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proceeded in the Indian forms to disown him as a Chief. That the Seneca Indians, with some others residing within the territory of the United States, who have had the disposal of a considerable part of the Five Nations' lands, and have sold, and do actually receive annuities from the people of the United States annually for the same, have been the principal actors in deposing him. That after the death of my father I succeeded him in the office, as aforesaid, and during my own agency had frequent meetings with Captain Brant in Indian councils, &c. And I do further certify, that during the whole of my acquaintance with Captain Brant, he has conducted himself with honor and integrity. That, so far from conducting himself in secrecy, or in any way inclining to alienate himself from the British government, or in doing anything that might be prejudicial to the Indians; on the other hand, he has frankly avowed that he would strenuously adhere to the Government and interest of the people to which he belonged; that his honor and friendship for the Indian nations were so near his heart, that nothing should occasion him to do any thing incompatible with his duty; and that his own time and trouble have been expended and greatly prolonged in doing every thing in his power to promote the interest of his nation and those allied to them. And Captain Brant having called on me to certify my opinion as aforesaid, I am free to declare to any who may be concerned, that from a long and intimate acquaintance I have good reason to make the remarks as aforesaid.

I C, Agent of Indian Affairs for the Five Nations.

Canandaigua, in the western part of the } State of N. Y., Oct. 28th, 1805. }

No. XIII.

[R P 417.]

CERTIFICATE OF CAPTAIN LEONARD AND OTHERS.

W, the subscribers, certify, that in the month of April last there came to Fort Niagara about forty Seneca Indians, among whom were the Farmer's Brother, Red Jacket, Jack Berry, and other Chiefs. While at Niagara, detained by ice, we heard them say in public and private conversation, that they were going into Upper Canada for the express purpose of breaking Captain Brant, a Mohawk Chief. We also certify that the Seneca Chiefs above named reside within the United States.

Given under our hands at Fort Niagara, this 20th day of October 1805.

W. L, Capt. U. S. Artillery, G. A, Lieut. U. S. Artillery. H. M. A, Lieut. U. S. Artillery, R L, Col. of the Revenue.

No. XIV.

[R P 418.]

P of a Council held at the Grand River, the 29th day of June, 1804, with the Six Nations, viz: Mohawks, Oneydas, Onondagas, Cayougas, Senecas, and Tuscaroras; and the following Nations,—Tutulies, Delawares, and Nanticokes.

Present, Lieut. Col. Brock, 49th Reg't. Commanding, William Claus, Esq., Dept'y Supt. Gen. of Indian Affairs. James Gwins, Esq., Agent of Indian Affairs.

Lieut. Cary, 49th Regiment.

Lieut. Stratton, 49th Regiment.

William Dickson, Esq.

Richard Beasley, Esq.

Alexander Stewart, Esq.

Mr. W. I. Chew, Store-keeper and Clerk Indian Dep.

Benj. Fairchild, }

J. B. Rousseau, } Interpreters Indian Dep.

The Deputy Superintendent General addressed the Chiefs as follows:

B, It gives me great satisfaction to meet you at this place, and in presence of so many of the King's officers and others this day, to renew our assurances of friendship, which I hope will continue uninterrupted as long as the waters run.

I dispel the darkness which hangs over you by reason of your many losses. I most heartily wish you may enjoy a serene and clear sky; so that you may be able to see your brethren from the sun-rising to the sun-setting.

B?, I must admonish and exhort you that you will at all times, but more especially at this juncture, pluck from your hearts and cast away all discords, jealousies, and misunderstandings which may subsist among you, or which any evil spirits may endeavor to raise in your breasts.

I therefore, with this Wampum, make this Council-room clean from every thing offensive, and hope that you will take care that no snake may creep in among us, or any thing that may obstruct our harmony.

Bunch of Wampum.

