Issuu

My Chumbivilcas, beloved land You are my dream For you I work, for you I toil And for which, I’m happy Wide-ranging pampas, Snow-covered peaks, Deep ravines

Chumbivilcas: Temperament

Beautiful women, Valiant men, All of this you have. Erasmo Mendoza, Mi Chumbivilcas

BODY AND SPIRIT: QORILAZO AND ILLA In Chumbivilcas, the place takes on human characteristics. The geology, fields, the naturals elements such as the sun, the cold, the rains and the nights all allude to its human traits. They unite in a construction that extends its roots back to the altitudinous pre-Columbian provinces located in Southern Cusco. The ensuing complex history still to this day guards the keys to a culture that, although in permanent and accelerated change, is waiting to be deciphered. If Chumbivilcas has a persona, it is the qorilazo. A continual and coherent history sustains this figure which gives the province its identity, and is expressed in all things: music, festivities, clothing, livestock, bulls, horses, carnivals, motorcycles, charangos, mandolins and poetry; in the thousands and thousands of compact discs that are copied and sold in the fairs and in whose verse human courage and independence are lauded. Chumbivilcas’ modern history challenges are associated with the temperament of this mestizo personage which is much a product of landholders as of tenant farmers. The qorilazo places himself above the rigidity of the social pyramid in order to launch his horse-mounted self onto the world, to live in freedom. The qorilazo: the golden lasso. In colloquial speech the word “gold” is associated to a deserved noun; a golden idea, a person worth their weight in gold, a singer’s golden voice. From this perspective, gold as a qualification alludes to excellence, thereby converting from the most valued and most sought after metal known into a real object. Gold, the utopia of alchemy, the reason for injustice in war, battle, combat and conquests, is value in itself: the gold standard. In Quechua, gold is called qori. Qorilazo is “golden lasso”. This term refers to an exponent with a special skill in lassoing. However language, and especially Quechua, is a repertoire of nuance. In the Southern Andes gold was reserved for the highest political and divine authority. Gold is the sun in the hands of man. A material that is resplendent in sacredness. Gold is the mythical element that hides in tombs called huacas; at the bottom of lagoons, or incorporated into adobe walls and coats, which betrays itself at night with its own lustre. However, gold’s condition transcends beyond that. It is a signal of something that others do not possess. Applied to certain human beings, it is a synonym of the absence of fear, indifference to social barriers, autonomy, and outdoors existence. Qorilazo with qarawatanas

The myths do not have any specific creation date but an indefinite founding moment somewhere in time. Nobody in Chumbivilcas knows with any certainty the first historical references to the figure of the qorilazo. Every person does however have a variant of the same legend which the story-telling adversaries’ demonym occasionally changes: “It is said that a mythical bull used to come out of the Apanta Lagoon at night and that a Cotabamban and a Chumbivilcan made a bet to see who could lasso and tame the beast. The Cotabamban could not hold onto the bull. However, the Chumbivilcan skilfully launched his lasso and clung onto it. In spite of his efforts, as the bull was extremely strong, it proceeded to drag the Chumbivilcan towards the lagoon. After a long fight, the bull dove into the water and escaped. When the Chumbivilcan took the lasso out of the water he saw that his lasso was no longer leather but had turned into gold. Henceforth the term qorilazo came into being”1. “They say that many years ago, a golden and a silver bull emerged from a lagoon and that a Chumbivilcan dared an Apurimenian to see who could capture them. The Apurimenian wasn’t able to lasso either of them; however the Chumbivilcan lassoed the golden bull, hence the term qorilazo”2. The emergence of the figure of the qorilazo emanates from his characteristics of temperament; a rebelliousness which upset the semi-feudal social stratification that for centuries existed in Chumbivilcas. Accordionist

This maverick who put himself outside of the conventional rules required a strong and courageous spirit. This was a status acquired less by class origins but more by the mastery of livestock handling practices such as lassoing, domestication, cavalcading and bull fighting, also by having a command of singing and playing the charango, together with possessing a volatile heart and being a Don Juan. Researcher Arturo Villena believes that between the rich misti3 and the peasant, the figure of the mixed race mozo or cholo was created. The cholo would later take on the identity of the nuevo cholo activist as embodied by Pancho Gómez Negrón (1908-1950), the 20th century Colquemarcan musician who perfectly described the personage. Chumbivilcan intellectual Javier Saldívar Bellido states that for his theatre productions: “Pancho Qorilazo, the neo cholo, such as he was called, wore a white hat, sheep’s wool shirttails (which were later made from vicuña wool), qarawatanas4, a poncho, a shawl, and a chullo. Furthermore, as symbols of being Chumbivilcan, he carried a lasso, a liwi, and silver spurs. The qorilazo maintained the rhythm of his charango or guitar with the spurs, uniting them in a singular and exotic sound”. The contact between the gauchos and the Chumbivilcans gave rise to mutual learning and from which the latter made the horse their own; they domesticated them, they made their horse implements from leather and metal, created a wardrobe for themselves, and a self-definition. This characterisation was linked to those of the Tucumán mule drivers (who frequently passed through the area and stayed for long period with their pack mules en route to Cusco from Potosí), and to those of the Pampean horsemen from the

Silver spurs

plains of Venezuela, Colombia, Mexico, and the mythical cowboys from the prairies of North America.

Hugo Aguirre, Chumbivilcan video producer.

Misti is the name given to the upper class in the Andes that usually has European ancestry.

Purificada Montáñez, singer and teacher.

From qara (leather) and wata (that what wraps or envelops), in Quechua.

Seen as such, the qorilazo, as an existence and symbol, meshes with the American tradition of the horsemounted cowboy; with the autarkic individual in relation to any social class; with he who plays by his own rules; with that of the romantic, who by dint of his own autonomy, was allowed the convention of carrying off a desired woman; and even with the figure of the rustler. If the personage is the place, then it is necessary to know Chumbivilcas’ history in order to understand both. One of Chumbivilcas’ historical characteristics has been its seclusion from official society, which is evidenced by the fact that the province has archaeological remains scattered throughout its territory, but the majority have not yet been studied. Little is known of the timelines, cultural pertinence, function, apogee or decadence of the peoples and cultures that lived in the places. However, the story of one farmer at the foot of phallic monoliths in Alccavictoria or in front of a crude stone chullpa5 in Toqra, will speak of ancient courageous men. History creates dynamic social elements in Chumbivilcas such as the qorilazo, the people who congregated around an improvised bull arena, Carnival, the market, and the lonely and freezing pampas. History is an internal force, a vital energy, which still fuels the spirit and the reproduction of everything that exists, and whose origin is earlier than that of the horse, the rooster and the bull. It is the illa. According to Demetrio Túpac Yupanqui, teacher of Quechua and journalist, “illa is a concept of divinity that is bestowed on and incorporated in animals, plants, rocks, persons, and in everything that exists”. Although illa is inseparable from offerings or, in other words, sacrifice, it is also related to the human seed, with the seeds of plants and bulls. “Illa is something abstract; it has power and is transmitted at the time of the symbolic offerings to the Earth”6. Close to Totora, in the Livitaca district, there is an ancient village of a past culture in the high part of a mountain called Machu Llaqta. There are two sculpted monoliths, each one of half a body, that represent a male and a female. One of these emblematic figures seems to portray an old stone person carrying a book (Grover Peña from Totora says that it is a folder), and a small blanket for the coca leaves such as those used for offerings to the Earth (the t’inkana is “when the Earth opens up”7), in the hope that an illa comes — a vital energy —, often embodied in the mythical illa bull, and the expectation that it foments reproduction and improves livestock. The spirituality and energy of the illa are also components of a temperament. Illa is, perhaps with other names or perhaps without them, the internal state not only of the livestock owner and the common Chumbivilcan farmer but also of the mestizo and city dweller who conserve self-confidence in their ancestors and in that which permits a person to survive everyday life. The sentiment of the illa is present in countless landscapes and remains of ancient inhabitants of the Southern Andes. In lagoons, citadels, temples, undecipherable structures and necropolis, illa is a current that is still alive in Chumbivilcas. It is necessary to recognise its significance in history.

5 6 7

The definition of chullpa given by Merriam Webster’s dictionary: “a stone tower or tomb erected by the pre-Incan inhabitants of Peru and Bolivia”, <www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/chullpa> Wilar Lazo, Chumbivilcan photographer.

Grover Peña, miller in the community of Totora.

Repe horse

LINK BETWEEN ALTITUDES AND VALUES The Andes have something of a bipolar oscillation. On a rainy afternoon, with a darkened sky that appears to announce the coming of the night even when it is far away, there is a certain melancholy. On the other hand, a sunny morning, although cold, enlivens the spirit — everything shines — and the celestial body which the ancient Peruvians adored shows its reason for being. The day’s hours mark these pendular rhythms that rely on the seasons and ecological strata. The extreme quality of the diverse climates of the Andean annual cycle determines a temperament. Cusquenian indigenists, reconstructing the past in their specific manner, have designed a means of identification between territory, climate and the human spirit which explained the value, the resistance and the energy of the Incan Indian. Chumbivilcas, whose ecological strata fluctuate between 3200 and 5438 metres above sea level, has areas with landscapes that are markedly steppe-like. The predominant vegetation is short gramineae that cover the earth although the low lands are fertile and have an abundance of native trees and bushes. The pampas landscape transmits a sensation of the harsh existence during the dry months when the land is not verdant. Conversely, with the rains comes the greenery, the mountain ranges are snow-covered, and the rivers below become raging torrents. “The qorilazo seems to have his very soul shaped by the environment in which he exists”8. The range of Chumbivilcas’ ecological strata determines the population’s agricultural activities. The Qheswa area is divided by the farmers into hatun (“large”, in Quechua) at 2400 to 3000 metres above sea level, and huchuy (“small”) at 3000 to 3500 metres above sea level. This fertile area is where maize, vegetables, tubers, fruits and cereals are produced. Chachacomos (Escallonia resinosa), willows, hawthorns, cacti and even carob trees, along with ground cover pasture and grasses constitute the local wild flora. On these lands sheep, rabbits, guinea pigs, pigs, poultry and, in lesser measures, horses and cattle are raised. Furthermore, the animals of fable and legend such as the puma, deer (taruka), the fox (atuq), wild cats (osqullu), as well as the birds kukuli, urpi, kullku, quri q’inti, Andean deer

ch’ayña, and the waychaw, whose frightful call heralds misfortune, all inhabit the territory. The qorilazo’s habitat is the plateau, or the plain known as Pata which is found at an average altitude of 3800 metres above sea level9. The place is a damp barren plain, the meeting point of the high Andean plateau and the ravines, which is composed of pampas covered in ichu10. The area propitiates the rearing of large flocks of sheep, and herds of bulls, cows and horses, and which is composed of large ranches. The wildlife here also represents auspicious or tragic omens. The owl (huku) is negative while the happy song of the pito announces a sunny day. The eagle (waman) has a sacred meaning. When one reaches an average altitude of 4200 metres above sea level, we find ourselves in the high Andean plateau. The climate is extremely cold where quinoa, kañiwa, bitter potato, qiwuña, and kiswar only grow in small depressions in the ground. However, there is an abundance of medicinal plants among the wildflowers such as bellflowers and surpuy11. The condor constitutes the plateau’s avian representation. This stratum is not the qorilazo’s living habitat but for adventures that happen among the camelid flocks of the hardy highAndean pastoralists. 8 9

Delphine Vié, The Qorilazo in songs: The Identity of a Southern Peruvian Region through Wayno.

Arturo Villena, Qorilazo and the Region of Refuge in the Andean Context.

10 Stipa ichu, or Peruvian feather grass.

11 Arturo Villena, Qorilazo and the Region of Refuge in the Andean Context.

Over an altitude of 5000 metres above sea level, Chumbivilcas’ Wanso, Tambo and Tirani ranges extend towards the heavens. Mining is the main activity in this area where large quantities of gold and silver have been extracted throughout the ages. However alpacas, gramineae vegetation and small herds of timid vicuñas populate these ranges. The vicuña is perhaps the most beautiful of all the creatures found here. As far as altitudinal geographical features are concerned, lagoons, which play an important part in the water cycle, abound and hold a powerful symbolic character for the inhabitants. The Urququcha, Qerqequcha, and Pumaqucha lagoons are prominent in Velille whereas the Apanta lagoon in Livitaca is venerated with the offerings made on the first day of every August when the new Andean agricultural cycle begins. In Colquemarca, Qaqansa is a male lagoon united in marriage with Qochasaywas, a female lagoon in Apurímac. In both lagoons the illa bull appears. The Qaqanulla lagoon close to the community of Tuntuma, in Velille, also recounts the legend of the mythical bull that emerges at night surrounded by a beam of light, thereby announcing the presence of a buried

Andean fox

treasure. The bull also roams the countryside looking to impregnate cows and fight with other phantasmal bulls. This pan Andean myth encapsulates the magic relationship that the bull produced in the Indian when this animal appeared out of nowhere — in the Conquest — as an enormous and fierce beast of a thunderous bellow and sharp horns and which the Indian not only had to learn to tame, but also refine its aggression for the bullring. Within the Andean world view, the mountains’ importance is reflected on people’s recognition of the apu, either a protector or a cursed mountain. In Chumbivilcas, the most recognisable mountains are Phuyani and Choqechampi in Colquemarca, Phillullo in Velille, Laurapi and Chelqo in Chamaca as well as Qeqaña and Wanso in Llusco, Qora in Livitaca, Qewchaya (the very one mentioned in the qorilazo song Great Pampas), Anchasaywa, Waychawi (the highest in the province) and Qeruila, to which the song Romance para Pancho Gómez Negrón is sung by the group bearing the name of the important qorilazo.

Chumbivilcan bull

Romance para Pancho Gómez Negrón (Romance for Pancho Gómez Negrón) Wind from the handkerchief or wine from the river In your charango did you bring, untamed Chumbivilcan Who doesn’t remember your figure of bandit and poet Señor from Queruila and the pampa on your dappled horse The chola always loved you at work and the mud Or the piquant ballad from the bass string of your guitar Mountain cholo made from wayno and courage Open as a frank hand and beaming like the landscape Pancho Goméz, boisterous cholo “A demon with the charango”, as they called you Present symbol of the qorilazos. Mario Ruiz Castilla

TIME AND THE GOLDEN LASSO: THE HISTORY CHESTNUT, THE CLOTHING OF WAR: THE PRE-COLUMBIAN ERA Some arbitrariness of the history previous to the arrival of writing to the Andes has determined that the denomination “Chumbivilcas” has a distant link to clothing. In Quechua, the lingua franca imposed by the Incas throughout their entire empire, the girdle that was attached to the waist was called a chumpi. However, the word ch’umpi also alludes to the colour chestnut which is the natural tone of the wool fibres that are today used to make the classic qorilazo hat. Chumbivilcan sociologist Sisko Rendón leans more towards ch’umpi, chestnut, rather than chumpi, girdle. Teacher and singer Purificada Montáñez corroborates Rendón’s version regarding the etymology of the toponym “Chumbivilcas”. Chestnut colour is also that which covers the pampas and the mountains once the rains have ceased. Chumbivilcas is, at the same time, a word that varies its meaning according to how it is understood in Quechua or Aymara. Willka means sacred in Quechua while in Aymara it signifies the sun. Chumpiwillka, Ch’umpiwillka: Chumbivilcas. Chumbivilcan districts of Livitaca, Llusco, and Colquemarca are perhaps one of the most important centres of development, continuity and practice of the ayarachi, the pre-Columbian funeral dance, whose performers wear a dominant colour — chestnut — which is the natural hue of the fibres. A legend states that a group of these musicians accompanied the burial of Atahualpa, the last Inca. MYTHICAL AND REAL CULTURES Mauk’a Livitaka, or Ancient Livitaca, is today located in the land of the Qollana community (Wilk’e sector). It consists of funeral, religious and administrative structures, stores (taqe) and zoomorphic petroglyphs; Chachacomo

“proof of occupation from early formative epochs to Incan to colonial eras”, as Vicentina Galiano states, who researched this site together with Héctor Espinoza, both of them archaeologists, and who were in charge of a series of research teams between 2007-2010. However Mauk’a Livitaka is an exception. Together with the Wampu Wampu area, also in Livitaca, these are the only sites researched in Chumbivilcas. Consequently, it is difficult to establish a chronology for the province’s archaeology. Remnants of the pre-ceramic period (or Archaic Period 9500-2200 BC) are found in Pachamarka and Llamamachay, both in Colquemarca. However, at least in the second of the previously mentioned sites, there has been recent transhumant, shepherd and livestock thief presence. However, returning to the origins, Brian Bauer states that, “upon the final retreat of the Pleistocene glaciers between 10000 and 8000 BC, a considerable part of the Andean region was open to human occupation for the first time”. No research has been performed on these immemorial times in Chumbivilcas despite the recommendations of noted luminaries such as Chumbivilcan Lisandro Lantarón. What Mauk’a Livitaka reveals, asserts Héctor Espinoza, are findings “that are very important as there are ceramics from the Formative Period [2100 BC-AD 200], and also the presence of Pukará ceramics but in small quantities.

Nonetheless, the small quantities there do transmit a message. There is pre-ceramic, there are local ceramics [that are presumed to be Mauk’a Livitaka], there is Collao influence from the Altiplano, and there are Wari ceramics”. Current Peruvian archaeology is discovering ever more frequently evidence that the Wari Empire covered much more territory than was earlier attributed and that the Wari exercised powerful influence. Chumbivilcas was not excluded from such phenomena. Archaeologist Héctor Espinoza holds that the Wari exerted power on the South of Cusco between AD 600 and 1000. The abundant presence of this culture’s artefacts in the frontier regions with Arequipa attest to the same.

Sparrow hawk

It is not the Wari presence in Chumbivilcas that is the cause of the greatest doubts or most heated debate between archaeologists, anthropologists and historians, but a period marked by an influence from the Altiplano that still survives in the language as well as in the monoliths and ceramics. Brian Bauer maintains that Tiwanaku (AD 300-1000) occupied these territories, which coincides with the fact that the Collao exercised control over pre-Incan Cusco. Architecture and rituals also verify this version. Rendón more specifically states the Tiwanaku was not the dominant culture but the Pukará (500 BC-AD 300). Nevertheless, the Altiplano influence did not have to be necessarily direct as it could have spread via the exchange of commerce and culture between peoples of different social and political characteristics. The vacuum left by the Wari decline was occupied by the evolution of other cultures or, according to Rostworowski, by local dominions: the Ch’umpiwillkas, the Condesuyos, and the Alccas (or Alccawisas). This postulation is the same as the present Chumbivilcans have established. This existence of these organised human groups could have been mythical if it was not for the references made by chroniclers and historians who place said peoples during the time of the great Incan expansion undertaken by Pachacútec and Túpac Yupanqui. Despite the brevity of the aforementioned information, and the scarcity or complete inexistence of archaeological evidence to date (as is the case of the Alccawisas and Ch´umpiwillkas), Chumbivilcans base their identity on these cultures as has occurred with the Pocras, a pre-Incan culture, for Ayacucho’s people. Between reality and myth, Chumbivilcas is constructing the foundations that provide it with a differentiation in relation to the panorama of the Southern Andean cultures, and that explain the large number of archaeological sites throughout its territory that give ideological cohesion to its own universe. A factor of great prominence dominates in this universe: the Chumbivilcan self-definition as a personage with attributes of fearlessness, courageousness, being a good fighter and independent. These characteristics follow distinct aspects of Chumbivilcas’ collective past in order to explain this temperament. Again the figure of the qorilazo synthesises myth and reality extrapolating the characteristics of a culture from way back in time that is kept alive to this day. Incan occupation is also a point of debate. Garcilaso de la Vega affirms that Mayta Cápac influenced the Condesuyo cultures by constructing a great straw bridge, Q’eswachaka, and received scant resistance from these people. However, the majority of chroniclers state that it was Pachacútec who eventually conquered the Collas, and afterwards, the Condesuyos.

Qayaras

Rostworowski believes that Garcilaso’s account is permeated by a colonial necessity of civilising romanticism fuelled by an ancient hatred of Pachacútec’s panaka12, which was an enemy of that of the chronicler. Whatever the true history may have been, what is certain is that the ayllus and the Chumbivilcan local dominions reacted in different manners to the invading Incans. Some fought decidedly such as those from Velille, while others allied themselves with or served as war mitayos (migrant soldiers) against the fierce Chankas.

Spaces: Chumbivilcas in the Eyes of the Conquistadores Account recorded by the Chief Magistrate of the Chunbibilcas Don Francisco de Acuña as ordered by His Excellency Señor Don Fernando de Torres y Portugal, Viceroy of these realms, for the description of the Indians and which his Majesty orders to be done [in 1586] The Indians of this region speak… largely in the general Inga language… some of them speak the Chunbibilca language… There are many genera of grasses with which the Indians say they heal themselves; such as tobacco, chichira and puroputo as well as other exquisite names for which it is not known how to say… There are many types of birds such as large and small partridges and geese, which are called guallatas in their language, and domestic and wild ducks, and hens and pigeons and others…

Ichu, Peruvian feather grass

It is said that in the hills... there are lions which are called poma in their language, and foxes, which are called actoc in their language, and oscollos that look like a cat except that it is larger and kills hens and ground rabbits that here are called cuyes and destroy the maize seed sown in the ground.; and there are guemals and vicuñas and deer and guanaco and viscacha on the puna, and other small animals whose names are not known… It is said that they pay their tributes with money and gold and livestock and maize and wheat foods; and that their farm earnings are from livestock that they have and clothes… that they make and sell to the Spanish and to the Indians that come to seek out their villages and they take the merchandise to the cities… and they also go to the warm valleys to purchase ají and shrimp and cotton and other things that they later re-sell…

Cockfighting

It is said that this province is subject to and falls in the Diocese of the City of Cusco… It is said that in every village there is one church where prayer is held and indoctrinated to the Indians, and they have their priest13.

12 Panakas were the royal Incan lineages found among different elite families. 13 Marcos Jiménez de la Espada, Geographic Relations of the Indies.

LIONS CALLED POMAS: THE SPANISH CONQUEST The ruptures generated by the Spanish Conquest rapidly impacted the traditional organisation of Chumbivilcas’ lands. The ayllus were absorbed by the encomiendas and, later, by the hacienda system. New actors unlawfully held the idea that the Indians, who were suspected of not possessing a soul, had to pay tributes for the fact that said actors were civilising and converting them to Christianity. The de-structuring of the society was not only suffered by the demographic blows caused by new diseases and forced labour. The ancestral world view that for centuries had governed the sacred and profane duty of Andean inhabitants was quickly supplanted by a universe of sole and triune deities, one book that purported to contain all truth, the caste mother of the Son of God, some men dressed in robes who administered both punishment and sacrament, and the absolute prohibition of cult practices that overnight were converted into idolatry. They changed the names of things. Many animals did not coincide with the words of the new language. Chicha, a drink intrinsic to the Andean culture, consumed daily and a privileged ceremonial object, was repudiated because it was considered not only repugnant but also a dangerous vehicle that linked the Indians with their idols and huacas. The Spanish erected churches and chapels in all provinces. Some had doctrinal balconies for the Indians, as that in Colquemarca on top of a large hill overlooking the village. Just in front of Totora, in Surimana, another great bastion of colonial Catholicism towers after its restoration. Throughout the centuries, the Totora temple in the Livitaca district has been known colloquially as Apostle Santiago as its main festivals were in honour of this patron saint and whose celebration lasted for close to a week. When the frenzy of the extirpators of idolatries dissipated, the syncretic feasts commenced. The Lightening Cult (Illapa), Saint Matamoros, and the start of the new agrarian cycle came together with a culinary succulence served in a large clay bowl that was shared between the guests and which contained ch’arki14, tarwi, olluco, peas, beans, potatoes, a small amount of rice, accompanied with ají (chili pepper) and maize tortillas and an abundance of chicha to wash down the mixuna (food). In step with the advance of the Viceroyalty, the new social organisation separated people into social sectors. However, at the same time, the region’s type of agricultural activity, as well as the growing traffic of mule drivers from the Altiplano and the North of contemporary Argentina due to the transportation of silver, started to create cracks in the rigid pyramid that had the Indians at the bottom and the white man, creole or Spaniard, at the top. Miscegenation started to happen, and also relations with the foreign mule drivers, insofar as uses and customs that fit in the South of Cusco, in Chumbivilcas. Horse breakers came with their fearlessness and domination of the quadruped whose sight had earlier terrified the indigenous peoples. In Spanish, and especially Andalusian tradition, the horse is linked to the bulls for bullfighting and roosters for cockfighting. “But here, the indigenes quickly ‘indianise’ the horse. The proud Arab stallion was turned into the Chumbivilcan repe which is short, woolly, ugly but strong and fast. The horse was introduced to the peoples of the Andes and the Indians became horsemen. From this point, the gaucho of our pampas, regarded as a notable exponent of the lasso, an adventurer on horseback, capable of all horse-breaking feats and horse riding tricks, first came into being”15.

14 Salted camelid meat which is left out to dry. 15 Luis E. Valcárcel, Tempest in the Andes.

Quinoa

A SHOCK TO THE POWERS THAT BE: TÚPAC AMARU II, 1780-1782 “The brave Chumbivilcans… were the first to protest against the Spanish opprobrium. In the middle of 1776 the Indians of Velille mutinied against the Chief Magistrate of Chumbivilcas Don Gerónimo Sagasti; and in a rebellious gesture that later was repeated by other peoples, they executed Sagasti because he had committed a series of abuses when collecting tributes. When the great rebellion of Túpac Amaru broke out… Chumbivilcas was involved”. Arturo Villena, Qorilazo and Region of Refuge in the Andean Context Until today, the anti-colonial fervour of those times is still visible in the accounts from Chumbivilcas and the neighbouring province of Canas whose inhabitants immerse themselves in ritual battles in Toqto. Although these have a pre-Hispanic origin, the impact of Túpac Amaru’s revolt has reconfigured local history. One widespread version among the participants is that the battles in Toqto were a way of training themselves for war in the years before the rebellion of Chief José Gabriel Condorcanqui, Túpac Amaru II. In Totora, a town in the Livitaca district, between the now abandoned grain mills and the main square, an ancient tower looms above. Today’s inhabitants say it was constructed shortly before the Túpac Amaru II revolt in order to maintain communication with Surimana, in the province of Canas, situated just in front. The people of both provinces conspired together to narrate the most important legends and heroes of the rebellion against the Spanish Crown. The execution of Chief Magistrate Antonio de Arriaga, in charge of Canas and Canchis, on the 4th of November 1780 initiated a string of insurrections in all of the Southern Andes including parts of present-day Bolivia and Argentina16. On the 12th of November of the same year, Túpac Amaru’s army took the textile plant at Pomacanche and shortly after arrived at Chumbivilcas: “Túpac Amaru entered Livitaca’s square and convoked the local inhabitants of which only the Indian men and women answered his call. They greeted him with these words, ‘You are our Lord and Master and we ask of you that there would be no priests to bother us’, to which he responded that it could not happen as then there would be nobody to attend them at the moment of death’’17. However the discourse was ambiguous. In the edict of Chumbivilcas, in the same month in which the subversive activities commenced: “Túpac Amaru pronounced with absolute clarity being against the ‘European Masters’. He later compared the bureaucrats with a ‘second Pizarro’, and Spain with Egypt, with the Pharaoh, with Goliath”18. The great shock wave that Túpac Amaru II created supposed different meanings for the heterogeneous actors that participated in the rebellion. The motivation of the rich merchants, a class that incorporated the indigenous elites and differentiated itself from the landholders and sharecroppers, was extremely clear insofar as the new tribute rules impacted sharply on the mule train trade on these routes, due to the measures Warrior in Toqto

taken by the Bourbons who replaced the Austrians as Spain’s rulers. La Plata was created by taking territory from the Viceroyalty of Peru.

