Issue no: 1570
• SEPTEMBER 18 - 24, 2026 • PUBLISHED WEEKLY
FOCUS
ON TRUMP TOWER TBILISI Trump Tower Tbilisi has been unveiled as the flagship project of a new $2bln development on the former Hippodrome
PRICE: GEL 2.50
In this week’s issue... The 20th Batumi International Art-House Film Festival | BIAFF 20 NEWS PAGE 2
PAGE 8
Ukraine Latest: A Push-Back near Lyman as Russian Air Attacks Intensify NEWS PAGE 3
25 Years after 9/11, FBI Veteran Warns the Threat Has Moved Somewhere US Intelligence Was Never Built to Reach POLITICS PAGE 4
OP-ED: On a New "Geopolitical Race" in the Region and Georgian UltraRealist Capabilities. Part 2 POLITICS PAGE 6 PM Kobakhidze at the launch event. Source: FB
US Court Orders Georgia Georgian Dream MPs Back Gakharia Party’s Protest to Pay over $400 Million to ENKA over Bill by ‘Technical Error’ as Party Faces Ban Bid Namakhvani HPP BY TEAM GT
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ourteen MPs from Georgia’s ruling Georgian Dream party and two members of its parliamentary ally People’s Power unexpectedly voted in favor of an opposition bill seeking to roll back restrictions on demonstrations, with the ruling party later attributing the votes to a “technical error” and “inertia.” The bill, introduced by the opposition For Georgia faction led by former Prime Minister Giorgi Gakharia, was considered during a September 15 parliamentary session. It sought to restore rules governing assemblies and demonstrations that had been in force before a series of amendments adopted since 2024. Parliament ultimately rejected the initiative at its first reading, with 28 MPs voting in favor and 16 against. The 28 votes included all 12 MPs from For Georgia and 16 members of the parliamentary majority. Continued on page 6 Georgian parliament. Source: Eurasianet
BUSINESS PAGE 7
Georgia’s Niche in Trumpiana SOCIETY PAGE 9
15 Years of Berlin Art Week. Georgian and Int‘l Artists Featured in Local Institutions CULTURE PAGE 11 Prepared for Georgia Today Business by
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NEWS
GEORGIA TODAY
SEPTEMBER 18 - 24, 2026
Rehabilitation Center for Children with Duchenne Muscular Dystrophy Planned in Tbilisi The 20th Batumi International ArtHouse Film Festival | BIAFF 20 BY TEAM GT
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he Batumi International Art-House Film Festival will be held for the twentieth time from September 19–26, 2026. For eight days, Batumi will once again become a city of cinema, hosting screenings of more than 200 films across four different venues throughout the city. The festival will open on September 19 with a screening of Levan Koguashvili’s new film Guria. The director and members of the film crew will attend the premiere. The opening ceremony will also be attended by renowned Polish director, three-time Academy Award nominee, and former President of the European Film Academy Agnieszka Holland, who will receive the festival’s Special Award for her outstanding contribution to the development of cinema. The festival programme includes international feature and short film competitions, the “Masters’ Collection,” the “Music in Cinema” section, and screenings of films outside the competition programme. As part of the festival, screenings of restored films from Georgia’s cinematic heritage will be held. This year, screenings for young audiences will also be held for the first time. They will feature restored Georgian animated films, giving a new generation the opportunity to discover the classics of Georgian animation. Also for the first time this year, film screenings will be held on the seafront. The international feature film jury will be chaired by British film and television producer Christian Baute, while the international short film jury will be headed by Polish film director and screenwriter Rafael Kapelinski. This year, the festival will introduce two new juries: a Georgian Film Critics’ Jury, which will present the selected film with the Olga (Lala) Tabukashvili Award, and a Youth Jury, which will award the selected film the Giorgi Gogiberidze Award.
Starting on September 22, the industry platform “Alternative Wave” will begin its work, hosting eight projects by Georgian filmmakers. With the participation of international experts, participants will work on screenwriting, project development, and international funding strategies. The Batumi International Art-House Film Festival will mark its anniversary year with a new initiative. At the organizers’ initiative, a festival alley (BIAFF ALLEY) will be created, giving honorary guests the opportunity to plant trees. The festival’s main working venue will be Le Méridien Batumi. Press conferences, masterclasses, professional discussions, and meetings between international guests and representatives of the Georgian film industry will be held at the venue. The festival closing ceremony will take place on September 26. Following the awards ceremony for the winning films, the festival’s Special Awards for outstanding contribution to the development of cinema will be presented to British producer Mike Downey and Georgian director Temur Babluani. Supporters: Ministry of Culture of Georgia, Georgian National Film Center, Ministry of Culture of the Autonomous Republic of Adjara, Batumi City Hall, Georgian Film, National Archives of Georgia, Embassy of Italy in Georgia. Sponsor companies: Elti Group, Le Méridien Batumi Hotel, Hampton by Hilton Batumi, Cavea Grand Mall Cinema, Conference Group, Nabeglavi, Sofie Bakuridze Studio. Media partners: Adjara Public Broadcaster, Georgian Public Broadcaster’s First Channel, Rustavi 2 TV, Imedi TV, English-language daily newspaper The Messenger, Georgia Today — Englishlanguage media, Fortuna Radio Holding, Areal Media, Billboard Georgia, Prime Time News Agency, IPRESS.GE News Agency, Palitra News, Ambebi.ge News Portal, Film New Europe (FNE) — international media platform for the film industry, Cineuropa — international media platform for European cinema.
