Hofstra University Model United Nations Conference
African Union
______________________________________________________________________
Kali McCauley Chairperson
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Dear Delegates, As the Chair of the African Union (AU), I wanted to welcome you to our Model United Nations Conference here at Hofstra University. I wanted to introduce myself and give you some information about me and my history as both a delegate and chair in Model UN. I am currently in my second year here at Hofstra as a Chemistry major with a music minor and a dance minor. I’m also in the Legal Education Accelerated Program (LEAP), which is a three plus three accelerated program for a Bachelor of Arts (BA) and Doctor of Law (JD) degree. Last year, I was the Secretary of the Model UN club at Hofstra and this year, I am acting as the Treasurer. I’m also involved in the Together We Rise club, which is an outreach program where we spend time at orphanages in the Long Island area. I participated in our conference last year as the dais for the Disarmament and International Security Committee (DISEC), which was my first conference in college. However, I have been participating in Model UN since I was a freshman in high school. During my time in Model UN in high school, I participated in around twenty conferences ranging from my own high school’s conference to conferences at UC Berkeley, Rutgers University and the International Technical Institute in Geneva, Switzerland. I have chaired two other committees, African Union and Security Council as well as vice-chairing two DISEC committees. Through Model UN, I have researched a variety of projects ranging from Jammu and Kashmir, the drug war in Mexico and the Israel Palestine conflict. I have also been a delegate for both topics we will be debating in committee: Somalia and Gender and Sexual Based Violence in Armed Conflict. I chose these topics specifically because not only have I debated them more than once, I also think that they are especially interesting right now in the international community. When I debated Somalia four years ago, the main issue focused around piracy, but piracy has actually gone down and so the focus has shifted over the last couple years to the infrastructure of the government in the country itself. The constant changes in topics like these are why I chose to do an African Union committee with these topics because even if the general topic has been around for awhile, such as Gender and Sexual Based Violence in Armed Conflict, the issues and the focus of the international community is continually shifting making it a new and interesting experience in every committee. It is extremely important that our debate stays centered on the current state of these topics in order to create comprehensive solutions. I am thoroughly looking forward to the debate and to meeting all of you! Your Chair, Kali McCauley kmccauley1@pride.hofstra.edu
2 Introduction to the Committee
The African Union was called for in 1999 through the Organization of African Unity (OAU), which was established in 1963, and the framework and structure of the African Union (AU) is largely based on the OAU. The African Union was not fully established until 2002 when the OAU was officially disbanded.1 The AU holds as a vision “An integrated, prosperous and peaceful Africa, driven by its own citizens and representing a dynamic force in global arena.”2 To achive this, AU objectives are: • To achieve greater unity and solidarity between the African countries and the peoples of Africa; • To defend the sovereignty, territorial integrity and independence of its Member States; • To accelerate the political and socio-economic integration of the continent; • To promote and defend African common positions on issues of interest to the continent and its peoples; • To encourage international cooperation, taking due account of the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; • To promote peace, security, and stability on the continent; • To promote democratic principles and institutions, popular participation and good governance; • To promote and protect human and peoples' rights in accordance with the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights and other relevant human rights instruments; • To establish the necessary conditions which enable the continent to play its rightful role in the global economy and in international negotiations; • To promote sustainable development at the economic, social and cultural levels as well as the integration of African economies; • To promote co-operation in all fields of human activity to raise the living standards of African peoples; • To coordinate and harmonize the policies between the existing and future Regional Economic Communities for the gradual attainment of the objectives of the Union; • To advance the development of the continent by promoting research in all fields, in particular in science and technology; • To work with relevant international partners in the eradication of preventable diseases and the promotion of good health on the continent.3
3 The AU spans the entire continent of Africa and includes fifty-four states. The only
African country that is a member state of the United Nations (UN) but not in the AU is Morocco due to conflicts with the Western Sahara membership to the AU under the title of Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic. However, Morocco does still have a certain status with the AU that allows it to benefit from decisions and resources that the AU can provide even if it is not part of the decision making.4 At the 2017 Hofstra University Model United Nations Conference, delegates will first debate and attempt to resolve issues that relate to instability and problems of governance in the Federal Republic of Somalia and the effects these issues have on surrounding countries such as Kenya and Ethiopia. The second issue delegates will engage is gender and sexual-based violence in armed conflict, a problem that has long plagued parts of Africa. In committee, the primary focus will be to present new and innovative solutions based on each country’s specific involvement or policy on the topics. It is important to keep in mind that the African Union does not have the power of the Security Council or a Crisis committee, but because it is entirely made up of African countries, the decisions and recommendations proposed in resolutions are slightly more influential than General Assembly resolutions may be. The committee will be primarily focused on getting to the root of the issues and providing preventative and rehabilitative solutions for those affected and those who will potentially be affected.