B, I have but a few words to speak, as the fewer that is said the easier you will understand and comprehend. Last year, about the time your corn was getting hard, I had the pleasure of seeing you at the King, your Great Father's council fire at Niagara. I then addressed you on the business of your land transactions. I informed you then that General Hunter

had taken your affairs into his most deliberate consideration, and what the result of those considerations were.

Since that time some people have come forward to pay for the township which was sold to Mr. Beasley and his associates; and the only thing which now remains upon the minds of your trustees, and which they cannot answer for, (unless you, in the most public manner, express your satisfaction,) is the statement made by Mr. Beasley of monies said to have been paid on your account to your agent, Captain Brant.

I will here explain to you the sums said to have been paid; and if you are satisfied, the necessary discharges will then be given, and your business, I hope, carried on in future more to your satisfaction, and also of the others concerned.

B, The following sums are stated by Mr. Beasley to have been paid by him, and boards delivered by his order.

[Here follows the statement of the pecuniary transactions of Captain Brant, as the agent of the Mohawk Nation, which there is no occasion to transcribe in this place.]

If you wish to consult among yourselves before you give your answer, as I wish you to do, I shall wait until you are ready, as it is necessary that this business should come to a close; but do not let us hurry, take time and weigh the matter well; if you are satisfied that the statement of the account is just, I will lay before you a paper to sign, which shall be explained to you, that you may perfectly comprehend and understand it.

I must farther inform you, that I hope every man that attends for the purpose of executing the above papers may keep from liquor, as I am determined no name shall appear there, unless the whole council are perfectly sober.

Before we cover the fire to-day, I must inform you that the King's Council, with the approbation of General Hunter, have given themselves a great deal of pains in inquiring and seeing that justice should be done to the

Six Nations in this business, for which I am confident you will acknowledge yourselves sensible.

I have further to mention to you, that the Governor in Council have thought it for the advantage, benefit, and interest of the Six Nations, that Sir John Johnson should be added as a Trustee for the Six Nations, but it is left for you to consider and say whether he is, or is not, to be added to those who are now acting for you.

I shall now retire, and when you have finished consulting, I shall be ready to attend you.

[Large Bunch of Wampum.]

30th June. Present the same as yesterday.

I am much pleased that you have so clearly comprehended what I said to you yesterday, and as you are unanimously agreed to admit of the account as just, the following is the paper which it will be necessary for your principal people to sign; but before I go further, I must tell you that your expressions of friendship for me draws from me the warmest sense of feeling. I shall ever endeavor to preserve your esteem and regard, and you may rest assured that my constant exertions shall be for your interest and happiness.

We, the Sachems and principal War Chiefs, Warriors, and principal women of the Six Nations, having taken into mature consideration the said account, and having examined the several items and entries therein, and the whole having been explained to us in the fullest manner, declare that we perfectly understand and comprehend the same; do hereby unanimously approve thereof as just and true; and do fully admit and acknowledge that the several sums of money set down and charged in the said account as payments made by Mr. Beasley, to and for the use of the Six Nations, were really and truly made; and that the boards and materials charged in the same accounts were actually furnished by Mr. Beasley, also to and for the use of the Six Nations.

In testimony whereof, the aforesaid Sachems, principal War Chiefs, Warriors, and principal Women of the Six Nations, in behalf of the Body of the said Six Nations, have to these presents (done in triplicate) set our hands and affixed our seals at the Council House at the Mohawk Village on the Grand River, this 30th day of June, in the year of our Lord, 1804, and forty fourth year of his Majesty's reign.