16 Arturo Villena, Qorilazo and the Region of Refuge in the Andean Context. 17 Alberto Flores Galindo, “The Nation as a Utopia: Túpac Amaru, 1780”. 18 Alberto Flores Galindo, “The Nation as a Utopia: Túpac Amaru, 1780”.

The era’s most important infrastructure communication was affected: the route between the mines of Potosí and Cusco or Arequipa. The mule drivers brought silver from Cerro Rico in Potosí with their mule trains en route to Lima. Cusco became the principal supplier of provisions to the mines of Alto Peru, and to which went mules laden with foodstuffs, drinks and objects for everyday use. For the indigenous peoples, the revolution of Túpac Amaru (Marquis of Oropesa and owner of 2000 mules from Tucumán) was not rooted in questions of commerce. It had to do more so with a return to the great past of the usurped empire that was then lost. Their messianism without Western European presence constituted a divergent vision to that of the uprising’s leaders. However, these leaders did manage to suppose the end of black slavery on the coast of the Viceroyalty. Utopia and separatism started to give the rebellion an identity. In this context a number of independent and, in a certain manner, marginal figures came to prominence. These actors did not fit in the traditional division of classes. They were tied more to transhumant commerce and to livestock herding as expert horsemen, bull breakers as well as livestock thieves and bandits.

Takanakuy fighter

In this eclectic exploit, Captain Tomás Parvina, a Chumbivilcan leader, had the Royalists in dire straits at the start of 1781. The rebels were gaining ground and “on the 29th of January 1781 one of the Spanish leaders sent a report on the progress of José Gabriel Túpac Amaru II due to the defeat in the Battle of Piccho Mountain near Cusco”19. The Viceroyalty was afraid. It exaggerated the number of those participating in the uprising stating that up to 60,000 armed men, many with muskets and shotguns, were involved. The central government allotted money to the Southern Andean Royalist authorities in order to fund expeditions against Túpac Amaru and his armies. Chief magistrates and Governors in Apurimac, Arequipa, Cusco and Puno received the necessary pesos to continue with the marches with cavalry and cannon in support of the Pax Hispanica whose slogan was “to punish and contain the insurrections of the Chief of Tinta, Josef Gabriel Tupac Amaro”20. From Cailloma, in March 1781, the Governor Don Domingo Guerrero y Marnara requested money and reinforcements in order to send a column from Cotabambas, then part of Chumbivilcas, to pacify those Chumbivilcan territories affected by the great Tupac Amaru revolt that was shaking the Southern Andes. After triumphing in Chumbivilcas, Captain Parvina set off to Cotabambas but encountered stiff Royalist resistance from the forces financed by the “gracious contributions”. The clergy had organised itself against the rebels and obliged the Indians from the region to defend that foreign royalty21. In March 1781, the priests from Llusco and Quiñota, by means of a missive, wanted to convince Parvina to desist and to which the rebel responded in a letter, “I have not committed any crime but defend in the first instance the law of God that was almost erased because of the malfeasance of the thieving Chief Magistrates”22.

19 Sisko Rendón, The Golden Book: The History of Colquemarca, a Homage for its Centennial. 20 Royal Boxes, National General Archive.

21 Sisko Rendón, The Golden Book: The History of Colquemarca, a Homage for its Centennial.

22 Sisko Rendón, The Golden Book: The History of Colquemarca, a Homage for its Centennial.

Apacheta

Other insurrectionist columns pillaged haciendas and churches taking with them livestock, money, silverware, gold jewellery, purple velvet dresses and cloth coats as well as coca, sugar, rice, and chuño23 in sacks and trunks. Such an event happened at the Piskicocha hacienda in the Livitaca district where the landholders were forced to hand in their possessions to the rebels under the command of another important Chumbivilcan Captain, Ramón Ponce. He later saw that Micaela Bastidas, the wife of Condorcanqui, received the bounty24. The Royalist militias stationed in Sicuani readied themselves to unleash their fury with a large number of “uniformed, armed, and mounted dragons [‘skilled warriors’]”. From there, columns of priests and Royalist soldiers made for the outskirts of Santo Tomás. Local Indians from the region recruited along the way ultimately supressed the Revolutionaries in a skirmish on March 21, 1781. “Another battle transpired there in which Captain Tomás Parvina, Commanding General of Túpac Amaru II, and Felipe Bermúdez… were decapitated… The heads were staked on the points of a royal lance”25. The uprising was dying. AFTER THE REVOLT One of the legs of the quartered Túpac Amaru II was sent to Livitaca’s main square as a lesson. Furthermore there were legal cases brought against a number of Chumbivilcans involved in the rebellion, such as Felipe Cárcamo “for having deserted the column from Cotabambas” and having helped Parvina26. Once Túpac Amaru’s defeat occurred, the Crown initiated a true reconquering of the Andean world which was marked by the implacable imposition of the cross and the sword. All native languages, festivals, the reading of The Royal Commentaries, and everything that reminded of the past were prohibited including the word “Inka”. The use of native clothing was outlawed. This is the moment when the wearing of Spanish peasant clothing was imposed, a fact that José María Arguedas discovered on an ethnographical study trip to Spain in the 1950s. That was the sword. The cross had to become omnipotent in order to usurp all indigenous firmaments. This is the time when the enormous church at Santo Tomás was constructed. The edifice was a magnificent monument of the most refined Mestizo Baroque preceded by a large atrium for the performing of ceremonies and allegorical religious plays. Antonio Raimondi visited the Chumbivilcan capital in the second half of the 19th century and was impacted by the church’s grandness but moreover by the asymmetry between said structure and the small village attached to it: “What stands out in Santo Tomás is its temple, which is beautiful but disproportionate with the rest of the village”27. Wakawaqra musician

Taking into account that the Chumbivilcans had a very active role in the revolt, sociologist Sisko Rendón interprets the magnificence of the Santo Tomás church as a collective effort that was made in order to distract the population from the dismembering of Túpac Amaru II and the movement that he had led.

23 Freeze dried potato.

24 Royal Boxes, National General Archive.

25 Sisko Rendón, The Golden Book: The History of Colquemarca, a Homage for its Centennial.

26 Sisko Rendón, The Golden Book: The History of Colquemarca, a Homage for its Centennial. 27 Antonio Raimondi, Notebook N° 41, National General Archive.

INDEPENDENCE AND THE QORILAZO The remoteness of Chumbivilcas from the neurological centres of political power did not impede the propagation of the period’s fervency. However, unlike other places, the fight for independence also fanned old conflicts between landholder families. In the case of Colquemarca, the Oblitas family, while competing with the De la Cuba family, collaborated with the Royalist army providing cattle and other goods28. Meanwhile, the Spanish toughened the collection of tribute payments that resulted in a series of local and regional insubordinations. At that stage the Cotahuasi valley pertained to Chumbivilcas and it was there that Julián García had been promoted to “bring down the order”. The Viceroy’s armies were supplied in Santo Tomás but were debilitated by the local resistance and the heavy rains. They hardly received any cattle or horses from the local population who rejected the armies’ presence; the anonymous women, every one surrounded by three or four children, sobbed in front of the soldiers requisitioning provisions29. As a functioning institution, The Viceroyalty had already fallen before the last Royalist defeat. However, independence was not a process that just started one day with a ukase, as years of superimposed powers were still yet to pass since the liberating words of San Martín. Confusion regarding the happenings in official society must have been widespread in remote Cusco, Arequipa and Puno when the Viceroy José de la Serna arrived in the former Incan capital in 1821 to stay there for three years after the proclamation of Peru’s independence.

Qorilazo with mandolin

An important point in order to understand the chaos in the Southern Andes is that in this period peasant uprisings, one of the most primitive forms of protests, resurfaced. Banditry was another traditional phenomenon in the Andes which took on a new form in the so-called montoneros and predominantly by stealing livestock30. As a protest, livestock stealing was largely ineffective as it occurred in disperse geographic and socially isolated places. It was less a protest against the entire system than a testimony to the real life situation of the people in a livestock economy that rebelled against scarcity and abuse at a local level. The presence of bandits and rustlers, who were expert horsemen and endured the inhospitable climate, displayed their omnipotence and lived in their own manner in the punas, could lead to thinking of the qorilazo and, in fact, there are authors who have suggested this association. However, it would not be precise to consider this perspective as being the most appropriate. There are innumerable versions regarding the nature of the qorilazo and not one is definitive. One of the qorilazo’s profiles is that he does not steal or put himself at the service of a master to subjugate the agricultural working class. He does not tolerate receiving orders from above. His life in myth and reality is what it is; the adventure of taming wild horses, the skill of horse riding, of cockfighting, of bullfighting, of music, and above all courage and freedom: temperament.

28 Sisko Rendón, The Golden Book: The History of Colquemarca, a Homage for its Centennial. 29 Royal Boxes, National General Archive. 30 Alberto Flores Galindo, “Agrarian Movements in Peru”.

Pinkuyllu musician

One must not forget that one of the presumed origins of the qorilazo — a point reaffirmed by Villena — is the mozo of the hacienda or the nuevo cholo who does not belong to any of the traditional classes, and makes himself autonomous by valuing himself on the skills that he acquired working with livestock. Independence for the indigenous peoples from the South of Cusco perhaps had the same resonance as the Túpac Amaru II uprising. At the time when these parts were collectively called “the interior of the country”, the region was isolated from everything due to the centralist policies of Lima. There was also endemic confusion as mestizos and Indians from Cusco constituted a good part of the troops that had fought for the Royalist forces in the Battle of Ayacucho in December 1824. A general, imprecise, and contradictory message was being given to the indigenous population because it was a movement for their liberation from the yolk of the hacienda, while at the same time there was the possibility of subjugation to the Royalist forces or to the caprices of a local landowner: “To the aborigines of the village of Colquemarca… This rupture or independence did not have any importance as the social structures inherited from the colony will remain the same or even stronger. The wave of land seizures that transpired against the communities in the 19th and 20th centuries did not cease but became even greater… the violence perpetrated by means of rustling and other coercive actions”31.

THE NEW CHUMBIVILCAN CRÈME At the start of the 20th century Chumbivilcas seemed to be heading on the same path although modernity had started to disrupt everything. However, before the great changes that occurred with the whirlwind of the new century, there was a belle epoque between 1895 and 1945 for the traditional landholding families32 such as the Ugarte, Boza, Gómez, Peña, Pacheco, Vizcarra, Barrionuevo, Vega, Romero, Velasco clans; the Mendoza Villena in Velille, the Araujo in Santo Tomás, apart from other groups of kinship from which deputies, senators and local political authorities emerged. Supported by policy, an economic bonanza tied to Arequipa’s and Puno’s wool trade brought with it contact with the rest of the world and moreover with urban European trends: radial avenues, electricity and “the good life”. Among the most emblematic families were the Álvarez, owners of large portions of the districts of Velille and Colquemarca, and who had the greatest land area in the entire province. At the Laccaya hacienda: “Mario Virgin of the Nativity

Álvarez had thousands of animals. At one stage [before the Agrarian Reform] he had 3700 cattle”33. This estate owner was one of the richest men in Chumbivilcas and known for his penchant for negotiating livestock as much as for encouraging bullfighting. After four centuries of being in the Andes, livestock had become resistant to the climate and altitude. In the world of the mistis, Mario Álvarez Pacheco was a notable promoter and stakeholder of the creole tradition. He was the very man who learned how to combine the physiognomy of the classic landowner with the trends that were starting to arrive to Cusco from the ever more globalised modern industrialised world. It is said that he was a clubman, a sharp poker player at Club Cusco where it could almost be said that he established his residence there. Álvarez oscillated between Cusco and Chumbivilcas, where he occupied himself as much 31 Sisko Rendón, The Golden Book: The History of Colquemarca, a Homage for its Centennial. 32 José Tamayo Herrera, Regional History of Republican Cusco. 33 Arturo Villena, lawyer and researcher.

with looking after his hacienda as with procreation. People still to this day say that he had 39 children with 20 different women. He was, without a doubt, a prodigious man. Unlike most other Chumbivilcan populaces, Totorani, an annex of Charamuray in Colquemarca, did not become part of a hacienda despite bordering onto Huahuaycocha that belonged to the extremely rich Álvarez family. Its inhabitants state that the ownership of Totorani did not at any stage leave the hands of the Ayllu Qaratupa, a legendary and warrior human collective that is described as coming out protected with leather shields upon locating any invading force. Meanwhile the growth in livestock production activities demanded a greater quantity of men expert in breaking horses as well as bulls. This was the natural job for a qorilazo who while performing the role went disseminating a definitive identity of the personage in Chumbivilcas. As Arturo Villena said, this is how the qorilazo was a specialty; a social rank of privilege and prestige that arose from the skills of handling livestock. The aforementioned explains why, as said rank depended on these skills, there were misti, Indian, and mozo qorilazos. In the opinion of landowner and musician Juan Cancio Berrío, the qorilazo existed because there were haciendas. According to this version, the personage would have come about when the mozo of the hacienda, away from the prying eyes of the estate owner, practiced taming foals and trained for bullfighting as a form of recreation. As such, the qorilazo has also taken features of the figure of the modern landholder as synthesised in Álvarez Pacheco. Adriel Boza, an expert on the biography of Álvarez, qualifies the landowner as one of the most emblematic figures of all the Peruvian Andes. His hacienda produced enormous quantities of meat, leather, milk and cheeses for the national market. On the other hand, he was an important supplier of livestock for bullfighting in places such as Arequipa, Lima, and as far as Bolivia. The turn of the new century also brought greater social mobility. The mistis and mestizos travelled to other provinces of Cusco and Peruvian regions. They went and came back with new musical instruments unknown in Chumbivilcas, with rhythms from other worlds that could be heard in surprising electric apparatus using black discs. The identity of the qorilazo was ever more defined as the “cholo without social class” although, in fact, the qorilazo was not unlike the profile of the landowner as much as he respected the strong elements of the illa of the Andean religion. In this process determined by remarkable industrialisation projects in Arequipa and Cusco, a figure comes to roundly symbolise the qorilazo: Pancho Gómez Negrón, who was a prominent musician, as will be seen at a later point. In order to hold the status of qorilazo one has to have the ability to handle the lasso with a rebellious spirit, a firm temperament and a special capacity to conquer a woman, and not only with songs and pick-up lines. The preceding facets are underpinned by the desire to maintain coherence based on dignity.

Woman’s hat

ON THE REPE OR THE MOTORBIKE “The novel will take one day in Peru the adventures of the ‘Ch’uchu’ thieves. Then the films on the Wild West are going to remain far behind. The operators at William Fox must come and pick up the implausible episodes of the life of an Indian on horseback”. Luis E. Valcárcel, Tempest in the Andes In 1926 the quantity of livestock in Chumbivilcas made it very coveted by landowners and merchants in all of the Southern Andes. There were almost 45,000 cows and bulls, some 33,810 horses, 117,710 sheep and around 26,000 camelids34. In Cusco and Arequipa the process of industrialisation, construction of railways and the increase of wool and fibre exports had already started in the 19th century. In the first decades of the 20th century, the hacienda and the high-Andean communities had consolidated themselves as the suppliers of these products. Meanwhile rustling had turned into a Chumbivilcan modus operandi whether it was for honour, prestige, fun, economic need, commercial advantage, a tour-de-force or revenge. Former hacienda owner Antonio Velasco remembers that there were very skilful rustlers that could purloin animals, run 10 to 20 kilometres in a night, and “disappear” the livestock. At other times, the estate owners, as well as deputies, doctors and lawyers entrusted rustlers to procure alpaca fibres to be later taken to Arequipa. Thanks to steam transport, Arequipa displaced the axis from Cusco’s capital and became a geopolitical centre of special gravitation. In the 1920s the protesting peasants started to consolidate their political demands although they only commenced to articulate themselves by means of unions and assemblies in the 1960s. These conflicts reached their high-point when they “recouped” land from the estate owners in the 1970s due to the impetus of the Agrarian Reform promulgated by Juan Velasco Alvarado (1968-75). In the province of Chumbivilcas there is a consensus that the Agrarian Reform did not fulfill its goal of propitiating agricultural development. Moreover, the contrary happened: “The general depopulation [of the countryside] and the cultural change started from the Commission on the Agrarian Reform law… Haciendas were abandoned and in many cases [the estate owners] took their livestock to sell at the regional markets in Arequipa and Puno”35. Ex-professor Erasmo Mendoza remembers the decadence. He says that the beautiful horses were absent. Only at the start of the 21st century did the quality of horses and bulls recover due to the acquisition and reproduction of improved livestock. However, before this Chumbivilcan renaissance, there were significant and abrupt fragmentations in the last two decades of the 20th century. Many mistis migrated to the large cities of Cusco, Lima and Arequipa; the Shining Path invaded what was left of the old agricultural world executing hacendados, rustlers and peasants. The first self-defence committees were organised which had the Shining Path retreating. However, having eliminated the livestock on a large scale, rustling diminished.

34 Emilio de la Barrera. Horses, Camelids, and General Cattle Statistics in the Province of Chumbivilcas. 35 Arturo Villena, lawyer and researcher.

The changes that occurred bring us to a present just as complex as that which is experienced in all of Peru. The greatest intensity of powerful hybridisation is largely evidenced at a cultural level which has the Andes as its reference point. The now celebrated Andean modernity is seen in commerce, architecture and in an unprecedented, innovative lifestyle. The economy of Chumbivilcas’ agricultural workforce and of the landholders is no longer dependent on livestock and, consequently, the social composition has varied where the descendants of the peasant class have progressed. Their children now enjoy greater economic prosperity and frequently attend the universities in the cities. The old mistis are now a minority. Today in Chumbivilcas there is a property boom and an enriching of the traditional festivities. The copied CD music industry’s mass sales practices, much to the bewilderment and chagrin of traditional musicians, outsell Andean styles that previously were clearly differentiated. The world seems to have started up with a new fuel in the Southern Andes, disrupting everything previously known: the landscape, production activities, gender roles, and commerce relations, physiognomy of the cities as well as the aspirations of the agricultural working class. Today it’s possible to find in similar proportions the epic and valiant qorilazos demonstrating the characteristics of youth, happiness, being macho, mounted on a restless repe or moving around on a recently acquired Chinese manufactured motorbike. Nevertheless, Chumbivilcas is still the qorilazo.

Biografía de mi Charango (Biography of My Charango) Your life starts with a shot Dressed with your poncho of songs To the wounded heart of a guitar Rugged up in your scarf of auroras Which fell apart in tears… And of trills, Poured upon by birds, Poor suffering guitar! You have gone on adventures to the highest Since then, she walks punas In the arm of a sob The started the history of your exploits All dressed in mourning […] Charango charango cholo Oh, charango, charango cholo Born in the wound of a song Troublemaker and party goer At the very edge of the groan On an ordinary day, at dawn […] You became a bandit of the wild puna Luis Nieto Miranda, Charango (Romancero cholo).

Although the fog obscures the view Although the frost freezes the blood, The Qorilazo keeps on going Over the snow Over the frost. Pancho Gómez Negrón, Aguacerito Cordillerano

Qorilazo, Rides on Reality and Myth The qorilazo is defined in an environment of beings and objects that are identifiable in real history, in the space that is created when the legend and the personage of blood and bone meet. Horses and bulls are most prominent. The fear engendered in the original American populations from the very start of the Conquest by the horse due to its size, movements, neigh, its mouth bit, its hooves, and the apparent physical superiority of the man who mounted the beast is well known. The Conquistadores were conscious of the value that the quadruped afforded them and, as such, together with the use of firearms, the Indians were banned from riding them. A “civilisation of pedestrians, of Indians on foot” was created1.

<< Synthesis of the qorilazo: a young man full of valour, mounted on his repe, lassoes before an enthusiastic multitude, in Santo Tomás. < The brave qorilazo Beto Chahua from Quiñota with his mare “Promesa de Amor”.

Time however was doing its own thing as in the Southern Andes this spirited animal of Berber blood adapted to its surroundings. It mutated to a version of smaller dimensions, a thicker coat, and of greater strength and speed. This breed is known as the repe from Chumbivilcas and Cotabambas and it was difficult to tame and, as such, the locals little by little became skilled with the lasso and, together with the ability to break horses, the qorilazo acquired that taste for freedom which comes with riding through the freezing pampas. Soon the repe became well-known and coveted in other regions where it would be equally useful and therefore was sold in the Altiplano fairs. Lasso exponents were testing out leathers and metals in order to manufacture equipment with their hands and tools. The task of mounting started to require the fabrication of protection for the legs, spurs, horse riding clothing for the freezing days and nights. In short, a complete outfit was devised. Toward the end of the 17 th century, an influence from the far south was being felt due to the new commercial necessities and exchange insofar as the relationship between the Indian and the horse. Tucumán mule drivers and gauchos started to appear with their mule trains and horses to take advantage of the large pastures in Chumbivilcas where they stayed for long periods while setting up tabladas [sales camps]2. In Peru, the mule driver from the Pampas came across the liwi, similar to the bola, which he used to catch livestock while at the same time passed on more sophisticated practices of lassoing untamed animals, domestication and capture. It would be an exaggeration to say that with the Tucumán influence the indigenous population, who had previously been a shepherd on foot, gained access to the horse and gave rise to the origins of the qorilazo. This new factor emerged from questions of transport and supply that the feverish extraction activity at Potosí created. 1

Luis E. Valcárcel, Tempest in the Andes.

Arturo Villena, Qorilazo and the Region of Refuge in the Andean Context.

The horses are quite feisty. We chased them with our liwi and we caught them from afar. In Colquemarca I learnt to lasso “in eight”. Víctor “Chucho” Carrillo, chumbivilcan painter

The definition of what a qorilazo is does not escape ideological slants. Certain scholars assert that the origin of this character is found within the social circle of the hacendados. The estate owner, his children and his relatives adopted the use of protective clothing including the characteristic qarawatana for long rides. This version skews the qorilazo symbology towards the landholders3. There is also the opinion regarding the origin of the qorilazo that appeals to prosaic reality: There was a Chumbivilcan deputy who was carrying a pocket watch attached to a large fine gold chain. From there on the name qorilazo was born: the gentlemen with their chains or lassos of gold 4 .

Sisko Rendón believes that the qorilazo image that is still maintained is a 20th century construction largely due to the figure of Pancho Gómez Negrón, the neo Indian who sang Chumbivilcan waynos along the length and breadth of the Southern Andes. “The qorilazo excessively values personal dignity and, as such, considers an insult of any type as a grave offense and thus is always ready to respond to the offenders with words or real actions, and to denounce anyone who turns to the local authorities. The aforementioned must be explained by the roughness of the herding lifestyle that shapes the qorilazo: resoluteness, courage and gallantry. However, this must also be interpreted within the evolutionary context of punishment, as a private act which is intrinsic to marginal societies… The qorilazo value of freedom is immense and although he may be subject to a subsistence economy, it is not his pleasure to be subject to any type of domination or dependency. Open, frank and graceful expression also constitutes a behavioural norm for the qorilazo”5. < Three youngsters lasso a repe in the colt roping of Santo Tomás. They exhibit the classic Chumbivilcan woollen hat. > The skill of qorilazo Héctor Enríquez in the horse breaking is something that he demonstrates with pride in his full outfit.

However, this was the qorilazo of the 20th century. Diverse convergent factors are supposing the radical changes that this personage is presently experiencing. The agricultural working class and estate owners’ economy is no longer based on livestock and consequently the social composition has suffered variations at the same rate. Arturo Villena maintains that the qorilazo in Chumbivilcas is an endangered species although “some customs are being almost artificially maintained”. Nevertheless, as a mythical cultural element, the qorilazo is more alive than ever. It is only that the scene has changed and certain aspects of his traditional morphology as well. Everything unceasingly mutates. Culturally speaking nothing is static and much less in times marked by the dynamics of technology. 3

For example, Ruben Vega, lawyer and hacendado in the San Jose hacienda in Tinkurka.

Víctor “Chucho” Carrillo, painter from Colquemarca living in Maranganí.

Arturo Villena, Qorilazo and the Region of Refuge in the Andean Context.

< View of Santo Tomás, where a monument pays homage to the personage that gives Chumbivilcas its identity: the qorilazo. > The stern face of a qorilazo, a man who appreciates courage and does not feel satisfied by doing things the easy way.

The ecology of the pampas has certainly changed as livestock quantities are fewer than those 50 years ago and certain requirements in the breaking and lassoing of horses are not as salient in contemporary rural areas. However, the qorilazo is still seen mounted on his steed just as in the times of Pancho Gómez Negrón, when he who wore his distinctive outfit to local fiestas. A qorilazo responding to a ringtone while riding his horse is part of the landscape. In the same manner, the motorcycle has usurped the horse and it happens every day as a response to the needs of transport and of status that are now different to those of a paradigmatic time of the great horseman.

The social position of the qorilazo is also not the same. The rigid model of two social strata, the estate owner and the Indian and their derivative the mozo, is now obsolete. The qorilazo has become an individual worker as many currently are performing the trade in which they are an expert. The qorilazo has still today a strong presence especially in the many collective festivals in Chumbivilcas. He is required as a piece of the cultural puzzle, as a protagonist in fighting and breaking in, as a “traditionalist” bullfighter and even as a musician and singer. The clothing of the current “lasso-of-gold” has also evolved via transformations. Many contemporary qorilazos have added apparently outside elements or done away with certain clothing items. The leather goods store now offers very expensive garments. Baize is no longer easy to obtain and the old spurs have perhaps been lost. Conversely you only have to go to any music and DVD stall in any Chumbivilcan market or fair to discover the still very popular songs of Pancho Gómez Negrón, either sung by the man himself or one of his followers.

< Self-portrait as a qorilazo of the Chumbivilcan painter Víctor “Chucho” Carrillo. The lassoing of some of the 600 bulls that will be part of August’s markana at the Huahuaycocha hacienda, district of Colquemarca.

“I Am a Qorilazo” Alberto “Beto” Chahua Huamaní is 30 years old and lives in Quiñota, where he raises livestock. He has come to the Festival of Santo Tomás for the bullfighting, the cockfights and the horse racing. His expertise is bullfighting on his mare “Promesa de Amor” [Promise of Love]. His idyll with this horse started eight years ago. Beto has much experience with horses because since the age of six his family had him looking after the foals where he quickly learned to ride. Beto bought “Promesa de Amor” together with other horses in the province of Castilla in Arequipa. He went with his father to look for 10 horses to take to Quiñota. They had to walk for 28 days slogging through snowcovered mountains and desert punas, sheltering in the dark and among the animals. However time passed, as he says, “I always go on adventures with my girlfriends on horseback”. Beto Chahua does not have to say, “I am a qorilazo”. It’s enough to understand that by listening to him speak of his hobbies, work and passions. When he talks about bullfighting on horseback he describes it as: “Self-sacrificing but beautiful at the same time. When we have fierce and wild livestock, a herdsman always has to learn bullfighting. When the bull goes after you, you have to defend yourself”.

