conducted globally by various researchers in journal articles. However, in the last five years there has been only one reference related to the navigation of nuclear energy lawmaking, and it is not directly related to the analysis of news discourse framing about nuclear power plants in online media (Karim & Lee, 2023). In addition, the researcher found another reference regarding media coverage of the nuclear issue in Lithuania during the 2018-2020 period, which analyzed the qualitative content of media coverage of the nuclear issue and revealed discourse characteristics based on Gamson & Modigliani (Mažeikienė et al., 2021). Therefore, the research is considered novel, as it focuses on framing analysis as an approach to news discourse using the Pan and Kosicki model, examining the structural dimensions of news discourse with its variables (Pan & Kosicki, 1993), with sources from detikcom and KOMPAS.com related to the new renewable energy issue in news about the construction of a thorium power plant in Indonesia, specifically on Gelasa Island, Central Bangka Regency, Bangka Belitung Province.

To strengthen the cultural and postcolonial dimensions of the analysis, this study incorporates key perspectives from representation theory, nationalism studies, and science and technology studies.

In addition to framing theory, this study situates media representations of the thorium project within broader cultural and postcolonial perspectives. Hall’s theory of representation underscores how media construct meaning through selective signification, shaping public understanding of technology, risk, and national progress (Hall, 1997). Meanwhile, Anderson’s concept of imagined communities highlights how national identity is symbolically produced, including through narratives of energy sovereignty and technological advancement (Anderson, 2020). From a science and technology studies perspective, Jasanoff (2004) argues that imaginaries of modernity and progress are co-produced through state institutions, expert discourse, and media narratives, making this concept highly relevant to nuclear and renewable energy debates in Indonesia. Studies on techno-nationalism also show how emerging technologies become tied to aspirations for national capability and autonomy (Hsu, 2017).

Regional scholarship in Southeast Asian and postcolonial media studies similarly illustrates how energy, development, and foreign influence are framed within cultural and geopolitical tensions (Tapsell, 2017). These perspectives help contextualize how Indonesian media discourse constructs the thorium project not only as a policy issue but as part of broader cultural narratives about modernity, sovereignty, and national identity.

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Methods This research used the constructivist paradigm as a view in science and philosophy, which emphasizes that knowledge does not depend entirely on objective reality, but is built through subjective interpretation and individual mental construction. In this paradigm, reality is viewed as the result of complex interactions between individual experience, thought, and social context. This research constituted qualitative research with a framing analysis approach, where the qualitative approach functions to obtain detailed data and contains actual data (Sugiyono, 2015).

News Discourse Approach and Framing Process by Pan and Kosicki The research method used in this research was analysis as a news discourse approach according to Pan and Kosicki stating that news discourse is understood as a socio-cognitive process, which involves three players (sources, journalists, and audience members that operate in a shared cultural world and based on defined roles socially) (Pan & Kosicki, 1993). Furthermore, Pan & Kosicki also stated that framing analysis is presented as a constructivist approach to studying news discourse with the main focus on conceptualizing news texts into dimensions, which can be operationalized empirically (syntactical, script, thematic and rhetorical structures), so that the evidence framing the issues of news texts by news media can be collected.

The three articles were selected purposively because they are the only news items that specifically address the Gelasa thorium project rather than nuclear energy in general. They also contain complete actor quotations, policy context, and clear narrative structuring, making them analytically suitable for identifying framing devices. The use of a focused dataset aligns with the study’s qualitative depth and constructivist analytical approach.

In news, reality must be given priority which is equipped with completeness, accuracy and fairness in a news issue, so that the issues in the published news can be accounted for. The media is actually able to frame news in the form of text that is complete and in accordance with existing reality. As a result, conveying a variety of information can provide news that is factual, but there are also those which only summarize it so that the news attracts readers (Sopiyani & Setiawan, 2023). This is because framing is the process of making a message more prominent, placing more information than others so that the audience is more focused on the message (Pan & Kosicki, 1993).

There are two interrelated conceptions of the framing process, namely the sociological conception which looks at how social construction or reality is, and the psychological conception which emphasizes how a person processes information within himself (Pan & Kosicki, 1993). These two conceptions are considered to be invisible (intangible) concepts.

Meanwhile, framing devices in news discourse can be classified into four structures or categories, which represent 4 structural dimensions of news discourse: syntactical structure,

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script structure, thematic structure, and rhetorical structure. These four structures are considered tangible structures and are the focus of studying news discourse in this research.