Tekarihoken his X mark Gonesseronton his X mark

Thaweyogearat his X mark Shagogeaseronni his X mark

Oghnaongoghtonhis X mark Ojageghte his X mark

Otoghaeronge his X mark Waorighonti his X mark

Aonghwicjaga his X mark Tekaenyough his X mark

Otyoghwawagon his X mark Ogpaghsaneyout his X mark

Aghetugwareserahis X mark Thaoeonnenghtonhis X mark

Tekahentakwa his X mark Teghsitaasgowa his X mark

Oghsonwalagettehis X mark Arenghoot his X mark

Yoghstatheaugh his X mark Nihaweanaagh his X mark

Araghkwente his X mark Karrhageayate his X mark

Oghgwarioghsetahis X mark Kaweanontye his X mark

We do certify that the within proceedings were held in our presence, and that the accounts and different items were explained to the Sachems. War Chiefs, and principal Women under the direction of the Deputy Superintendent General of Indian Affairs; that they seemed perfectly to understand and comprehend the same, and acknowledged that they did so, and were perfectly satisfied therewith. We do also certify that those whose names, marks and seals are hereunto affixed, as well as the whole Council, were perfectly sober when they executed the within.

Council Room, Grand River, 30th June, 1804.

ISAAC BROCK, Col. 49th Regt. Commissioners.

W C, Lieut. 49th Regt.

W S, Lieut. 49th Regt.

After finishing, the usual ceremony of taking leave was gone through and,

[A large bunch of Wampum delivered.]

No. XV.

[R P 423.]

COUNCIL HELD AT NIAGARA.

[This speech was made by Capt. Brant at Niagara to Col. William Claus, Deputy Superintendent General of Indian affairs—after John Norton, alias Teyoninhokáráwen, had returned from England, who had been sent there by Capt. Brant.]

[W. J. K.]

B,—We have now come to this place, the Council-fire of our Great Father the King, to explain, in a public manner, the foundation of our claim to the lands we now possess, the attempts made in this country to curtail and invalidate our title to them, and latterly the means taken to obstruct the just decision of his Majesty's Right Honorable Privy Council on the subject.

B,—In the year 1775, when hostilities had commenced, the Mohawks, always faithful to the royal interest, brought off the Indian Department, in company with the Oghkwagas, from the Mohawk River to Canada. Upon our arrival there, this conduct was approved of by Sir Guy Carleton, who, in a public Council, desired us to take up the hatchet and defend our country, and that any losses we might sustain by the war, he promised should be replaced.

When the support given the Americans by the various European powers gave us reason to apprehend, that the war might take such an unfavorable conclusion as to deprive us of the happiness of return to our homes, and to the re-enjoyment of our forsaken lands, we applied to Sir Frederick Haldimand, then Governor and Commander-in-Chief, for a confirmation of General Carleton's promise; this he readily granted us, and we have it now in our possession.

When the line drawn at the peace, and the manner in which that was concluded, left us no hopes of regaining our former possessions, we applied to His Excellency Sir Frederick Haldimand for a grant in the Bay of Quinte.

On this becoming known to the Senecas and others at Buffalo Creek, they upbraided us with having treated them unfairly, after having been the

most forward to engage in the royal cause, and having drawn them into the contest, now to abandon them in the present critical situation, to be exposed alone to such retaliation as revenge might urge the Americans to attempt.

We were struck with the justness of their argument, and in consequence relinquished the place we had first chosen, and applied for the Grand River in lieu of it; as there being more conveniently situated either to give assistance to our brethren, if assistance was wanted, or to afford them a comfortable asylum should superior numbers oblige them to retreat. His Excellency expressed his satisfaction at our determination, and the terms of his grant will confirm the accuracy of this assertion.

In a little time the Senecas were relieved from their apprehensions, they remained on their lands, and sold them gradually to the Americans; for which they receive annually six thousand five hundred dollars, besides four thousand five hundred dollars which they get in common with others of the Six Nations inhabiting within the territories of the United States, from whom also several of their Chiefs receive pensions; with these arrangements they have appeared to remain contented on the reserves they have retained.

General Haldimand was on the eve of embarking for Europe when he executed the grant. This we may suppose to have been the reason why it was not registered at Quebec; and from this circumstance, shortly after the formation of the Canadian government, an attempt was made to curtail our land.