Arturo Aguirre is a pharmacist and a horseman. He lives in Santo Tomás although one side of his family resides in Velille. A little before entering to participate in a bull kacharpari1 in San Toto2 he says, “When I was born, instead of putting a nappy or clothing on me, my old man put a lasso on me”. His father Gregorio Alcides Aguirre was a photographer and he pictured him ready to lasso foals. He also has a photo of him hogtying a pig. “In this way you learn at five years old, just by playing”. His mother rode horses when she was pregnant. Technically then, Arturo has ridden since he was inside his mother’s womb. “Ever since I have been able to reason, I have had a relationship with horses”. He states that in all the province’s families there is always at least one child interested in horses. Of his four siblings, he is the one with the most affinity for horses.

< The qorilazos become familiar with horses from a very early age in order to tame them and become companions.

As to demonstrate the coexistence of the qorilazo with the demands of contemporary life, Arturo informs us that he has a livestock business with an uncle of his in Velille. He breeds animals descended from the legendary bull “Gato Rey” [Cat King] whose mounted head is exhibited outside of the house where he lives with his wife and children. Arturo Aguirre is also a pharmacist and owner of a pharmacy in Bolívar Street, in Santo Tomás. The exterior changes but the function remains the same. Earlier the qorilazo always carried a firearm. Arturo Aguirre has replaced the gun with a sophisticated corkscrew. “It has turned out more useful than a gun”. When somebody telephones him, the ringtone is the sound of trotting horse’s hooves and neighing: Hello? His first horse was called “Recordarás” [You will remember]. The boy was eleven years old when he received it as a gift. Today his riding companion is “Aventurero” so that he will always be on an adventure. Before leaving for the kacharpari, Arturo says goodbye by saying: “The qorilazo is brave just like horses. He has no fear”.

Kacharpari, in Quechua, means “farewell” and it is an event held on the eve of the bullfighting.

Affectionate nickname given by Chumbivilcans to Santo Tomás, the province’s capital city.

BRIEF ACCOUNT The Qorilazo Doesn’t Disguise Himself A carnival in Chumbivilcas takes place in the oscillation between the blue sky and the intense summer rains. In the big and mid-sized cities as well as in the hamlets, everywhere carnival is celebrated in a similar manner although every place has a different main day. Ch’illoroya is thronging with a fair on Ash Wednesday during which agricultural products, household utensils, a plethora of music CDs, film DVDs, chicha, beer and spirits are sold. The movement is incessant, everything is bought and everything is sold: freshly killed sheep, pinkuyllus3 , ram head soups, aromatic and flavour-giving plants. The women have taken out their most striking dresses, which already have designs from other places and with a strong bright Altiplano influence. To a lesser extent the men show off their pants and baize jackets, the sheep wool chullos on their heads and the cinchos around their waists.

A eucalyptus has been cut down, brought along in a truck and half-buried upright in the middle of the square. The tree is for a yunza, which is a custom that has only recently arrived to Chumbivilcas but is here to stay. The fiesta’s organisers, the karguyoq and their families, throw plastic pasta colanders, blankets, pans, and fuel and water containers up on the tree. All of these are the prizes for when the last definitive chop brings down the tree. In the middle of the chaos of the day’s organisation which will have a qhaswas4 competition as its main activity, there is order. Every single person takes on a functional task for the celebrations, from testing a music amplifier to moving mountains of beer crates to a strategic point. Suddenly two mounted figures appear on the gallop. They hold their mounts up and stop without dismounting from their horses until someone comes along to offer them a glass of chicha. Now they can get off their horses. The horses are short, wide, strong-legged, and are restless to the point of rearing up on their hind legs. Everyone laughs. The riders are two youths who are not wearing any costume; they dress differently from the rest of the men in the town. The first things that stand out are the qarawatanas, which are leg protectors that extend from the feet up to the thigh, made of leather and decorated with images associated to horses and bulls. Then, the garments of jaspered baize in black on grey, also adorned with silhouette cut-outs that represent the heads of bulls, horse shoes: the same symbology. The handkerchief around the neck, the embroidered scarf, the vest, the sheep wool hat lifted up in front. Both are wearing pointed shoes and one of them, also spurs that look antique. An air of pride identifies them. They are not putting it on; it’s just part of their manner. The people gather round them and more drink flows. Soon, the youthful riders mount their steeds and ride off at a run making dust clouds as they go. Their smiles are lost in the icy morning air. They were two qorilazos who had ridden from Velille. 3

Wind instrument that is common during carnivals. Type of music and dance.

Arturo and Segundo Álvarez: the actual and active presence of the qorilazo. > Fantasy of Horses at the Gallop, painting by Víctor “Chucho” Carrillo.

49 < The wild qayaras abound in the ravines with their fresh perfume.

CABALLITO MALACARA (Pouty-faced little horse) Little horse with a pouty face, what bad luck you’ve had (bis) Duenochayki preso canan kama pirah mayrah sillayukusunki (bis) Spurs of gold and silver what bad luck you’ve had (bis) Duenuchayki huanurapuqtinqa pirah mayrah churayukusunki (bis) From my land Chumbivilcas they’ve brought me prisoner (bis) By the order of justice to the prison at Almudena (bis) I’ve done no wrong to anyone except I’ve stolen the hearts (bis) Of Chumbivilcan Cholas and those of the Cholas in Apurimac (bis) (escape) Take me; let them take me prisoner (bis) To the prison of your chest (bis) Mario Bustos Maldonado

From Chamaca to Livitaca Taking a road that goes to Cusco. Marching through the barren punas. Beef cattle… Leaving the creek that they followed and continuing the march to the SEE. Large quantities of lodestone on the way. Extract from the diary of Antonio Raimondi who visited Chumbivilcas in 1865.

> The plains of Chumbivilcas have been the traditional stage for the qorilazo and his skills.

53 < The purists question whether the youth should wear figures of horses and bulls as part of their clothing. Nevertheless, this is today’s fashion.

From Chumbivilcas and India BRIEF ACCOUNT The Wayside Inns of Arequipa The wayside inns are now accessed on foot via Del Solar Street, which parts from the city of Arequipa’s main square. However, people originally reached these via the river bank, by the Royal Bridge that was constructed in 1558 and is now known as Bolognesi Bridge. These were the outskirts of the aristocratic city of ashlar. The inns were constructed, also with ashlar, in the middle of the 16th century and followed the style of restrained and functional architecture with ample areas, gardens and enclosed grounds to ward off the cold nights. Arequipa was the fixed stopover point for the mule drivers who, with their mule trains and horses, were coming and going between the Peruvian Highlands and the coast by crossing Cusco, as part of the movement created by mining activity. The wayside inns and posadas took these men and livestock in while they stayed in the city. The traffic must have been intense. All of this area is full of the wayside inn ruins, some of them family hovels that have been occupied for some time. One virtuous initiative taken by the Arequipa Council in conjunction with AECID (Spain’s International Development Cooperation Agency) took on the task of protecting and preserving some of the inns at the start of the century. Today, the Bronce, Matadero and Cabezona inns have recouped their physiognomy by following a modern and just mode of urban heritage conservation that consists in returning the building to its original look and style but giving the occupants the option of staying in them as improved housing. In their day the wayside inns propitiated a prosperous artisan trade in their proximity. These provided clothes for the mule drivers and implements for their horses. The abundance of livestock in Arequipa gave rise to the development of a large tannery industry that took advantage of its proximity to the Chili River in order to obtain water. Currently, apart from the wayside inns, Del Solar Street still accommodates two types of business that have a lot to do with the tradition of the mule drivers: leatherwork suppliers sell qarawatanas, saddles, boots, and cinchos, among others, while musical instrument shops sell guitars and charangos. A number of migrant Chumbivilcans ply their trade in these stores’ workshops. The footprint of the qorilazo can be tracked to today’s modern Arequipa.

Chumbivilcan temper and figure I am a qorilazo, valiant Chumbivilcan I live in the pure air, Mounted on a good horse, With my long qarawatanas At the rhythm of my spurs. Pancho Gómez Negrón, Yo soy Pancho Gómez

< The qorilazo wears clothes made from local materials and others usually used by cowboys of the world such as spurs, scarves, and jackets. The girl shows off her colourful dress.

A complete outfit is essential for the personage, and is the product of cultural syncretism and the contact with the gauchos of Tucumán. Beside the figure of the qorilazo, Chumbivilcan women share the strong temperament of the men. She adds a certain grace and coquetry that is displayed in the fiestas, where she dances for many hours without tiring while her partners tend to fall down much quicker. As far as the clothing is concerned, Purificada Montáñez1 mentions: “Only some ten years ago, typical Chumbivilcan clothing, which had nearly disappeared, became popular again. It now constitutes an important part of all the fiestas in the province and many people are now involved in the manufacture of such garments and other related artisan products”. Mrs. Purificada knows what she is talking about perfectly well as she is a folk singer and uses the traditional Chumbivilcan dress in her presentations. It must be said that the attire of the women, just like all the local culture’s elements, has always been in a process of transformation because of the contact with, and influence from, other styles. Today, this process is more accelerated due to the greater interaction between population centres. “Before, the men manufactured all the garments of their traditional clothing such as qarawatanas, liwis, their jackets, among other items. Today’s generation doesn’t know how to weave. Many things are from the factory as they are cheaper”2. Once again modernity and globalisation have produced changes in a deep-rooted tradition such as that of the qorilazo. The high cost of natural fibres, the increasing demand for clothing and the massive textile industry of the Orient are the factors that have determined that a large quantity of fabrics with which pants and jackets were formerly made of wool are now synthetic materials manufactured in India with the exact traditional design. In earlier times, the raw material for the clothing was the baize from sheep from Cusco either with jasper in grey and black, completely black or in a natural tone. In the case of women’s clothing, baize still mainly comes from Sicuani and Espinar, and other cloths from Arequipa and Puno even though the competition from Asia is evermore stronger. 1

Singer and teacher.

Purificada Montáñez, singer and educator.

Shawls with their classic pallay3, just like ponchos, are still woven in the villages although with synthetic fibres and dyes. Obviously there are artisans who still work as before. Over time, their products will become museum pieces, valuable testimonies of functional handicrafts that came out of the 17 th century onwards with their pallay, or repeated stylizations that represent natural elements, such as animals, plants and constellations. Recently, the rose has started to become the most popular design. In spite of everything, the Chumbivilcan poncho is a garment that has resisted the blows of modernisation. Men of all ages still use it in a number of different situations. The poncho was originally of the natural wool fibre colour of sheep, alpaca or vicuña. A grey poncho was also quite common. Currently the majority are red and usually bear a pallay of embroidered flowers on a white band. Villena holds that the change to red may be related to the fact that the poncho is also used as a bullfighting cape. The Chumbivilcan weaving system is based on spikes fixed to the ground at a distance of some four metres. Weaving is a complex art that demands the mastery of tools and different sticks, each of which has a name and specific function and of artisan manufacture. The weaving may be either plain or decorated. The shawl, which is an essential piece in the qorilazo’s attire, not only for its functionality in keeping out the cold but also for its aesthetics, measures between 1.20 to 2.20 metres in length4. Among the most popular pallay are the geometric designs of the ponchos such as qaraywa (lizard), urpichupa (dove tail) and alqurrastro (dog’s footprint). The oldest and most difficult-to-weave pallay is the one referred to as loraypa. Other simpler designs generally include roses, carnations and flowers (t’ika). However, today the fabric designs also have influences emanating from Arequipa. Other clothing items that have been transformed are the Chumbivilcan female skirts and jackets. Just like the skirt, the old jackets were of black baize but with only one protective band on the hem so that the fabric didn’t fray. The women are ever more leaning towards the brightness of the jackets as to make a combination with their skirts. The jackets are embroidered with sequins, sparkling with holographic effects, silver or golden threads and fabrics, or of velvet. Here is where the influence of the Altiplano chic is evident. The aforementioned is a tendency that is accentuated year by year motivated not only by taste and the high demand, but also by the competition that the designers have created, thereby forcing themselves to innovate in order to make the clothing more modern. A combination of colours that has produced this phenomenon is the lime green with dark cherry talaqueados5. The relativeness of the concept of “typical” is appreciated in the dresses of the previous generation which had the talaqueado part cut much shorter with a number of large decorative figures. Basically four colours were used: red, black, orange, and pink. Green, which is much valued today, was not used until this generation. In the same vein, shinier and glossier fabrics are now extremely popular. As far as men’s clothing is concerned the qarawatana6 has also evolved in its design and colour despite the fact that the purists are promoting the use of this clothing as it was earlier: completely brown and smooth7. In Santo Tomás the style of qarawatanas adorned with leather figures which are cut out and later applied on top is popular. The motifs are totemic animals such as the horse, bull, deer, condor, and the eagle.

According to the Runasimi-Spanish dictionary by Philip Jacobs, pallay means: “motifs chosen for weaving; artistic motifs of a woven fabric”.

Victoria Triveño, weaver.

Fabric designs overlaid on top of another fabric of a different colour.

From qara (leather) and wata (that what wraps or envelops), in Quechua.

Arturo Aguirre, pharmacist and qorilazo.

> Victoria Triveño and her loom for making scarves with pallay, decorations that compose a language full of symbols. >> Cecilio Millio, independent poncho maker, shows his loom in his workshop. >> Sonia Vargas, in her workshop on Bolívar Street in Santo Tomás, exhibits the new designs in Chumbivilcan fashion.

There are elements that are still present in the clothing such as leather in the qarawatanas and boots, the vests and implements. According to Arturo Villena, the reductions converted to Christianity in Chamaca, “in the Colony were the villages specialised in producing leather and plaiting such as footwear, riding implements and diverse braiding”8. Currently, there has been an increase in leatherwork and the tailoring in many parts of Chumbivilcas. A greater tendency among the Chumbivilcan youth who had largely migrated to Arequipa has been observed. These days they are returning to their birthplace to start producing clothing and taking advantage of new work options. Among other objects pertaining to today’s qorilazo there are vests, which are made in local leatherwork shops and also in Arequipa’s capital. These are made out of cattle hide (preferably from a vealer) and maintain the natural colours and shapes of the fur. On top of the finished piece, black leather figures with different motifs such as pistols, horse shoes and horses are sewn9.

<< Mario Quispesivana and his wife Giselda Huillcara, in Santo Tomás: “Working with the traditional Chumbivilcan hat is something of which to be proud”. << Walter Casquina shows a satisfied expression because of the prosperity and rising demand of these leather garments. He says, “Business is booming”. < Judith “Soranaywa” Valencia, a dame of Chumbivilcan music, unfurls the embroidery of her dress and shows off her beautiful boots that are ready for dancing.

Another bridge to the past are the spurs which are not all now of silver but they still have large roncadoras10 and are part of the qorilazo tradition. The Tonada a Pancho Gómez Negrón brings to the fore the most emblematic of the qorilazo, who best knows the wind, confronting bad luck on his bay horse while singing aloud both sadly and happily accompanied by his charango, “poncho on his shoulder, with his qarabotas and silver spurs, by the wide paths of the mountain”11, counterbalancing the male spur (sounds deeper) with the female (sounds sharper) 12. The qorilazo’s demeanour is wrapped up in a hat which has “achieved ample regional diffusion, has a wide flap lifter up at the front and an intricate polychrome hatband that finishes up in a tail behind”13. In order to make a Chumbivilcan hat, Mario Quispesivana Alccahuamán assures us that “good woollen material is needed as it rains a lot here and if it isn’t, holes start appearing”. Mario is the son and grandson of hat makers in the community of Orccoma, in the district of Santo Tomás. Mario’s wife, Giselda Huillcara goes on further to say that the most popular style is that which imitates Pancho Gómez Negrón’s hat, mostly used in Colquemarca and Santo Tomás. The hat in Livitaca is rounder and more classically styled. The men’s hats have not changed as much as those for women. Women once used monteras14 made from ch’illiwa, which is a type of straw that was later covered with fabric. They were much simpler hats with a less pronounced crown and without embroidering. Today the crown of the ladies’ Chumbivilcan hat is ball-shaped and the brim is larger 15 while they come in a greater variety of colours and striking embroideries. 8

Arturo Villena, Qorilazo and the Region of Refuge in the Andean Context.

Walter Casquina, tailor and saddlemaker.

10 According to the Real Academia Española (Royal Spanish Academy for Language) a roncadora is a “spur with a large, round rowel”. 11 Raúl Brozovich, poet from Cusco. 12 Arturo Aguirre, pharmacist and qorilazo. 13 Arturo Villena, Qorilazo and the Region of Refuge in the Andean Context. 14 A type of hat. 15 Edgardo Aguirre Pacheco. Dress and Traditions of the Qorilazo in Chumbivilcas, Cusco.

> A fine sense of aesthetics determines the care that the qorilazo takes when getting dressed.

The aurora covers the hills under a lantern of violets. The Indians strum their charangos around a bonfire. Fresh girls crystallise just like the dew on the grass, And from the choir on their lips flies a swarm of bees… The sun was burning the shafts of arrows on the summits, And the folk songs agitate as the they reverberate in the charango, While the lasses swish in the whirlwind at the entrance And the adolescents of the ranch sing through all the troveras. Javier del Granado, Cosecha

An important factor that drives these changes in clothing is expressed rather bluntly in the words of a seamstress: “people also have a budget”16. To be dressed a-la-Chumbivilcan is not cheap these days. One qorilazo could spend between S/. 3000-5000 on all the clothing and accessories while a woman could spend up to S/. 500-1000, depending on the quality of the pieces. People do invest in the magnificence of their local dress. During the fiestas the men finish preparing themselves by mounting horses and bearing lassos of different arm’s lengths: eight, 12 (called “the complete one”), and 14 for the wild bulls17. They also put on their woven cinchos and charge their liwis, which are descendants of the bolas from the Pampas and a pre-Hispanic weapon used for hunting. The Chumbivilcan ladies take as much trouble as anyone to look good. To accompany the outfit, boots are a must. Lucio Vita Gutiérrez, a charango player and painter, says, “What woman would not want to put these boots on?” This footwear actually gives the women a unique, elegant, gracious physiognomy, and also for some, a Western look. 16 Sonia Vargas, clothing manufacturer and designer from Santo Tomás. 17 Víctor “Chucho” Carillo, painter from Colquemarca.

The physical challenge and the beauty of wardrobe: youth in a dance competition during the anniversary of Chamaca, 2013. < There is no footwear that highlights the elegance of women more when they are dancing.

To complete the outfit, the phullu, which is a small blanket, is put on the shoulders over the jacket. “It goes round the shoulders and is pinned at the front… The curious thing about this garment is that these days it is only used for exhibition”18. In the past, the phullu did have practical functions. Unlike the phullu, the llixlla is a garment that is used daily, including for field work. It is used both as a coat and for carrying objects on the back. It also serves as lower-back support when performing tasks that demand a lot of effort. In order to harvest the potatoes, the women used to weave the sacks and furthermore made llixllas to show them off at harvest time. These were put to one side of the chacra and the potatoes were piled up there. The most beautifully crafted llixllas caught the attention of the others and consequently the weaver and her family received greater prestige and respect. Nowadays everything is bought for the harvest including the sacks and the plastic sheeting on which to put the potatoes19. The changes to the clothing of the qorilazo and the gracious Chumbivilcan women have much to do with the intention of conserving traditional features and at the same time being involved in the Andean visual iconography that is valued in contemporary Peru. The style that is imposed by the modern and successful folklore princesses is key to understanding the new aesthetic the women in Southern Cusco are looking for. Likewise, the imagery associated with reggaetón is making an impact on clothing fashion and the behaviour of the male. Everything changes, save for a word that describes a temperament: qorilazo.

18 Edgardo Aguirre Pacheco. Dress and Traditions of the Qorilazo in Chumbivilcas, Cusco. 19 Purificada Montáñez, singer and educator.

<< Andean Geese (wallatas) in the heights of Livitaca, close to the Mauk’aqosqo Inkawasi archaeological site. > Challenging the very tenacity of the horse, the horse breaker has to impose himself on the quadruped until it becomes his.

From the Berber Horse to the Repe The symbolic complexity of the horse is due to its vital role in the history of civilisation from it domestication up until a few decades ago. Its ambiguity on the other hand can be attributable to the constant existence with man, which has made the horse acquire many of his values (man is capable of good and bad, of salvation and condemnation at the very same time). Federico Revilla, Dictionary of Iconography and Symbology In Cajamarca, men saw for the first time in their lives other reddishskinned, bearded men who physically were much taller because, in appearance at least, half of their body was an immense back with a head and four legs that moved at great speed, chewing iron and making a dust cloud in its wake. These indigenous men could not have imagined that their descendants in the Andes would eventually be part of a symbiotic relationship between the horse and the horseman up to the point where at times both seem to be one being due to their physical understanding, the nearly telepathic relationship, the fondness, and the univocal reaction to any obstacle. In Chumbivilcas, the land of the stockman, the horse converted into an essential element of the everyday life of the misti, of the mestizo, of the peasant, and is the pedestal on which the figure of the qorilazo is hoisted. The mutation of this horse produced the repe.

<< The moments just before the costumbrista bullfights for the anniversary of Chumbivilcas in Santo Tomás’ Monumental bullring.

The repe was indispensable for the inhabitants as no other means of transport existed. The learning of how to tame and ride horses was one of the factors that helped create the qorilazo and, as it aids with work at the same time, the horse has become part of the festivals. The day before the bullfights, the toro kacharpari is held. This is an event full of dance and song where families bring out their best steeds that are adorned and spirited. Here the repes mingle with draught horses that are now commonly seen in Chumbivilcas Of course there is horseracing in Chumbivilcas which dates back to the times of the estate owners and about which there are stories of the epic feats of striving and strong horses. Today the horses and horsemen are arriving in their lorries from all over. The entry of the contenders is joyous and the spectators start putting on their bets. Gustavo Lagos, Chamacan and former livestock breeder, explains the secrets of preparing a horse for competition: “The day before the race the horse is given little to eat, almost nothing actually. It is given almost exclusively water as it is light. The rider hugs, kisses and converses with the horse… it understands. The only thing the horse can’t do is talk. You give him directions and he takes notice. You tell it once to come back, and it comes back”.

< The Chumbivilcan woman is also skilled in the most demanding tasks of the qorilazo. The emblematic red poncho adorns the qorilazos before encountering the furious bulls.

<< Future qorilazos in the last stage of a race on the track at Siwinchapata, district of Chamaca.

Just as Chumbivilcas’ economic dynamics have intensified over the last five years or more, so have the races that now move greater sums of money which consequently has brought the thoroughbred racing horse from other regions. Also resulting from the economic boon not only in Chumbivilcas but also of the Chumbivilcans in Arequipa, Cusco and Lima, professional jockeys are now becoming commonplace even though the norm is that children between the ages of eight and thirteen ride the horses. Everything changes; nothing ceases to be transformed. In Santo Tomás, at the beginning of the huge rodeo during the 189th anniversary of the province, a revision was made of the changes and their respective phylogenetic dates for horses and their validity in civilisation’s history from our ancient predecessors up until the culture of the brave qorilazo. The presenter stated that in the age of the barbarians, rustling was not a crime but a profession. “And what Chumbivilcan is not a thief... a thief of hearts?”

The colours and characteristics described in an equine dictionary and other texts were the resonant background of the participating qorilazos in their outfits in natural baize colour or their chequered shirts and jeans1, readying their lassos and demonstrating lasso techniques. Afterwards, the 16 participating teams filed in columns and, after the lap around the arena, then met in the centre for a choreographed performance in the shape of a horseshoe while enjoying a small libation of beer. The first part was the Chumbivilcan chucareo which involves the lassoing of colts. Of the 16 teams, two were female. One of them was the Giraldo sisters from Apu Laqani. They learned in the country at 14 years of age and now participate in events in all Chumbivilcas’ districts. The Dávila family from Quiñota, the Marín team from Colca, the “Arrancadores” of the Chahua brothers, the Ventura brothers from Colquemarca, and the Gavilanes from Chamaca all stood out. The Dávila brothers lassoed a colt “in eight” and one of them actually mounted it, and despite the colt’s wild temperament, the qorilazo managed to ride the horse around the ring while lifting his hat. The Gavilanes from Chamaca caught a black repe considered an “albo four”2 and one of them hopped on quickly. Arturo Aguirre describes one of the variants of the horses in Chumbivilcas in a poetry style from yesteryear: “Albo one, with one white foot, rare as anyone; albo two, with two white feet, only for you; albo three, do not sell or give; albo four, sell it to the rich or poor”.

In different parts of the Peruvian Andes, this is the type of attire that youngsters use during festivities.

Albo is the name given to a horse’s white leg marking; therefore, an albo 1 horse has one white leg marking, an albo 2 horse has two white leg markings, and so forth.

< The young horsemen gallop as no adult could training themselves to be courageous in the challenges of the animal. Distinguished exponent of the lasso at the Santo Tomás rodeo. Horses are culture. >> A heart-stopping finale in the outskirts of Santo Tomás. It seems as if the young adults were taking part in an epic race.

78 > The lassoing with a cincha is another one of the tests of the qorilazo.

Black and Red: Bull and Blood BULL: An animal that has generally symbolised strength in its maximum degree and in its most evident dual aspect: the capacity for aggression and sexual reproduction. Federico Revilla, Dictionary of iconography and symbology

How can the speed and power with which European bull came to be the most prominent animal in the Andean world during the Viceroyalty be explained? Its size, fierceness and bellow without doubt have had a role in the phenomenon. However it is highly probable that the ancient Peruvians saw the bull as a live, real, terrifying and ancestral incarnation of one of their own mythical figures. Indigenous painter José Sabogal, a foremost authority on popular art in Peru, writes: “Taurus enters with a magic spell into the fable, the story and the legend. The imagination of the indigenous people has bred out and substituted the ancient totemic puma with the bull. Contemporary Indian mythology is rich with myths about the powerful animal”. The same author describes how the bull is the protagonist of a fiesta which is replicated in all Andean populaces whether it is the central event or, as a culmination of another collective celebration. Just as the repe horse is magnificently suited for riding without the verve of the Spanish horse, the bulls in Chumbivilcas are fierce, not necessarily purebred, and demonstrate a celebrated behaviour in the region’s bullfights so much that they are exported to other places in Cusco, Apurímac and Ayacucho. The bulls along with the horse are the most pertinent features of the qorilazo to the point that the personage’s creole imprint has determined what Juan Cancio Berrío highlights in the musical quality of the turus puxllay1 in Chumbivilcas. There are no paso dobles but traditional wankas, wakawaqras, amongst other elements of the typical Chumbivilcan band. “This is one of the primary differences that we have with the bullfighting at Acho or the Spanish type”, Cancio Berrío points out. Another difference can be found in the secret Chumbivilcan ritual that differentiates the qorilazos from the superstitions of the bullfighters from the Peninsula. 1

It literally means in Quechua, “to play with bulls”.