A Duchenne muscular dystrophy rehabilitation center. Source: 1TV
BY NANUKA MAGLAKELIDZE
A
rehabilitation center for children with Duchenne muscular dystrophy will be established in Tbilisi, Mayor Kakha Kaladze announced at a meeting of the Tbilisi Municipal Government. Kaladze said Tbilisi City Hall will transfer a 1,657-square-meter plot of land in the Gldani district to the organization ‘Together We Fight Duchenne Muscular Dystrophy’ for the establish-
ment of the center. “A modern rehabilitation center for children with Duchenne muscular dystrophy will be established in the capital. The central government, under the leadership of the Prime Minister, has made a number of decisions in this regard, while Tbilisi City Hall is also actively involved in the process. We have held several meetings with parents of children with Duchenne muscular dystrophy and discussed their needs in detail. That is why we decided to transfer a 1,657-squaremeter plot of land in Gldani to the organization ‘Together We Fight Duchenne Muscular Dystrophy’ for the estab-
lishment of the rehabilitation center,” Kaladze said. He said the center will provide children with Duchenne muscular dystrophy with rehabilitation and educational services, supporting their socialization and development. “Duchenne muscular dystrophy is a rare genetic disorder that causes progressive muscle weakness. Coping with the disease requires daily and continuous effort from children and their families. Regular medical and rehabilitation care, as well as active participation in public life, are therefore important for them,” Kaladze said.
WHO May Soon Declare Georgia Free of Hepatitis C – Health Committee Chair Says BY NANUKA MAGLAKELIDZE
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he World Health Organization (WHO) may soon declare Georgia a hepatitis C-free country, Parliament’s Health Committee Chair Zaza Lominadze said. Speaking at a committee meeting, Lominadze said more than 80,000 people have been fully cured of hepatitis C, while around 10,000 people who have been diagnosed with the virus are not undergoing treatment. The issue was discussed during a review of the implementation of the 2026 state budget for the first six months, including the use of the hepatitis C program. “About 10,000 people have been diag-
Zaza Lominadze, Chair of the Parliament’s Health Committee. Source: 1TV
nosed with hepatitis C, but unfortunately, they are not seeking treatment. We need to make sure these people are enrolled in the program,” Lominadze said.
“Perhaps very soon, WHO will declare Georgia a hepatitis C-free country. We are talking about the gold standard,” he added.
Von der Leyen to Raise Syria’s Withdrawal of Zakharova Invites Georgian Youth to Russia Recognition of Georgia’s Occupied Regions to ‘Find Out the Truth’
Russian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova. Source: РИА Новости.
BY NANUKA
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ussian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Maria Zakharova has invited Georgian young people to travel to Russia to “find out the truth” about the country and the two
countries’ relations. “We are happy that these visa walls have finally fallen and that air travel has finally been restored. Taken together, these two factors make it possible for Georgian youth, young citizens of Georgia, to find answers to the question: What are our bilateral relations like at the state and societal levels?” Zakharova said. “They say truth is priceless. I will not argue with that, it truly is priceless. But this particular, so to speak, fragment, this part of the truth – it can really be valued. Do you know how much it costs? It costs only the price of a ticket from Georgia to Russia. “Come and see for yourselves. Talk to our citizens. Visit our theaters, museums and restaurants. You can even compare where Georgian cuisine is tastier, in Moscow or Tbilisi,” she added.
European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. Source: Reuters
BY NANUKA MAGLAKELIDZE
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he issue of Syria withdrawing its recognition of Georgia’s Russian-occupied territories, Abkhazia and the Tskhinvali region (South Ossetia), will be raised in the EU’s talks with the Syrian leadership, European Commission President Ursula von der
Leyen said, JamNews reports. This is stated in a letter in which von der Leyen responded to an appeal from Georgia’s Coalition for Change, an informal political group bringing together pro-Western liberal parties. Coalition leader Nika Gvaramia said at a briefing that the coalition had asked European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen to make Syria’s withdrawal of recognition of Georgia’s and Ukraine’s occupied and annexed territories one of
the key issues in talks with the Syrian leadership. Gvaramia said von der Leyen’s letter reaffirmed the EU’s commitment to Georgia’s territorial integrity and sovereignty. He said the position was particularly important for Georgia because Syria needs European assistance. “Therefore, such pressure could play an important role in the decision to withdraw the recognition,” Gvaramia said. Gvaramia also noted that on July 30, the government of Naoero (Nauru) officially withdrew its recognition of Georgia’s regions, Abkhazia and South Ossetia, as independent states. Syria recognized the so-called independence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia on May 29, 2018, under Bashar alAssad. Damascus also announced the establishment of diplomatic relations with both regions. In response, Georgia severed diplomatic relations with Syria.