After we came to a proper understanding on this head, from the consideration that the animals were becoming scarce for the hunters, we proposed leasing a part of our lands, not in our power to occupy, to receive therefrom an annual income; the leasing was objected to by the Executive, but they were sold with the sanction of the Canadian Government, and mortgaged for the payment of the interest; the incumbrances, however, annexed to these arrangements, have prevented us as yet deriving the benefit therefrom we had reason to expect.

We have asked for a confirmation of the remaining lands, that our posterity might enjoy in security the benefits of our industry, and of their

own; but this request has never yet met with an answer.

What we asked for, seemed to be of such a nature as not to render it necessary to apply to higher authority than there was in this country, (providing the inclination should be favorable to grant us our requests,) was the reason we persevered in entreating for a satisfactory decision of the Executive for many years; notwithstanding repeated retardments in our business, we were reluctant to trouble his Majesty's Government in Britain with so trifling an affair.

However, at the time my nephew Teyoninhokáráwen desired to go to Europe to serve in the war, we hoped, should an opportunity occur for him to make representation of our situation, it might expedite the conclusion of the business to our satisfaction. This he was well enabled to do from his knowledge of the subject, and authorized as being an adopted Chief; as such, I gave him letters of introduction to my friends there; and from the generosity and love of justice, which ever distinguishes his Majesty's Government, and is peculiarly prevalent in the British nation, it appears he was attended to, and in consequence of his representation, letters in our favor were wrote to the Government here.

B,—You then, as Agent for Indian Affairs, sent notice to the Grand River, as we have evident proof, through the medium of a Cayuga Chief named Tsinonwanhonte, who acquainted the other Chief of that tribe, Okoghsaniyonte, that Teyoninhokáráwen had been making use of their names to their detriment, and that I had got to my highest, and would soon fall; that the method they were to take to prevent evil arriving to them, was to come to Niagara, protest against and disavow all the proceedings of Teyoninhokáráwen, depose me from being chief, and disannul all that we had done from the time we formed the settlement.

The Chiefs of the Grand River would not listen to this, but many of the common people were thereby prevailed on to go to Buffalo Creek on the American side. There they held a Council with the Senecas and others of the Five Nations living within that territory, made new chiefs contrary to our established customs, came to Niagara, complied in every respect with your desires; so as to contradict the application of Teyoninhokáráwen on our behalf, and prevent him obtaining that confirmation to our grant which

he hoped for from the justice of his Majesty's Government, and which apparently was on the point of being accomplished to our satisfaction.

B,—We protest against this your proceeding for these reasons, that you knew the Five Nations living within the American territories, and who composed the principal part of that council, were not the real proprietors of the Grand River, according to Sir. Frederick Haldimand's Grant; neither did they deserve to be so from their subsequent conduct since we settled there; that several of these Chiefs were pensioners to the United States; that the names of many who were not Chiefs were sent to England, and that none of the principal men from the Grand River were there. Those who were made chiefs at Buffalo, we cannot allow of, as being contrary to all authority and custom, as well as their ignorance of public affairs rendering them absolutely unfit for such a situation.

The Farmer's Brother and Red Jacket, two of these Chiefs, pensioners to the United States, a few years ago at Hartford, in the Assembly of the Connecticut State, declared "that they were subjects to the United States, and would never cross the river, kissing the medal of General Washington in token of their steady attachment to the United States, vowing that they would ever remain united."

Is it such men as these you should represent as being the proprietors of the Grand River? No; they were granted to us as loyalists, that had fought and lost our lands in support of his Majesty's interests; and the love we bear our Great Father the King, and the desire we have of living under his protection, is the reason we set so great a value on these lands, and persevere to obtain a confirmation of them. Neither is there any reason why you should prefer the title or claims of the opposite party of our own dialect, inhabiting at present the same village with us; but who have joined those people in opposition, to promote anarchy among us. Before the war, they lived at Fort Hunter, and had sold the most of their lands before hostilities commenced; what they lost, therefore, is more to be imputed to their imprudence than to their loyalty. This was not the case with us of Canajoharie or Oghkwaga. When we took up the hatchet, our lands remained almost entire and unbroken, like those of the tribes to the westward.