In terms of syntactical structure, news discourse is a macro-syntax (Van, 1988), where for most news, it is characterized by an inverted pyramid structure and source attribution rules or inverted pyramids refer to the sequential organization of structural elements, such as headline, lead, background, source quote, statement, and closure. The essence of this structure is how journalists understand events, which can be seen from the way journalists arrange facts into a general form of news by analyzing several of the elements mentioned above (Faletehan et al., 2023).

News reports are often considered stories. This characteristic of news discourse is produced by two factors. First, most news reports cover real newsworthy events (randomly cut into pieces in a continuous historical flow), which are stories in the literal sense that describe events.

Second, news is expected to orient audiences towards their communal environment and help connect audiences with an environment that goes beyond their limited sensory experience (Bird & Dardenne, 1988). This is the social function of storytelling. Like stories, news discourse has a recognizable organization called a script that relates to how journalists tell events in the news.

News texts have their own structure determined by rules, which can be called story grammar (Van, 1988). The general version consists of five Ws and one H (5W+1H) in news writing: what, who, when, where, why and how. While this information does not have to be in every story, it is a category of information that a reporter is expected to gather and report. The essence of this script structure is the journalist's way of telling the facts, and looking at the storytelling or speaking strategies used in packaging events into news form (Munif, 2023).

A news story can be viewed as a series of propositions that form a system of causal relationships or logical-empirical relationships, which is referred to as the hypothesis testing aspect (or research findings) and in news discourse is known as thematic structure (Van, 1988).

The hypothesis does not have to be a title or main sentence. Often, to attract human interest and increase psychological closeness to the audience, journalists begin a story with a vivid picture or concrete case and gradually lead to a point that logically functions like an empirical generalization.

It is difficult to identify the basic units of thematic structure. Some empirical help in deciphering thematic structure may come from macro-syntactical analysis of news stories (Van, 1988). We can think of a thematic structure as consisting of a summary and main content.

A summary is usually represented by a title, lead, or conclusion. The main section is where the evidence supporting the hypothesis is introduced containing episodes, background information, and quotes. Likewise, one can identify subthemes and their empirical support through episodes, background information, and quotes in complex news articles. Therefore, the thematic structure of a news story is a multi-layered hierarchy with the theme as the central core that connects various sub-themes as the main node which in turn is connected to supporting elements. The essence of this structure is the journalist's way of writing facts, expressing his views on events

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into propositions, sentences or relationships between sentences that form the text as a whole (Ratnaningtyas & Muhammad, 2023).

The rhetorical structure of news discourse describes the stylistic choices made by journalists in relation to their intended impact. Gamson’s five framing devices, which include metaphors, exemplars, catchphrases, depictions, and visual images fall into this category (Gamson & Modigliani, 1989). Often, the main rhetorical features of a story are shaped by proactive news making, for example: placing the head of state in front of the national flag for a photograph.

However, journalists also use rhetorical devices to create an image, increase the importance of something, and increase the clarity of a report. The essence of this structure is the journalist's way of emphasizing facts, which includes the lexicon or choice of vocabulary to explain events linked to the journalist’s ideology in factual meaning, idioms, graphics and images used not only to support the writing, but also to emphasize a certain meaning to the audience (Sopiyani & Setiawan, 2023; Munif, 2023; Faletehan et al., 2023).

The rhetorical structure of news discourse also refers to the tendency of news to emphasize its facticity (Van, 1988). One important indication of journalist professionalism is using various tools to maximize the continuity of observations and interpretations as facts or to increase the effectiveness of news. In attempting to do so, journalists actually accept the proposition that there is no clear distinction between factuality and persuasion. The rhetorical claim that news is factual and unbiased helps establish the epistemological status of news as a source of factual information and the authority of news as a mirror of reality.

Data Collection and Data Analysis This research analyzed the framing related to the existence of foreign interests in the issue of new renewable energy through news discourse on the construction of the thorium power plant on Gelasa Island, Central Bangka Regency, Bangka Belitung Province on detikcom and KOMPAS.com for the duration of 1 August 2022 to 31 August 2023, using the Pan and Kosicki model through the structural dimensions of news discourse, namely: syntactical structure, script structure, thematic structure, and rhetorical structure. As a data source in this research, the researcher used two subjects from different media, namely detikcom and KOMPAS.com.

Meanwhile, the objects used in this research were three news articles: Pulau Ini Dilirik Jadi Lokasi Pembangunan Pembangkit Bahan Baku Nuklir on detikcom; Bakal Jadi Percontohan se-Asia, Pembangkit Nuklir Thorium Rp 12 Triliun Dibangun di Babel and Indonesia Bakal Punya PLTN Thorium di Pulau Gelasa Babel on KOMPAS.com.