NEWS
GEORGIA TODAY SEPTEMBER 18 - 24, 2026
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Ukraine Latest: A Push-Back near Lyman as Russian Air Attacks Intensify COMPILED BY ANA DUMBADZE
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he Russia-Ukraine war entered another week of intense fighting, with Ukrainian forces making localized gains around Lyman in northern Donetsk Oblast while Russian troops continued attacks elsewhere along the front. At the same time, both sides stepped up long-range strikes, with Russian missiles and drones hitting Ukrainian cities and infrastructure and Ukraine targeting Russian oil refineries, fuel facilities and military infrastructure. One of the most significant developments came northwest of Lyman, where Ukraine has launched a counteroffensive known as Operation Vivaldi. Brigadier General Andrii Biletskyi, commander of Ukraine’s 3rd Army Corps, said Ukrainian forces had cleared or liberated approximately 85 square kilometers, including the settlement of Serednie. He said Russian forces had also been pushed out of Novoselivka, Yarova, Oleksandrivka and areas near Korovii Yar. The Institute for the Study of War (ISW) reported that Russian sources were increasingly acknowledging Ukrainian advances in the area and worsening Russian positions. The fighting around Lyman is significant because a Russian salient north of the city had threatened the northern approaches to Slovyansk and the wider chain of Ukrainian-held cities in Donetsk Oblast. ISW assessed that Ukrainian counterattacks had largely eliminated the salient, complicating Russian plans to approach the Slovyansk-Kramatorsk-Druzhkivka defensive belt from the north. Fighting has increasingly moved toward the Zherebets River, with Russian military bloggers acknowledging Ukrainian advances and reporting bat-
tles near Ivanivka, Terny, Kolodyazi and other settlements. Ukrainian forces have also carried out strikes against Russian logistics as far as 120 kilometers behind the front, targeting supply routes and fuel infrastructure. Elsewhere in Donetsk Oblast, Russia continued efforts to put pressure on the Ukrainian-held cities of Kostiantynivka and Druzhkivka. Russian troops carried out repeated attacks near and southwest of Kostiantynivka during the week, but no significant confirmed advances were recorded on September 14-15. Ukrainian forces remained active around Kostiantynivka despite earlier Russian claims that the city had been captured. Geolocated evidence continued to show Ukrainian troops operating there, while fighting persisted on the approaches to the city. Control of Kostiantynivka would provide additional routes toward Druzhkivka and the wider Kramatorsk-Slovyansk urban area. Ukraine also made localized gains north of Pokrovsk. Geolocated footage indicated that Ukrainian troops had advanced or maintained positions around Bilytske, southwest of Dobropillya, as Russian forces continued attacks in the broader DobropillyaPokrovsk area. Russia has sought to push north from this sector to threaten the Donetsk defensive belt from the southwest, but its progress has remained limited. Russian forces also continued offensive operations in the Novopavlivka direction without confirmed advances, while fighting persisted around Hulyaipole and in western Zaporizhzhia Oblast. Ukrainian forces maintained positions around Orikhiv in areas previously claimed by Russian sources. Despite these developments, the overall territorial picture remains fluid rather than representing a decisive reversal. Data compiled by Russia Matters from Ukraine’s DeepState mapping
project showed Russia with a net gain of approximately 58 square miles, or 150 square kilometers, during the four weeks ending September 14, after recording a small net territorial loss during the preceding four-week period. The figures reflect the localized nature of recent Ukrainian successes. Kyiv has regained important ground in several areas and complicated Russian plans, but Moscow continues to control extensive occupied territory and retains offensive pressure along much of the front. Meanwhile, Russian attacks on Ukraine continued on a large scale. Russia launched repeated missile and drone strikes against residential areas, ports, railways, warehouses, energy installations and other infrastructure. A particularly heavy attack came on September 12, when Russian forces launched ballistic and cruise missiles alongside 129 attack and decoy drones. Odesa Oblast was among the principal targets. At least 11 people were killed and dozens wounded in Russian attacks during that period, according to reporting from across Ukraine, with Odesa suffering particularly heavy damage. Odesa and its surrounding port infrastructure remained under sustained pressure throughout the week. Russian strikes damaged residential buildings, port facilities, vessels and power infrastructure. Two Azerbaijani sailors were reported killed when a vessel was struck on September 10, while subsequent attacks caused further casualties and damage. Mykolaiv and other infrastructure across southern Ukraine were also repeatedly targeted. Russia also intensified attacks on Ukraine’s railway network. On September 13, a Russian drone struck the locomotive of a Kyiv-Warsaw passenger train near the Yahodyn crossing, around two kilometers from the Polish border. Passengers had been evacuated and no mass casualties were reported.
Railway and transport infrastructure remained targets on September 16, when a passenger train in Mykolaiv Oblast was damaged. On the same day, a Russian drone struck a passenger minibus near Nikopol in Dnipropetrovsk Oblast, killing five civilians, four men and one woman, and injuring several others. By Thursday morning, September 17, another major Russian barrage had hit Ukraine. Kyiv, Zaporizhzhia and Odesa were among the main targets as Russia launched ballistic and cruise missiles alongside 157 drones and decoys. Ukraine’s Air Force said 131 aerial targets were intercepted or suppressed. At least 16 people were injured in Kyiv, including a 10-year-old girl and a 12-yearold boy. Warehouses, offices, residential buildings and vehicles were damaged across several districts of the capital. Ukraine has continued its own campaign against Russian energy and military infrastructure. The Syzran and Saratov oil refineries were forced to halt processing following Ukrainian drone attacks, according to industry sources cited by Reuters. The Syzran refinery stopped operations after its main crude-distillation unit was heavily damaged in a September 15 attack, while Saratov halted processing following damage and fires caused by an earlier strike. The disruption added to pressure on Russia’s fuel sector after months of Ukrainian attacks on refineries and storage facilities. Moscow has extended restrictions on fuel exports amid shortages, while Ukrainian forces have also targeted fuel depots closer to the battlefield. Ukraine’s General Staff reported a strike against a Russian fuel and lubricants depot at Novosvitlivka in occupied Luhansk Oblast, roughly 120 kilometers from the front. Ukraine also reported the death of Major General Anton Grunis, a senior
Russian commander recently decorated by President Vladimir Putin, in a Ukrainian drone strike in Russian-occupied Donetsk Oblast. Russia subsequently confirmed Grunis’s death, although details of the Ukrainian operation were not independently verified. The continuing attacks have complicated diplomatic efforts to establish even a limited pause in the fighting. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has said Kyiv remains prepared for a reciprocal halt to attacks on energy infrastructure, but has rejected claims that such a truce is already in force. Both sides continued striking energyrelated targets during the week. Kyiv is also preparing for a possible resumption of trilateral negotiations involving Ukraine, Russia and the United States in October. Presidential chief of staff Kyrylo Budanov said preparations were underway following recent visits by US envoys Steve Witkoff and Jared Kushner to Moscow and Kyiv, although the Kremlin said it was too early to confirm arrangements. The status of Ukrainian-controlled parts of Donetsk Oblast remains among the central unresolved issues. Western assistance has continued alongside the fighting. The European Commission approved an additional €6.1 billion to help Ukraine procure air- and missile-defense systems, ammunition, drones and electronic-warfare equipment, including Patriot-related equipment. Washington has also announced new support for Ukraine’s energy system. The US International Development Finance Corporation approved an €85 million loan for DTEK to expand battery-storage capacity, its largest investment in Ukraine’s energy sector since Russia’s full-scale invasion. The financing is intended to strengthen the resilience of Ukraine’s electricity grid as Russian attacks continue to target energy and other critical infrastructure.