B,—We, the principal Chiefs of that part of the Five Nations inhabiting the Grand River, who obtained the grant from General Haldimand in consequence of our services and losses, now affirm that we approve in every respect of the representation of our affairs made by Teyoninhokáráwen in England; and also of his request in our behalf; but so much having been said on the subject for these many years past renders so necessary a discussion, that we entreat the Government to direct an inquiry to be made into the conduct of those concerned.

B,—Since we appointed Trustees by the direction of the Executive in this province, we have found the appointment very insufficient, both as to the speedy execution of our business, as also to the giving us the proper security for the property which may pass through their hands. The confidence we ever entertained of being protected in all our rights by our Great Father, caused us to remove to the place we now occupy within his dominions. We therefore petition that his Majesty's Government appoint such other medium for the transaction of our business as to their wisdom may appear proper, and which to us may be more satisfactory and secure.

B,—You know, that some years ago our Council-fire was taken from Buffalo Creek and kindled at the Onondaga Village on the Grand River; it is there that in a general Council we determined on what we now communicate at the Council fire-place of our Great Father, in consequence of our being made acquainted with the effect the Council held here last spring twelvemonth had in England.

We have delayed some time, in hopes to have had previously a fair discussion of the affair at our General Council, and to have convinced the people of Buffalo Creek of the mistake they had fallen into, in thinking that they had any right to hold councils at their village to interfere in our land affairs; especially as our Council-fire, which had been extinguished by the Americans, was now rekindled under the protection of our Great Father, at the Grand River; from whose benevolence we now hold that land, of which the Onondagas, the keepers of our Council-fire, are joint proprietors; which is not the case at Buffalo Creek on the American side; for which reason it certainly deserves the preference, as most likely of duration through the

blessing of God and the support of our Great Father the King. From the time that our forefathers formed the confederacy, it has been with these that the General Council Fire-place has been kept, and there that every thing relating to the welfare of the whole has been deliberated on; and, as such, it was regarded by all the neighboring nations.

B:—It is with pain and regret we have to observe that you received, as Trustee, thirty-eight thousand dollars of our money near two years ago, and that you have not since accounted to us for principal or interest, or given us any satisfactory account of the application of the same; and we therefore are so convinced that you have forfeited our esteem and confidence, that we desire our Great Father will appoint some other person to superintend our affairs, and render us that justice, which, as strict adherents in loyalty and attachment to our Great Father, we have so long and faithfully deserved.

[Additional Memoranda, by Captain Brant.]

The Agent had deferred meeting us the three preceding days, giving for the reason, that he waited for a Mr. Selby from Detroit; but the Chiefs gaining information that this gentleman's arrival was uncertain, insisted on meeting him that day between twelve and one o'clock, he came with the commanding officer. Col. Proctor said, as he had before said, he would not meet them in Council; so he remained in resolution, and would not hear them, giving the same excuse for it; but as this had never been the case before, nor the attendance of Mr. Selby required at any former council, the chiefs resolved to deliver their sentiments in the house built by his Majesty for that purpose, where they were assembled in the presence of several officers of the garrison, of Judge Thorpe, Mr. Weeks, Mr. Addison, Mr. Edwards, and several other gentlemen of the place.

Okoghsenniyonte, a Chief of the Cayugas, then rose, and expressed the general approbation of what was said, alleging it was the sentiment of the whole; that the satisfaction they had felt on having the lands granted them according to the promise of his Majesty's representatives, was greatly weakened and disappointed by the disputes raised against their title, and the right to make the use of it they desire.

"D S,

No. XVI.

[R P 453.]

"New-York, 1st Dec. 1837.