In this case, the researcher used several data collection methods or techniques in this framing analysis research, namely reading and listening to the entire news to be analyzed; writing and marking parts of the news that are considered important as material to be analyzed; and analyzing the entire selected news using the framing analysis techniques of the Pan and Kosicki model. Because this research was descriptive analysis, where the researcher analyzed the framing related to the existence of foreign interests in the issue of new renewable energy in the three news articles on detikcom and KOMPAS.com, the researcher used thematic analysis

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which involves identification, interpretation and understanding themes that appeared repeatedly in the data. In this case the researcher looked for patterns or structures in the data to identify significant themes.

Results From the results of data collection, it was found that the three news articles all formed syntactical, script, thematic, and rhetorical framing. However, the framing in the detikcom news article focused on the potential of Gelasa Island as a pilot plant for a thorium power plant in particular, and the opportunity for Babel Province as a new energy reservoir as well as the government's commitment in general. Meanwhile, the framing in the two KOMPAS.com news articles was actually more focused on foreign investment, technology and international cooperation, implicit geopolitical dynamics, as well as the commitment and support of the Indonesian Government, including paying attention to potential disasters in the Gelasa Island area. Thus, framing related to the possibility of foreign interests could be seen in the KOMPAS.com news discourse.

Table 1 Summary of Dominant Frames in detikcom and KOMPAS.com Coverage Outlet detikcom

KOMPAS.com

KOMPAS.com

Dominant Frame Developmental Modernity & Techno-Optimism Sovereignty & Foreign Dependency State-Led Modernization

Example Phrase “pilot plant”, “new energy source”, “energy transition” “developed with South Korea”, “imported thorium”, “international cooperation” “government regulation prepared”, “aligned with national roadmap”, “official policy commitment”

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Cultural Meaning Modernity imagined as technological progress Techno-nationalism, postcolonial anxiety, geopolitical caution Modernity legitimized through state authority and formal planning

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Analysis of News 1 on detikcom Syntactical Structure Table 2 Syntactical Structure of News Discourse 1 on detikcom Structural Variables Headline Lead

Background Source Quote

Statement

Closure

Explanation The news entitled Pulau Ini Dilirik Jadi Lokasi Pembangunan Pembangkit Bahan Baku Nuklir The lead conveyed information that currently a pilot plant for the thorium power plant is being studied on Gelasa Island. This was conveyed by the Acting Governor of the Bangka Belitung (Babel) Islands Province.

The background is that the plan to build the thorium power plant is part of Indonesia’s contribution to renewable energy.

The source quote used as the basis for the news came from the Acting Governor of the Babel Islands Province, Ridwan Djamaluddin: “Konotasi transisi energi itu tidak semata-mata memadamkan PLTU batu bara, tetapi seberapa besar kontribusi Indonesia untuk mendukung industri lain dalam hal ini panel surya,” ujarnya.

“Untuk mempercepat pembangunan Pembangkit Listrik Tenaga Thorium ini, perlu diskusi serius dan dukungan seluruh pihak serta masyarakat,” katanya.

The news was written based on the information obtained from the source. In this case, journalists as the news writers did not write their opinions. There are several statements: If it is successful in building thorium-powered electricity, then Babel can become a new energy source with cheaper selling prices compared to stem-powered electricity (PLTU).

So far, tin sand has not been utilized properly. Therefore, it is hoped that tin sand, which contains many accessory minerals, can be utilized more.

Closing with the wise words of the Acting Governor of the Babel Islands Province that when we want to change into a more advanced industry, of course there will be challenges, but in essence, natural resources are limited, and we believe that we have to move up in class, we cannot continue to stay at the lowest level.

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Script Structure Table 3 Script Structure of News Discourse 1 on detikcom Structural Variables What

Who

When Where Why

How

Explanation The news regarding Gelasa Island in Central Bangka Regency, Bangka Belitung Islands Province is being studied as a location for the construction of a thorium power plant.

The Acting Governor of the Bangka Belitung Islands (Babel) Province, Ridwan Djamaluddin said that currently a pilot plant for the thorium power plant is being studied on Gelasa Island.

The statement made by Ridwan Djamaluddin was quoted from Antara on Monday, 23 March 2023.

Jakarta The plan to build this power plant is part of Indonesia’s contribution to renewable energy, where the connotation of the energy transition is not simply about extinguishing coal-fired power plants, but how big Indonesia’s contribution is to supporting other industries, in this case solar panels. Apart from that, if it succeeds in building thorium-powered electricity, then Babel can become a new energy source with a cheaper selling price compared to steam-powered electricity (PLTU).

The news explained that to accelerate the construction of the power plant, serious discussions and support from all parties and the community are needed. One of them is by making more use of tin sand which actually contains accessory minerals.