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POLITICS
GEORGIA TODAY
SEPTEMBER 18 - 24, 2026
25 Years after 9/11, FBI Veteran Warns the Threat Has Moved Somewhere US Intelligence Was Never Built to Reach records, financial transactions and communications inside the United States. Twenty-five years on, could any of it be rolled back? Alway defends the scale of today’s surveillance of the US population, arguing that congressional oversight means there are protections for civil rights. He calls himself a strong proponent of those rights, but admits: “in those times, we had no other options.” Surveillance can go a lot further than that. Gulf states, key US allies, have largely kept domestic terrorism at bay since 9/11 and the Arab Spring through heavy monitoring of their own populations, including the reported use of Israeli-made spyware such as NSO Group’s Pegasus on mobile phones. Alway’s caveat is that a security apparatus without a trusting population hits a ceiling, because the people closest to the next attacker stop coming forward.
RADICALIZED BY ALGORITHM
Donald Alway (center) on the Global Power Shifts podcast. Source: Youtube
BY GUEST WRITERS JIM STENMAN, SUZANNE KIANPOUR AND JAMIE ANGUS
O
n the morning of September 11, 2001, Donald Alway was visiting the FBI Academy for an advanced investigative course, working narcotics and organized crime, when his instructor told the class to find a television and call their field offices. Nineteen hijackers had flown two airliners into the World Trade Center and then a third into the Pentagon; a fourth had come down in a Pennsylvania field. In the days and weeks that followed, it became clear that nearly 3,000 people had been killed in the attacks. What Alway thought would be a three or four-day trip to Washington to support the Pentagon response became 35 days. He deployed to Ground Zero the following April, moved into counterterrorism, and spent the next two decades on that work before retiring as assistant director in charge of the FBI’s Los Angeles field office. He joined Suzanne Kianpour and guest
co-host Jamie Angus on the Global Power Shifts podcast two days before the 25th anniversary. The recording coincided with newly released city documents showing that New York officials knew how toxic the air around Ground Zero was after the attack, yet told the public it was safe. More than 9,000 people have since died of 9/11-related illnesses, according to the World Trade Center Health Program, three times the number killed on the day itself. Asked what he made of that, Alway said no one he served alongside would have stayed away even if they had known. The site was a crime scene as well as a rescue operation, and agencies were searching for evidence, some of it carrying DNA, for families who did not know what had happened to their relatives. “Those operations are not concluded,” he said. “There are still individuals who have not been identified.” The city’s medical examiner puts the number at nearly 1,100, or 40 percent of those killed at the World Trade Center, and still holds remains recovered from the site.
THE ENEMY IS NOW AT HOME Joint terrorism task forces expanded
across the country after the attacks, pulling state and local police alongside federal agencies. Information sharing deepened, liaison networks with foreign services grew, and plots were disrupted. That system was built to catch people coming from outside: it detected movement, border crossings, communications, financial flows. The threat today, however, comes mostly from people already living in America. A Reuters poll published ahead of the anniversary found Americans fear domestic extremists more than foreign ones. The lone wolf sits in a bedroom with a phone, fed more of whatever he engages with by an algorithm, and can arrive at violence without surfacing in any database. Alway explains this makes it harder for organizations like the FBI to thwart attacks. He adds: “There is no police state monitoring the internet,” and explains that the gap has to be filled by family, coworkers; anyone close enough to notice when someone is changing.
LIVING WITH THE PATRIOT ACT The Patriot Act, passed six weeks after the attacks, gave the US government sweeping powers to monitor phone
The same devices do their work on a generation whose politics have been shaped by graphic images from Gaza. “You have [American] students holding up signs and talking about ‘from the river to the sea’ and not even really understanding what that means,” he says. What worries him is that they often cannot explain what they are chanting, or who actually steps in to explain it for them. Put to him that a striking number of US citizens living in the Middle East say “really problematic things about the United States” while benefitting from a US passport, and that the Iranian regime is reaching them with Lego video propaganda, Alway did not dispute it. The FBI made some early attempts at videos on how not to become radicalized, he says, but the Bureau always assumed evidence and due process were counter-narrative enough. “Seekers of truth and fact-based investigations, having a sense of integrity in what people do and say, that would be sufficient.” Someone in the Middle East can now be reached with anti-American content at scale, and “there really is little to no way to counter that without a wholeof-government approach.” Alway says there may be efforts he is unaware of, but concedes these were never a big
priority during his time with the FBI.
THE PATEL PROBLEM Trust runs the other way too. Kash Patel arrived as FBI director with no experience running a law enforcement agency and a record of attacking the Bureau he now leads. Since then, he has ordered polygraphs for more than two dozen members of his own security detail to find out who spoke to The Atlantic about his drinking and absences, sued the magazine for $250 million, and presided over a purge of senior agents. Alway notes that the director’s ten-year term is designed to survive a president and their re-election. “This is a time where it feels political,” he says, adding that from outside the Bureau it is hard to say more. Leadership shapes strategy, he argues, but not what agents and analysts do every day. “That’s the real backbone of the FBI, not the director.”