"In the year 1797, I visited Col. Brant on his return from Philadelphia to his home on Grand River, seventy miles north of Niagara, in company with Doctor Dingly and Doctor Priestley, at the Hotel kept by Mr. James Batten, corner of John and Nassau streets. He appeared to be in good health and spirits, rather inclined to corpulency, of the middling stature, his dress that of a private citizen; was very communicative. In the course of our interview he told us of his reception at the Court of St. James, spoke of our revolutionary war, and the active part he took, assisted by the English, which he now had reason to regret; would never again take up the tomahawk against these United States; gave us a pressing invitation to call and see him at his residence on Grand River; stated that he had large possessions, and could make his friends very comfortable; that he had many black slaves, which he had taken prisoners in the revolutionary war, who appeared to be happy, and entirely willing to live with him; pleased with the Indian habits and customs, and never expressed a wish to return into civil society, where they were sure to be slaves to the white people, as they had been before the war. He seemed to be pleased with the attention he had received from the citizens of New-York. We took leave of him, and promised if either of us ever visited that part of Canada, we would call and see him. I think Doctor Priestley, in his tour of the United States, did call and see him.

"Respectfully, your ob't serv't, J J.
"

William L. Stone, Esq."

No. XVII.

[R P 480.]

"London, April 2d, 1803.

"M C. J B,

"Years may have banished me out of the temple of your memory, but I have not yet forgot you, Sir William Johnson, his Lady and children. You will graciously receive this letter, which is to inform you that I esteem and reverence the virtues of Great Hendrick, yourself, and those of the Mohawk nation and their Allies; while I do not admire the policy, humanity, and justice of the English nation towards the Mohawks and their Allies, in aiding and assisting their enemies to rob them of their territory and country, and compelling them to seek shelter and lands amongst the Ottawawas and Mississagas, formerly their enemies, by the arts and intrigues of the French. The Christian rules are good and excellent; yet few Christians of the Roman and Protestant kind love or practise those rules. What is remarkable to me is, that Popes, Bishops. Nobles and Kings, who ought to be wise in doctrine and example, are the greatest strangers and enemies to Christianity.

"The reason of such conduct, no doubt, is pride; yet Solomon, in wisdom great, says, 'Pride was not made for man.' I conclude, therefore, that great men in state and church, having robbed Lucifer of his pride, they stole all his cruelty, and so became legislators; made laws to deprive the multitude of rational freedom, and plunder Gentiles without sin, because they are honest and good; and not Christians.

"The Pope, in 1492, gave, by his Bull to the King of Spain, all America, only because America was owned by the Gentiles, and because the Pope was, by his claim, successor of Christ, 'to whom God had given the heathen for his inheritance, and the western parts of the earth for his possession.' Had the Apostles and Christian Bishops, for the first six hundred years, understood Christ's words, 'I have other sheep which are not of this fold, them I will gather in,' the Pope would have not been content with his triple crown, which represents Asia, Africa, and Europe, but would have put on a quadruple crown to include America.

"It is evident that Christ commissioned his twelve Apostles to teach and baptize the people in Asia, Africa, and Europe, but not in America; for Christ said to them, 'I have other sheep which are not of this fold, them I will gather in,' and not depend on the twelve Apostles to do that benevolent work.

"What right then could the Pope, in 1492, have over America, when his predecessor, St. Peter, and the other eleven Apostles, held no commission in America or over America. Hence, as the King of Spain had no valid title to America from the Pope, what right has the King of England in and over America, who is an excommunicated heretic from the church of Rome. I conclude that the people of America belong to 'the fold of Christ,' not to the fold of the twelve Apostles, because God gave America to Christ, Psalm 2, v. 8, the Pope, Kings, and Bishops in the old world, have not, and never had, any divine authority in America, over Christ's sheep, the Gentiles; of course they are usurpers, robbers and deceivers.