Thematic Structure Thematically, the news presented on detikcom invited the audience to know and understand the information conveyed by the source person, namely the Acting Governor of the Babel Islands Province, Ridwan Djamaluddin. In this case, the source person said that currently on Gelasa Island, Central Bangka Regency, a pilot plant for the thorium power plant is being studied.

Journalists as the news writers used the pronouns Dia and Ia when referring to the source person. This news article had eight paragraphs with interrelated and continuous sentences. The theme raised in the news on detikcom was related to Gelasa Island in Central Bangka Regency, Bangka Belitung Islands Province which is being studied as a location for the construction of a thorium power plant, where thorium is a radioactive element which is a nuclear raw material that can be mined in Indonesia.

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Rhetorical Structure The rhetorical structure of the news presented by detikcom emphasized existing facts regarding thorium, which is a radioactive element as a nuclear raw material and can be mined in Indonesia. This can be seen from the repetition of the word thorium up to five times in several sentences. Through this, it can be seen that the news emphasized the fact that thorium is more commonly found in Central Bangka Regency so that it is used as a locus for the construction of the power plant. Another fact is that this locus is the centre of tin mining in the Babel Islands Province, so it produces a lot of tin sand which unfortunately has not been utilized properly.

So, by making Gelasa Island in Central Bangka Regency the locus for the construction of a thorium power plant, it is hoped that tin sand, which contains many accessory minerals as a source of thorium extraction, can be better utilized.

The wording was easy to understand, apart from the existence of several specific nuclear and mining terms, such as thorium, accessory minerals (mineral ikutan), and renewable energy (energi terbarukan). Apart from that, there are no figurative words or ambiguous diction in writing the news. To emphasize the meaning and facts as well as to explain the event, this news article was completed with a picture or illustration of a nuclear power plant (PLTN), which depicts the shape of the thorium power plant (PLTT) in the future.

Analysis of News 2 on KOMPAS.com Syntactical Structure Table 4 Syntactical Structure of News Discourse 2 on KOMPAS.com Structural Variables Headline Lead

Background

Explanation The news entitled Bakal Jadi Percontohan se-Asia, Pembangkit Nuklir Thorium Rp 12 Triliun Dibangun di Babel The lead conveyed information that the results of the ecological study gave a positive signal regarding the realization of the construction of a thorium power plant on Gelasa Island, Bangka Belitung Islands. If it is built in the future, it will be the first in Indonesia. In fact, this power plant will be a national and Asian example.

The background is the ecological study about the land area of thorium power plant which is estimated to be 15 to 20 hectares.

Then, there is the potential for sea waves in the west season which can reach 3,7 meters, because Gelasa Island is in open water. Apart from that, the potential for a tsunami from the Indian Ocean fault and the eruption of Anak Krakatau has been studied. The potential

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for a tsunami is considered small because the generator location is protected on the north side of the island.

The source quote used as the basis for the news came from: The Director of Operations of PT Thorcon Power Indonesia, Bob S. Effendi, who was optimistic about the results of the ecological study report: “Selanjutnya, Thorcon menunggu Analisis mengenai Dampak Lingkungan (AMDAL), dan perubahan tata ruang,” kata Bob seusai rapat bersama Pemprov Bangka Belitung di Pangkalpinang, Rabu (29/3/2023).

The Acting Governor of the Babel Islands Province, Ridwan Djamaluddin supported the thorium power plant construction plan: “Kita lihat dari segi manfaatnya, bagaimana listrik untuk masyarakat bisa lebih murah. Bahkan setengah dari harga saat ini,” ujar Ridwan. Selain itu Ridwan menyebutkan, kajian lingkungan dan sosialisasi akan terus dilakukan sehingga risiko yang ditimbulkan dari PLTT bisa diminimalisasi. “Kita punya banyak pakar yang bisa dilibatkan sehingga ada dampak positifnya dan risikonya bisa dihindari,” cetusnya.

The news was written based on the information obtained from the source. In this case, journalists as the news writers did not write their opinions. There are several statements from Bob S. Effendi from PT Thorcon Power Indonesia: Bob claimed that the use of thorium energy is not as dangerous as people fear. In fact, this energy tends to be environmentally friendly and is in line with the government's program to procure new renewable energy to replace coal.

Bob stated that if we talk about “nuclear” in Indonesia, it has actually been around for a long time, since the Soekarno era. He was heading in that direction, but then there was a change and we chose coal. Now coal is considered environmentally unfriendly, so we offer this.