4 Introduction to Topics Historically, the international community’s largest concerns regarding Somalia have been
its effects on the other countries surrounding it. Piracy has been a large issue in the last decade or so, but recently (2011-2013) the number of pirate attacks has decreased by about forty percent.5 The International Maritime Bureau (IMB) attributes this rapid decline mainly to international intervention such as international coalitions providing navle forces to combat pirates, privately armed security vessels, and the continuous work for a somewhat stable Somali government. The new transitional government and decline in piracy has been a large improvement to Somalia’s previous situation. However, there is still violence from terrorist groups that originate in Somalia such as Al-Shabaab which officially declared itself in alliance with the terrorist organization AlQaeda in 2010.6 Despite the recent improvements in Somalia, the Al-Shabaab has continued to terrorize both Somalia and its surrounding countries such as Kenya and Ethiopia. The committee should focus on the fundamental issue within Somalia which contributes to problems such as piracy and terrorism: the lack of stability within the country itself. The UN has deployed the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) to promote stability and assist in rebuilding the country. This mission was mandated in 2006 and although the mission has greatly improved many of the issues in Somalia, the committee should focus on continuing this progress and examing what can be done in the future to further improve the internal affairs of Somalia.7 The international community has spent a lot of time and resources working on the piracy problem, but has recently shifted focus to the infrastructure of the country and what more the international community should do to promote a stable Somalia both with internal and external affairs. Sexual and gender based violence in armed conflict has been a recent topic of concern in the African Union, highlighted with the Global Summit in June 2014. At the time, the African
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Union Commission Chairperson introduced a new initiative, which aims at ending sexual violence in conflict as well as providing aid to those who have suffered it.8 Somalia has some of the highest percentages of sexual and gender based violence in Africa, but it is not alone in these offences. Countries such as the Central African Republic, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sudan, Uganda, Zimbabwe and many others are considered to have the highest risk of sexual violence in conflict.9 The attention of the committee should be focused on not only preventative measures, but also the rehabilitation of the men, women, and children that suffer from this abuse. Many of the initiatives that are currently active focus mainly on the prevention measures by introducing legislation and protocols. However, given the African Union’s recent attention on the topic, the committee should also be focused on how to help the victims and rehabilitate them back into society. This topic affects several, if not all, of the countries in the African Union and should be treated with urgency and sensitivity to those affected.
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Topic A: Somalia Introduction In 1960, British and Italian Somaliland declared independence to jointly create the United Republic of Somalia under the presidency of Aden Abdullah Osman Daar. Italian Somaliland was already a UN trust territory for ten years and had been granted internal autonomy in 1953. Since declaring independence, Somalia has gone through tumultuous relations with Kenya and Ethiopia, Somalia’s southern and eastern neighbors, respectively, until Somalia’s 1988 peace accord with Ethiopia. However, the peace was short lived and the tension between the countries has continued until present day.10 Due to the increasing humanitarian problems in the area even after the peace accord, the United Nations launched the Unified Task Force (UNITAF), which was led by the United States, in late 1992. UNITAF was intended to stabilize the tense environment in Somalia in order to facilitate the humanitarian assistance that was urgently needed by the Somali people.11 This tension has been aggravated exponentially throughout the last decade or so with the growth of al-Shabaab al-Mujahideen, a clan-based terrorist organization in Somalia that declared its allegiance to al-Qaeda in February of 2012. Though alShabaab’s partnership with al-Qaeda weakened significantly in 2014 when the group lost four senior leadership figures in the organization, al-Shabaab has continued to take responsibility for numerous attacks and bombings throughout Somalia as well as in northern Kenya and eastern Ethiopia.12 On January 19, 2007, the African Union’s Peace and Security Council granted a sixmonth mandate to the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM), whose mission is to rebuild infrastructure in the Somali government, to work with organizations to provide humanitarian aid, and “reduce the threat posed by Al Shabaab and other armed opposition