A MUSLIM MAYOR AT GROUND ZERO Muslim Americans came under intense suspicion in their own country after 9/11. A quarter century on, Zohran Mamdani presided over the anniversary at Ground Zero. Alway does not dwell on the symbolism; his test is whether the NYPD gets the resources and partnerships it needs. “Where he comes from and what he espouses is less important to the law enforcement community,” he says. Many veterans of that community have since retired. Asked how many people in the FBI today were there on 9/11, he admits: "very few." But every new agent and analyst walks through the 9/11 Memorial Museum as part of their training, past the radio tower that transmitted until the building collapsed, so that people who were not alive in 2001 understand what failure costs in the real world. The point is to prepare them for their careers carrying the memory of one of the hardest chapters in American history. Donald Alway joined Suzanne Kianpour and Jamie Angus on Global Power Shifts. Watch or listen to the full conversation on YouTube, Spotify and Apple Podcasts. Follow #GlobalPowerShifts for more.
Iranian Ambassador Posts Map Excluding Eastern Georgia after Tbilisi Backs US Sanctions on Iranian Airlines BY NANUKA MAGLAKELIDZE
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fter Tbilisi announced that it would comply with US sanctions imposed on Iranian airlines, the Embassy of Iran in Georgia published a map of the Black Sea region showing only the western part of Georgia, including occupied Abkhazia, and posted on social media: “This is a decision that we must respect as this country’s choice. However, Iranians will travel, see and get to know… and perhaps new friendships will be formed precisely through this new choice,” writes Ali Mojani, Ambassador of the Islamic Republic of Iran to Georgia. In the same statement, Ali Mojani emphasizes that “Georgia was one choice, but not the only one.” Iranian Ambassador Seyed Ali Mojani published another post on September 13, writing: “In today’s global economy, excluding one country, one port or one trade route
does not always mean creating a new opportunity. Sometimes it only results in the loss of part of a network that has been built over the years, making the economy more dependent on a smaller number of, and therefore more vulnerable, choices.” In response to a user’s question in the comments of the post, “Have they restricted tourism? If so, why? When?”, the Iranian ambassador replied: “For the sake of American greatness!” On September 8, the United States imposed sanctions on all Iranian airlines, including those operating flights to Georgia, as part of its Operation Economic Outcast. Six Iranian airlines operate direct flights to Tbilisi and Batumi: • Qeshm Air • Varesh Airlines • Sepehran Airlines • Fly Kish Airlines • Taban Airlines • AVA Airlines. Georgia’s Civil Aviation Agency said it would comply with the US sanctions concerning Iranian airlines.
Iranian Ambassador Seyed Ali Mojani and the map he published. Source: Iranian Embassy in Georgia. Source: RFE/RL
POLITICS
GEORGIA TODAY SEPTEMBER 18 - 24, 2026
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Georgia Sees Series of Senior Government Changes This Week BY TEAM GT
T
here have been a number of changes in senior government and state positions this week, including the replacement of the State Security Service chief, new heads of the Finance Ministry's Revenue and Investigation Services, a new head of the presidential administration and a new ambassador to Azerbaijan. The most significant change came in the country's security leadership, with Gela (Geka) Geladze announcing his resignation as head of the State Security Service (SSS) on September 14, less than five months after taking the post. Geladze said he had decided to leave the position following consultations with the political team and would continue working in another government agency. He thanked SSS employees for their professionalism and dedication and expressed particular gratitude to Georgian Dream Honorary Chairman Bidzina Ivanishvili and Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze for their trust. Later the same day, Kobakhidze announced that Geladze would become a deputy interior minister. The prime minister praised him as an “exceptionally conscientious person” and “outstanding professional,” saying Geladze had contributed to state security and the fight against organized crime, drug-related offenses and corruption during his time as interior minister and SSS chief. Geladze had become SSS chief on April 28, 2026, after previously serving as inte-
rior minister for 11 months. He replaced Mamuka Mdinaradze, who had led the SSS since September 2025. Mdinaradze had replaced Anri Okhanashvili, while Okhanashvili had succeeded Grigol Liluashvili. The latest change means the SSS has had several leaders in a relatively short period. According to parliamentary and media records, Borashvili is the latest in a succession that has included Okhanashvili, Mdinaradze and Geladze since April 2025.
BORASHVILI TAKES OVER SSS Parliament elected Tamaz Borashvili as the new head of the SSS on September 16, with all 83 MPs present voting in favor and none against. Under Georgian law, the SSS chief is elected by Parliament for a six-year term following nomination by the government. Borashvili, who had previously served as deputy head of the SSS, presented his priorities to Parliament's Defense and Security Committee before the vote. The part of the hearing covering his priorities was public, while the questionand-answer session was held behind closed doors. The committee unanimously supported his candidacy, and Parliament subsequently approved it without debate. He said his priorities would include the early detection and prevention of security threats, protection of Georgia's constitutional order and national interests, and responding to security challenges connected with the occupied territories of Abkhazia and the Tskhinvali region. Borashvili also identified counterin-
telligence as a priority, describing Russia's activities from the occupied territories as a major security challenge. He said the SSS would continue to address what he described as hybrid warfare, propaganda campaigns, covert operations and attempts to destabilize the country. Other priorities include cybersecurity and protection of critical information infrastructure, security risks associated with migration, counterterrorism and the prevention of terrorist financing, anti-corruption efforts and further development of the State Security Academy.