Bob added regarding the thorium power plant construction process that in the initial stages the power plant would be built in collaboration with South Korea. Next, the reactor will be taken to Gelasa Island in Central Bangka, Bangka Belitung Islands. The reactor will be planted on the seabed around the island.

Bob also added regarding the operational process of the thorium power plant that if we process it from the start, it will take longer.

So, this initial stage is with South Korea, only after that we will gradually process our own monazite.

Bob also mentioned regarding funding that his party is providing funds of up to 12 trillion rupiah for the preparation process until the operation of the plant later.

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It closed with the hope of PT Thorcon Power Indonesia through Bob S. Effendi that hopefully there will be a presidential regulation (Perpres) which will become a legal umbrella for regional governments to change spatial planning.

Script Structure Table 5 Script Structure of News Discourse 2 on KOMPAS.com Structural Variables What

Who

When

Where Why

How

Explanation The news regarding the results of ecological studies provided positive signals on the realization of the construction of a thorium power plant on Gelasa Island, Bangka Belitung Islands Province.

If it is built in the future, this PLTT in Bangka Belitung will be the first in Indonesia and will even become a national and Asian pilot.

The Director of Operations of PT Thorcon Power Indonesia, Bob S. Effendi who was optimistic when he saw the results of the ecological study report and said that Thorcon would wait for the environmental impact analysis (AMDAL) and changes to the spatial layout.

The Acting Governor of the Babel Islands Province, Ridwan Djamaluddin, supported the plan to build a PLTT for the benefit of cheap electricity for the community, and continued to support environmental studies and outreach to minimize risks.

The statement was delivered by Bob S. Effendi and Ridwan Djamaluddin after a meeting with the Bangka Belitung Provincial Government in Pangkalpinang on Wednesday 29 March 2023.

Pangkalpinang, at the Bangka Belitung Provincial Government Office The use of thorium energy is not as dangerous as people fear. In fact, this energy tends to be environmentally friendly and is in line with the government’s program to procure new and renewable energy (EBT) to replace coal. If we talk about “nuclear” in Indonesia, it’s actually been around for a long time, since the Soekarno era. But at that time there was a change and we chose coal. Now coal is considered environmentally unfriendly so this is what is offered.

The news explained that: In the initial stage, the PLTT will be built in collaboration with South Korea. Next, the reactor will be taken to Gelasa Island in

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Central Bangka, Bangka Belitung Islands, where the reactor will be planted on the seabed around the island.

In the initial operational phase, the PLTT will be processed with South Korea, because if we manage it independently from the start it will take longer. After that, it is hoped that we can process the monazite ourselves.

PT Thorcon Power Indonesia provides funds of up to 12 trillion rupiah for the preparation process until the plant is operational.

It is hoped that in the future there will be a presidential regulation (Perpres) which will provide a legal umbrella for regional governments to change spatial planning.

Thematic Structure Thematically, the news presented on KOMPAS.com invited the public to know and understand the information presented by two source persons, namely the Director of Operations of PT Thorcon Power Indonesia, Bob S. Effendi and the Acting Governor of the Babel Islands Province, Ridwan Djamaluddin. In this case, the source person from PT Thorcon Power Indonesia expressed his optimism regarding the results of the ecological study report, and was awaiting the environmental impact analysis (AMDAL) and spatial planning changes.

Meanwhile, the source person from the Babel Islands Provincial Government expressed support regarding the plans to build a thorium power plant (PLTT) for the benefit of cheap electricity for the community, as well as support in the form of environmental studies and outreach to minimize risks.

Journalists as the news writers did not use pronouns when referring to the source persons, but only used their first names. This news article had eighteen short paragraphs, each composed of several sentences in spite of some paragraphs consisting of only one sentence. However, each paragraph was interrelated and continuous. The theme raised in the news on KOMPAS.com was related to the results of ecological studies providing positive signals regarding the realization of the construction of a thorium power plant (PLTT) on Gelasa Island, Bangka Belitung Islands Province. If it is built in the future, it will be the first in Indonesia and will even become a national and Asian pilot.

Rhetoric Structure The rhetorical structure of the news presented by KOMPAS.com emphasized the existing facts regarding the security level of the thorium power plant (PLTT) development plan which is considered good. This can be seen from the repetition of the word PLTT up to seven times in several sentences. Therefore, it can be seen that this news put ecological pressure on the fact that the positive results of the research included land area, potential sea waves as well as potential tsunamis. Apart from that, the positive side of this PLTT can also be seen from its benefits for cheap electricity for the community, as well as thorium energy which is

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environmentally friendly and in line with the government program in procuring new and renewable energy (EBT) to replace coal.