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groups” in Somalia.13 Before the formation of AMISOM, both the African Union and the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) had improved the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development Peace Support Mission to Somalia (IGASOM) in September of 2006. However, due to opposition from the Islamic Courts Union (ICU), IGASOM was quickly replaced by AMISOM in the adoption of Resolution 1744 (2007) 13. After the original mandate, the UNSC approved AMISOM to continue its mission in Somalia until November 30, 2015.14 In May of 2016, AMISOM’s mandate was renewed until May of 2017 during the 595th meeting of the African Union Peace and Security Council. This mandate both allows AMISOM to continue to oppose the al-Shabaab forces, but also permits AMISOM troops to reach a maximum of 22,126 deployed in Somalia. With this mandate, the European Union (EU) has elected to withhold twenty percent of their annual funds to AMISOM; however, due to the fact that AMISOM receives the majority of its funds and resources from other countries or organizations, the Security Council has urged the EU to reconsider this decision.15 This mandate is intended to “enable the gradual handing over of security responsibilities from AMISOM to the Somali security forces contingent on abilities of the Somali security forces.”16 By encouraging the transition of power from the AU to the Somali government, the AU’s Peace and Security Council intends to withdraw all troops from Somalia by December of 2020. Uganda has also stated that it will withdraw its troops from Somalia by December of 2017 claiming that AMISOM is not progressing in its projects quickly and is not cooperating with its other international partners.17 Recently, AMISOM has focused on the resurgence of al-Shabaab and its use of improvised explosive devices (IED), which have become more of a threat in 2016 than ever before. Al-Shabaab insurgents routinely target civilians and military personnel alike.18 In July of
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2016, there were two suicide vehicle explosions near the main airport in Somalia’s capital, Mogadishu. Thirteen people were reported dead with nine being UN security personnel and three being civilians. Even though AMISOM is planning to withdraw their troops, the AU will continue to provide support and humanitarian aid as the issue is far from solved and remains an international issue.19 The committee should focus specifically on what can be done in the short term to strengthen the government and promote infrastructure stability.
Somali History, Government, and Growth of Terrorism The Federal Republic of Somalia is located on the Eastern African Coast bordering Ethiopia, Kenya, Djibouti, the Indian Ocean and the Gulf of Aden. Although Somalia has a population of over ten million people, approximately 1.1 million of those are internally displaced refugees with another 1.1 million externally displaced in the surround countries. The majority of displaced people are in Kenya and Ethiopia, but they do also seek refuge in Yemen, Egypt, Djibouti and Uganda. Currently, Somalia has a federal parliamentary republic therefore it has a president, prime minister and deputy prime minister along with an executive cabinet. Although this is the overarching government of Somalia, there are local and regional bodies of government that oversee specific areas of the county such as the northwest area that has selfdeclared them the Republic of Somaliland or northeastern region of Puntland, a semiautonomous state.20 In 1960, both British and Italian Somaliland gained independence after nearly 90 years of imperialism and have been trying to set up a stable, central government ever since. After Abdi
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Rashid Ali Shermarke’s presidency, Muhammad Siad Barre took over the thrown in 1969 and by 1974, Somalia was declared a socialist state and joined the Arab League. After widespread drought for three years, Somali forces invaded the Somali-occupied region of Ogaden in Ethiopia with assistance from Soviet and Cuban forces. After the success of the invasion, Barre got rid of all his Soviet advisors and replaced them with US support. He favored his own clan, the Marehen clan, for advisor positions, which created more opposition for his regime. By 1991, after the 1988 peace accord with Ethiopia, Barre lost his throne and the power struggle between clans began. There are four noble clans in Somalia: Darod, Dir, Hawiye and Isaaq. One of the divisions between the clans within the country during this ‘civil war’ was so strong that a British Protectorate in Somaliland declared unilateral independence the same year.21 The Somali region of Puntland declared autonomy in 1998. In 2001, the international community tried to assist Somali again, but the Somali warlords refuted any type of transitional government. For the next ten years, Somalia kept fighting within itself against any type of governing body. In recent years the largest concerns regarding Somalia have been its effects on the other countries surrounding it. The International Maritime Bureau (IMB) attributes the rapid decline of piracy mainly to international intervention such as international navies, privately armed security vessels and the continuous work by the international community for a stable Somali government. 22 The new transitional government and decline in piracy has been a large improvement to Somalia’s previous situation, but there is still violence within the terrorist groups that originate in Somalia such as Al-Shabaab who officially declared themselves in alliance with the terrorist organization Al-Qaeda in 2010. That same year the US declared al-Shabaab to be a foreign terrorist organization. Al-Shabaab’s main objective is to convert Somalia to a fundamentalist
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Islamic state.23 Al-Shabaab is a terrorist organization and is recognized as such by the international community, which makes this organization an extremely important part of stabilizing the country of Somalia. Not only should the committee be focused on reducing the threat of al-Shabaab to the people of Somali and the infrastructure itself, the committee should also focus on rehabilitating the country so that one day it can function as an entirely independent state.