<< A light-hearted costumbrista bullfight in Santo Tomás’ large bullring.

Ya llegaron toros (The Bulls Have Arrived) The Bulls Have Arrived for the Bullfight A bull cleanly brushes against my chest He is dun brown, full of ire With his sharp horns and his eyes red How beautiful are the bullfights To the rhythm of the bands When the wakawaqra cries More qorilazos are on hand Felipe Negrón Romero

Livestock breeder Rubén Vega informs us that “the day before the bullfight, a cat’s tooth is offered so that the bull will run faster, and also a dog’s tail so that he will be brave”. However, the most common practice is to bury a live cat at the entrance of the arena. There is a division insofar as the bullfighting style in Chumbivilcas which corresponds to the social segmentation that has prevailed since the Viceroyalty. On one hand, the runa turus2, called costumbrista in Spanish, which is the fiesta for the rural populations. Before the modernisation of the cities and large towns, the fiesta took place in a public square which was closed off for this purpose. They were organised by the mandones, or the leaders of the rural communities who were the equivalent of today’s Deputy Governor. The last traditional bullfight in Santo Tomás was held in 1957. The people watched the fiesta from their houses’ balconies and along the plaza’s perimeter. Afterwards, a rudimentary arena was prepared in the outskirts of the city because the park that exists today in the main square of San Toto3 was constructed in 1959. The modern bullring in Santo Tomás is called Monumental. Today it can hold 15,000 spectators. < During the costumbrista bullfight there are also traditional music groups..

There are many who, encouraged by beer or chicha, are keen to bullfight using their poncho as a cape. This manner of bullfighting is more dangerous than the classic bullfighting as the poncho is heavier and sticks to the body. Also, there are well-known bullfighters who travel the length and breadth of Chumbivilcas, the Southern Andes and go as far as Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador and Colombia. The most memorable bullfighters include Federico “Fico” Maldonado, Emilio “Coño” Álvarez, Rubén “Rovira” Jara, Sócrates “Zurdo” Gómez, Mario Villena, Víctor “El Vendaval” Montes, Zenón “El Foraja” Montes and Walter “El Temerario Foraja” Montes who says, “You have to like bullfighting to be risking your life and being gored”. One goring happened in a village near Juliaca, Puno. The qorilazo applied a suture above his knee with a needle, thread and pair of pliers. After finishing the procedure then he poured some liquor on the wound to disinfect it. 2

It could be understood as “the bullfighting of the people (runa)” .

Affectionate nickname given by Chumbivilcans to Santo Tomás, the province’s capital city.

<< The women sing: Yana turuchas chaupi plazaman yuhsiramunya… puka punchuyta wixch’uyamuway sulla sinqanta picha runayta, which means, “The black bull is coming out to the middle of the ring... With my red poncho I’m going to wipe the mucus from his nose”.

> Two young men wait for the moment to fight the bulls with their coloured ponchos. Here, he who knows how, really knows how. The expression of a young qorilazo in his prime; in this smile one can see the zeal that comes with freedom and the happiness of being up against a challenge.

Just like Montes and all the famous bullfighters in the province, bullfighters always fought with qarawatanas, a hat, vest and the complete Chumbivilcan attire. During the past decade Anderson Baca, “el Paquirrito”, and his brother Julio César, “el Juncal”, have promoted the suit of lights. Today the modern bullfighting arena of Santo Tomás, “the Monumental”, is capable of holding 15,000 spectators (without taking into account the bullfighting fans positioned on the adjacent hills, houses and buildings). The traditional bullfighting is the predecessor of another more sophisticated performance, but nevertheless it constitutes the reference point of what is considered to be the soul of these festivals. The alqu turus is the bullfight of the property owners, or of the “dogs” as it is pejoratively called amongst the There are two versions of bullfights in Chumbivilcas: the so-called costumbrista and the Spanish type, such as Anderson Baca is performing here. >> A traditional bullfight in the main square of Santo Tomas. Painting by Víctor “Chucho” Carrillo.

rural working class. This version, also known as misti turus, incorporates bullfighters who are dressed in a suit of lights and who use an Iberian-style red cape. Despite the similarities, one should not think that the alqu turus is performed in the same style as the Monumental of Madrid. In this type of bullfighting, the most popular happenings occur when the improvised protagonists jump out onto the arena and compete with the matador whereby putting on humorous and energetic spectacles. The bullfights are the most eagerly awaited events in Chumbivilcas and especially the traditional runa turus during which there can be up to 21 bullfighters on foot and 10 on horseback in the arena, all fighting a great black furious bull. While the dust is flung into the air, the spectators enjoy and suffer together with the bullfighters whose ponchos are torn up amidst the fury of the bull.

BRIEF ACCOUNT4 Runa Turus in Añawichi They enclosed both sides of the square with gates and large wooden stakes so that the bulls couldn’t escape during the fiesta. There aren’t any stands for the spectators who are standing around the perimeter of the square whence they identified the closest house or shop door in which to duck into if a furious bull should come. There were also people on top of houses and lorries. The children found refuge in the old bell tower in the middle of one of the square’s sides. The alferados [specially picked hosts] were strategically placed with the bands under the parish’s roof, safe from the bulls and the rain. << A typical band in the celebration of the toro kacharpari during the patron saint festival of Santa Bárbara in the outskirts of Añawichi, district of Chamaca. Chumbivilcan livestock grazing on the fertile irrigated lands of Añawichi.

Once the traditional bullfight has commenced, at some point there are two bulls in the arena at the same time: one mottled and one is grey but both with razor-sharp horns. The majority of the bulls on show that afternoon were of the creole breed. In order to draw the bullfighters in the turus puxllay, or game with the bulls, in the square-bullring there are eight men mounted on their horses, seven on foot (including an intrepid 12-year-old) and all with the traditional bullfighting ponchos. The grey bull rasps his hoof on the ground while the mottled runs towards a store where screams are let out. The seasoned bullfighters on foot confront the beast. As soon as the bull turns around, one of the bullfighters whacks the bull on the rump with his red poncho. The bull can’t escape. It’s surrounded by men who are waiting for the chance to show off their skills against the beast. The renowned Chumbivilcan bullfighter Humberto Llacma enters the square on “Caballo Negro” to perform with his red poncho. It is raining but in spite of this, the bullfight continues; the beers also. The people become sentimental and affectionately pat their horses. 4

Irene Arce, researcher.

Waqraykuy, waqraykuy Punchuchallantan k’aywiyukunki Chalinachanta qichuyatamuy Aqchi kundurta manchachinaykipas

“Gore him, gore him Let him take the poncho As a memento Let them take his scarf off To scare the Eagles and condors

Turullay, turu Wakallay, waka

My Little bull, bull My Little cow, cow”.

< Alferados dancing in the toro kacharpari of Añawichi, December 2013. View of the costumbrista bullfight in Añawichi’s main square. >> The reciprocity also appears in Velille’s toro kacharpari. Food and drink are exchanged happily, while the digital camera immortalises the image.

TORONAK’ANA: An activity in which the qorilazos on horseback lasso the bull but in the context of a large festival, with karguyuq and musical groups. The event’s main purpose is to slit the throats of the maximum possible number of bulls in order to feed the feast’s participants. This tradition happens in Velille during the festival of the Virgin of the Immaculate Conception in early December. Traditional music bands keep these events lively with their flutes, snare drums, wakawaqras, and a bass drum. All the bands’ members wear natural coloured baize. As every bull is unloaded from the trucks, and while the group of qorilazos go after it, musicians, women and children, and whoever else not looking to fight a bull, run along at the same pace. The most seasoned competitors fight with jackets and hats as on these occasions there is mix of the spontaneity of the runa turus, a religious offering made by the karguyuq, the possibility of obtaining an abundance of meat, a chance for the qorilazo to shine and, finally, the image of the yawarmayu being the river of blood, which is part of the human condition that indissolubly unites us to the animals, the use of the force in different acts, that creates torrents of blood. Originally, the ritual fight of the Takanakuy was known as yawarmayu5. Despite the distances, we are close to the hecatombe, the offering that in ancient Greece consisted in sacrificing 100 cattle.

Please review page 148 for more information on the Takanakuy.

The capture of a bull in the ancient festival of toronak'ana in Velille. > A bull freshly killed in Velille’s toronak'ana. Some of the attendees have already drunk some of its blood.

Daring horsemen mount beautiful full of spirit Go and throw a cincha on the wild bulls… It’s a wild black one of a lovely print Pounces like a tiger, wounds those mounted But the Velillino manages to lasso it But the good-looking Cholo does it, too, It bellows, it bucks, the wild one is now caught. Américo Góngora Guevara, Toronak’ana

< In front of a pyre, a woman skins a bull’s leg with a knife, which she every now and again raises to “part” the dark clouds.

< A moment of adrenaline in a typical bullfight in Santo Tomás; the public nervously yells, laughs and applauds.

Chikchischáy, parascháy (folk song) Hakurahchu manarahchu

We’re going or aren’t we,

Chikchischáy, parascháy

my little hail, my little rain

Icha imaninkirahchu

Perhaps you’ll determine something,

Chikchischáy, parascháy

my little hail, my little rain

Q’aya watakuna hina

in the coming years?

Chikchischáy, parascháy

my little hail, my little rain

Ichas kasun ichas mana

perhaps we will be, perhaps not

Chikchischáy, parascháy

my little hail, my little rain

Qué bonito es mi toro

How beautiful is my bull

Chikchischáy, parascháy

my little hail, my little rain

Con cachito concha y perla

with little horns of shell and pearl

Chikchischáy, parascháy

my little hail, my little rain

Yana phiña turu

Fierce black bull,

Chikchischáy, parascháy

my little hail, my little rain,

Puka rasu inhalmantin

with a saddle of red satin

Chikchischáy, parascháy

my little hail, my little rain

Nuqallatáh qatimuykí,

I’m the only one to have spurred you,

Chikchischáy, parascháy

my little hail, my little rain,

Qanllarahtah waqrawanki

You’re the only one that gores me!

Chikchischáy, parascháy

my little hail, my little rain

Maytan hamuranchis chaytan

through where have we come

Chikchischáy, parascháy

my little hail, my little rain

Hakurahchu manarahchu,

are we going or aren’t we,

Chikchischáy, parascháy

my little hail, my little rain,

Maytan hamuranchis chayta

through where we have come

Chiqchischay, paraschay

little hail, little rain

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> The Casa Blanca hacienda, belonging to the Pacheco family, in the district of Velille’s idyllic landscape.

Hacienda Casa Blanca, Still Standing There are various indications of just what magnitude the Hacienda Casa Blanca in Velille reached well into the 1920s. The hacienda has belonged to the Pacheco family since time immemorial, with an area of some 1800 hectares during the times of Victor Serapio Pacheco and his wife María Nieves de Toledo. Their three children inherited the property. Currently María Elia Pacheco and her sister, both granddaughters of Victor Serapio, are the owners of the 200 hectares that the Agrarian Reform left them. The rest of the property was handed over to the workers organised into the Agricultural Worker Community “Casa Blanca”. María Elia inhabits the old hacienda house that is still standing. The hacienda was fertile and productive both in terms of agriculture and livestock. Potatoes, olluco, barley and wheat were planted. Cheese was also produced. What gave the Casa Blanca hacienda its fame was the large quantity of Brown Swiss cows of which, according to María Elia Pacheco, there were some 2000 during the time of her grandfather. Today the hacienda is only self-sufficient in food production and nothing goes to the market. The owner occupies part of the house which has its construction date of 1918 carved above the entrance. The much deteriorated house still shows signs of what it was during more stately times. There are two patios that separate the domestic use rooms and the storerooms. In the halls one can still appreciate the splendour now in ruins, the old and elegant pine furniture and the discoloured hangings that cover the peeling walls. The love of bulls must have been very marked in the Pacheco family as even today the remains of an abandoned bullring are evident. It is said that these bullfighting events could go for up to a week. The 5th of August was the main day as it was the festival of the Virgin of Carmen, which was an occasion for revelry, with local bands and others brought in especially for the feast. The ayarachi used to come to play as well. The effigy of the Virgin Carmen is found in the modern temple at the hacienda and which replaced an earlier, much older temple. María Elia’s father was close in many ways to being the stereotypical qorilazo according to the account of his daughter. He used to play the guitar and charango and was involved in bullfighting. The bullfighters were rural people who enthuasiastically participated with their red ponchos.

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History’s stage

Alccavictoria in Velille A magical land, Alccavictoria condenses the enigma of a collection of archaeological examples highlighted by monoliths, herdsmen’s living spaces in between the ruins as well as a small Spanish church, in the village below, and which time has caused it to be hybrid and strange. “The archaeological site is located in the rural community of the same name and is one of the province’s most important ethno-historical sites, especially considering that the Alqas were the co-founders with an important role in the constitution of the Incan empire. As a result of this role, there are a number of Incan constructions and large quarries”1. If one talks of enchantment, it is found here. The place has a double interest: one being archaeological and the other being geomorphological. Triple: its beauty. The vestiges are sited on a high terrace from where the panorama of the ravine crossed by the Velille River can be observed. In one part of the path there are hot springs that have been incorporated into a modern pool and bath-house complex. The surroundings are made up of mid-sized undulating hills that are green after the rains and on which hundreds of Raimondi’s Queen of the Andes are distributed; some still maturing, others in flower, many dead and some more burnt by the rural population. The Puya raimondii has sharp leaves and those near the bottom section prick the livestock. They are immense and impose verticality on the landscape just as the monoliths worked by man in the same space. On the heights of Alccavictoria there is a rectangular pitch with a phallic monolith in each corner. It is not exactly known if the place was found in its current configuration hundreds of years ago or if it is a modern reconstruction carried out by the local population. The rest is constituted by spaces demarcated by rustic walls. It’s impossible to know whether the Incas tried to permanently settle here or not.

< The phallic cult present in many cultures is associated with rain, which is a representation of the seed that will make the Earth fertile.

There is an abundance of “tired stones”, which are large semi-worked rock masses that were abandoned on the way. On one hill covered in puyas, next to the ruins, the ashlar quarry is located. The “tired stones” of Alccavictoria and those of Tuntumapata would come from that mountain which the locals commonly call Orqo2 quarry and they say that it resembles the profile of an Incan face. Researcher Arturo Villena states, “From traditional oral sources, anthropologist Tomás Cevallos has documented the version that the original inhabitants of the region of Chumbivilcas were the Alqa, also known as the Machu Alqa. The tribe had a territory that extended throughout what are today the rural communities of Alqavictoria and Condes, unlike that of the Alkavizas whose area of expansion was towards the river basin of Vilcanota”3. 1

Sisko Rendón, <www.qorilazos.com/velille.html>

Qorilazo and the Region of Refuge in the Andean Context.

Orqo means “mountain” in Quechua.

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Beto Quintana, a resident of Alccavictoria, has 40 alpacas. He, as well as his family and the camelids, live inside the archaeological complex. However, he knows that at some stage the Ministry of Culture will relocate them as the site has been declared an intangible cultural asset. Soon it will become part of Peru’s National Cultural Heritage. The omnipresence of the rock is striking. This is material for construction as well as cult. Descending from the archaeological site in the village of Alccavictoria many millstones abound.These were used to crush minerals. There is also a bridge built using stone masonry practices. The village’s central square exhibits another phallic monolith in the centre together with one of the stone wheels from the old colonial mill. To one side of the square, the Catholic temple constructed during colonial times, and still with its straw roof, is closed for most of the year. Until some time ago the temple was subjected to the repaje ritual, which is when the weather-worn ichu 4 roof is replaced. This tradition has a deep community meaning and is still alive in other localities. In the small temple’s atrium without a floor there is a pile of modern roof tiles. It seems that there is progress being made in changing the straw roof to a tiled version. Due to climate change there is less ichu and the rains are unpredictable thereby reducing the lifespan of the antiquated roofs. The church has a free standing bell tower that divides a stone wall in half and separates the church from an old cemetery. In the outskirts of Alccavictoria a herd of 50 llamas with their bells and new ribbons in their ears is traveling towards Santo Tomás with a small group of team drivers. They are going to the city to buy basic food products. The route is parallel to the river. Even from afar, in the hills in front, one can observe the tunnels abandoned since the feverish gold and silver mining and the shameful mita5 finished. Some active mines can still be found and the informal miners roll the large sacks filled with rocks around the mountain slope. From there, the sacks are taken to the edge of the road and loaded onto a lorry that takes the material to Arequipa or Nasca for processing. At midday there is a young barefoot boy fishing in the middle of the river with his pants rolled up and a cast net. He already has some trout in his woven saddlebag. It’s common to see people fishing in the Velille River at weekends. 4 5

Stipa ichu, or Peruvian feather grass. Colonial system of forced labour.

> The geographic features of Alccavictoria propitiate the breeding of camelids. Alpacas belonging to Timoteo “Tiro” Huamaní are returning home.

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> The Tired Stone is a play written by César Vallejo and is also the name given to the monoliths abandoned for no apparent reason.

History’s stage

Tuntumapata, in Velille The dearth of anthro-archaeological research in Chumbivilcas does, in a certain way, constitute an advantage. The local population that inhabits the areas close to the untouched sites create and re-create pieces of reality, history, meaning and the function of ancient settlements through legends or accounts for their posterior preservation. This is the case in Tuntumapata. This is the place of worked and abandoned stone works of distinct shapes and sizes. The most common legend tells of the Incas who were transporting half-worked stones from the quarry in Alccavictoria towards Cusco but when they became aware of the arrival of the Spanish, the works were paralysed and the rocks left in Velille. These are the mysterious “tired stones”.

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Raimondi and the Places Velille was in another time the capital of Chumbivilcas… There are not many inhabitants around Velille but nevertheless there are a number of small stores… The town of Velille is capital of the district and has under its political control three hamlets related to Ayacasi, some three leagues distant and from Alcavictoria some nine leagues away towards Cailloma. The former possesses minerals that are still extracted by Mr. D. Pedro Ignacio Álvarez who mines some silver. Antonio Raimondi, Notebook N° 41, National General Archive

Antonio Raimondi, the Italian traveller who in the second half of the 19th century journeyed and chronicled our territory, was a member of the contemporary French School that classified scientific study objects according to three large areas: nature, history and human endeavour. In Andean culture a synthesis of the three criteria is usually found given the consecration of nature by Andeans and the mythical account of the history. The wise Italian travelled throughout Chumbivilcas in September 1865 and made meticulous notes in his notebook a short time after the typhus epidemic devastated the province causing death and desolation. Despite this, Raimondi indicated that between Santo Tomás and Velille there was “an abundance of cattle” and “many horses”. Here is another appreciation that is worth reviewing.

> Puya Raimondi is an endemic high Andean species. It abounds in the hills of Alccavictoria and in other places in the district of Velille. >> Gamecocks came from Spain, together with the horses and bulls. These pastimes identify the Chumbivilcans of today.

“We Do Not Want to Lose This Tradition” ROOSTER: An early rising, solar bird, herald of the sun that symbolises alert attitudes. Federico Revilla, Dictionary of Iconography and Symbology

The fondness of cockfighting came during Colonial times along with the horses and cattle just as in the rural areas of the Iberian Peninsula. The activity is complex in its training practices and strong cultural content and has become a definition of an essential feature of “creole culture” in all the country except in Peru’s Amazon plains. The rooster however is not an animal that has adapted to the highest altitudes of the Andes. Nevertheless, the enthusiasm of cockfighting in Chumbivilcas has reached the more elevated areas where the animals can fight but don’t necessarily breed well. Rubén “Passarella” Lobón1 says, “The province is frigid”, and the Chumbivilcans are not breeders of roosters but they do acquire them in Palpa, Nasca, Pisco, the city of Ica and its surrounds, Cañete, Majes, and Arequipa. A fighting rooster is acquired when it is already an adult at an age of approximately one and a half years old. In the hamlets of the province’s less altitudinous parts it is commonplace to see in a house’s open patio two-storey structures where roosters are bred behind wooden bars. Today the cockfights are part of some patron saints, family or civic festivities. Every town, the smallest to the biggest, has designated dates for cockfights according to its festival calendar. The most important date in Santo Tomás is during the province’s anniversary in June; in September, during the celebrations for the political founding of Chamaca; in Velille, in July, with bass drums and cymbals as part of the onomastic festivities; and the same happens in other population centres. 1

His companions nicknamed him as Argentina soccer player Daniel Passarella when they played football as youngsters.

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In the history of modern cockfighting in Chumbivilcas the figure of Mario Álvarez Pacheco, owner of the immense Laccaya hacienda, is most prominent. Mario Álvarez had links with other rich men who were also cockfighting enthusiasts in Cusco and Lima. His breeding facility was named Sangre y Arena [Blood and Sand] while his legendary rooster “Carmelo” beared the prestige of his many triumphs and grace, and whose exploits inspired a song and tales that will be told throughout the generations. The cockfighting in Chumbivilcas is with blades. Lobón (66) remembers that the young men used to spontaneously meet so their animals could match up without actually needing a championship. These were agreements between gentlemen. Only in 1998 Rubén Lobón organised the first championship in Óscar Berrío Aguirre’s El Carmelo Coliseum and for which the province’s mayor, Florentino Laime Mantilla, donated a cash prize and promised to construct the present coliseum in Santo Tomás. The province’s most important championships are held in Santo Tomás every year at the large coliseum named Eleventh of October because construction was started on this date in 1999. Chilli-red, white, black, and speckled roosters compete in cockfights that are usually brief. In every championship there are large numbers of roosters, sometimes 50, 70, 100 or more. The prizes are considerable and can be over five-figure sums. For example in June 2014, as part of the province’s anniversary celebrations, the biggest prize was $US 17,000. Because of the high stakes, participants usually enter more than one gamecock. < The modern cockfighting coliseum in Santo Tomás during the Grand Championship for the anniversary of Chumbivilcas in June 2014. Unlike the cockfighting traditions of Peru’s northern coast where the gamecocks fight without spurs, in Chumbivilcas the use of these is predominant.

As is in the case of the bulls and horses, the relationship between the owner and the animal is very loving. The man secretly talks to the rooster, caresses it and knows it well even though immediately after the owner is throwing it in the ring to kill or be killed. “Well, Ladies and Gentlemen, we are now in one of the important activities, the 4th Ch’illoroya Rooster Blade Championship of 2013. We cordially welcome everyone that today is accompanying us with their presence and those who are enjoying that lovely, frothy, rubia-que-no-te-engaña [beer]”2. 2

Literally, “rubia que no te engaña” means “that blonde who doesn’t betray you”; it is a jest that refers to beer. This commentary was said by a presenter initiating a cockfighting event in Ch’illoroya.

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Pancho Gómez Negrón, the Devil Plays Charango More a ‘skilful cat unlike no other’ That always falls ‘standing’ When bad luck confronts him Cigarette, flashiness The face ‘knife-cut ‘ Of the brother bandurria Such as I am – Pancho Gómez Negrón of the mountains Very pleased – if not, I take my hand away. Raúl Brozovich, La Tonada del Qorilazo

< Portrait that Cusquenian artist Mariano Fuentes Lira painted of his close qorilazo friend Panchito Gómez Negrón.

Francisco “Pancho” Gómez Negrón created in himself the legend, and defined Chumbivilcan music associated with a way of life that is found only in this Southern Andean region. For his acts, Pancho used to wear the clothing of the qorilazo and merrily drank, especially frutillada1. If he was in a picantería2 or chicha bar and someone came along with an instrument, Gómez Negrón put on his poncho and hat and started to play the instrument and sing. Juan Bravo, painter and photographer, who met Gómez Negrón in the city of Cusco, says: “He liked to present himself as a Chumbivilcan. He gained a lot of popularity from people from all walks of life, everyone drank with him, they addressed him informally ‘Pancho, How’s it going? How are you?’ and they hugged him in the streets. He was one of those romantic men and invited any lady of his kind to ride with him on his horse… He liked to have a lady behind him”.

Pancho was born in Colquemarca in 1908 and it is said that “seeing that the village was not enough to satisfy his great desires” he left with a Franciscan priest. “Upon arriving to Combapata and not being able to pay his way, he put on the coffee-coloured habit and got to Cusco”3, where he was educated in a religious college. His first charango or chillador was a toy presented to him by an uncle who brought it to him from Sicuani knowing his nephew’s love for music. It cost 40 cents. “Before turning 10 years old, Pancho was already a good chillador player”4. Just like almost everybody of his origins, Pancho was self-taught insofar as his interpretation and musical composition. From the charango he went on to the guitar and later the harmonica. His musical interests did not stop at mestizo instruments as he also mastered wind instruments that are part of the Chumbivilcan rural culture. In the capital Cusco, Pancho Gómez Negrón was well-received, which later aided the diffusion of his Chumbivilcan music and the figure of the qorilazo throughout a more urban and cosmopolitan level. Due to his charisma and talent he moved within the most distinguished intellectual and artistic movement circles in contemporary Cusco. In the competitions in which he participated, he portrayed an image of the rebel, courageous and idealistic, who took orders from no one: the qorilazo. 1 2 3

This chicha is made from a small, autochthonous variety of strawberry found in Peru. A small spicy food restaurant.

A.N.R. [Unknown author’s initials] “Art, Poetry and Music: Pancho Gómez, Unforgettable”.

Saldívar Bellido, Sketches for a biography on Pancho Gómez Negrón.

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While he triumphed to continual applause he lived the bohemian life that he had always wanted; he recorded and toured around Argentina, Chile and Bolivia, territories acquainted with the lasso, the horse breaker and the indomitable cowboy. He also performed in Lima where he received a prize for his outstanding participation in the 1928 Amancaes Music Festival from Peru’s President Leguía (1919-1930). Pancho was a good friend of Moisés Vivanco, the husband of Zoila Augusta Emperatriz Chávarri del Castillo, the lady from Cajamarca who dazzled the world with her impressive range of musical tones when in full song. Pancho Gómez Negrón christened this exceptional woman as Ima Sumac, which means in Quechua “How Beautiful!”, and was internationally known as such5. With his knowledge of Cusco’s culture, Gómez Negrón supported Humberto Vidal Unda in the process of contemporary re-creation of the Inti Raymi. In one of the performances he appeared dressed as a qorilazo mounted on a huge horse in the Sacsaywaman esplanade. The animal was not his but belonged to the police. It was an unruly horse that nobody dared to ride. Unfortunately the animal bolted because of the scare it had

from the lashing of a pablucha who was taking part in the celebration. His composition titled Tragedia is the account of the pain that the incident caused, “iodine and the dimness of a room at the Lorena Hospital”6. The incarnation of the synthesis of the qorilazo, Pancho Gómez Negrón has made a number of academics speculate whether it was not he who created the mould of the archetypical romantic, womanising and courageous Chumbivilcan lassoer. He was the first to sing in Spanish and Runasimi [Quechua]7 alike, and composed in metaphors, exhibiting the feeling for his land of origin.