CHANGES AT FINANCE MINISTRY AGENCIES Two major Finance Ministry agencies also received new heads this week. Mamuka Baratashvili was appointed head of the Revenue Service on September 14, while Merab Gamkrelidze was named head of the ministry's Investigation Service. Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze and Finance Minister Lasha Khutsishvili met with the newly appointed officials following the changes. Baratashvili has spent much of his career within the Finance Ministry system. He served as first deputy head of the Revenue Service from 2020 to 2021 and headed the ministry's Tax and Customs Policy Department from 2011 to 2020. He has also headed the Revenue Service's Dispute Resolution and Legal departments. Gamkrelidze previously headed the Revenue Service's Legal Department and has held several senior positions within the Investigation Service, including deputy head of the Investigation
Department and head of its Adjara and Guria regional division. He has also worked at the Levan Samkharauli National Forensics Bureau and the Government Administration. The appointments followed the departures of the previous heads, Mikheil Maghlakelidze and Levan Kharabadze. The government has not publicly provided detailed reasons for their departures.
NEW HEAD OF PRESIDENTIAL ADMINISTRATION President Mikheil Kavelashvili also appointed Luka Ekhvaia as head of the presidential administration on September 14. Ekhvaia had previously served as Kavelashvili's adviser and assistant on foreign affairs. The presidential administration describes him as a researcher and specialist in international relations. He holds a bachelor's degree in international relations from Caucasus University and a master's degree in political science from the University of Bologna, and has pursued doctoral studies at Leipzig University and Caucasus International University. Ekhvaia has previously expressed views on Georgia's foreign policy, including support for Georgia joining the regional 3+3 format. RFE/RL has also reported his characterization of the US decision to end its strategic partnership with Georgia as a step toward “decolonization.”
NEW AMBASSADOR TO AZERBAIJAN The changes also extend to Georgia's
diplomatic service. The Foreign Ministry announced on September 16 that Giorgi Zakarashvili had been appointed Georgia's ambassador to Azerbaijan, effective October 1. Zakarashvili has served as Georgia's ambassador to Ukraine and permanent representative to GUAM since 2021. His rotation in those positions ends on October 1. He previously served at Georgia's diplomatic missions in Ukraine and Russia and has held senior positions at the Foreign Ministry, including director of its Political Department and head of the division responsible for relations with Central Asian countries. He holds the diplomatic rank of Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary. Zakarashvili will replace Zurab Pataradze, who served as ambassador to Azerbaijan from 2018 until April 2026. Pataradze was subsequently approved as chairman of the government of the Autonomous Republic of Adjara. Georgia and Azerbaijan maintain a strategic partnership, with cooperation extending to trade, transport, energy and regional infrastructure. Azerbaijan was Georgia's fifth-largest trading partner in January-July 2026, according to the figures provided by the Georgian side. The series of appointments comes as the Georgian government continues to reshuffle senior personnel across security, law enforcement, finance, the presidential administration and the diplomatic service. The government has presented the changes as routine personnel decisions and, in the cases where officials have resigned, has not publicly indicated a single reason linking the changes.
OP-ED: On a New "Geopolitical Race" in the Region and Georgian UltraRealist Capabilities. Part 2 OP-ED BY VICTOR KIPIANI, GEORGIA FIRST
T
he world today, in its current reality, has already established itself as multipolar, so it is hardly surprising that countries are trying to forge their path precisely by taking this reality into account. Within the diversity of poles, where different "orders" of domination and structuring have emerged, the ability to bargain for one's own benefits, as well as to rationally mediate one's interests against the background of conflicting interests, acquires special value for a medium or compact country. This tendency has become noticeably prominent in the example of countries that, due to certain considerations in the past, placed all their "geopolitical eggs in one basket." This was particularly related to being under the umbrella of a particular hegemon and, as a result, receiving maximum benefits by default. Today, reality has largely changed, and, accordingly, the rules of foreign policy navigation are changing before our eyes. One of the results of such changes is the formation of new geopolitical spaces, a concrete example of which, under certain conditions, might well become the South Caucasian geostrate. I would also add that such formations in the modern world respond to the principle of socalled "variable geometry," where specific coalitions and alliances are formed around equally specific issues, interests, and agendas.
CHOOSING A "MASTER"? I understand that this is a rather harsh, unacceptable, and unpleasantly question
to raise. Therefore, I deemed a kind of "warm-up" necessary, to which the first article and the introduction of the second article are fully dedicated. In any case, I consider it absolutely necessary to formulate the question precisely in this way, and to answer it under the conditions of the manipulative and "shady" politics that we are witnessing in our country today. I do not know who defines the word "master," how, and for what purpose, but it is clearer than clear to me that in Georgia’s case, remaining alone and isolated is not only impossible, but amounts to a (deliberate?) condemnation to hopelessness. Consequently, we must be part of and interconnected with a large system: the Western political community. For the benefit of those who deliberately confuse "interconnection" with "subjugation" or "subordination" for narrow party use: Georgia's interconnection with this large system, its establishment as an organic political part of it, equals multiplying our country's "niche" position, turning it into a lever vastly greater compared to our own resources. At the same time, interconnection with a large system is not an automatic or mood-dependent decision. It is the summarizing choice of a complex process, where one of the main questions lies in the correct assessment of the security environment. Accordingly, this is also particularly relevant for managing the risks surrounding us in the region and for creating effective counterbalances.
ON THE TWO-WAY NATURE OF STREET TRAFFIC It seems to me that since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the West has been in a rather "half-way" state regarding Georgia (Ukraine and Moldova are currently a relatively different case and are not
Representative image of the multipolar world. Source: ecfr
fully and unconditionally subject to a generalized assessment along with us). I understand that what I am saying is debatable, but I will repeat: it is time for the political West to completely step out of its "comfort zone" and become much bolder, in time and actions, regarding geopolitically still "dependent" countries. Such a "half-way" status quo is an inertia stemming from the final days of the USSR. Here, we should recall how national-liberation movements were perceived first in the former republics, and then, after the formal end of the Soviet Union, within the frame of Russia’s "special interests" in the so-called "near abroad." Russia's role (declared and undeclared) was also explained by a better knowledge of the post-Soviet heritage and the ability to "mediate" within local tangles and labyrinths. The result was the informal recognition by Russia of an "order-guaranteeing" umbrella over Georgia and other proWestern oriented countries. Consequently, the criticism of the Western geopolitical line became quite wellfounded due to its ambiguity (and, according to some circles, its "double standards").