Bloc Positions Africa’s Regional Economic Communities (RECs): include eight sub regional bodies which are the building blocks of the African Economic Community established in the 1991 Abuja Treaty which provides the overarching framework for continental economic integration.24 The RECs are a crucial part of negotiation in the AU as they have been key components in several negotiations involving the African Union such as the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD). The bloc positions will be loosely based off of the RECs considering that the major differences throughout Africa will manifest in the form of economies rather than social or political issues. This will likely affect inter-delegate relations rather than directly affecting policy on this issue.
Arab Maghreb Union (AMU/UMA): Algeria, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco, Tunisia
Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS): Benin, Cote d’Ivoire, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Nigeria Senegal, Sierra Leone, Togo and Burkina Faso
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Eastern African Community (EAC): Kenya, Uganda, United Republic of Tanzania, Burundi and Rwanda
Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD):Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia, Sudan, Kenya, Uganda
Southern African Development Community (SADC): Angola, Botswana, DR Congo, Lesotho, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, Seychelles, South Africa, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe
Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA): Burundi, Comoros, DR Congo, Djibouti, Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Libya, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Rwanda, Seychelles, Sudan, Swaziland, Uganda, Zambia, Zimbabwe
Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS): Angola, Burundi, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Congo, DR Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Sao Tomé and Principe
Community of Sahel-Saharan States (CENSAD): Benin, Burkina Faso, Cabo Verde, Central African Republic, Chad, Comoros, Cote d’Ivoire, Djibouti, Egypt, Eritrea, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea Bissau, Kenya, Liberia, Libya, Mali, Mauritania, Morocco, Niger, Nigeria, Sao Tomé and Principe, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Somalia, Sudan, Togo, Tunisia
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Guiding Questions 1. Given the hostile nature of the al-Shabaab organization, how can the AU continue to reduce and oppose this organization to protect the civilians and military? 2. Should AMISOM and the UN Security Council consider keeping the troops in Somalia? Is it necessary? What is the alternative? 3. How should the AU address the large refugee problem in and around Somalia? 4. Is it more effective at this stage in development for Somalia to be receiving more international aide and support or should the international community slowly withdraw?
13 Topic B: Conflict-Related Sexual and Gender Based Violence
Introduction Sexual and gender based violence (SGBV) was officially recognized by the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) when it created the first humanitarian program with the International Rescue Committee (IRC) in Tanzania in 1996 for refugee camps. SGBV is a term approved by the United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women (UN Women) to “emphasize the urgency of protection interventions that address criminal character and disruptive consequences of sexual violence for victims/survivors and their families.” Often, SGBV specifically related to conflict is referred to as conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV). The distinction is intended to recognize those that suffered violence both directly and indirectly caused by conflict. Gender-based violence (GBV), according to the Reproductive Health Response in Conflict (RHRC), is used as an umbrella term for “any harmful act that is perpetrated against a person’s will, and that is based on socially ascribed differences between males and females.”25 While GBV is a term that generally implies violence against women to the general public, this type of violence also affects men. Cases of CRSV against men have appeared more in the last three to five years and there has been little research or discussion about it prior to this. In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, twenty three percent of men were victims of sexual violence in 2014. The same year, thirty two percent of men in the conflict in Liberia were victims. Both men and women in military groups or rebel groups are subject to CRSV and GBV, not to mention the LGBTQIA+ community, which has recently begun to fall under both the GBV category and CRSV category. In conflict, violence of this magnitude can be committed either on direct orders or committed as acts that are simply tolerated by commanding officers.