The words used in the news text were easy to understand in spite of the existence of several special nuclear, mining, environmental, and marine terms, such as thorium, PLTT, reactor, EBT, AMDAL, and tsunami. However, there are no figurative words or ambiguous diction in the news writing. To emphasize meaning and facts as well as to explain events, this news article was accompanied by a photo of the nuclear power plant (PLTN) taken from an external media (Deutche Welle or DW), which depicts the shape of the PLTT in the future.

Analysis of News 3 on KOMPAS.com Syntactical Structure Table 6 Syntactical Structure of News Discourse 3 on KOMPAS.com Structural Variables Headline Lead

Background

Source Quote

Statement

Explanation The news entitled Indonesia Bakal Punya PLTN Thorium di Pulau Gelasa Babel The lead conveyed information that the plan to build a nuclear power plant (PLTN) in the Bangka Belitung Islands (Babel) keeps going on.

The background is that the National Energy Council (DEN) assessed the importance of energy availability, such as from nuclear plants, to support the program of Advanced Indonesia (Indonesia Maju).

The source quote used as the basis for the news came from: The National Energy Council (DEN) member, Agus Puji Prasetyono: “Kunjungan hari ini adalah untuk menyosialisasikan betapa pentingnya energi bagi Indonesia, dan memerkenalkan energi nuklir untuk mendorong perekonomian,” kata Anggota DEN, Agus Puji Prasetyono, di Kantor Gubernur Babel, Senin (12/6/2023).

The Acting Governor of Bangka Belitung, Suganda Pandapotan expressed his support for the construction of the nuclear power plant and invited all parties to work together: “Edukasi kepada masyarakat Bangka Belitung karena masih banyaknya stigma negatif,” ujar Suganda.

The news was written based on the information obtained from the source person. There are several statements from Agus Puji Prasetyono from the National Energy Council (DEN):

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Agus assessed that the Bangka Belitung community's acceptance of nuclear energy is quite good, so there is an opportunity to continue planning to the development stage.

Currently the National Energy Council (DEN) is pushing for more intense coordination in the preparation of regional spatial planning, as well as encouraging nuclear as a priority energy in the National Energy Policy (KEN), because it is cleaner and cheaper and surely with challenges that must be taken into account.

In addition, Suganda Pandapotan as the Acting Governor of Bangka Belitung also expressed support for the construction of the nuclear power plant through an invitation to all parties to work together, as well as providing education to the people of Bangka Belitung who still have negative stigma.

Closure

In this news article, journalist as the news writer did not write his opinion, but provided additional information from the progress of the nuclear power plant or PLTT construction plan process on Gelasa Island which has been rolling out previously. The following is additional information from journalists as the news writers: In Bangka Belitung itself, the PLTT will use the thorium minerals as fuel. In the initial stage, thorium preparations will be imported from South Korea. Furthermore, along with the operation of the plant, domestic thorium extraction will be carried out, the source of which is in Bangka Belitung as a lead mineral.

The power plant is planned to be on Gelasa Island, Central Bangka, where an ecological study has previously been carried out as a requirement for processing an environmental impact analysis (AMDAL).

It closed with support expressed by the Acting Governor of Bangka Belitung, Suganda Pandapotan for the construction of the nuclear power plant by inviting all parties to work together, as well as providing education to the people of Bangka Belitung because there is still negative stigma.

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Script Structure Table 7 Script Structure of News Discourse 3 on KOMPAS.com Structural Variables What

Who

When

Where Why

How

Explanation The news regarding the plan to build a nuclear power plant (PLTN) in the Bangka Belitung Islands (Babel) keeps going on, with the National Energy Council (DEN) assessing the importance of energy availability, such as from this nuclear plant to support the program of Advanced Indonesia (Indonesia Maju).

The National Energy Council (DEN) member, Agus Puji Prasetyono who said that the visit to the Babel Governor's Office was to socialize how important energy is for Indonesia, and to introduce nuclear energy to boost the economy.

The Acting Governor of Bangka Belitung, Suganda Pandapotan who expressed support for the construction of the nuclear power plant and invited all parties to work together and to educate the people of Bangka Belitung who still have negative stigma.

The statement made by the National Energy Council (DEN) member, Agus Puji Prasetyono was delivered during a visit to the Babel Governor's Office on Monday 12 June 2023.

Pangkalpinang, at the Babel Governor’s Office The acceptance of the people of Bangka Belitung towards nuclear energy is quite good, so there is an opportunity to continue planning to the development stage.

The National Energy Council (DEN) encouraged more intense coordination in the preparation of regional spatial planning, and nuclear energy as a priority energy in the National Energy Policy (KEN), because it is cleaner and cheaper with challenges that must be taken into account.