Arturo Villena holds that Gómez Negrón had an additional value regarding this trajectory, which consisted in setting out popular American art as an autonomous entity that integrated the mestizo with the Indian: “because previously the mestizo population of the cities did not accept the folk music known as the wayno… Then, he promoted the wayno by means of his courage, values, acts and criticisms”. Pancho Gómez Negrón died at the age of 42 on the 20th of February, 1950, while on a journey to Quincemil in Madre de Dios8. He was buried in the city of Cusco. The charango player Lucio Vita Gutiérrez wanted his compatriot Pancho to return to Chumbivilcas where he has a strong legendary status. Pancho had much to do with the innovations, change and diffusion of the qorilazo culture. Lucio Vito says: “Pancho Gómez Negrón was the first great popular and intellectual musician from Cusco who took Chumbivilcan music abroad… It was he who gave said music its current characteristics and helped to forge them”. The current presence of Pancho Gómez Negrón is not limited to the immense popularity of his music and his representation of the qorilazo, the best proof of him being a living legend is found in the social networks where he is debated from passionate and different positions that perfectly evidence the autonomy of his personage in relation to established rules.

Lucio Vita, musician and artist.

Runa means “person” and simi, “tounge”; therefore, it means “people’s tounge”.

Adriel Boza, “El Canto Espantado”.

Madre de Dios is a region found in the Peruvian Amazon.

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Music, Illa

<< Pinkuyllus liven up the main square in Santo Tomás during carnival. > Lucio Vita Gutiérrez, a virtuoso on the charango, painter and engraver from Chumbivilcas holds the celebrated instrument that expresses the joys and sadness of the soul.

Among the clearly Andean criteria, sound must have body and the possibility of being strident, of opening the air and allowing passage to another world… That resounding expression is not so much for listening to but for producing an energy to which you contribute because you are not there as a spectator. Xavier Bellenger, Sikuri Cultural Magazine

In Chumbivilcas there are certain consensuses that transmit union and identity. Without doubt the qorilazo is the figure that most bonds Chumbivilcans wherever they may be. It furthermore gives another powerful element due to its value and inseparability from the lasso of gold and its symbolic universe. We are talking about music and not only because the large quantity of musicians that the province boasts has extended its atmosphere, likes and market in the regions of Cusco, Apurimac, Arequipa, Puno and Lima but it is also fundamentally a forceful statement: “Chumbivilcas has a very defined musical personality. It is one of the provinces that provide cultural strength to Cusco”1. In his research on Cusco’s wayno music, historian Josafat Roel recognises that the Chumbivilcan wayno is a category in itself and mentions that it is also referred to as taki, or chant. Much of Chumbivilcas’ repertoire is original but some songs have influences from Apurímac and Ayacucho, the Southern Pocra region. Roel says that unlike the wayno, the wayñu is the name given to the music composed for the magic-religious rituals in August and which are rapidly disappearing in Chumbivilcas due to the pressures of modern culture. It is interesting to observe that the wayñus are directed at different types of livestock, “the germinating essence of crop plants”, and at material wealth2 however, in a humble rural farming context. Both in the lyrics of the waynos and in those of the yaravíes, marineras and qhaswas, the horse, bull and rooster are all prominent just as in the dress of the personage. It is the universe of symbols that give shape to the qorilazo’s temperament. Any qorilazo who does not sing accompanied with a guitar, a mandolin or a classic charango is not fulfilling one of the criteria to take on such a revered identity that enchants women, who fall in love with his voice and the waynos’ sweet lyrics. “The descriptions of the qorilazo through songs constitute variation based on five prominent topics: savagery, courage, honour, virility and rebelliousness”3. The relationship of the wayno with nature is the path to understand the close link between music and the qorilazo. It’s as though it seems that music would filter the illa, a vital ancestral energy, the reproductive force and the giver of strength and light. 1

Lucio Vita Gutiérrez, charango player, painter, engraver.

Delphine Vié, The Qorilazo in songs: The Identity of a Southern Peruvian Region through Wayno.

Josafat Roel, The Wayno of Cusco.

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Music and Life Hospitalmanchu, presidiomanchu, imaynallataq vidayllari kanqa. Little nurse of Antonio Lorena1, give me a pure woollen pillow, So I can dream of you, So I can dream of another. Hawanta, uranta, Walaychu bandido hayta, hayta llanninta hayt’arinakuspa. Pancho Gómez Negrón, Tragedia2 Chumbivilcan music suckles from its maternal breast and expresses every person’s life’s experiences. If in a carnival, for example in Totorani, a young farmer who is a band member swaps a pinkuyllu for a charango and then is asked how is it possible that he masters both instruments alike, the answer would be a frank smile that equates to saying, “it’s like that here”. Music is generally played within a band context. Most commonly the groups are made up of a minimum of three members: two guitars, one mandolin with at least one member singing. But in the carnival qhaswas when a woman is singing, there has to be a fourth member to keep the woman’s arms and hands free so she can emphasize the songs’ meanings with her gestures. Of the other possibilities there can be three male musicians and two female singers; and the most complete version comprised of “five members, all men, one singer, a mandolin player and guitarists (of which one does the back-up vocals)”3. The string instruments, save the charango, were during the times of the hacienda prohibited for the indigenous peoples as these instruments were considered as cultural objects of purely Spanish stock. Juan Cancio Berrío, Chumbivilcan guitar player, is an erudite regarding the music of his region. He maintains that the importance of music is such that during bullfights the classic Spanish songs, such as El Gato Montés or Andalusian paso dobles are not interpreted, unlike locally composed pieces and ad hoc adaptations. According to Berrío there are also: “Rhythms that were more popular at the start of the 20th century such as waynos and pasacalle street music or jazz (Incan foxtrot). The Chumbivilcans have composed songs that speak of all their experiences”. 1

One of Cusco’s oldest hospitals.

Translation to Spanish: “Will it be to the hospital or the prison?” and, “What will be of my life? ... Up and down the bandit walaychu wanders by the paths of the ditches”.

Delphine Vié, The Qorilazo in songs: The Identity of a Southern Peruvian Region through Wayno.

< In Totorani, the traditional pinkuyllu and European mandolin have come together.

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Music in Movement From the start of the second half of the 20th century, when social mobility was accelerating and was creating meeting spaces among various peoples in Peru, the best Chumbivilcan bands started travelling to Lima to record their albums. “In the year of 1960, the band Los Auténticos Qorilazos formed by the Serrano brothers recorded their first records, performing more than 42 songs on three 45rpm and 3 LPs”1. Arturo Villena states that: “The Conjunto Pancho Gómez Negrón, Conjunto Velille, Huarari, and Qorilazo constituted popular groups at the regional level while Luis Serrano Aramburú, Adriel Boza, Alberto Cuba, Teobaldo Vásquez, Rubén Jara, Augusto Ugarte, René Aguirre, Fernán Molina, and others were prominent soloists. All the aforementioned have widely disseminated the Chumbivilcan wayno”2.

The CHARANGO is the musical instrument that the cholo from the Andes uses and who fights using lightning and thunder and flies off to the stars. Julio Benavente Díaz

A true artist is he who lives music and enjoys his songs, picks up on the sentiment, takes in the weeping of a newly born being; an artist tastes the dawn and the dusk, feels sadness and happiness intensely, for the artist everything that happens in his life is inspiration. Lucho Serrano

Julia Serrano Cuba, “Lucho Serrano Aramburú”.

Arturo Villena, Qorilazo and the Region of Refuge in the Andean Context.

> Members of the Conjunto Pancho Gómez Negrón, which started out in 1972 and today still diffuses Chumbivilcas’ musical legacy. The falsetto voice of women is imposing during Totorani’s carnival. The music in Chumbivilcas demonstrates illa, energy and vitality.

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There are people who have played a decisive role in the process of globalising Chumbivilcan music. “Due to the initiative and management of the person who was a professor at the Civil Engineering Faculty, Engineer Cayo Negrón Aramburú, founded the Estudiantina Universitaria Chumbivilcana3 as a cultural institution on the 9th of November, 1987. The entity has students, professors and administrative staff as well as post-graduates from the San Antonio Abad University in Cusco, all of whom are Chumbivilcans both by birth and at heart”4. Whereas Felipe Negrón Romero was at his time one of the most important Chumbivilcan composers. He came from Colquemarca and composed not only waynos but also pieces that indicate his modernising influence on local music such as the Chumbivilcan foxtrots. Among his most famous and interpreted waynos are Ya llegaron toros para Colquemarca, Choquechampi, and Colquemarca plazachapi5. Another key person in the preservation and reproduction of Chumbivilcan music was Lucho Serrano. He oversaw that the qorilazo and his culture were incorporated into the Inti Raymi in Cusco. “Lucho Serrano, the qorilazo severe in character, of an arrogant look, full of Chumbivilcan pride, after Pancho Gómez Negron’s death had the delicate mission of representing, as a good Chumbivilcan, the artist’s original style on a spirited horse and charango in hand while interpreting Negron’s songs at the festival of Inti Raymi in Sacsayhuamán every 24th of June”6.

This was the name given to this musical troupe.

José Antonio Negrón Andía, “Luis Felipe Negrón Romero”.

4 6

Raúl Cárdenas, “La Estudiantina Chumbivilcana”. Julia Serrano Cuba, “Lucho Serrano Aramburú”.

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> Landscape from the heights of Qhawanamarka, an archaeological site in Llusco, where chullpas and pre-Hispanic mortars are found.

Llusco, Land of the Wakawaqra “Llusco has been established on a hillock of trachytic conglomerate on the right hand side of the river that passes by the foot of Quiñota, and almost at the junction that this river forms with the Santo Tomás River but at a much higher level than this river… The village does not show any vegetation other than some high and branchy bushes… which together with the grey of the houses and the whitishness of the ground makes for a dry and arid landscape”1. In the 21st century it still has its old church of ashlar and adobe to one side of the main plaza. In the middle of the square is a peculiar monument to “The Giant of Llusco”, who was portrayed in Martín Chambi’s famous photograph and was for many years thought to be a man from the Paruro province. Historical studies have proven that this personage is Chumbivilcan. Llusco’s present-day sculpture of this character carries a plough and gives off golden sparkles in the sunlight. In front is a modern council chamber that contrasts with the immediate urban context of Llusco and its pre-Hispanic and postindependence ruins. 1

Antonio Raimondi, Notebook N° 41, National General Archive.

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Charanguitoy, charango, In love and cholo, Put on your woollen hat of trills And let the fiesta begin. Luis Nieto Miranda, Charanguito

All is Sound

The history of the province of Chumbivilcas, as with other Andean regions, has determined the existence of “two cultures”; two ways of reproducing everyday existence in creative expressions of different springs but meeting in the same stream. This observation must not be taken in a schematic fashion as cultural constructions do not operate in isolated compartments but base themselves on the richness of mixture and hybridisation. In Chumbivilcan music an ancestral line is practiced and maintained via melodies and songs that are played and accompanied by the pinkuyllu, the ayarachi or the wakawaqra. Meanwhile the music of Spanish lineage with its own instruments such as the guitar, mandolin, charango, accordion, bandurria and harp have been inserted due to the Conquest and the Viceroyalty but nevertheless assimilated and fused with the original instruments. This union propitiated genres that compose paradigms of Peruvian music including the wayno, marinera and pasacalle street music, amongst others. The two aforementioned tendencies have joined in expressions that involve not only rhythms but also lyrics and instruments. This phenomenon has allowed Chumbivilcas to become a source of musicians as charango player Lucio Vito Gutiérrez explains. This abundance of fused music has served to assert the Chumbivilcan identity outside of the province as many have migrated to cities such as Arequipa, Cusco, Lima, and abroad. Furthermore, the accelerated modernisation of Peru manifests in the musical expression which is one of its clear impacts. For example, attending a toro kacharpari, on the eve of bullfights in Velille, is an opportunity to witness the assimilation of the old with the modern. There, traditional bands play live using wakawaqras, bass and snare drums, flutes and bugles while other orchestras of metallic instruments brought from Espinar and Arequipa are also playing. The music there is never half-hearted. Among the bastions of sound immemorial, the ayarachi is part of a collective of special importance. The windpipes of the ayarachi are made in three different sizes. They are played in duos which complement each other as one is male and the other female. Eminently antique, the ayarachi is also the name given to a group of performers that wear a headdress made from the feathers of the Darwin’s rhea (Rhea pennata). Legend has it that for the funerals of Atahualpa, the ayarachis accompanied the procession, which attests to the cultural density of this genre. Among the more marginal instruments, the now extinct tawtinku was played by a young Pancho Gómez Negrón in Colquemarca. It had one string and was played by scratching it with variable tension. Additionally, the traditional tinya, which is a small drum made from tough leather while the circular part is made of wood. This drum is visually similar to European percussion instruments, bass and snare drums. The wakawaqra is an instrument that defies classification in any rigid paradigm. It has a resonance of the ancient wind instruments but is made out of the Spanish-introduced bull horns which are tied and perforated. “The Chumbivilcan wakawaqras are different to the others due to its use of the largest quantity of horns and by blowing as a duo to have distinct sounds (china and urqu)”1. The origin of the bugle is much clearer, which is a European metallic wind instrument tied to a marching band although it has its own place in Andean music. It probably was introduced to the region due to the mandatory military service to which the rural men were subject.

Edgardo Aguirre Pacheco, Dress and Traditions of the Qorilazo in Chumbivilcas, Cusco.

> Vicente Triveño, from Llusco, taught his brother Tiburcio the art of the wakawaqra. They have played it together in Chumbivilcas, Haquira, Cusco, and Lima.

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The wind instruments of greatest rural tradition are the pito (flute) and the pinkuyllu (pinquillo). The first is a flute made from wild reeds “with a front hole and six finger holes (all made by fire)”2. Today flutes are also made from PVC pipe. The second, the pinkuyllu, is traditional and is still widely used in carnivals. It is derived from a stalk as thick as an adult’s arm, a metre in length and with openings in the “lids”. A relative of the Chumbivilcan pinkuyllu is the K’ana pinkuyllu that originated in the nearby province of Canas and is also a carnival instrument. In some qhaswas competitions these instruments have been played at full volume with the modern: synthesisers, electric guitars and mandolins, using speakers to further amplify their sound. The stringed instruments that came from Spain and assimilated

in the Southern Andes were the guitar, violin, harp, mandolin, bandurria and, most importantly, the charango. The instruments are usually grouped together in string bands and play in festivals. The assimilation of the guitar, according to those in the know, is noted in the “constant strumming and melancholy singing… to an agricultural rhythm with fleeting glimpses of happiness”3. The violin and harp were previously played together to perform the Christmas wayliya, which is now no longer observed.

Juan Cancio Berrío has mastered string instruments and especially the guitar with a melancholy that oscillates with happiness.

If we analyse the American adaption of European instruments, the charango is the best example. In Chumbivilcas, the charango is the emblematic sound of the qorilazo. In the Andes its sound box is an armadillo shell (khirkinchu or q’arachupa) and has five pairs of strings. As it has been already stated a number of times, the chillador or charango was Gómez Negrón’s favourite instrument. Today it’s Lucio Vita Gutiérrez’s. The mandolin is considered an instrument linked to the emotions and is widespread in Chumbivilcas despite its relative late introduction to the province in the middle of the 20th century. This beautiful instrument is: “A resonance sound box… The cover is from fir while it has mother-of-pearl shell inlays and decorations, a metal peg box and four double metallic strings”4. Whereas the location of the bandurria is almost exclusively centred in Livitaca and specifically in Totora, Piskicocha, and in the district’s capital. The variety of instruments employed in Chumbivilcas is even more complex when looking at the variable function of music genres (festivals, amorous pursuits, funerals, among others) and the type of musical group playing at a particular event which may or may not include or discard certain instruments. One thing is the typical band for bullfighting events; another is the stringed instrument band and another for Carnival. The certain thing is that in Chumbivilcas music is omnipresent. 2 3 4

Edgardo Aguirre Pacheco, Dress and Traditions of the Qorilazo in Chumbivilcas, Cusco. Edgardo Aguirre Pacheco, Dress and Traditions of the Qorilazo in Chumbivilcas, Cusco.

Edgardo Aguirre Pacheco. Dress and Traditions of the Qorilazo in Chumbivilcas, Cusco.

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Music group in Chamaca’s Talent Night, part of the celebrations for the district’s anniversary, September 2013. < Chumbivilcan youth in a mandolin trance.

The CHARANGO just as easily cries as it laughs, it passes hours relaxing and when the guitars stop for the more serious things in life, the CHARANGO is always in daring hands. One has to hear it as its well-expressed shrill tone takes us on all the routes of the Indian. The CHARANGO is the typical little demon of the track. It is the Indian’s souls’ comedian and that of the cholo and of the mestizo. It is carried as if it were a book. All of its happy sarcasm easily folds up into its smallness. It is a lesson for the guitar. It is the delicate woman who, with her tambourine beside, plays with life and love. Arturo Bravo Pinto

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Ayarachis, Accompanying the Dead The timeless Chumbivilcan music genre that impacts because of the severity of its sound, the impressiveness of the clothing of its performers covered by black capes with a large headdress made out of rhea feathers, and that ilk of the ayarachi musicians which were called to accompany the funerals of the Inca Atahualpa. Perhaps they played the Awqa Yanaqucha1, an ancient ceremonial composition so that the deceased’s soul could cross the great black lake which is the portal to the other side. Musician Juan Cancio Berrío explains that ayarachi means “to make the dead walk” because in the etymology of the Quechua name aya, it means “cadaver, deceased, dead, soul, spirit”, and riy is “to go, come, depart, attend, come together, walk, travel”2. However, Cancio Berrío’s explanation is not the only existing etymological theory. There are others and they all revolve around two points: death (or dead) and transience. This music however demonstrates great versatility as it is used for bullfighting festivals, patron saint days, mass, processions, and ceremonies for the apus. << The group of ayarachis from Huaylla Huaylla actually has eleven members, but only six play at any one time. > The ayarachi is an ancient music genre, probably much older than the Incas. It’s practiced in Livitaca, although it is played in other areas of Chumbivilcas.

Ayarachi is the name of the genre and of the instrument: a pan flute of three different sizes. The genre is interpreted by the sikus (related to the Altiplano sikuri) “which they play at the same time as a bass drum, or caja, which they carry hanging on the shoulder and strike with a drumstick that has one larger almost spherical end covered in diversely coloured wool strands”3. “The melodic characteristics of the Chumbivilcan ayarachi are slow and deliberate but festive at the same time. Its tones can provoke sadness or happiness to a point of frenzy depending on the mood of the person enjoying the ayarachi, which makes the listener sensitive or heightens his or her feelings. This is its real virtue”4. There’s something entrancing about ayarachi music. The ayarachi is now registered as part of Peru’s National Cultural Heritage not only for its musical qualities but for the historical intensity that is portrayed in ayarachi interpretations. Chumbivilcan musician Lucio Vita Gutiérrez notes a paradox regarding the aforementioned. He maintains that as the ayarachi is a genre deeply rooted in Chumbivilcas, however today many of its interpreters are found in Espinar, a province adjacent to Chumbivilcas. Additionally, the ayarachi is alive in many other parts of Peru. In March 2014 the Inkari Federation with support from the Municipality of Comas in Lima organised the XI Meeting of the Sikuris in the capital. It was an opportunity to discover ayarachi musicians from the city of Cusco and Huaylla Huaylla, as well as sikuris from Puno and even Chile, and as far away as Finland. 1 2 3

Martín Huamaní, musician from Huaylla Huaylla’s ayarachi band, district of Livitaca.

“Diccionario Runasimi”, <cosmovisionandina.org/runasimi/runasimi. php> Juan Bejarano, researcher on the sikuri.

Raúl Cárdenas Ríos, Colquemarca… Soul of the Qorilazo.

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History’s stage

Chiñisiri, a Place of Respect in Livitaca In 2011 a curator of archaeological sites in Livitaca, Valuiz Espinoza, found an infant mummy during cleaning works at Chiñisiri. “It was completely by chance. I was walking along when I dislodged a stone. We picked it up to find the mummy below”. He contacted an archaeologist at the Ministry of Culture and the mummy was taken to Cusco where it was determined that the body was that of a girl. Espinoza remembers that when one of his companions stayed on one night to guard the site just after finding the small mummy, he heard the continual wail of an infant and a woman who insistently shouted, “Where is my daughter?” Chiñisiri is a pre-Hispanic necropolis situated at 3723 metres above sea level and in the territory of the Unión Ccora community, district of Livitaca. Just like the majority of archaeological sites in Chumbivilcas, Chiñisiri has received minimal attention from the entities in charge of the preservation of our heritage. Because of the same, the site has been sacked by grave robbers who were merciless with the textiles and the many funeral bundles that the mummies used to contain. Archaeologist Héctor Espinoza surmises that the majority of Chiñisiri’s vestiges correspond to the Middle Horizon (AD 600-900), exactly when the Wari exerted influence over the region. The name Chiñisiri blends Aymara and Quechua, and it means “where the bats dwell”1. Due to the persistent

personal intervention from Valuiz Espinoza and the assistance of archaeologist Vicentina Galiano and other specialists, Chiñisiri was declared an archaeological site by the Ministry of Culture in 2011.

<< In Chumbivilcas there are myriad necropolises that stemmed from different cultures. Chiñisiri corresponds to the Middle Horizon (AD 600-900). > In 2011, a commission from the Ministry of Culture recorded in Chiñisiri some 550 funeral structures dispersed over five ravines and caves.

Some of the rocks in the surrounding area exhibit curious forms such as the condor, frog, eagle, and the llama. Also, a number of cave paintings can also be appreciated in other parts of Chiñisiri, which represent camelids in movement and cruciform signs. It goes without saying that the place is known by the local population due to its ancestral significance. Valuiz’s father used to say to him as a boy not to approach the place because he could “go mad and die… We had respect for the place”. Chiñisiri is a showcase for chullpas of varying styles and occupations. Karla Vargas, an archaeologist working at the Ministry of Culture in Cusco, states that there are Wari and Inca funeral areas. One can observe structures in every type of shape: square, rectangular, circular and mausoleums that were for personal or family use; of one storey, two storeys or up to three. Furthermore, plastered chullpas are present; some bi-coloured (red and white), and others with three colours (red, ochre, and white). In the Ocarani sector there is a chullpa known as “the Patriot” made from stone and mud with a red, white and red-striped configuration2. 1 2

Chiñi, according to the Aymara dictionary of Ludovico Bertonio, means “bat”; siriy, according to the Runasimi-Spanish dictionary of Philip Jacobs, is “to be laying down, lie, lie down, recline”.

The Peruvian flag is made up by three vertical fringes: red, white and red.

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Warari, Where Raimondi Inscribed His Name In his writings on European travellers in Peru during the Viceroyalty and the Republic, historian Estuardo Núñez gives a special place to the Italian erudite, Antonio Raimondi, not only for the long time that he dedicated to Peru and its resources, but also for the rigorous and objective analysis with which he qualified the life of Peruvians in the middle of the 19th century. Raimondi was in Chumbivilcas in 1865. One of the natural phenomena that most caught his eye was the Warari cavern and of which he wrote: “The village of Livitaca… has a rather important work of nature only a few blocks distant and which is worthy of being mentioned. This curio is the famed Huarari cave… to the SW of the village… This cave is very large and is calcareous in its makeup… The cave’s entrance is somewhat low but is rather spacious. Only a few paces in from the entrance a number of thick stalactites hang down in such a way that they oblige one to walk with the body hunched over”1. In the depths of Warari there is a space formed by a lagoon that contains a vertical limestone rock in its centre. The feature is a classical natural formation turned into a huaca in which the local population perform baptisms especially in June, during the Warari Festival. Dances are held outside and walks to the cavern’s cavities take place. At the end of the cavern there is a large rock on which Antonio Raimondi inscribed his name. Raimondi was interactive, after all, just as the schoolchildren who visit Warari and cover everything with inscriptions. 1

Antonio Raimondi, Notebook N° 41, National General Archive.

<< Raimondi said, “A beautiful spectacle is enjoyed due to the reflection of the many lights produced by the calcium carbonate crystals”. Panorama of Livitaca, capital of the district that bears the same name. One of the features of the city is the large modern and neobrutalist architecture of its main market. > The caves may have been cult worship sites in preIncan times. Since then they have been used as refuges for shepherds and rustlers.

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< Having passed the monolith surrounded by water, the path goes up to another large space towards two extremely long tunnels popularly called chinkana.

“The very Indians in Livitaca have noted the similarity of the forms that can be attributed to these semi-crystallised limestone carbonate masses with the passing of the centuries, during which have been deposited ever so slowly by the lime-filled drops of water that fall from the roof. Due to this observation they have named various points of the cavern Puncu, oven, chapel, passageway, pavilion, tavern etc. as well as after names of musical instruments such as drums and bell. The Indians have named one of the spaces ‘The Drum’ as the floor is formed by a layer of lime carbonate that encloses a cavity directly beneath in such a way that when it is tapped with a rock it emits a roaring sound that is not unlike that made by a large drum”2.

Antonio Raimondi, Notebook N° 41, National General Archive.

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The Profane Fiesta Chumbivilcas’ non-religious festival calendar is robust and has the elements that give Chumbivilcans life, energy and passion: illa. These festivals are political anniversaries, carnivals, school events, fairs and inaugurations. From 1972 large provincial and district anniversary festivals started to take place. Previously, the mainly syncretic Catholic religious calendar and the patron saint fiestas were dominant just as the carnivals from Europe, and all of which were celebrated from the times of the Viceroyalty. In the last few years the celebrations for the political creation of Chumbivilcas have lasted for 16 days in the second half of June. As it is a provincial celebration it is quite considerable in size. During this period the events and activities that are held in common are distributed in the fiestas of other locations. The fixed components of the profane fiesta are the music groups and dance. There are also school and institutional parades and a ceremony presided by the authorities. The silence protocol is broken during the cockfights, horse roping, horse racing, and bullfighting. It is clear that the greatest percentage of activities define the qorilazo’s profile. The setting of these activities usually takes the form of a fair either enclosed or spread out throughout the streets in a number of points. The fairs are usually of a commercial nature but also, and more likely, are culinary affairs.

BRIEF HISTORY1 Chumbivilcas’ Anniversary: 21st of June and Thereabouts Around the main square of San Toto2 the market stalls offer everything that a Chumbivilcan could ever want and — moreover — good luck. In order to bring this one, trained parrots and monkeys hand over the wrapped-up omens as soon as their owners are paid a sol. Women help their husbands put on the qarawatanas, which are the protective clothing par excellence of the qorilazo. The serrated spurs make their resonant sound. The women also use boots with flower designs. The ladies spin with their spindles while walking around the streets. A great yell is heard, Kawsachun llaqtanchis! [Long live our people!]. In 2013, a Municipal law came into force (005-2013-MPCH) specifically for this celebration. It stated: “To declare non-grata all institutions public and private in Chumbivilcas that do not participate in the folklore parade… To be registered, communicated, and archived”. The children in school uniform go mad with the ricos-ricos, a beaten egg white dessert served at room temperature and made even more delicious with substances of radiant colours. The public sector stops functioning for the ten days that the festival takes place. Such is life out here. Institution has been shifted to the parade competition. The winning school children frenetically jumped into the square’s fountain to splash each other. Then in came the horsemen and their horses, dancers and musicians. The toro kacharpari was beginning. 1

Irene Arce, researcher.