It is enough just to recall that after the 2008 Russia-Georgia war, the Obama administration first announced a "reset policy" with Russia, and, in 2010, the Euro-Atlantic Alliance called that same Russia a "strategic partner." Also, with a cold mind, without any hype, a subject of analysis should be the effectiveness of Western response to the processes unfolding in Georgia since November 2024. Yet the process of democratization and westernization in Georgia itself would have been much stronger (and irreversible!) had the West also been strong and irreversible over the past years on one primary issue: establishing the role of the dominant power in the post-Soviet space and offering security mechanisms to the corresponding countries through real action rather than colorful words. Time and years were lost, precious political trust and resources were squandered. The trust that created fertile ground for hybrid interference in the domestic processes of these countries was undermined. This is just to see both sides of the coin. Today a new stage of geopolitical transformation has begun in the aforemen-
tioned space. Such a transformation is not new here, and history remembers more than one major, medium, or "minor" confrontation. However, the contemporary stage is distinguished precisely by the fact that alongside traditional actors, non-traditional actors are now also displaying interest. In this regard, the greater region of the South Caucasus is particularly noteworthy, where large strata of diverse geopolitical and geoeconomic influences have emerged. With a certain mutual substitution and replacement, as well as with varying doses and degrees, the "hand" of at least Turkey, Russia, the US, the Persian Gulf countries, Israel, India, China, and Pakistan can be read in this relatively narrow spatial area. Amidst such diversity and asynchrony, two main questions acquire practical significance for us: (1) which external player can truly perform a weighty function to establish a stable and just order? And (2) to what extent can we, Georgia, assume our own function through our participation in establishing such an order? I will speak about these "special issues" next time.
6
POLITICS
GEORGIA TODAY
SEPTEMBER 18 - 24, 2026
Georgian Dream MPs Back Gakharia Party’s Protest Bill by ‘Technical Error’ as Party Faces Ban Bid Continued from page 1 Those voting in favor from Georgian Dream were parliamentary majority leader Irakli Kirtskhalia, Tornike Berekashvili, Isko Daseni, Zaal Dugladze, Vakhtang Turnava, Samvel Manukian, Anton Obolashvili, Nikoloz Samkharadze, Aluda Ghudushauri, Goderdzi Chankseliani, Vasil Chigogidze, Tea Tsulukiani, Givi Chichinadze and Giorgi Chkonia. People’s Power MPs Guram Macharashvili and Eka Sepashvili also voted for the bill. The vote took place despite Parliament Speaker Shalva Papuashvili warning lawmakers before voting that the For Georgia initiative on assemblies and demonstrations was under consideration. Georgian Dream officials subsequently said the votes did not represent support for the opposition proposal. “It seems they pressed the button out of inertia,” Deputy Speaker Gia Volski said, suggesting that the MPs may have become confused during the vote. Kirtskhalia, whose name appeared among those voting in favor, said he had not been in the chamber when the vote took place and attributed the result to a possible technical error. He described the controversy as “ridiculous” and said
Members of the For Georgia part (October 2025). Source: Batumelebi
he could not imagine a member of the parliamentary majority deliberately supporting legislation introduced by Gakharia’s party. The For Georgia bill sought to repeal or amend several restrictions introduced since 2024. Among other provisions, it would have removed administrative detention for protesters blocking roads or sidewalks and the possibility of a oneyear prison sentence for repeat offenses. It also sought to ease restrictions on items used during demonstrations, including colored smoke, lasers and face masks,
where such items were not themselves prohibited under the Criminal Code. The initiative also sought to abolish the requirement for advance notification to the Interior Ministry for assemblies held on pedestrian areas when they did not block vehicle traffic, and to reduce the ministry’s authority to impose alternative locations, times or routes for demonstrations. The failed vote came just one day after Georgian Dream announced that it would seek to have Gakharia’s For Georgia party banned by the Constitutional Court.
Kirtskhalia said on September 14 that For Georgia would be added to a constitutional lawsuit against opposition parties and that a new submission would be made to the court this week. He said Georgian Dream had initially given the party an opportunity to participate in parliamentary life but accused it of refusing to recognize Georgia’s constitutional order and engaging in what he described as “destructive actions.” Georgian Dream has said the case will not seek the termination of the parliamentary or local council mandates held
by For Georgia members. For Georgia was the only opposition party among those that crossed the 5% threshold in the disputed 2024 parliamentary elections that was not included in Georgian Dream’s original Constitutional Court case. The ruling party initially sought to ban three opposition groups: Unity – United National Movement, Coalition for Change and Strong Georgia – Lelo. In April, Georgian Dream said it would withdraw the existing lawsuit and submit a new version adding the Federalists. Georgian Dream has accused the parties targeted in the case of unconstitutional activity and alleged that they were involved in actions directed against the Georgian state. The parties and their supporters have disputed the ruling party’s allegations. The addition of For Georgia comes as the Constitutional Court case has already become subject to debate over the timing of its proceedings. Under Georgia’s Constitutional Court law, a case seeking to ban a political party is to be reviewed within nine months of its filing. Georgian Dream’s decision to withdraw and resubmit its original case in April, adding the Federalists, effectively restarted the proceedings.
BUSINESS
David Zakaraia on Nutrition, Workplace Wellbeing, and the Future of Office Catering WHAT SERVICE DO YOU OFFER COMPANIES IN TERMS OF OFFICE CATERING?