The news explained that there is a need for outreach regarding the importance of energy for Indonesia, nuclear energy to boost the economy, as well as education for the people of Bangka Belitung because there is still negative stigma.

Thematic Structure Thematically, the news presented on KOMPAS.com on 12 June 2023 invited the public to know and understand the information presented by two source persons, namely Agus Puji Prasetyono as a member of the National Energy Council (DEN) and Suganda Pandapotan as the Acting Governor of Bangka Belitung. In this case, the source person from DEN said that the visit to

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the Babel Governor's Office was to socialize how important energy is for Indonesia, and to introduce nuclear energy to boost the economy. Meanwhile, the source person from the Babel Islands Provincial Government expressed support for the construction of the nuclear power plant by inviting all parties to work together and to educate the people of Bangka Belitung who still have negative stigma.

Journalists as the news writers did not use pronouns when referring to the source persons, but only used their first names. This news article had twelve short, interconnected, and continuous paragraphs. Each of which was composed of several sentences, even though some paragraphs consisted of only one sentence. The theme raised in this news article was related to the ongoing plan to build a nuclear power plant (PLTN) in the Bangka Belitung Islands (Babel), where DEN assessed the importance of energy availability, such as from this nuclear plant to support the program of Advanced Indonesia (Indonesia Maju).

Rhetoric Structure The rhetorical structure in this third news item emphasized existing facts related to the National Energy Council’s (DEN) assessment of the Bangka Belitung community’s acceptance of nuclear energy which is considered to be good enough, so that the nuclear power plant (PLTN) has the opportunity to continue to the development stage. This can be seen from the repetition of the words DEN and PLTN three times each in several sentences. Thus, it can be seen that this news emphasized the fact that DEN is pushing for more intense coordination in the preparation of regional spatial planning, as well as encouraging nuclear as a priority energy in the National Energy Policy (KEN), which is cleaner and cheaper despite the challenges that must be considered. The words used in the news article were easy to understand in spite of some special nuclear, energy, mining, and environmental terms used in the text, such as PLTN, KEN, processed thorium (olahan thorium), thorium extraction (ekstraksi thorium), and AMDAL. However, there are no figurative words or ambiguous diction in the news writing.

Apart from that, this news article was accompanied by a photo of the atmosphere of the DEN meeting with the Babel Islands Provincial Government on Monday 12 June 2023 regarding the plans to build a nuclear power plant on Gelasa Island, which emphasized and explained the events of the DEN visit.

Discussion Through the results of framing analysis based on the syntactical, script, thematic, and rhetorical structures that have been presented previously, it can be explained how the construction of the thorium power plant on Gelasa Island, Central Bangka Regency, Bangka Belitung Islands Province has attracted the attention of various parties, including foreign interests positively.

Then, detikcom and KOMPAS.com reported on the importance of building this nuclear power plant, including the potential for cooperation with foreign parties in the context of technology transfer. Hence, detikcom and KOMPAS.com implicitly expressed support with positive reporting regarding the government’s plans to build the thorium power plant. Therefore, the

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research question of why detikcom and KOMPAS.com framed the existence of foreign interests in this case can be answered.

This project is spearheaded by ThorCon Power Indonesia which has invested up to 12 trillion rupiah for the construction of the thorium power plant. In this case, ThorCon Power Indonesia has agreed to work together with the Indonesian Government, which supports this project as part of the transition to clean energy and to reduce dependence on coal-based power plants. Of course, it is hoped that the construction of the thorium power plant will support the program of Advanced Indonesia (Indonesia Maju) and increase the availability of more environmentally friendly energy. However, this project has also faced negative stigma from the people of Bangka Belitung, the main focus of which is its negative impact on the environment and conservation of Gelasa Island that concerns about the potential for destroying marine and land ecosystems around the island, and the potential dangers of managing radioactive waste from thorium reactors. Therefore, although the plan to build a thorium power plant on Gelasa Island promises great benefits in terms of clean energy, various environmental and technical aspects need to be managed carefully to ensure its sustainability and minimize negative impacts.

From a cultural perspective, the discourse around the thorium power plant is not just about technology or environment but deeply intertwined with local identities, values, and historical relationships with the land and sea. For the communities of Bangka Belitung, Gelasa Island is not only a geographic location but also a cultural and ecological space imbued with meaning, tradition, and livelihood practices, especially those related to fishing and marine biodiversity.

Concerns over environmental degradation thus reflect broader cultural anxieties about the preservation of heritage and traditional ways of life. Additionally, the presence of foreign actors and technology introduces complex cultural tensions between embracing modernity and development, and protecting local autonomy and sovereignty. These dynamic highlights a broader national narrative where progress and innovation are often negotiated alongside fears of cultural erosion and external dominance.