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Active research into GBV against women has gone on only for the last two decades while male victims are generally overlooked by international human rights organizations whether it is because of stereotypes or unawareness. Victims could suffer through castration, beating, genital mutilation, rape, sexual assault, sex-selective abortion, trafficking, son preference, etc.26 In June 2014, AU Commission Chairperson, Dr. Nkosazana Dlamini-Zumais, called for “more political commitment and concrete actions on the ground to ending sexual violence” at the Global Summit to End Sexual Violence in Conflict in London. Her declaration followed the UN General Assembly’s declaration to commit to end sexual violence in conflict in September 2013, which was supported by 148 countries.27 Before that, the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1820 received a unanimous vote in June of 2008, which was the first time that the UN identified CRSV as a war tactic. This led to the creation of the UN Action Against Sexual Violence in Conflict.28 The UN Action Against Sexual Violence in Conflict (UN Action) unites thirteen UN entities to help end CRSV. UN Action’s three main pillars are for country level action, advocating for action and learning by doing. The advocating for action pillar is a part of the broader international campaign, Stop Rape Now, which urges individuals to take a stand against the use of sexual violence as a war tactic.29 The committee should be focused specifically on how to help the victims, prosecute the crimes and try the perpetrators. This topic has only been recently recognized as a problem that the international community should address and therefore this committee should treat the topic carefully. It should also focus on how to get more access to accurate data and how to reach the victims in combat zones.
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Case Studies The following cases document two countries – the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Sudan – with some of the largest percentages of CRSV and GBV violations in Africa. Both countries have been in conflict and turmoil for decades. Keep in mind that both these countries are simply locations where these violations happen, as they are often the acts of militia and rebel groups in conflict. While reading the following case studies, consider to whom the violations are happening to and from whom they are coming from as well as the circumstances in which the violations happen. These are only two of the many countries affected by CRSV and GBV in Africa.30 Democratic Republic of the Congo On June 30, 1960, the Republic of the Congo – called Zaire 1971-1997 – gained its independence from Belgium, followed by the presidency of Mobutu Sese Seko Kuku Ngbendu Wa Za Banga from 19651997. In 1977, rebels from Angola and Zambia invaded Zaire, but were fended off with help from Belgium and French troops. Mobutu continued his presidency until Tutsi rebels took control of eastern Zaire and the capital with aid from Rwanda. In 1997, Laurent-Désiré Kabila became president declaring the state to be called Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). The state has been in unrest and conflict-stricken since then with a series of peace treaties that did not stop the fighting. Even when foreign troops did pull out in 2002, many soldiers remained in the country leading to more fighting the following year.31 Since the mid-1990s, the DRC has experienced some of the highest percentages of sexual violence victims in the world. In the Report of the Secretary General issued by the United
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Nations Security Council in 2015, the United Nations Population Fund reported that from January to September of 2014, there were 11,769 cases of reported sexual and gender-based violence with thirty nine percent related directly related to conflict in the DRC. These cases were reported in the provinces of Orientale, Maniema, Katanga, North Kivu and South Kivu, which together constitute less than half of the entire region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. This report also states that armed groups commit sixty nine percent of all reported cases of CRSV.32 In 2010, there was a study conducted that interviewed 1,000 villagers in the eastern DRC. The survey concluded that sexual violence has been used against both civilians and military for the previous decade and a half. This survey was unique and one of the first of its kind because it asked the survivors not only whether or not they had been victims, but also asked about the perpetrator of the attack. Of the forty percent of women who have been victims of sexual violence, forty one percent of women who suffered from CRSV said that the perpetrator was a woman. Of the twenty three percent of men who were victims of CRSV, ten percent said that the perpetrator was a woman. All of these percentages are likely much higher than reported since approximately two thirds of sexual assault cases go unreported internationally. The survey also determined that survivors of sexual assault were much more prone to mental illness such as depression and other mental illnesses. The results of the survey called upon the international community to recognize and include men and boys in policy documents and humanitarian efforts to end CRSV and GBV. It also urged the international community to address both male and female perpetrators in prevention methods and any legislation considering that the majority of legislation is centered on women.33