Affectionate nickname given by Chumbivilcans to Santo Tomás, the province’s capital city.

<< The popular imagination, full of humour, is portrayed in allegoric cars during the anniversary of Chumbivilcas in Santo Tomás. < School parade competition for which the students have been preparing for weeks and whose prize is awarded on June 21, Chumbivilcas’ official creation date. >> The colourful eclecticism of the streets adjoining the Santo Tomás market. >>> Rejoicing after the Peru Cup match between Cienciano Junior and Yawarmayu from Chumbivilcas. The Chumbivilcans were the victors.

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Takanakuy, “I’m Going to Fight You” It is another public demonstration of courage, valour and physical strength in order to reach the status of qorilazo. It is an opportunity to gain prestige in the handling of these values recognised by society. Arturo Villena, Qorilazo and the Region of Refuge in the Andean Context The celebration of the Takanakuy has changed in many aspects but nevertheless maintains its dual essence between the cult of the Child God and the fist fight. In other times the karguyoq also handed the clothing to the wayliya performers and, until the end of last century, the singers covered their face with a large white cloth and put small pieces of glossy paper as decoration on their sombreros. These practices have now disappeared. Up until now, from the 22nd of December the rituals that unite both aspects of the celebration begin in Santo Tomás. The first days are dedicated to the collective cult of the Child God with a series of extremely codified activities, many of which are performed on a very small scale. One such is the niñu chuwina1, which is an allegory of the Child God playing with ch’uchus, or small black seeds from the jungle. Ronald Ugarte, a merchant who knows what Chumbivilcan high society was at the time of the great estate owners, remembers that before on every 26th of December the young mistis used to play odds and evens with the ch’uchus in the outskirts of Santo Tomás. Although the immediate goal was to accumulate more seeds unveiling the riddles, the ulterior motive was that the girls and boys would fall in love on the way.

Chuwiy is to play with ch’uchus, in Quechua.

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<< A fight in the village of Llique, district of Santo Tomás, 26th of December. Agility and skill come together in a fight inside the Monumental bull ring in Santo Tomás, 25th of December. > The “anything goes” between women started in the 1990s.

This has changed. In spite of the changes and the urban and demographic growth even up until now people still go to a place called Belén Pata in Santo Tomás on the 24th of December. This place was an enclosed field in which the first attempts at the Takanakuy were made. Today, the same field is in the middle of a passage, but nevertheless there are still a number of fights only for customs sake. On the 25th people dance around the city in different troupes until reaching the modern bull ring where the young men fight toe-to-toe. Fifty or 60 years ago the scene was different. The teams of fighters met up in the main square of Santo Tomás to measure themselves up to the others and give the public a spectacle. Suddenly one troupe member would say to an opponent, “C’mon taruka2, come and get me”, to which the rival would respond, “I’m going to fight you”, and the mandones3 would shout “space, space” whereupon a circle was formed within which the fight was unleashed. Everyone wears a mask during the festivity until the moment before fighting. There were some great surprises as close friends, relations and family members were now facing one another. Regardless of the relationship, the fight had to go on. Lawyer and hacendado Rubén Vega adds, “The Takanakuy was only for men but now some women also fight with each other”. These days in the large arena in Santo Tomás a woman wearing the traditional Chumbivilcan clothing in black and blue might suddenly come into the improvised ring with an appetite for fighting. The public applauds her and lets out whistles. Afterwards her rival does the same. Both now have their knuckles bound with a slim-coloured ribbon. 2 3

Andean deer.

The mandones were the leaders of the rural communities, who are the equivalent of today’s Deputy Governor.

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Wallata Man. The fighter assumes the identity of the animal chosen for the Takanakuy festival.

The opponents are members of different groups that choose one another upon measuring themselves up against the others. They come closer to one another, they start pushing and shoving and they squeeze each other’s hands. Others go round the ring looking for a rival until finding a volunteer of his or her weight division. In Llique, in the district of Santo Tomás, on every 26th of December fights happen with the respective public subject to the sharp end of a cat-o-nine-tails distributed among 30 patrolmen who guard the perimeter of the circle. Once the Takanakuy in Llique has finished the public, which was gathered around the ring, unites in a dance constituting a great masked jumping mass. Some of the masks are taxidermy-like due to the inclusion of dissected animal parts as a headdress that some of the dancers wear. Some others are transformed into “monsters” with their plastic masks. Both the aforementioned mingle with multicoloured Chumbivilcan hats that swirl around deliriously from the music that moves the spirit.

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Aman niñuy manchankichu rumi chijchi hatariqtin; aman niñuy waqankichu yawar unu puririqtin. Wayliya chorus that animates fighters

Takanakuy, Sacred and Profane The etymology of this Quechua word demonstrates to us the semantic flexibility that characterises this language. Takay means “hit, destroy, hammer and crush”1; while na denotes obligation and kuy indicates a reflexive and imperative action (from one to another/ from one to himself or herself). Takanakuy, then, does not have a literal translation but one that encapsulates the multiple meanings that this Chumbivilcan ritual holds. The ritual extends from early December until the end of January in different locations in the province. The meaning and the manner of Takanakuy coincide with the qorilazo’s temperament: the display of physical strength, valour and daring, which includes squaring the ledger of old scores that were not properly dealt with at the time. As the Takanakuy is complex and permeated by different cultural and historical streams, there is no agreement regarding its origin. It is known that in other times it was called yawarmayu, or river of blood. Arturo Villena believes that in Colquemarca during the times of the hacienda in the 18th century there were two land-owning families who were both very rich and irreconcilable rivals. They were the Oblitas and De la Cuba families2 who were fighting over matters of domination and leadership. One time the De la Cubas took black slaves from Lima to their hacienda based on the thesis that these strong men would be lethal in the fight against the Oblitas. As such, at night they covered the hands and faces of the slaves and they launched them into bloody fights with the enemy family. The Oblitas discovered the trick and did the same thing by bringing up black slaves. Consequently during each collective occasion, fiesta or fair, the slaves from the two groups fought toe-to-toe, kicking and punching one another. It seems that one Christmas a fight broke out which annihilated the Oblitas. This fact, somewhere between reality and legend, was later re-created in Santo Tomás and gave rise to the date, the expectation and the euphoria of the Takanakuy there. 1

Diccionario Runasimi, <cosmovisionandina.org/runasimi/runasimi. php>

Regarding this point, return to the introduction, to the section about the history of the battles for Independence in Chumbivilcas

< The Takanakuy allows men to transform into totemic animals.

156 > A vigorous right in one of the many fights that occurred in Llique’s Takanakuy.

The wayliya is a specific music for these celebrations. For some scholars it is the equivalent of the Spanish Christmas carol. The wayliya livens up parties, dances and the drink which is financed by the close friends and families of the karguyuq. The wayliya band was traditionally composed of an older woman, who was the lead carol singer or “guide”, and two to three younger girls who were the backup singers and accompanied her with a harp and violin. The accordion was not used as a rule, nor were the mandolin or guitar as is now the custom. In the house of one of the karguyuq in the village of Llique, before the fights, Benita Vargas was the “guide” who, with a potent falsetto voice, compiled the experience of all wayliyas from the past, harmonised songs and played a rattle that marked the tempo. She also carried with her a bottle of anise liquor in a llixlla. The rest of the women followed her singing along while the men with viscacha, sparrow hawks, and deer headdresses all joked and danced. This was the tone of voice and joy that was heard throughout the streets and between the songs. The first thing that catches the outsider’s eye when he/she comes across the Takanakuy is the co-existence of the intense and bloody conflict with the tenderness of this Christmas festival. However, if the collective activities are analysed, and especially in Chumbivilcan communities, one finds that the two extremes of one act are always together, feed off one another, that they are not contrary or contradictory and that they complement each other. It is a true reflection of the human condition. In other times, the fighting only occurred between two traditional rivals: the Child and Bethlehem. Over time this has changed as now anyone who wishes can fight. The reasons to get involved are also now different. Before they were a challenge focused on force and virility. Today the fights are laced with more personal conflict such as land or women, among others, which distance the participants socially and have them clash in the ring. The most direct and premeditated form of Takanakuy is to call out a rival by name. However not everything is based on grudge. The concept of the fight still retains much of its playful and sporting aspects. In the muddied bull ring of Santo Tomás, two ladies from the Lara community have their plaits tied up into a single ponytail and have put cinchos on their waists. They shake each other’s hand, a kiss and a hug, and then the violence begins. Once the fight finishes with two bloodied noses the protagonists say, “It was only a fight between friends”. They clean up their faces with paper towelling, woven woollen belts and water. “They fought wonderfully well… clean”, says one man rather proudly, who belongs to the Baca Quispe clan from Lara. According to these concepts and traditions, until today this fusion of cult Catholicism, especially tender and maternal with vicious fighting that defies the rules, spills blood and rouses the people but concludes with gestures of friendship between the opponents before going to reconcile with the aid of a few beers.

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Takanakuy: Troupes and Changes The collective dance during the Takanakuy is open to anyone willing to join in. There are however the traditional troupes that perform in their own way and join in with their characteristic rhythms and steps. The troupes’ origin is believed to be linked to the remnants of the province’s history. The dance functions as a story of the migrations, new productive activities and classic personages and, of course, the omnipresence of the qorilazo. The main troupes are the following: NEGROS- These are elegantly dressed, tall, large and thick people. They dress in riding pants, boots, a white shirt and black suit, a uyach’ullu1 and a tall hat. They are few in number and lead the dance, “the biggest rhythm”. It is probable that in the origins of this troupe, the feud between the Oblitas and the De la Cuba families was present. MAJEÑOS- The most numerous protagonists and who wear riding pants as well as leg spats, cinchos, leather or baize jackets. They also use a uyach’ullu and on top of their heads place dissected animals such as deer, wallatas, ducks, herons, foxes, and viscachas. Just as many other places in the Southern Andes, the majeños parody the liquor sellers from Majes in Arequipa. LOCUSTS or QARAKAPA (“leather cape”, in Quechua)- These are generally the most corpulent dancers being full-figured, boisterous, and happy and who add to the partying with their jokes. Previously they wore miners’ pants and leather jacket with a small hood at the back but these days they cover themselves in a large yellow or orange plastic coat. 1

Knitted mask that covers the face and head; the colours that cover the face are segmented into four.

<< The dances before the fights in Llique liven up the Takanakuy, Viscacha Man in the middle. Each man adopts his character and covers the face with a chullo to ensure his anonymity. > A dressed-up fighter dancing in Santo Tomas’ Takanakuy, Christmas 2013.

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< Preparations for the violent and short-lived fight. It was once recommended to rub puma fat on the fists in order to fight well.

The colours characterise the overalls that the mine workers wear in more contemporary times. They used to don a special leather hat that had a point, a large skirting cloth at the front and nothing at the rear. The Locust is the classic personage at an Andean fiesta who creates chaos with mockery and humour. QARAWATANAS- They dress up as a typical qorilazo. In the dance taxonomy of the Takanakuy this character is quite recent and first appeared no more than 25 years ago. The old dance classifications have in many cases amalgamated with the idiosyncrasies of modernity. Consequently one can observe men and boys in masks, displaying qarawatanas while some use baize or military pants underneath. The traditional jackets mix with those of black leather, track suit tops and hoods of Rastafarian colours, bearing the image of Haile Selassie stamped on their backs.

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163 < Unlike other archaeological sites in the district of Chamaca, the chullpas in Toqra are well-preserved.

History’s stage

Toqra, in Chamaca Toqra could be a necropolis due to the amount of extant chullpas. No historical dating has been carried, nor has it been cleaned. Is it an Incan? Wari? For the moment there is no way of knowing as nobody has researched this site. After a brief 40-minute walk, one can see a number of well-conserved rectangular chullpas on both sides of a ravine. All of them have stone conical roofs, which amazes those who are more accustomed to straw roofs. The stone roofs also allude to the fact that their construction has a higher function than simply for domestic use. On one slope of the ravine a large chullpa can be observed, which has an ashlar wall, with large orifices that have bones scattered everywhere. It is not known why this is so. It is not by chance that Toqra means “ashlar”, in Quechua, as it is full of buildings made from this material. In the vicinity there is a quarry where, after centuries, the extraction process has shaped a privileged panoramic view. In front, crossing the ravine, there is a water spring and on the elevated part, three chullpas and other fallen structures that may at one stage been housing. In the complex, there are abundant remains of quadrangular buildings that are dispersed, unqualified and surrounded by dry qeuñales (Polylepis pauta) and t’asta (Escallonia myrtilloides) trees and bushes. Two rustic ch’uxllas (huts) made from straw indicate that people live nearby or stay here while passing through. Farmer and merchant, Pedro Villena claims that the first clergy arrived in 1630 and it was these men who founded the Toqra hacienda. What was once a small church for these priests is now a corral. An old married couple looks after Villena’s land. One part of the land belongs to the Villena family and other parts to the Boza and Gómez families who, before the Agrarian Reform, were rivals in livestock and the expansive pampas that used to support hundreds of cattle, horses and sheep. Villena remembers that Luis Gómez was short; a qorilazo fighter who always carried a weapon and was surrounded by mounted men ready to attack or defend as necessary. Today Toqra is placid with only a few farming families and intriguing chullpas with domed roofs, on top of which grows vegetation that rustles in the wind. The nearby Pilluyu Mountain, in its own fashion, looks like the roofed chullpas due to its high round peak. A large quantity of archaeological objects that were once in Toqra has been illegally removed. Pedro Villena says that he has seen keros1, tupus2, and plates. 1

A kero was a ceremonial vessel found, emblematically, in Tiwanaku and Inca cultures. It also existed during colonial times.

A tupu was a pre-Hispanic brooch women used in their clothing.

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History’s Stage

Chamaca: Ashlar, Illa, and Mythical Bulls Between Toqra and the village of Chamaca there is a point called Illayuq. Etymologically, this Quechua word means “it has illa”. Illayuq, on one side of Chamaca’s venerated apu Chelqo, is a cave whose entrance has the same shape as that of a cow’s udder. According to popular legend, magical bulls come out to fight all night. When someone wants to meet them, they quickly escape and run back into the mysterious cavern1.

“The village of Chamaca is situated on an elevated plateau. Trachyte on one side of a river that flows down to the Velille River at one league’s distance from the village… Half a league from Chamaca, down the ravine, there are hot springs. To the right of and below the village there is a stream that constitutes the town’s water supply. The water is of good quality”2. Although the waters of Calicanto are not as hot as the sulphur springs at Ch’uccho, in the district of Santo Tomás, they are nevertheless warm, crystalline and relaxing, and are seated in small rock pools on the bank of the Velille River during the dry months. Calicanto is near the canyon of Chamaca from where the imposing figure of the rock called Ikma Paya3 can be seen. Ikma Paya has the appearance of a woman and it is said to be surrounded by coca plantations4. The rock is on the Chelqo Mountain, which together with apu Laurapi, encloses the river.

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Pedro Villena, who owns a small estate in Toqra and runs a restaurant in Chamaca capital. Antonio Raimondi, Notebook N° 41, National General Archive. In Quechua this means “old widow”.

Wilder Gamarra, communicator from the Chamaca district.

> The relaxing waters at Calicanto are reached by walking along the banks of the Velille River.

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Toqto: “The War of our Ancestors” “We can be friends tomorrow, but today it’s a fight to the end”. A resident from Canas on his rivals from Chumbivilcas Through different entrances, opponents from both sides arrive en masse either on foot, horseback, motorcycle, minibus, station wagon, or lorry. Toqto is at the edge of the sky, 4200 metres above sea level. Today dozens of men will confront each other with slings. This is a ritual battle. It is in effect a battle between Canians and Chumbivilcans who share an ancient rivalry that earlier was a bloody encounter which formed part of their lives. A battle is ritual when it is performed as a tradition in which there are injuries and occasionally deaths. However it “exorcises” the obligation of war and is almost a symbolic — and why not, playful — representation that supplants the original. It is like a mock-up of something that is not going to come to fruition.

<< One of the ancient mills in Totora, a village in Livitaca. These traditional mills made flour sweeter, so say the people of the area. > In a challenging gesture, warrior Wilber Quispe raises his liwi while mounted on his mare “La Soñadora” before launching himself into battle.

The majority of Chumbivilcan fighters are young men who come from the communities of Wanako, Aucho and Q’ewincha, in the district of Livitaca. Their traditional opponents generally are from Cheq’a and Q’ewe, in Canas. Three confrontations are part of the calendar in Toqto: the 8th of December, New Year’s Day, and at

the beginning of February. In Chiaraje other fights happen on different dates and only among members of the Canas province. What is the origin of a deeply seated tradition such as the one that this battle observes? Anthropology has invested much time and thought but has still yet to provide a definitive explanation.

According to researcher Vicentina Galiano, “Livitaca is right between the borders of Condesuyo and Qollasuyo… The battle of Tocto happens between communities in Livitaca (Condesuyo) and the communities in Canas (Qollasuyo) in order to delimit their boundaries”1. As such, the famed territory rivalry between the K’anas and the Ch’umpiwillkas would have supposed battles for geopolitical and symbolic domination. Additionally it is possible to include the hypothesis that it could have been the result of two cultures that were fighting over nature’s blessings. For many a year the principal action has taken place at Quchapata, which is associated with water. Regarding this theory, anthropologist Héctor Espinoza maintains that the abundance of rains was assured to the winning side; “the fight was over an atmospheric phenomenon”. Another version adopted by the battle’s participants, is that these were a way of preparing both militarily and mentally during the years previous to the rebellion of Túpac Amaru II. This training would have been used to revolt against the Spanish and to subvert colonial order. However, if one asks a young audacious qorilazo full of adrenaline and who is going to fight, why? The response would be, “we are only following the footprints of our ancestors”. The how and why are irrelevant as they are naturally assumed to be an ancestral rite of passage.

Archaeological research on Mauk’a Livitaka.

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< A bruised Livitacan, assisted by his friends, withdraws from the tupay.

In Toqto they fight on horseback and on foot. The basic armament is the warak’a or sling woven by their mothers, sisters or wives, from alpaca or sheep’s wool in chestnut colours. The stones that are hurled by the warak’a are taken from the great battle ground of Toqto. Liwis, sorreagos (whips), and hobbles called maniotas are made from a strip of plaited leather with a piece of metal at the end and are commonly used by the mounted combatants. Not so commonly used is the less traditional rope with spark plug at the end.

A young female spectator said, “My father shouldn’t have gone down” while she was watching those hit by rocks falling and rolling around.

The usual Chumbivilcan dress for this occasion is a natural beige colour together with a woollen hat and an elegant scarf adorned with the classic pallay. This outfit is today quite expensive and consequently many fighters have opted for jeans, a chequered shirt, a jacket and hat. Some also wear a poncho or a jaspered baize jacket. Many combatants carry their ch’uspa, which is a small knitted bag that contains coca leaves, and a canteen.

< A warrior on foot practices the movements of his warak’a while descending onto the battlefield.

Before the fighting begins the combatants concentrate on the Toqto hill and drink anise liquor, beer or aguardiente. Their mounts have names that are valued by the riders: “Moro Moro”, “Yegua Mora”, “Bayo Jerezano”, “La Soñadora”, “So Bayo”, “Blanco Espumita”, and “Moro Revólver”. The women serve food from the large pots that they have carried up in their llixllas along with crates of beers. On the menu for the day is trout, mutton or cuy (guinea pig) with rice, potatoes and ají (chili pepper). In these moments of the warmup both Chumbivilcans and Canians make a large racquet by shouting, and gesturing from their respective mountains. Everything is ready for the combative tupay2. 2

According to the dictionary of the Academia Mayor of the Quechua language, tupay is: “encounter, interview, convergence, a fight in combat, fight between adversaries”.

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“¡Yaw, Guerrero1!” In Toqto the battle is composed of two parts. After lunch the first Chumbivilcans and Canians come down to reconnoitre the terrain, without directly confronting one another. There is plenty of cursing and other stimulating expressions exchanged. A little later the cavalry from Livitaca enters the scene towards the battlefield followed by the formations organised by the communities. ¡Yaw, guerrero! is the cry. Then the confrontation begins. The dominant sounds are the men challenging one another and the thudding of stone missiles on the ground. The spectators are tense and also shout out. In earlier times there were wankas, or singing from women to encourage the warriors. There were also offerings to the land. However, the aforementioned have all but disappeared save for the occasional sound of a solitary pinkuyllu. The two groups in the engagement have moved to Quchapata, the battle’s epicentre. When they approach one end where there are spectators the women, in their best dresses, are the first to flee. If one of the sides becomes weak, reinforcements are sent. The action does sometime slow down until somebody lets out a ¡Yaw, guerrero! that stimulates the tupay. This first stage lasts for about an hour. It’s rainy season and a storm is approaching. The men injured by the stones recuperate on Qhaswanapata, an adjacent mountain on which the recess is taken. During this break a combatant drinks from his canteen before exclaiming: “Life isn’t worth anything. One goes without knowing whether he will return to see his wife and children”. Close to 20 horses are grazing on the slope. The wounded list reads: two seriously maimed; one bleeding from the temple and the other who received a direct hit on the shoulder blade. There are many lightly hurt. They remind themselves that it’s every man for himself and if one dies, “tough luck”. One of the famed Chumbivilcan fighters is Florentino Andía, who in the 1980s brought down two riders from Canas and took both horses to the Chumbivilcan side. All types of warriors fight these days. For example, Olindo Iván Gutiérrez decided to dress up as the enemy in order to confuse Canians. His brother David fights dressed as a mountaneer of the Peruvian army. This fondness on the part of the youth is because parents bring their young children to watch. When the second stage begins, on Qhaswanapata bonfires are lit to warm the air and clear the area of clouds. In the middle of the afternoon the two sides once again descend down to the battlefield. The confrontation has only just begun when there is a badly wounded combatant. The storm is lurking again. Another injured man is limping while being helped along by a friend. The battle continues until the day itself dies with a stormy sky. Next year in Toqto, the vows of peace will be renewed between Chumbivilcas and Canas with the paradox of a ritual confrontation.

<< The first offensive made by the Livitacans while searching for their rivals from the neighbouring province of Canas. < Chumbivilcan Olindo Iván Gutiérrez dressed as a Canian in order to confuse the enemy.

This expression would translate as, “Hey, warrior!”

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History’s stage

Qhapaq Ñan1 in Chumbivilcas The Great Inca Trail’s complete route, whose extension of approximately 30,000 kilometres comprises parts of Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, the North of Argentina and Chile, was classified as a World Heritage by UNESCO on the 20th of June 2014. From 2002 onwards, the former National Institute (today Ministry) for Culture started to research some of the branches of Qhapaq Ñan in Cusco, and contrasting that what had already been undertaken by mining company Xstrata Tintaya, which had published the results of its research on the great Incan road in its area of influence. Between 2004 and 2008 the road’s archaeological remains in all of Cusco were analysed by employing a grid system, as opposed to the system employed in the high jungle.

The Qhapaq Ñan project’s perspective is multidisciplinary involving anthropologists, biologists, geologists, geographers, among others. The studies have determined that from Cusco’s city centre, there are four main branches, each of which goes towards a different suyu [“region, territory”, in Quechua]. In the highest regions of Cusco such as Chumbivilcas, the roads are more modest, less monumental, not of cobblestone but generally earthen and are lined with walls or stones. 1

Ñan means “trail or path” in Quechua, whereas Qhapaq means “great”; therefore, this term is understood as “the great Inca trail”.

<< A Qayara flowering in the middle of the steppes. < The locals say that the Wampu Wampu Bridge in Livitaca was made by the Incas to move freely even during the rainy season.

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History’s stage

Mauk’aqosqo Inkawasi: The Meeting of the Great Felines The scarcity of archaeological research in Chumbivilcas contrasts with the abundance of sites that exist in the province. One of special interest is Mauk’aqosqo Inkawasi1, situated 4700 metres above sea level in Livitaca, where the Ministry of Culture has registered some 80 Incan structures including kallankas2 and enclosures which are yet to be closely studied.

The imposing Incan walls of Mauk’aqosqo Inkawasi are located within the territory of the rural community of Q’ewincha, district of Livitaca.

Some of the most impressive remains in the area are the Incan walls that are constructed in three separate levels. On the last level a deteriorated stone path leads to a natural cave whose previous uses are unknown. However, near the opening and on the path to the same, there is a rock with two sculpted qoas.

> Ancient myths say that the qoa felines engaged in great celestial battles.

The qoa is a mythical feline with a long tail. The ancient inhabitants used to say that they were seen to be spectacular in the sky as the great black qoa produced fierce hailstorms while the white qoa was inoffensive. When the two qoas met, fights of cosmic proportions destroyed the land. Traditionally the qoa is associated with water springs. Coincidently or not, there are springs in the high pampas of Mauk’aqosqo. Nearby are five intriguing lagoons, such as Qaykulli, Pinkulluni, and Yanaqucha. Conservationist Valuiz Espinoza, who is also a share farmer, points out that within this archaeological site is the K’iri Mountain which has an additional value due to its proximity to pre-Hispanic stone structures and cool water springs.

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Inkawasi translates into “house of the Inca”; while mauk’a is “old, ancient”, in Quechua. Large rectangular enclosures characteristic of Incan architecture.

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Reddish Rocks Pukaqaqa (“red rock”, in Quechua) constitutes an imposing landscape of the many in Chumbivilcas. These rocks are natural objects sculpted by time that have taken on human-like forms in their finish, as if they were designed for cult purposes. Located near Totora village in Livitaca, Pukaqaqa is a collection of geological formations of reddish clay eroded by the winds and the rain that are configured in such a way that they seem to be the columns of a temple on the side of a mountain. Fantasy transforms them into the shapes of elderly people, friars, frogs and other beings.

Up until not so long ago in this natural park of great imagery, there was a mud formation that had the shape of a bull’s head with horns. It unfortunately collapsed due to the inclement weather. The silence there has a natural sound: the braying of a donkey while the dragonflies buzz around. In the vicinity of Pukaqaqa lives Hermógenes Muñoz, an ex-worker at the Piskicocha hacienda along with his wife. They graze livestock and have a vegetable plot. Hermógenes says that one hour on foot from Pukaqaqa there is an ancient village in the high part of the mountain that locals call Machu Llaqta, or Old Town.

> Innumerable shapes are re-created in the mind of those who visit Pukaqaqa, which is close to a canyon that separates Chumbivilcas from Canas.