The presence of foreign interests in the plan to develop a thorium power plant on Gelasa Island, Central Bangka Regency, in the Bangka Belitung Islands Province is evident in several interconnected dimensions. One of the clearest indicators is foreign investment. ThorCon Power Indonesia, affiliated with the U.S.-based company ThorCon International, has committed to investing up to 12 trillion rupiah for the plant's construction. This substantial capital injection highlights the Indonesian government's continued reliance on foreign funding to realize large-scale energy projects.

In addition to financial support, technological collaboration also plays a critical role. The project involves cooperation with South Korea, where the reactor technology originates. The reactor will be transported to Gelasa Island and installed on the seabed, utilizing thorium minerals as fuel. In the initial operational phase, thorium will be imported from South Korea.

Over time, Indonesia plans to establish its own thorium extraction capabilities, using local tin by-product minerals found in Bangka Belitung, followed by gradual domestic processing of monazite. This reliance on South Korean expertise underscores Indonesia’s current

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technological limitations and its strategic dependence on international knowledge transfer in the nuclear energy sector.

These collaborations do not merely serve technical or economic purposes, yet they also reflect deeper geopolitical currents. The involvement of major players like the United States and South Korea illustrates how advanced nations are extending their reach into Southeast Asia’s strategic energy landscape. Through participation in high-profile projects like the thorium power plant, these countries are not only investing economically but also strengthening their technological and geopolitical presence in Indonesia. At the same time, for Indonesia, such involvement could represent an opportunity to transition from fossil fuels to more sustainable energy sources.

Culturally, this geopolitical engagement also shapes how energy development is perceived nationally. The framing of thorium technology as both cutting-edge and tied to local resources speaks to a national aspiration for technological sovereignty and self-reliance, while simultaneously engaging with global modernity. This duality reflects Indonesia’s ongoing negotiation between embracing global scientific advancements and preserving its cultural and environmental integrity.

Finally, the Indonesian government has demonstrated strong commitment to this initiative.

This includes undertaking ecological assessments, environmental impact analyses (AMDAL), and spatial planning to align the project with national environmental regulations. Moreover, the government is expected to issue a presidential regulation (Perpres) to provide the necessary legal framework for regional governments to revise spatial planning policies, thereby ensuring that the thorium power plant project proceeds with legal and procedural clarity.

These findings indicate that media discourse does more than inform the public about technological development; it also shapes symbolic meanings related to national progress, dependency, and environmental anxieties. In this sense, the thorium debate becomes a cultural narrative about modernity and sovereignty, revealing how energy policy is negotiated at the intersection of innovation, identity, and geopolitical influence.

Conclusion The researcher concludes that the presence of foreign interests in the thorium power plant project on Gelasa Island highlights the complex interplay between Indonesia’s need for foreign investment and its efforts to uphold energy and environmental sovereignty. This is evident in international collaborations with countries like the United States and South Korea, particularly in technology transfer and the early stages of thorium processing. Such partnerships are viewed as essential for accelerating the project and positioning it as a national and regional pilot initiative.

From a cultural perspective, these dynamics also reflect how energy development is embedded within broader narratives of national identity, progress, and modernity. The adoption of

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thorium technology, promoted as both locally relevant and globally sophisticated resonates with Indonesia’s aspiration to be seen as a technologically capable and sovereign nation.

However, it also raises cultural tensions, especially in regions like Bangka Belitung, where concerns about environmental preservation, community identity, and historical resource extraction continue to shape local perceptions. The framing of foreign collaboration is therefore not merely a political or economic issue, but also a cultural one, touching on deep-seated values related to autonomy, pride, and the protection of land and heritage.

The study also shows that media framing operates as a cultural process, shaping how renewable energy is understood not only as policy innovation but also as part of national identity formation.

Based on the analysis and discussion, several key recommendations emerge. First, Indonesia should continue strengthening collaboration with foreign partners, especially in technology and knowledge transfer. Such cooperation reflects global support and investment, and plays a crucial role in advancing infrastructure as well as research and development. Second, while embracing international collaboration, Indonesia must safeguard its sovereignty by maintaining a strong bargaining position to ensure national interests are protected. Future projects should also consider cultural aspects, engage local communities and align national ambitions with the lived realities and values of those most affected.

Artificial Intelligence (AI) Usage Statement In developing this manuscript, the author employed ChatGPT to support the review of literature sources. This assistance was solely applied to the Literature Review section.

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Corresponding author: Muhammad Yunus Zulkifli Email: muhammad.yunus32@ui.ac.id

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