"I consider you, Sir, as the Chief of the Mohawks, and the other five nations of Indians, the legal and just owners of the country lying between the waters St. Lawrence, Ontario, Lake Erie, Lake Champlain, and Hudson's River to the forks of Susquehanna, which you have lost for fighting your Gentile brethren in behalf of English Christians; and the good and honest Mississagas have in part lost their country, for fighting you, their Gentile brethren, in behalf of French Christians. Thus, I see you and the Mississagas have been crucified like Christ between two thieves, (i. e.) Jews and Romans. I have seen so much of Christian knavery and policy, that I am sick of Europe, which loves war and hates peace; therefore I want and long to have a wigwam near Great Pontiack, King by divine right of the Mississaga Nation and Tribes near Detroit and Lake Michigan. Great Pontiack has adopted my grandson, Nikik, Samuel Peters Jarvis. Should you judge it proper to explain my obligations to Great Pontiack, [FN] and thereby induce the Great Chief to patronize me also, I will go with Nikik to Michigan, and teach Nikik the rules and laws, how he shall defend in all shapes his brothers and sisters of the Mississaga Nation."

[FN] It would seem from these references to Pontiac, that the eccentric writer of this letter was ignorant of his death years before. Author.

"I beg you to accept a portrait of Nikik my grandson, a captain and prince of the Mississagas, by creation of Great Pontiack; as I suppose he is successor of the wise and great Pontiack, King and Lord of that country, A. D. 1760.

"I know you and your generosity and benevolence, and therefore ask you to accept my gratitude, and to give me, (via.) Mr. Jarvis, such an answer as your goodness shall dictate to be due to, Sir,

"Your friend and servant, S P."

No. XVIII.

[R P 487.]

T brief but very interesting account of a French Colony, located in the town of Pompey, in the year 1666, is taken from "A Memoir on the Antiquities of the western parts of the State of New-York," by De Witt Clinton.

After informing us that the statement is collected partially from the Sachems of the Six Nations, and partly from a manuscript journal of one of the French Jesuits, he proceeds to remark:—

"From the Jesuits' journal it appears, that in the year 1666, at the request of Karakontie, an Onondaga chieftain, a French Colony was directed to repair to his village, for the purpose of teaching the Indians arts and sciences, and to endeavor, if practicable, to civilize and christianise them.

"We learn from the Sachems, that at this time the Indians had a fort, a short distance above the village of Jamesville, on the banks of a small stream near; a little above which, it seems, the chieftain, Karakontie, would have his new friends sit down. Accordingly they repaired thither and commenced their labors, which being greatly aided by the savages, a few months only were necessary to the building of a small village.

"This little colony remained for three years in a very peaceable and flourishing situation, during which time much addition was made to the establishment, and, among others, a small chapel, in which the Jesuit used to collect the barbarians, and perform the rites and ceremonies of his church.

"But the dire circumstance which was to bury this colony in oblivion, and keep their history in secret, was yet to come. About this time, (1669,) a party of Spaniards, consisting of twenty-three persons, arrived at the village, having for guides some of the Iroquois, who had been taken captive by the southern tribes. It appears evident that this party came up the Mississippi, as it has been ascertained that they passed Pittsburg, and on to Olean Point; where, leaving their canoes, they traveled by land. They had been informed by some of the southern tribes that there was a lake at the north of them, whose bottom was covered with a substance shining and white, [FN] and which they took, from the Indians' description, to be silver; and it is supposed that the idea of enriching themselves upon this treasure, induced them to take this long and desperate journey; for silver was the first thing inquired for on their arrival, and on being told that none was ever seen in or about the Onondaga lake, they became almost frantic, and seemed bent upon a quarrel with the French, and charged them with having bribed the Indians, and even those who had been their guides, that they would not tell where the mines might be found. Nor dare they, finding the French influence to prevail, venture out on a search, lest the Indians might destroy them. A compromise was however made, and both parties agreed that an equal number of each should be sent on an exploring expedition, which was accordingly done. But the effect of this upon the minds of the Indians was fatal. Upon seeing these strangers prowling the woods with various kinds of instruments, they immediately suspected some plan to be in operation to deprive them of their country."

[FN] The salt crystallizes at the present time on the grass and upon the naked earth in the immediate vicinity of the springs, though the water of the lake is fresh.