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Sudan Sudan is a country located on the northeastern coast of Africa surrounded by countries such as Egypt, Libya, Eritrea, Chad, South Sudan and others. In 1956, the Republic of Sudan declared independence from the United Kingdom and Egypt, which also began its first civil war. From the years 1956 to 1972, northern Sudanese people of Arab and Nubian origin fought the southern Sudanese people of Christians and Nilotes for regional autonomy. This led to the creation of several militia groups and insurgent groups such as the Anya Nya group, the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM), Darfur Liberation Movement (DLM) and the Justice and Equality Moement (JEM).34 The Second Sudanese Civil War followed eleven years of relative peace and lasted for twenty-one years under the leadership of President Omar al-Bashir, who came to power in 1989 in a military coup. The second civil war displaced four million Sudanese citizens, killed two million, and created six hundred thousand refugees who fled to neighboring countries. President Omar al-Bashir has been accused of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide by the International Criminal Courts (ICC), but still won elections in Sudan in 2010 and 2015. However, in the more recent election, international crises groups were outspoken against his election claiming intimidation and gerrymandering.35 He signed a peace deal with Garang, his opponent, and the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army (SLM/A) in January 2011 that allowed for a referendum to be issued to the Sudanese people regarding the issue of creating a separate state of South Sudan. An overwhelming ninety nine percent of South Sudanese voters voted for the separation of the two states.36
18 In 2015, the Report of the Secretary General issued by the United Nations Security
Council listed Sudan, among the Democratic Republic of the Congo and other countries, as countries afflicted by CRV. According to the African Union-United Nations Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID), established on July 31 in 2007 by Security Council Resolution 1769, there were 149 cases of CRV encompassing 273 victims. In comparison, UNAMID recorded 117 incidents with 206 victims in 2014: 204 females and two males ranging from four to seventy years old. These numbers only reflect a portion of the violations in the region, as there is extremely limited access to the information due to withholding or unavailability.37
Bloc Positions As with the first topic, the following blocs are offered as a way to organize which countries constitute the most affected countries as dictated by the aforementioned Report of the Secretary General.38
Countries in the Secretary General Report on Conflict-related Sexual Violence : Central African Republic, Democratic Republic of Congo, Libya, Mali, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan (Darfur), Cote d’Ivoire, Liberia, Nigeria
Countries bordering those with reported conflict-related sexual violence: Congo, Cameroon, Chad, Sudan, South Sudan, Angola, Zambia, Tanzania, Eritrea, Uganda, Egyt, Algeria, Djibouti, Niger, Mauritania, Senegal, Guinea, Burkina Faso, Ethiopia, Kenya, Ghana, Sierra Leone, Benin, Rwanda
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Countries with the most refugees due to armed conflict: Ethiopia, Kenya, Chad, Uganda, Cameroon, South Sudan39
Guiding Questions 1. Should the African Union implement membership wide guidelines as a solution to help the problem of CRSV and GBV or tailor the approaches to specific contexts? Why is one more beneficial than the other, if one is? 2. How can the African Union collect more and more reliable data on GBV and CRSV to produce more effective reports? 3. How can reporting and prosecuting GBV and CRSV violators/perpetrators be facilitated by the African Union?
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1 “History of the OAU and AU.” The African Union Commission: Home. <www.au.int/en/history/oau-and-au> 2
“African Union in a Nutshell” https://www.au.int/en/about/nutshell.
3
Ibid.
4
Aman, Ayah. "Why Morocco Really Wants Back in the African Union." Al-Monitor. Trans. Cynthia Milan. 27 July 2016. <www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2016/07/morocco-joinafrican-union-western-sahara-dispute-egypt.html> 5
Rigby, Ian. “Somali Pirate Clampdown Caused Drop in Global Piracy, IMB Reveals.” ICC Commercial Crime Services. 15 Jan. 2014. <icc-ccs.org/news/904-somali-pirate-clampdowncaused-drop-in-global-piracy-imb-reveals> 6
Roggio, Bill, and Thomas Joscelyn. "Shabaab Formally Joins Al Qaeda." The Long War Journal. 9 Feb. 2012. <www.longwarjournal.org/archives/2012/02/shabaab_formally_joi.php> 7
“AMISOM Background.” AMISOM: African Union Mission in Somalia.