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August is the month to make offerings to Pachamama1; one has to make an offering for the animals, pay for everything. Here [around Tinkurka] people go to the peaks of the mountains, to the wayside shrines, and carry out their ceremonies. Rubén Vega, livestock owner at San José de Tinkurka

Mutual Give and Take: Offerings to Mother Earth Andean reciprocity is a principle of relation that not only governs the human plane. It is also linked to the give and take with supernatural beings, with the awkikuna2, with the huacas and deities. Chumbivilcas is a land rich in this type of relations that are ultimately forms of cult, of religare3, and of religion or, if so desired, magic-religious rituals. What is asked and what is given are symbolic mediations charged with illa, the vital energy that sustains the reproductive capacity of human beings and domestic animals both in a strict and figurative sense: cultural reproduction, regeneration of lost belongings, and a coming closer to the grandness of the universe. However, despite the allusions to the intangible, these links are not abstract. They are far from a theology founded on the invisible, or with prohibition of the visible. On the contrary, tangible but highly symbolised material is asked for and given. These objects have an end by themselves but produce syntax with others on a blanket that forms the table for the offering. The ritual is performed in a family environment as well as community celebrations. Artist Lucio Vita Gutiérrez explains: “At home, throughout the ritual I always thank Mother Earth for everything she has given me… It is done with much faith, and so much energy is felt”. In this case, the offering to which Vita alluded and that he learnt to perform thanks to his mother, is related to the wellbeing and health of his most loved beings. The t’inkana is an offering that is made in the open air on apus such as Qeqaña, Soñaqe or Phillullo, with the hope that an illa will come and aid the livestock’s reproduction and wellbeing, as well as that of the houses, shops, and cars. Additionally, as qorilazo Arturo Aguirre explains, offerings are made to Mother Earth as to not fall from one’s horse or that any misfortune would come to the animal. He also states that horsemen, before the start of the toro kacharpari event and before entering the ring, perform a t’inkana so that the bullfight goes well and the bulls perform wildly. << The paqo Juan de Dios Monterola, from Ch’illoroya, invokes the spirits at Warmiyuqcocha (“the lagoon that has a woman”).

The paraphernalia of the Chumbivilcan offering is similar to that of any other in the Southern Andes: chicha, red and white carnations, llama fat, coca, coloured sweets, sugar, salt, wine, cigarettes, apart from the objects belonging to the offeror such as stones of special significance, pre-Columbian artefacts, images of the Catholic Saints, and natural elements.

> These objects are later put one by one on the fire starting with the llama foetus, coca leaves, and a carnation.

The place of the offering is not randomly selected. In fact quite the opposite occurs as it is highly relevant. For example, in Choqevelille with its ruins and landscape, groups of people periodically congregate to perform a t’inkana. The pre-Columbian archaeological complexes are charged with the energy necessary to make an offering fluid and successful, apart from recharging the peoples’ spirit with happiness, strength and enthusiasm. These sentiments are the link to the ancestral ties with nature. 1

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Mother Earth.

According to the dictionary of the Academia Mayor of the Quechua language, awki is: “Protecting spirit, mythical character who inhabits the high peaks, a protecting being found in the mountains”. Awkikuna, is the plural form of this Quechua word. Action of strongly binding with a deity.

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History’s stage

Llamamachay, Vast and Unexplored Etymologically, the name of this natural enclosure means “the cave that contains llamas”. Archaeologist Karla Vargas recounts how she went over three cavities, in which there are sculpted petroglyphs on the ochre-coloured rock wall of camelid hunting scenes. In all, there are more than 1000 chiselled stone figures, which have been smokemarked in more recent times by the fires of herdsmen and rustlers who sought refuge in the caves when it was raining, snowing, or simply freezing. Currently nobody lives or grazes camelids in the cave’s surrounding areas. This leads sociologist Sisko Rendón to believe that in the past the caves could have been the ecological habitat of the camelids that accompanied the transient hunter gatherers. There is also a belief that aside from being a refuge, Llamamachay may also have been used for ceremonial purposes. The assertion is very possible. Looking at the petroglyphs’ presence in a holistic manner, it can be postulated that offerings could well have been made along with other rituals performed so that the hunting would be successful. Brian Bauer asserts that the high Southern and South Eastern regions of Cusco have numerous caves and sheltered places with abundant lithic materials that have not yet been studied. This is the case of Llamamachay.

<< A solitary horse resting on the fertile lands of Colquemarca near the outlying populations of Charamuray at 3350 metres above sea level. > Rock figures in the Llamamachay caves, district of Colquemarca.

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God, Our Lord, rewarded the sterility of the punas and inhabited moors of said mountains with the breeding of such a quantity of placid animals that didn’t have any number or sum… which was all the riches of the mountain Indians. Bernabé Cobo, chronicler and Jesuit friar of the 16th and 17 th centuries

Life at the Edge of the Sky In Chumbivilcas the daily existence of the alpaca breeders is extremely hard. The intense sun and the clean sky are interspersed with frosts, inclement winds, rain, hail or snow. Eliseo Sapacayo rears alpacas in Huashuapacha Payaccota in Livitaca. His abode is situated on the sienna-coloured undulating puna that receives the Andean winter morning sun. The pampa extends to a one of many lagoons to which the pariwanas1 come down to in certain periods during the year. The timid Andean geese, which are always found in pairs, stand out with their extremely white plumage in the wetlands. Legend has it that if one dies, the other commits suicide. The wetland, the nearby pastures and the lagoons’ surroundings are resplendent with camelids. The number of alpacas in Huaylla Huaylla, a community to which Huashuapacha Payaccota pertains to, borders on 6800 head. The houses in this place in Livitaca are spread out at quite a distance. People live in solitude, only as a family at 4700 metres above sea level. One has to duck to enter into the kitchen, which is the most used room due to the heat from the fire. The walls are made from stone, the roof from ichu. Apart from the natural harsh conditions of these moors, the alpaca breeders have historically been discriminated against by the inhabitants of the lower regions who many times have condescendingly called them punaruna2 or llama herders. In Huashuapacha Payaccota, Hilaria Salcedo, wife of Eliseo, comes out to graze the 50 llamas in her charge after breakfast. These are also a food source as ch’arki3 is made from their meat. Meanwhile the female alpacas are in their corral. Eliseo shows a long tuft of wool, “this is from the wakayo breed”, which is short-fibred, frizzy, of a spongy texture and of a high density. In the corral are 30 alpacas of the suri breed that are characterised by their long, straight and drooping fibres. These usually fetch the best price in the market.

<< Camelids on their way to their morning pastures close to Pariwanaqucha (“lagoon of the pariwanas”), district of Livitaca. < Eliseo Sapacayo and a family member posing with a wakayo alpaca in one of the corrals. Huashuapacha Payaccota, district of Livitaca.

Between January and March the alpacas mate in a special environment: a circular corral with stables. In many competitions Eliseo has entered champion alpacas. One of the winners is León, a large example who, when shorn, gives 14 pounds of fibre. The cold dominates the morning on the great Huashuapacha Payaccota plain. Inside her small kitchen, Hilaria Salcedo prepares an infusion of roasted barley on the fire. Next to the house are the large corrals housing sheep and camelids. Eliseo has just finished slaughtering a small alpaca. He opens it up and takes out the heart which is still beating and places it on the low stone wall. The small heart continues to beat for a long while afterwards. Two women rip handfuls of fur from a slaughtered sheep. This wool goes into a sack, the viscera into another and the meat is left to marinate. Everyone starts putting coca leaves into their mouths to ward off the cold. The shearing commences with an offering in the corral for the female alpacas. Incense is sprinkled on top of a piece or burning dung. Every single person should sprinkle a pinch. If it burns without crackling the work day will be good. 1

Andean flamingo.

Salted camelid meat which is left out to dry.

Literally, in Quechua, “people from the puna”; it’s a demeaning term.

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Two ropes — waskas — plaited alpaca wool of three colours — coffee, natural, and black — tie each one of the alpaca’s legs. The alpaca is laid out on black and white plastic sheets on the ground of the corral. Between two to three people shear the alpaca’s torso with large scissors. The fibres from the torso are the most sought after. “Blow the rain away!” shouts Eliseo Sapacayo while he proceeds to cut the wool from the neck and then from the underbelly of the animal. The animal is subsequently turned on its other side to repeat the operation. When the shearing is finished the alpaca is untied and runs off to join the rest. Hilaria stuffs the finest wool from the alpaca, that of the torso, into a large bag as she separates the wool from that of the neck and underbelly. This wool separation process is used for the wakayo alpacas however not for the suri breed. Small pieces of ice are now falling from the sky. Eliseo lights a cigarette and blows to shoo the hail and rain away. The work continues for a while, some of the clouds dissipate leaving a number of blue patches in a grey sky. The shearing continued until one of the alpacas suddenly went into labour and the sky turned dark again. The tools were put down and everyone went to lunch on alpaca meat and black chuño soup. The second course consisted of the marinated mutton cooked on the kitchen’s dung fire accompanied by a variety of potatoes, chili peppers, and salad, and washed down with a large tipple of anise liquor.

To start the shearing in a corral full of female alpacas, a small offering: incense sprinkled on a piece of burning dung. > The suri alpacas have a less spongy coat but have more fibre than the wakayo. They produce up to sixteen pounds at each shearing. >> A llama race of five kilometres during the Mamacha Natividad festivities. Santo Tomás, September 2013.

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Last night I was waiting for you below the chicken coop And while waiting for you so long, the rooster took my hat off. Extract from a song played during a marriage celebration in Velille, 2013

Marriages: Each to their Own Now in Chumbivilcas women are starting to share the principles of gender autonomy that are in effect in the wider world. This was not traditionally so, as evidenced in one of the ways a male used to form a couple. The warmi suway or capture and fleeing was the classical wife stealing in agricultural society. In a very different manner, in the Southern regions of Cusco the so-called pretenza was practised. This wooing consisted in falling in love using musical means and especially the waynos, which is a romantic and consensual manner of forming a couple1. In Santo Tomás, mass weddings and baptisms are commonplace and, as such, are an occasion for large collective and family festivals. The date chosen is the 8th of September when the Virgin of the Nativity, the Mamanchis Mariya, is celebrated. The scene takes place in the finely sculpted stone temple. As always in Peru, there is much diversity to be appreciated. Some brides are dressed in white as Western tradition dictates while others wear Chumbivilcan-style clothing; a full gathered skirt, jacket and hats with designs so complex that one can even appreciate Moorish influences. As it is a religious festival, the organisers occupy a prominent position to one side of the couples in the church. Father Justo gives a bilingual sermon directed at his wayqeykuna, panaykuna [“brothers and sisters”, in Quechua]. Afterwards the brides and grooms, and the best men and matrons of honour form small wedding parties between the great altar and the seating.

<< Bride and groom after a mass wedding held in Santo Tomás’ Church during the festival for the Virgin of the Nativity. < The faithful carry the platform of the Virgin of the Nativity. Previously, this feast was a massive event as a great number of rural communities were involved.

The priest administers the sacraments to couples “so that God guarantees [the marriage] with His approval”. The blessing includes all manner of objects such as trays with small chains, woollen cloth, rings, candles, all of which are taken by the groomsmen and the matrons of honour and later given to the bride and groom. The couples’ parents symbolically give some money to their children and sons or daughter-in-laws. “Receive these wedding coins, the capital that God gives you in your hands so that you have your daily bread”. The nuptials culminate when the newlyweds have jewellery chains placed upon them, and in some cases a white cloth while the priest declares, “what God has united, man cannot separate”. The mass continues and the prayers for the family of the fiesta’s karguyoq are said. The Lord of Qoyllur R´iti is then invoked. The presence of the chain or of the white cloth which joins the couple is a clear difference between the Western concept of matrimony and that of the Andes regarding union. These two symbols that the priest imposes are the equivalent of “until death do us part”. The crowd breaks out in hugs and salutations accompanied by a serene wayno which is a song of peace. The ceremony proceeds with a Eucharist, the newlyweds take communion followed by the rest of the attendees. Finally, the public commits to donating property to the church. One offers a wardrobe; another, two large chairs and a chandelier; one other, five benches. As always, you scratch my back and I’ll scratch yours. 1

Arturo Villena, Qorilazo and the Region of Refuge in the Andean Context.

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Outside a multitude waits with streamers, handfuls of rice and sweets. The brides and grooms come out and are tied with festive streamers while salvos of small fireworks are let off. Groups of women sing in Quechua in the proper tone for such a happy occasion. The couples’ feet are swept with branches. This constitutes an exorcism to ensure their future happiness. In the countryside, traditions were previously different and profane. The bride was locked in a room to which the groom was also later carried. They were left there a couple of hours and when they came out, they were man and wife. These days’ marriages, including those that occur in the countryside, are first held in the Council Chambers and are usually more symbolic as the more traditional parts happen at the fields. There is always dance, food and drink after the ceremony although the music is now not always supplied by a band but a cassette, CD or mp3 player2. In a 2013 marriage ceremony at Velille’s Council Chambers the generational differences were noticeable. The adults usually attended in their Sunday best according to Chumbivilcan tradition while the youth, smartphone in hand, weared sagging washed jeans, and chequered shirts. Despite the disparate styles, there were people who dressed in a hybrid fashion with modern dress while putting on a cincho or qorilazo hat. In this wedding in Velille attended by rural people, the first day is celebrated in said town and then the next two are held in the countryside. The couple walked from City Hall to the house of one of their relatives in Velille (there is a party in houses of both families) while they are showered with streamers and rice by the group following them. At the house, the newlyweds receive presents such as pots, furniture and items for the house. After a while they start the stomping, the applauses and whistling and the urging on of the couple, ¡Eso-eso! The first to dance are the wedding couple and their parents. Then the families and closest friends join in dancing to the music of Los Engreídos del Perú with Rosita Cordero whose pseudonym is “Peregrina del Rímac”. During a break in the music, a booming male voice is heard saying: “Go on! Don’t stop! Keep on playing!” It is the voice of a qorilazo in his full outfit. It is impossible to disobey him so the music plays on calming the mood with songs from el Trío Colquemarca. It’s lunch time. The groom and bride eat from the same plate. For starters chicken, potato, carrot, dessicated potato and noodle soup and then a main of lamb covered in panka ají accompanied with native potatoes, chuño3 potato and salad. The presents keep on coming. Some guests stick bank notes on the top part of the bride’s jacket. “The majority of the share-farmers decide to live together first and when there is a child the parents consider it better that they get married because they have demonstrated that they understand one another”4 . The musicians do not take long to arrive and finish with the recorded music. A couple of mandolin and guitar players liven up the celebration.

Rubén Vega, lawyer and hacendado.

Rubén Vega.

Freeze dried.

> Wedding rings and other objects that symbolise the union of the couples during the nuptials in the church at Santo Tomás. >> Some couples are covered with a white cloth. “The candles are the light to defeat the lies and darkness”, said Father Justo.

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Carnivals: Qhaswar, the Verb of Happiness You are crying, for what, like a red-yellow flower that grows in the mountains A saying during the performance of Waqanki by musicians in Totorani

BRIEF HISTORY On Horseback or on a Motorcycle The small Colquemarcan village of Totorani enjoys a wonderful climate because of its altitude (3350 metres above sea level). During Carnival, just as the whole province does, Totorani prepares itself to celebrate ancestral traditions combined with more contemporary activities that seemingly are here to stay. It’s midday and all possible green colours shine and compete with one another while the uniform noise of irrigation channels remind one of the virtue of the countryside: its pure waters and its clean air. Furthermore, there is a special happiness that is cheering people up. A kilometre from the village at the top of a hill the local youth, those who work around the area and those who have returned, have come together to celebrate. They are preparing the repetition of a custom that consists of a young man dressed as and with the attitude of a qorilazo who invites a young woman to jump on a horse with him and gallop on the slope while everyone is covered in streamers for later going to Totorani’s main square and arrive to the fiesta; an act called haykuna [“entrance”, in Quechua]. This is the moment to appreciate the strength of the repe. Some are truly wild. Part of the festivities up there consists in breaking the rebelliousness of these strong durable horses. Those present laugh at the risk and, in fact, bellow with laughter at one of the qorilazos who falls off the horse. It takes a while to get into pairs. There are girls who prefer that a qorilazo takes them down on a motorcycle as they are wearing urban clothing that goes with the mode of transport: miniskirt, city boots, Lycras. When everything is sorted out, the group starts the race. The noise of the helmets and the bikes’ motors speak of an existence of various times in one: everything changes but simultaneously stays the same. Coming down the hill takes only 10 to 15 minutes and is a movement charged with powerful energy. The ladies and neighbours are waiting below with a large pot of red-purple and flavoursome chicha and a number of crates of beer in a wheelbarrow near a eucalyptus tree that has been decorated for the yunza.

<< Don Eduardo, a paqo who is of an unknown age, holds coca leaves in the San José de Tinkurka hacienda, where he lives. < A joyful carnival yunza in Totorani, which is a small village of 70 families in the Colquemarca district. >> A duo of a guitar and a Peruvian reed flute playing tunes that enliven the crowd at the Totorani carnival.

The carnivals in the Southern Andes condense diverse social functions in the communities, towns and cities. In first place the name itself hints that it is the festival in the middle of the rigidity of the European calendar that loosens social control and permits everything. These are the Shrovetides before Lent, when after the chaos, everything returns to its cosmic order. However, in Chumbivilcas, these fiestas are tied to a duty, which in this case is the t’inkana or offering for the prosperity of the Earth, livestock, homes, businesses, cars, bridges, ashlar quarries and existence in general. These blend ancient rituals with modernity. The carnivals also propitiate the making of young couples who later may or may not become a family. This is perhaps a consequence of the legitimacy of relaxed norms. Lastly, and especially in the last decades, the carnivals represent an opportunity for those who have migrated to Cusco, Arequipa, Lima, Chile, Argentina, or the United States to return to their land. This reunion creates great emotion in the villages.

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In the agricultural version, the t’inkana asks for the blessing of the natural forces. On the main day the livestock prayers were said to, for example, the Pitusiray and Sawasiray Apus while the t’impu was prepared the night before in large pots. This dish is a succulent stew of meat and vegetables that is boiled during the nightlong supplications in front of the sacred objects: dried maize, beans, black and other coloured potatoes, potato plant leaves, among others, which will be later offered to the local apus1. During the ear-tagging with small ribbons, aguardiente, chicha and beer are drunk and coca leaves are chewed [picchar2 ]. Here the apus are asked to protect the health of the maize and other foodstuffs that will be favoured by the awkikuna or the spirits of the protector mountains that foment well-being as they have been called out loudly: Hampuy! Hampuchun! To finish the t’inkana, the rural men and women adorn themselves with necklaces of flowers and oranges while the qhaswa is sung and danced. The qhaswa is the essential music of the festival and is an expression that exists in places in Peru so remote from one another such as the Altiplano or the Quechua mountain ranges of Ferreñafe in Lambayeque. 1

Among the most important apus are the Soñaqe, the guardian mountain of Santo Tomás, the Calvario, the Q’enko, the Qeqaña in Llusco, the Willkallama of Orccoma (Santo Tomás district) and the Ch’illarani.

In other areas the action of balling up coca leaves in the mouth may be called chacchar.

Suray Surita Todos quieren, todos aman Ay, llaktay, suray surita… Para todos hay mañana Ay, llaktay, suray surita… Solo para mí no hay cuándo Ay, llaktay, suray surita… Ay, wasiy suray surita

> At the Ch’illoroya yunza women dance in dresses from Puno and some others in Chumbivilcan attire to the sounds of an electro-wayno group from Ayacucho. The adults get each other with a spray of foam just as the children do. They use a spray from Argentina that bears the name “Ño Carnavalón” [Mr. Carnival] costing five soles each.

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Today groups that once played the qhaswas with the traditional pinkuyllus and tinyas now include two guitars, a mandolin, accordion, bass drum and even modern electronic instruments. The height of this phenomenon is reflected by Las Chicas de Ch’illoroya, a group comprised by two female singers, two classic pinkuyllu, a guitar, a mandolin, and a bass guitar all of which are electric. << A woman from Puno under attack from a deluge of foam. Many people from Puno reside in Ch’illoroya. They are attracted by the growing economy and the mining in the area. < Qhaswando in Totorani. The pinkuyllu, the mandolins, the acoustic guitars, the Peruvian reed flute, and the feminine voices irrupt with Chumbivilcan and regional melodies. The joy of the carnival while young couples descend on Totorani singing on their horses before performing the haykuna [entrance]. >> The splendour of yunza. Melchor Rendón from Totorani remembers that previously there had not been any water bombs or foam: “We just danced in the rain”.

Of late the competencies of qhaswas have become more generalised thereby propitiating more ad hoc performances. In this case a one woman or two women vocalists join the group and in Quechua sing their repertoire in classic falsetto. The dance is in rounds and the people taken by the hand. Some carry white flags which are a sign of happiness: wiphala. With the relative recent introduction of the yunza, the tree burdened with objects donated by the winner of the previous year’s activity converts into the centre of the dance. Everyone who participates in the yunza strikes the tree with an axe until it falls and incites a mad rush for the objects. In Santo Tomás, in Totorani, in Ch’illoroya, in Velille, in Chamaca, Livitaca… in every place the pattern of the carnival celebration has become homogenised; the qhaswas competitions, the speakers and the beer first before the chicha and the aguardiente. What has not changed is the presence of groups of horsemen who party and go around from one dance to another. It is like as if they had their own party focusing on the demonstration of their horsemanship skills and, in many cases, the respect for traditional clothing. These people are the qorilazos. In Quechua the puxllay is “the playful spirit”, and in Carnivals play is an absolute necessity. Before people used to frolic with water and then flour and balloons were brought into play. Now the puxllay protagonists in the larger cities use a yellow aerosol spray can that is sold at fairs and in shops. The can contains a torrent of white foam that the men generally spray all over the women. These playthings are made in Argentina and according to the label, are “Exclusively for Bolivia”; but that does not matter, during carnivals, anything goes.

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The Church at Santo Tomás In the lower part of the church at Santo Tomás (Chumbivilcas, Cusco), on both sides there are two small sculptures of Sirens, one playing the vihuela and the other, an arc vihuela. Ernesto Cavour Aramayo, The charango: Its life, customs and mishaps

<< The carnival troupes parade around the central square of Santo Tomás and its main streets during the entire week of qhaswas. > The sculpted rock decorations of Andean baroque incorporate images of pre-Columbian plants, animals, icons, and hybrid figures.

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MONUMENT AND POWER The temple at Santo Tomás, built completely of ashlar in the capital of Chumbivilcas, demonstrates a dominant presence; an immenseness. Its spacious atrium is accessed by passing through a beautiful arch. The atrium introduces a space marked by stone balusters that precede the façade of the two towers having the same magnitude of the largest churches in Cusco, Puno and Arequipa. Andean baroque is manifested in the beautifully sculptured doorway where the Catholic God is represented by an image of the sun and the remaining dyad of the Trinity, by men wearing chullos. The Sirens are also present in the decorations with their vihuelas and charangos, which synthesise the Andean belief that these beings purify musical instruments in bodies of water while seducing the unwary with their song.

Sociologist Sisko Rendón interprets the lavishness of the church at Santo Tomás as a collective effort that was made to distract the population after the dismemberment of Túpac Amaru II and the movement that he had led, especially as the Chumbivilcan population was active during the revolt. Priest Manuel de Boza’s impetus had the temple’s construction begin in 1789 and was finished in the middle of the 1790s. Boza was propitiously the owner of the rich silver mines in the Wanso range. One of the most famous accounts on Boza is that in a fit of openhandedness he invited the Archbishop of Cusco, Bartolomé de las Heras, to visit Santo Tomás. To curry the archbishop’s favour Boza laid out a trail of silver ingots from the priest’s residence in the main square right up to the church’s door.

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Modernity and the past cohabit in the city of Santo Tomás. View of the main square. < The inscription on the shield states the construction start year — 1789 — and the work’s patron, the priest Manuel de Boza. American elements are evident in the heraldry.

The guest of honour not only walked the distance on the pure silver but moreover Boza told him at the end of the walk, “My Lord, all the silver on which you have walked is yours”. The fortunate Archbishop then took all the precious metal, melted it and used it for Cusco cathedral’s altar. There are extremely old references and even some Raimondi made regarding the treasures that the cathedral holds: paintings, sculptures and, above all, the enormous quantities of silver especially in the main altar. The sacking of the churches in the Southern Andes has long been part of history and has truly been predatory in character. The most lamentable aspect is that one cannot talk of this activity using the past tense. “The church bell is similar to that of the María Angola in Cusco and is the second biggest in the region. The clapper was stolen which probably contained gold… earlier it made a booming sound. This church also had twelve paintings from the Cusco school. Each one was an Apostle painted in full life scale… between five to eight years ago they [the thieves] tied the guard up and they took all the paintings in one night”1. 1

Rubén Vega, Chumbivilcan lawyer and hacendado.

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History’s stage

Wamanmarka: The Place of the Predatory Birds Etymology: In Quechua, waman means “falcon, sparrow hawk”; while marka means “village or place”. Arturo Villena hypothesizes that in the Chumbivilcas area, in light of the toponyms, the local communities have had a strong Aymaran influence1. Wamanmarka could have been a large pre-Incan and Incan settlement and although there are not any chullpas to be found, there are Imperial age burial sites. These sites are in an archaeological complex of some 36 hectares with 86 visible enclosures and four funeral sections. There is a sector where Incan structures are in evidence however their function is still unknown. One of these structures, which are known colloquially as “houses”, is well conserved. It has three trapezoidal niches in every lateral side of the four-sided building, one entrance/exit in the longer sides.

The site’s importance is due to the presence of walkways in good condition and, above all, due to the fact that on the high part there is a circular structure which is presumed to be an usnu. Usnus were in terms of Incan architecture a ceremonial space in a prominent position and were only constructed in places of special political, religious and administrative importance. Wamanmarka’s purported usnu is situated facing the Qeqaña Apu, which is one of the province’s guardian mountains. A kallanka rises out of the complex and has various entrances and internal enclosures. Nearby are four Incan tombs with sculpted stone and small enclosed quadrangular spaces placed at the foot of a crag. To the front there is an esplanade where the inhabitants dance during the festival of Wamanmarka which is held every June. When the first workers from the Ministry of Culture arrived at Wamanmarka in 2010 everything was covered in vegetation. In the very same year it was declared as National Heritage. Wamanmarka is another archaeological site that reveals a multi-purpose use, another stage of the present and a witness to its history. 1

Qorilazo and the Region of Refuge in the Andean Context.

> Eagles and sparrow hawks abound in the natural habitat of Wamanmarka.

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230 > All the territory of the old Ch’illoroya hacienda was at more than 4000 metres above sea level. Now a thriving town is emerging there.

Ch’illoroya, From a Hacienda to a City Ch’illiwa is the Quechua name for a type of straw with which a bridge was built on the Ch’illoroya River. This river lent its name to an estate in the province of Chumbivilcas. At the beginning of the 20th century the estate belonged to the Velasco family and was registered in 1901 as occupying 28,000 hectares covering parts of the Velille, Livitaca and Chamaca districts. Ch’illoroya was the most technically advanced estate during the height of the hacienda economic system. Around 1928, Antonio Velasco with a modernising zeal learned about the most appropriate breeds for the region and he introduced the Simmental and Merino livestocks. The improved bovine and ovine stocks permitted the production of cheeses and butter that were keenly sought after at the time. He introduced his own brand and the products were regularly transported by train from Combapata to Cusco.

Modern hacienda management meant that the workers received a daily wage when other estate workers received payments in kind. Between 1930 and 1940 the hacienda provided a school for the workers’ children wherein teachers who taught there had a threeday ride from Cusco. The hacienda as it was disappeared and the land was divided up. The same occurred in many cases during the Agrarian Reform. Ch’illoroya acquired the appearance of the puna habitat where pasture used to be much more predominant. There, small nuclei of farmers and shepherds installed themselves for the long term. One of these actually became a small hamlet with houses and shops. For those who have not visited Ch’illoroya during the last year and are just returning now, there is a great surprise waiting for them. Due to the proximity to Hudbay’s Constance mining project, a small city has sprung out of nowhere. A paradigmatic urban center of Peruvian modernity which demonstrates a boom and vitality that impress. Between the community and the company there are agreements that ensure Ch’illoroya receives improved services in health, education, housing and sewerage systems. Furthermore, help will be provided so that the rural community ameliorates its agricultural production processes and management.