"Nor was this jealousy by any means hushed by the Europeans. The Spaniards averred to the Indians that the only object of the French was to

tyrannize over them; and the French, on the other hand, that the Spaniards were plotting a scheme to rob them of their lands.

"The Indians by this time becoming equally jealous of both, determined, in private council, to rid themselves of so troublesome neighbors. For aid in this, they sent private instructions to the Oneidas and Cayugas, who only wanted a watchword to be found immediately on the ground. The matter was soon digested, and the time and manner of attack agreed upon A little before day-break, on All-Saints day, 1669, the little colony, together with the Spaniards, were aroused from their slumbers by the roaring of fire-arms and the dismal war-whoop of the savages. Every house was immediately fired or broken open, and such as attempted to escape from the flames met a more untimely death in the tomahawk. Merciless multitudes overpowered the little band, and the Europeans were soon either lost in death or writhing in their blood; and such was the furious prejudice of the savages, that not one escaped, or was left alive to relate the sad disaster. Thus perished the little colony, whose labors have excited so much wonder and curiosity.

"The French in Canada, on making inquiries respecting the fate of their friends, were informed by the Indians that they had gone towards the south, with a company of people who came from thence, and at the same time showing a Spanish coat of arms and other national trinkets, confirmed the Canadian French in the opinion that their unfortunate countrymen had indeed gone thither, and in all probability perished in the immense forests. This opinion was also measurably confirmed by a Frenchman who had long lived with the Senecas, and who visited the Onondagas at the time the Spaniards were at the village, but left before the disaster, and could only say that he had seen them there."

This history accounts, in the opinion of its learned author, for the appearance at this place of a small village, with evident remains of a blacksmith's shop, &c. to be seen at the first settlement of the country by the English. The account appears every way credible, and the explanation satisfactory. But in several other places in the country, the remains of blacksmiths' shops have been discovered, and in some instances the tools used by the trade. A blacksmith's vise was found, buried deep in the ground,

on a farm in Onondaga Hollow, about three-fourths of a mile south of the turnpike. But the existence of a fort near this spot, every vestige of which is now nearly obliterated, readily accounts for the existence of these relics of civilization. In the cultivation of the lands lying upon the Onondaga Creek, innumerable implements of war and of husbandry have been found, scattered over a territory of four or five miles in length. Swords, gunbarrels, gun-locks, bayonets, balls, axes, hoes, and various other articles made of iron, have been found, and many of them are still preserved. I have now in my possession a sword that was dug up on the farm at present owned by Mr. Wyman, where have been found all the different kinds of articles mentioned above. On this farm, also, was found a stone of considerable dimensions, on which were rudely carved some European characters. But the stone has been lost, and the import of the characters is not remembered. It is proper also to remark here, that a stone, which has been preserved, and is now in the Albany museum, was found some years ago in the town of Pompey, containing inscriptions. The stone was of an oblong figure, being fourteen inches long by twelve broad, and is eight inches in thickness. It had in the centre of the surface the figure of a tree, with a serpent climbing it, and the following is a fac simile of the characters that were inscribed upon each side of the tree.

Leo X De Vix 1520

The tree, &c. Ls

{TN: Cross icon—inverted U}

"We have here the true chronology of the pontificate of Leo X., and, without doubt, the year in which the inscriptions were made. This pontiff came to the papal chair in the year 1518 or 1514, and consequently the sixth year of his pontificate would be as stated above. The inscription may be thus translated:—'Leo X. by the grace of God; sixth year of his pontificate —1520.' The stone was doubtless designed as a sepulchral monument, and the letters Ls were probably the initials of the name of the person whose grave it designated. The Cross informs us that the deceased was a Catholic, and the inverted U, was probably some other emblem, which the hand of time had in a great measure effaced. The supposition is not incredible that this stone was carved by a Spanish hand on or near the spot where it was found, and there deposited by him. Mexico was settled by the Spaniards in 1521. But previously to this period, Spanish adventurers frequently arrived

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