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"Ending Sexual Violence in Conflict 2014 Global Summit – AUC Chair to Call for More Political Commitment and Concrete Action." African Union: News. 10 June 2014. <http://www.au.int/en/newsevents/25672/ending-sexual-violence-conflict-2014-global-summit%E2%80%93-auc-chair-call-more-political> 9
@hrw. "UN: Sexual Violence a 'Tactic of War'" Human Rights Watch. 14 Apr. 2015. <www.hrw.org/news/2015/04/14/un-sexual-violence-tactic-war 10
News, BBC. "Somalia Profile - Timeline." BBC News. 1 Mar. 2016. <http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-14094632> 11
“Somali – UNOSOM I: Background”. United Nations. <http://www.un.org/en/peacekeeping/missions/past/unosom1backgr2.html> 12
NCTC. "Al-Shabaab." National Counterterrorism Center | Groups. <https://www.nctc.gov/site/groups/al_shabaab.html> 13
“AMISOM Mandate.” AMISOM: African Union Mission in Somalia. <amisomau.org/amisom-mandate/ 14
“AMISOM Background.” AMISOM: African Union Mission in Somalia. <amisomau.org/amisom-background/> 15
“AU Extends Peacekeeping Mission in Somalia by a Year.” Africanews. 12 May 2016. <www.africanews.com/2016/05/12/african-union-extends-mission-in-somalia-by-a-year/>
21
16 "Security Council Extends African Union Mission in Somalia." UN News Center. UN, 07 July 2016. <www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=54411#.WAGbupMrI1g> 17
Gaffey, Conor. "Somalia Will Have to Face Al-Shabab Alone after 2020." Newsweek. 13 July 2016. <www.newsweek.com/african-union-troops-al-shabab-pull-out-somalia-2020-478753> 18
AllAfrica. "Somalia: AMISOM Troops Struggle to Counter Explosives Threat." AllAfrica.com. 14 Oct. 2016. 19
Mohamed, Hamza. "Al-Shabab Bombs Target African Union Troops in Somalia." News from Al Jazeera. 27 July 2016. 20
"The World Factbook: SOMALIA." Central Intelligence Agency. Central Intelligence Agency. <www.cia.gov/library/publications/resources/the-world-factbook/geos/so.html> 21
News, BBC. "Somalia Profile - Timeline." BBC News. 1 Mar. 2016. <http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-14094632> 22
Keating, Joshua. "Somali Piracy Is Almost Completely Gone." Slate Magazine. 16 Jan. 2014. <www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-14094632> 23
Yan, Holly. "What Is Al-Shabaab, and What Does It Want?" CNN. Cable News Network, 2 Apr. 2015. <www.cnn.com/2015/04/02/world/africa/al-shabaab-explainer/ 24
"Regional Economic Communities (RECs)." Home. <http://www.au.int/en/organs/recs>
25
"Terminology and Definitions." UN WOMEN. United Nations Human Rights Council <http://www.endvawnow.org/en/articles/1474-terminology-and-definitions.html?next=1475> 26
Brown, Elizabeth. "Male Victims of Sexual Violence During Conflict." The Borgen Project RSS2. 14 June 2016. 27
Eben, Jacob Enoh. "Ending Sexual Violence in Conflict 2014 Global Summit – AUC Chair to Call for More Political Commitment and Concrete Action." AU Home. 10 June 2014. 28
"S/RES/1820 (2008)." United Nations Security Council (2008): Security Council Report. <http://www.securitycouncilreport.org/atf/cf/%7B65BFCF9B-6D27-4E9C-8CD3CF6E4FF96FF9%7D/CAC%20S%20RES%201820.pdf>. 29
"About UN Action." Stop Rape Now. UN Action Againt Sexual Violence in Conflict. <http://www.stoprapenow.org/about/> 30
"S/2015/203." United Nations Security Council (2015): UNAMA UN Missions. 23 Mar. 2015. <https://unama.unmissions.org/sites/default/files/wps-sg_report_crsv_-march_2015_0.pdf>
22
31 "The Democratic Republic of Congo: A Brief History." CBCnews. CBC/Radio Canada, 21 Nov. 2008. <http://www.cbc.ca/news/world/the-democratic-republic-of-congo-a-brief-history1.694870>. 32
“S/2015/203.” Report of the Secretary General. United Nations Security Council. 23 March 2015. < http://www.securitycouncilreport.org/atf/cf/%7B65BFCF9B-6D27-4E9C-8CD3CF6E4FF96FF9%7D/s_2015_203.pdf> 33
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