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233 In Chumbivilcas’ urban centres, the eclectic architectural styles of some Altiplano cities are in evidence.

Currently, the population of Ch’illoroya is developing as it is the permanent way point for mineworkers. The town is now offering services that were once unthinkable. Chicken restaurants with cable television, shops and convenience stores where mobile phones are topped up. The migration has supposed a large increase in the population which is accommodated in temporary housing and also in an eclectic mix of cement and brick houses. Ch’illoroya has the profile of a city. However its people have not lost their traditional Chumbivilcan roots. The last carnivals in 2014 offered a large qhaswas competition in which a large number of happy groups had everyone dancing around a yunza while the children carried on with their pranks with white foam. Dignified and reserved, Saturnino Poma, an old qorilazo and today the owner of a convenience store, has witnessed changes that were not forecasted. In his house he keeps as mementos his poncho, qarawatanas and spurs; scarf, hat, handkerchief, jacket…

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<<< The rear end of a lorry in Chumbivilcas. <<< The motorcycle; the Chumbivilcan horse of the 21st century. << A Bolivian aeroplane made an emergency landing on a Colquemarcan plain in 1993. People from Chumbivilcas and Cotabambas came for months to see it. << Hexagonal toilets for the new sports pitch in Santo Tomás. > Road to Santo Tomás.

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> Children’s games in the Chumbivilcan capital, which were inaugurated in 2001 and renewed in 2014; diverse rock sculpture styles are found.

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Day to Day The architectural and urban modernisation is in full swing in the larger population centres of Chumbivilcas. As far as the architecture is concerned, the style called cholet is becoming more evident. Cholet is a neologism that has combined chalet with cholo. It has been widely used in the Independent Municipality of El Alto in Bolivia and is fast becoming popular in Southern Peru. This style is a pragmatic ideology — if this expression is actually pertinent — and was born from the vision of its main representative, Freddy Mamani, a young engineer from El Alto who says, “I want to give an identity to my city”. Certain authors call the hybridisation that identifies this style of constructing and decorating as “chicha culture”, although it is not now a politically correct term in Peru. The style transcends architecture where everyday life permeates with its contrasts, communication efficiency, its sense of humour and semantic colouring.

Scene in the Santo Tomás market, where customers eat delicious meals and drink refreshing juices and extracts.

One of the main IT repair shops in Santo Tomás, in the heart of Qorilazo Square, advertises itself as “Dr. Virus”. Thop Center is the name of a large “latest fashion” clothing store which is located near the Santo Tomás market. Bandancha [Broadband] is a Pre-University Information Technology Institute in one of the passages that opens up onto the main square of San Toto1.

> Statue in honour of the qorilazo in a small plaza in Velille. The background buildings’ style has started to become popular in Chumbivilcas.

In the internet booths in the Chumbivilcan capital there are posters of South Korean pop icons such as Kim Hyun Joong and Park Jung Min. Joining the Korean wave are images of a half-naked Jennifer López, Lady Gaga in futuristic clothing, Avril Lavigne with her guitars and Rihanna in her femme fatale poses.

> A vendor offering hot beverages at breakfast time on a corner in Velille.

Affectionate nickname given by Chumbivilcans to Santo Tomás, the province’s capital city.

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BRIEF HISTORY2 Potions from Velille From four in the morning, three carts are set up on one corner of a square in Velille. They serve up breakfasts of cheese sandwiches, potions of “seven seeds” (maca, quinoa, kiwicha, barley, kañiwa, wheat, and maize) and the extremely hot quinoa with apple which is almost a mazamorra3. All of these are to combat the morning’s subzero cold In the centre of the square there is a polychrome statue of a modern qorilazo. Positioned to one side of this small square is an old millstone, just as those seen in Alccavictoria, which is a reminder of the central part mining has played in Chumbivilcas’ history, both in pre-Hispanic times and during the Colony and the Republic. In 1826 there were 13 large mines from which gold, silver and copper were extracted. Hot breakfast served together with memories and homage. 2 3

Irene Arce, researcher.

A type of porridge made with chuño (dried potato) powder, maize, or other starches; it is usually prepared with fruit.

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Next to these stars of irreverent modernisation a large quantity of ancient ancestral practices are found in the province. One of these is from Chamaca, a district where people still keep the foodstuffs in a taqe, or large lidded storage basket. This home system conserves the maize, potato and freeze dried potato very well. It has been devised so that it stops the rodents and humidity from coming in. Everything goes in Chumbivilcas. It is a wild land accustomed to assimilating change.

A NEW AGE Chumbivilcas is rapidly changing. Mining and trade are driving the economic growth. Decentralisation and the distribution of mining royalties have also impacted everyday life in the province adding to current dynamics and providing sustainability. New roads are being built, electricity grids expanded and water projects implemented. The drive usually comes from the population of which many are returning after years of migration. The Chumbivilcas of 2014, in spite of all the challenges that confront it, is far removed from the difficulties faced in the 20th century. For example, in the 1930s in order to reach the province one had to take a train from Cusco to Combapata and later endure three days on horseback to get to Ch’illoroya 4. Artist Juan Bravo remembers that in the 1940s “one had to go on horseback” for nearly a week to get to Chumbivilcas. Engineer Guillermo Ugarte asserted that there were only 145 km of serviceable road in Chumbivilcas in 1960; basically, the road that joined Santo Tomás with Velille and from there to Espinar. He furthermore said that in 1960: “The great majority of indigenous in Chumbivilcas still went from one place to another on foot or on horseback using trails. This was due to the province’s rugged and irregular topography and the lack of means of communication among some villages”5. Only in 2011 was the road between Santo Tomás and Llusco asphalted. Also in this year an asphalted road materialised which now connects Colquemarca and the Chumbivilcan capital. In the last 10 years, roads that link the major population centres of Chumbivilcas with Arequipa, Apurimac and Cusco have been constructed and asphalted. If people used to take two days to reach Arequipa they can now do it in eight or nine hours. One of the consequences of this change directly affects the qorilazo. As Arturo Villena says: “The Chumbivilcan horse hardly exists anymore. It has been replaced by motorcycles. There are hundreds of motorbikes everywhere”. During the past century an exponential change in telecommunications has come to pass. Initially the telegraph was employed. In 1980 the telephone substituted the aging technology. Currently there is mobile phone technology in the district capitals. In some places the signal is localised and patchy. In Ch’illoroya, due to its proximity to the mine, a Movistar antenna has been installed just as in Colquemarca and Santo Tomás. Internet services are still generally quite unreliable. The quickest velocities are found in Santo Tomás’ public booths although they do differ in connection speeds. Some are slow, while some connect much better to the worldwide web. These are the mysteries of technology. In Chumbivilcas everything changes, except the imprint of the qorilazo in the powerful local culture. 4 5

Antonio Velasco, ex hacienda owner.

“Road communication: General overview on the reality and perspective of roads in Chumbivilcas”, in Liwi Magazine [January 1960].

> Just as in many Andean towns, in Santo Tomás, the old stone houses are being replaced by housing covered with tiled facades. >> In Chumbivilcas, the traditional and the contemporary merge in matters of commerce, festivals and transport.

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“Libro donde se asientan las sumas de dinero que han ingresado a la Real Tesorería del Cuzco, por concepto de donativo gracioso para subvenir a los gastos que ocasione el alzamiento del rebelde José Túpac Amaru, Cacique de Pampamarca y Tungasuca” (1780). Diciembre, Legajo 317, Cuaderno 681, Cajas Reales-Cusco. Lima: Archivo General de la Nación. Lira, Jorge (1944). Diccionario Kkechuwa-Español. Tucumán: Universidad Nacional de Tucumán. Loayza, Carlos; Rodríguez, Jeinson (2014). “Xavier Bellenger, en torno a la génesis musical andina: ¡Si desean tocar afinado, mejor deberían ir a tocar en una orquesta occidental y quedarse ahí!”. Revista Cultural Sikuri, abril, No. 5, Vol. 2, pp. 10-14. López, Marko (2008). “Cerámica altiplánica en Arequipa”. Boletín de Lima, No. 151, Vol. XXX, pp. 73-76. Mendoza Ancalla, Augusto y Mendoza Ancalla, Claudio (2007). Geografía de Chumbivilcas. Arequipa: Impresiones Volcán. Mendoza Ancalla, Claudio; Mendoza Ancalla, Augusto (2005). Tradiciones orales de Chumbivilcas. Arequipa: Impresiones Volcán. Murúa, Martín de. Historia general del Perú, origen y descendencia de los Incas (1962-62) [1590]. Madrid: Bibliotheca Americana Vetus-Instituto Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo. <es.scribd.com/doc/21582288/Fray-Martin-de-Murua-Historia-General-del-Peru> Negrón Andía, José Antonio (2009). “Luis Felipe Negrón Romero”. En Colquemarca… Alma del qorilazo. Cusco: Alpha Servicios Gráficos, pp. 228-230. Nieto Miranda, Luis (2010). Charango (Romancero cholo). Cusco: Municipalidad Provincial del Cusco. —(2010). “Charanguito”. En Charango (Romancero cholo). Cusco: Municipalidad Provincial del Cusco, pp. 51-53. —(2010). “Biografía de mi charango”. En Charango (Romancero cholo). Cusco: Municipalidad Provincial del Cusco, pp. 63-65. Olivera, Carlos (2011). “Maestro: Mariano Fuentes Lira, artista cusqueño”. <www.dearteycultura.com/mariano-fuentes-lira-artista-cusqueno/#.U03w-FfTnl0> Pardo de Zela, Juan (1821). “Carta a don Bernardo Monteagudo, le informa de los movimientos hechos por García Caballero en Chumbivilcas”, Ica, 28 de noviembre de 1821. Lima: Fondo Colección Indiana, Biblioteca Nacional del Perú. Perroud, Pedro Clemente (1969). Diccionario Castellano-Kechwa, Kechwa-Castellano. Lima: Academia Quechua Yachaywasi. “Petición de José del Valle, Inspector general, al visitador Superintendente General de Real Hacienda, Don José Antonio de Areche, que ayude a cuenta de sus sueldos al Coronel Graduado de los reales ejércitos y Gob. de Cailloma, Don Domingo Guerrero y Marnara, en la lucha contra el insurgente de Tinta. Se le entregan 500 pesos como adelanto para que continúe su marcha y pacifique la Provincia de Chumbivilcas” (1781). Marzo, Legajo 325, Cuaderno 740, Cajas Reales- Cusco. Lima: Archivo General de la Nación. Poole, Deborah (1988). Landscapes of Power in a Cattle-Rustling Culture of Southern Andean Peru. Netherlands: Klulwer Academic. —2000 [1997]. Visión, raza y modernidad: Una economía visual del mundo andino en imágenes. Lima: SURTarea Asociación Gráfica Educativa. Pradel, Jean Luc (1986). “Apuntes sobre la visión campesina de la salud en Chumbivilcas”. Ruralter, No. 1, pp. 211-220. Raimondi, Antonio (1865). “Cuaderno N° 41: Prov. de Abancay, Aymaraes, Cotabambas, Chumbivilcas, Paruro y Canas”. En Colección Sabio Antonio Raimondi. Caja 2, Doc. 25. Lima: Archivo General de la Nación. Ravines, Rogger (2008). “Las chullpas de Sillustani: Encuentros y desencuentros”. Boletín de Lima, No. 151, Vol. XXX, pp. 45-72. Rendón Cusi, Sisko (2004). “Tomás Parvina Quispe y la revolución de Túpac Amaru II de 1780”. Huayhuaylla, No. 1, pp. 14-18. —(2008). Libro de oro: Historia de Colquemarca, homenaje en su centenario. Chumbivilcas: Municipalidad Distrital de Colquemarca.

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—“Distrito de Velille [Alccavictoria]”. <www.qorilazos.com/velille.html> —(2008). Revista Cultural: Homenaje en su 169 Aniversario, Municipalidad Distrital de Velille, No. 1, vol. 1. Revilla, Federico (2010). Diccionario de iconografía y simbología. Madrid: Cátedra. Revista Cultural: Pancho Gómez Negrón, Chumbivilcas [Responsables: director e integrantes del Conjunto Pancho Gómez Negrón]: junio 2003, pp. 1-60. Revista Liwi (1960). [2da época], enero, No. 6, pp. 1-24. —(1967). [2da época], julio, No. 8, pp. 1-36. Robin Azevedo, Valérie (2010). “La petrificación de los antiguos en Chumbivilcas (Cusco, Perú): De la wanka prehispánica al actual ramadero”. Revista española de antropología americana, Vol. 40, No. 1, pp. 219-238. Roel, Josafat (1966). “Creencias y prácticas religiosas en la provincia de Chumbivilcas”. Historia y cultura: Tres estudios. Lima: Museo Nacional de Historia, pp. 25-32. —(1990) [1959]. El wayno del Cusco. Cusco: Municipalidad del Qosqo. Rostworowski, María (2011) [1953]. Pachacutec. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos. —(2013) [1988]. Historia del Tahuantinsuyu. Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos. Sabogal, José (1949). El toro en las artes populares del Perú. Lima: Instituto del Arte Peruano-Ministerio de Educación Pública. Saldívar Bellido, Javier (1956). “Apuntes para la biografía del artista Pancho Gómez Negrón”, Huayllani. <chumbivilcascusco.blogspot.com/2010/07/apuntes-para-la-biografia-del-artista.html> Saldívar Bellido, Erasmo (1962). “Estampas Chumbivilcanas”. <chumbivilcas-cusco.blogspot.com/2010/07/ estampas-chumbivilcanas.html> Samanez Argumedo, Roberto (2003). “Orígenes y difusión del barroco cusqueño”. En Barroco andino: memoria del I encuentro internacional. La Paz: Viceministerio de Cultura/Unión Latina/Unesco, pp.109-117. —(2004). “Las iglesias de Apurímac y Chumbivilcas en el sur peruano: Una nueva perspectiva del barroco andino”. En Barroco y fuentes de la diversidad cultural: memoria del II encuentro internacional. La Paz: Viceministerio de Cultura: Unión Latina: Unesco, pp.185-194. Sarmiento de Gamboa, Pedro (2000) [1907 (1572)]. History of the Incas. (Trad. Clements Markham). Oxford: Peruvian Series. <www.yorku.ca/inpar/sarmiento_markham.pdf> Serrano Cuba, Julia (2009). “Lucho Serrano Aramburú”. En Colquemarca… Alma del qorilazo. Cusco: Alpha Servicios Gráficos, pp. 231-232. Sota Farfán, Isaías (2009). “Homenaje a Erasmo Saldívar Bellido, destacado maestro, poeta y escritor chumbivilcano”. En Colquemarca… Alma del qorilazo. Cusco: Alpha Servicios Gráficos, pp. 240-242. Tamayo Herrera, José (2010) [1978]. Historia regional del Cuzco republicano: Un libro de síntesis, 1808-1980. Lima: Tarea Asociación Gráfica Educativa. Uribe Taboada, Eloy (2014). “Sikuris ‘4 de noviembre’ del TEA: La primera agrupación de sikuris metropolitanos en la ciudad de Lima”. Revista Cultural Sikuri. Abril, No. 5, Vol. 2, pp. 15-23. Valcárcel, Luis E. (1927). Tempestad en los Andes. Lima: Populibros Peruanos, pp. 98-100. Vié, Delphine (2005). “El qorilazo en canciones: La identidad de una región sur peruana en el wayno”. Etnografías del Cuzco. Lima: IFEA, pp. 111-135. >> An ashlar quarry in the community of Phullpuri, district of Santo Tomás.

Villena Aguirre, Arturo (1987). Qorilazo y región de refugio en el contexto andino. Cusco, s.n. Warari: Pasado, presente y futuro [Director: Fernán Molina Boza], Municipalidad Distrital de Livitaca: 12 de octubre de 1997, No. 1, vol. 1, pp. 1-24. Zevallos Valencia, Tomás Camilo. “Choqechampi y Colqemarka”, Colquemarca… Alma del qorilazo. Cusco: Alpha Servicios Gráficos, 2009, pp. 29-30.

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to Abancay

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CHAMACA

CCÁPACMARCA COLQUEMARCA QUIÑOTA

Huayallati

Tambobamba Asacani

Pamputa

VELILLE

Chuquibambilla

Metres above sea level

Chalhuahuacho

Ayrihuanca

San Antonio

5000

Malmanya Snow peak

4500

4000

Turpay

3500

3000 2500

2500

San Juan de Virundo

2000

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Antuyo

80000

Rupalawasana Lag.

60000

Oropesa R i

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Comerccocha Lag.

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20 1 1

2007

2005

90000

SOURCES: Chumbivilcas Dossier 2012 and INEI

ahuaraj Yan o

Quiñota

Llique

Qeuñaqucha Lag.

Ajoqucha Lag. Soraqucha Lag. Qesqa Lag. Yana Urqucha Mararane Lag. Lag. Chuchumaqe Lag.

Azulqucha Lag.

Huamanrripa

Huayunca Snow Peak

Tranca Snow Peak

Cheskoqucha Lag. r ve Ri a t a uc ara

Ch’ucchu Hot spring baths

Kinra Lag.

Yan

COTAHUASI SUBBASIN LANDSCAPE RESERVE

Yavina

Anc

Condoriqucha Lag.

Waracco

Pampawasi Lags. ollpa River ac

Cco

Waracco Riv er

80262

75585

73895

69669 1995

A P U R Í M A C

70000

r Rive ata Palla nc

Strand

Oropesa

1100 population centres in the province

POPULATION GROWTH

Cha

Haquira

San Miguel de Mamara

3756 VELILLE 3768 LIVITACA 3775 CHAMACA

Huancacalla Pass

rd Rive r Reco

Santa Rosa Pantaypampa

5500

Progreso

Vilcabamba

Riv er

3506 LLUSCO 3565 CCÁPACMARCA 3609 QUIÑOTA 3623 COLQUEMARCA 3668 SANTO TOMÁS

ALTITUDE OF DISTRICT CAPITALS

Cconamuro

Curasco

Curpahuasi

C u lluchaca

SANTO TOMÁS

Palca

Mancahuara

LIVITACA

Pu m

LLUSCO

River

ve r

CHUMBIVILCAS PROVINCE

Pallca Riv er

256

Palpacachi

Chullumpe Lag.

Accollaqucha Lags.

Hot

Kañucota Lag.

LEGEND Provincial capital

Place of interest

Town

Hacienda

District capital Asphalt road

Non asphalt road Railway

Archaeological site Church

Hot spring baths

Main cartographic sources global digital elevation model (GDEM) / National Institute of Statistics and Information (INEI), National Institute of Geography (IGN) / Ministry for Transport and Communication (MTC) Proyection WGS 84 Cartographic Design and Coordination maría luisa mori Geographic Data Processing jose barreda Development geographos.com / blographos.com Year 2014

A 0

10 Km

Colcha

TO CUSCO

Corma

Pillpinto

Huancane

Accho

Parco

Pu m

Ccápacmarca

Pirubamba

Pomacanchi Lagoon

Laca Laca

Antapallpa

Qelluaqucha Lag.

Wininkiri

Colquemarca Church

Mauk’a Livitaka Templo de Livitaca

Livitaca

Matara Lag.

Huisuray

Warari Caves

Añawichi

Toqra

San José de Tinkurka Hacienda (Vega Fam.)

Wamanmarka

Pisquicocha

Ccasillo

Ccoyo

Tuntuma

Orccoma

Velille Church

Llique

Ch’ucchu ing baths

Casa Blanca Hacienda (Pacheco Fam.) Choqevelille

Velille

Chinaqucha Lag.

Constancia Mine

Checca

Orcco Cocha Lag. Casaqucha Lag. Capillani Lag.

Chilloroya

Langui

Consa

Languilayo Lag.

El Descanso

Huancane

Kurawata

Wanaqota Lag.

Asnoccasa Pass

ta Rosa River San

Calvariococha Lags. Pucacocha Lag.

Alccavictoria Hot spring baths

Pampahullo Lags.

Huayllapacheta Pass Huayllapacheta Lags. Huarmicocha Lags. Sura Sura Lag.

Shampani Lags. Aygaran Lags.

Markaniqucha Lag. Wikuña Hatuqucha Lag. Parihuana Lag.

Ri ve r

Pichigua

Santa Lucía

Maymillaqucha Lag.

Maracota Lags.

Alccavictoria

C U S C O cc

Urququcha Lag.

Cayarani

Waracco

Querquecocha Lag. Pumacocha Lag.

Huayata Lags.

Pulpera

Chamacota Lag. Qentaqucha Lag. Accaqucha Lag.

Tac

Esquina

Anchayaque

Huaylla Huaylla

Llekawani Lags.

Challa

Waracco Riv er

Tuntumapata

Quehue

Estribosqucha Lag. Apanta Lag.

Sillku Lag. Yanaccocha Lag.

Santo Tomás

to Puno

Sunturo Tocto Pass

Uchuccarcco

Santo Tomás Church

Lari

Sullca

Hapuqucha Mauk'aqosqo Lags. Inkawasi

Qhawanamarka Casa Blanca Hacienda (Berrío Fam.)

San Pablo

Wanako Aucho

Antuyo Lutto-Kotuto

San Pedro

Sicuani

Oquero Bridge

Arenas River

Coporaque

Kañucota Lag.

Yauri

Accocunca Torca

Apachaco Bridge

Toqu

Riv e ala ep

Canamarca

River

Llusco

Qaqa Cárcel

Chamaca

Raqchi

Yanaoca

Apurím ac

Quiñota

La Perla

Pongoña

Chiñisiri

Sahua Sahua

Ingata

Calicanto Hot spring baths

San Sebastián Church

Tinta Pampamarca Cochapata Tungasuca Lag.

c River

Colquemarca

Totora

Pampamarca Lag.

a rím

Choqechampi

Surimana

Pukaqaqa

Ccacho

Waqra Wiri

Huahuaycocha Hacienda (Álvarez Fam.)

Totorani

Checcapucara

Velille R iv er

Cruzmini

Huayllabamba

A pu

Stranded aeroplane in Armiri Llamamachay

Mosoc Llacta

iver

Challa

Combapata

Asnacocha Lag.

San Juan

Livitaca R

Yanque Charamuray

Acopia

Wisaqucha Lag.

Kotoqucha Lag.

a Pass

Checacupe

Pomacanchi

Santa Lucía

Omacha

iver marca R itu

Pitumarca

Chuquicahuana

Tautea

Mara

Sangarara

Acos rímac River pu

a n q i River u

r ive eR

mas River to To

257

Cusipata

Acomayo

Vel ill

Ch il

ayu m

Tintaya Mine

iv e ca R Pal

Palcan ta R ive r

A R E Q U I P A to Arequipa

Pulpera

259

Acknowledgements Heraclio Abrigo, Arturo Aguirre, Edison Aguirre, Hugo Aguirre, Arturo Álvarez Cuba, Félix Rosario Álvarez, Guido Álvarez, Leo Álvarez, Segundo Álvarez Huamaní, Amílcar Andía, Mariano Apaza, Juan Apfata, Pedro Apfata, Alan Arce Montoya, Sabino Arias, Yolanda Aroni, Carlos Atapáucar, Alejandro Ataucuri, Anderson Baca, Juan Cancio Berrío Amésquita, Héctor Boza Troncoso, Juan Bravo, Maruchi Bravo, Genaro Carbajal, Víctor “Chucho” Carrillo, Walter Casquina Siwincha, Bruno Ccoaquira Valencia, Miguel Ccoaquira, Mateo Chacnama Mendoza, Beto Chahua Huamaní, Teo Allaín Chambi, Francisco Contreras, Norma Contreras, María Elena Córdova Burga, Ode Cruz, Benigna Delgado, Héctor Enríquez, Héctor Espinoza, Valuiz Espinoza, Octavio Fernández, Cornelio Flores, Jorge Flores, Vicentina Galiano, Raúl Paul Gamarra, Wilder Hilario Gamarra, Edy Giraldo, Paulina Giraldo, Adriel Gómez Palma, Jorge Gómez Chávez, René Gómez, David Gutiérrez, Edilberto Gutiérrez, Lucio Vita Gutiérrez Mendoza, Rainer Hostnig, Cancio Huamaní, Faustina Huamaní, Jaime Huamaní Sapacayo, Martín Huamaní Sapacayo, Jesús Huamaní, Timoteo “Tiro” Huamaní, Bernardino Huillca, Mario Huillca, Florentino Laime Mantilla, Yolanda Laurel Páucar, Wilar Lazo Molina, Humberto Llacma, Rubén “Passarella” Lobón, Jesús López, Juan Cancio Márquez, Norma Meléndez, Erasmo Mendoza Mendoza, Augusto Mendoza Ancalla, Gabina Mendoza, Crisólogo Meza, Cecilio Millio Pfoccori, Purificada Montáñez Márquez, Juan de Dios Monterola, Walter Montes, Cintya Katty Muelle Góngora, Frank Muñoz, José Antonio Negrón, Carlos Nishiyama, las hermanitas Oblitas de Ingata, Daniel Olivares, Padre Justo, María Elia Pacheco, Grover Peña, María Peña, Adela Pineda, Juan Poma Cruz, José Ladislao Puelles, Yovana Pumacallahui, Percy Quintana, Bernabé Quispe, Freddy Quispe, Rosa Amelia Quispe, Marcos Quispe Roca, Roberto Quispe Alccahuaman, Wilber Quispe Luna, Mario Quispesivana Allcahuaman, Sisko Rendón, Guido Riveros, Carlos Roca Acostupa, Américo Romero, Rubén Salazar, Hilaria Salcedo, Teresa Salcedo Chávez, Gabino Santa Cruz, Eliseo Sapacayo, Hermógenes Sapacayo, César Soria, Mario Suárez, Gilmar Toledo Mendoza, Tiburcio Triveño Lima, Demetrio Túpac Yupanqui, Alfonso Ugarte, Hudson Ugarte Quispe, Ronald Ugarte Boza, Graciela Valencia de Góngora, Judith “Soranaywa” Valencia viuda de Góngora, Karla Gisela Vargas, Sonia Vargas Quispe, Lilian Vásquez de la Mata, Chano Vega Vizcarra, Isaac Santiago Vega Pacheco, Néstor Vega, Rubén Vega, Antonio Velasco, Arturo Villena Aguirre, José Villena Castro, Eusebio Villena Castro, Pedro Villena, Timoteo Yayerco, Saúl Yanccay Cruz.To the Decentralised Management of the Culture of Cusco and all the Chumbivilcan institutions that permitted the undertaking of this book. Special thanks to Luis Zapata Palacios, Hudbay Corporate Communications Manager, overseer of the idea of adding value to Chumbivilcas' cultural heritage, and a rigorous companion and collaborator during the production of this first book.

Chumbivilcas, Golden Lassos [English]