Delicato founder David Zakaraia
BY TEAM GT
T
oday, healthy eating is being discussed more than ever. Fortunately, it is no longer just a passing trend. Research increasingly shows how significantly nutrition affects a person’s energy levels, mood, and everyday productivity. A poorly organized lunch at the office is not just a waste of time; it is another reason why employees may find it difficult to concentrate in the afternoon. Well-planned office catering can turn an ordinary lunch into a genuine corporate benefit. Organizing quality, balanced meals within a busy work schedule is certainly not easy. This is precisely the problem that Delicato, a mobile food service company with more than 20 years of experience in buffet and office catering, aims to solve. We spoke to Delicato founder David Zakaraia about the subject.
We have created healthy meal boxes designed for people who want to maintain a complete and balanced diet even during a busy working day. This healthy food line is called “Delicato Health.” The calorie content and ingredients of each box are calculated, and the relevant information is indicated on the product. Importantly, our healthy food line has been developed and certified in cooperation with nutritionist Natalia Gogava. For employers who prioritize employee wellbeing, this is a simple and convenient way to organize daily office meals. The food is delivered directly to the office. Lunch is not only about nutrition; it also has a social dimension. Sharing a meal gives employees an opportunity to communicate with one another, brings people from different departments closer together, and ultimately changes the everyday experience of being in the office. Delivery is carried out at a pre-agreed time. Our logistics team ensures that the food is kept at the appropriate temperature during transportation. We currently provide this service in Tbilisi and its surrounding areas.
HOW CAN WE CHOOSE A HEALTHY AND BALANCED MENU FOR OFFICE CATERING, AND WHAT SHOULD A HEALTHY LUNCH LOOK LIKE FOR EMPLOYEES? A healthy office catering menu should, first and foremost, be varied and balanced. There is no single dish that can meet the tastes and nutritional needs of every employee, which is why it is important to offer different choices when planning a healthy food menu. Healthy eating does not mean eating only salad leaves, nor does it mean constantly feeling hungry. The boxes we have developed provide balanced meals that help people maintain their energy levels and know exactly what they are eating. They are particularly convenient for those who do not have time to organ-
ize a healthy lunch during a busy working day. This principle is at the heart of Delicato’s healthy food line, “Delicato Health,” whose main philosophy is “You are what you eat.” One of the main advantages of “Delicato Health” is that customers have information in advance about the ingredients and calorie content of each dish. Another important advantage is the variety of the menu and the rotation of dishes. Employees do not have to choose the same food every day. At the same time, meals can be delivered directly to the office, saving employees time and freeing them from having to make daily decisions about where to go, what to buy, and how much time to spend on lunch. For us, it is important not only that the food is healthy, but also that healthy eating is simple, accessible, and genuinely compatible with the rhythm of the modern working day.
ARE “DELICATO HEALTH” HEALTHY MEAL BOXES AVAILABLE ONLY THROUGH OFFICE DELIVERY, OR CAN CUSTOMERS ALSO PURCHASE THEM AT A PHYSICAL LOCATION? Delicato is represented at two cafés: 1 Aleksidze Street and 22 Ingorokva Street. Based on our observations, even people who follow a healthy eating routine sometimes want to take a small break from their regular diet and enjoy a favorite dish. That is why we created a special Cheat Day corner in our cafés. So, Delicato is not only for people who follow a healthy diet. Everyone can choose delicious and enjoyable food according to their preferences.
“HEALTH” IS ONE OF DELICATO’S NEW DIRECTIONS. HOWEVER, THE COMPANY HAS BEEN WORKING IN THE BUFFET AND CATERING SECTOR SINCE 2005. WHAT EXPERIENCE HAVE YOU GAINED IN THIS FIELD, AND WHAT DO YOU OFFER CUSTOMERS TODAY?
Buffet and event catering is one of the first areas of our business. Working in this field since 2005 has given us extensive experience. We know how important it is to select the right menu for an event, use quality products, accurately calculate quantities, and organize every detail. Today, Delicato provides buffet services to organizers of corporate events, private parties, and events of various formats. Our goal is to make catering arrangements easier for hosts and offer guests delicious, high-quality, and well-organized buffet service throughout Georgia.
WHAT IS THE MOST IMPORTANT THING TO CONSIDER WHEN PLANNING CATERING FOR A BUFFET OR PARTY? First and foremost, the format of the event and the number of guests. Based on these factors, the buffet menu, quantity of dishes, and portion sizes should be selected. It is important for the menu to be varied and suitable for different tastes. When planning a buffet, attention is often focused solely on the food, while its proper presentation, timely delivery, and convenient serving format for guests are equally important. Ultimately, a good buffet is one where the host no longer has to worry about organizational details and can enjoy the event themselves.
AND FINALLY, A QUESTION THAT PROBABLY INTERESTS EVERY HR AND OFFICE MANAGER: WHAT SHOULD A COMPANY CONSIDER BEFORE ORDERING CATERING OR BUFFET SERVICES? When choosing a catering company, it is important to clarify several key issues in advance: how many guests there will be, what format the event will take, what the buffet menu should include, what the service covers, and how food delivery and organization will be handled. The company should also ask the catering provider whether they have experience with similar corporate events and buffets, whether they can plan the menu according to the number of guests and the event format, and whether they can accommodate different tastes and dietary needs. “Delicato” has been working in the buffet and catering sector since 2005. Good catering is not just about delicious food. A quality menu, accurately calculated quantities, timely delivery, and the organization of every detail of the event are all important. We are proud to consistently receive the highest praise and appreciation from our partners. For more information about corporate catering and catering services with Delicato: +995 32 242 33 42 | delicato.ge
BUSINESS
GEORGIA TODAY SEPTEMBER 18 - 24, 2026
7
US Court Orders Georgia to Pay over $400 Million to ENKA over Namakhvani HPP BY TEAM GT
A
US court has ordered Georgia to pay more than $400 million in compensation following the country’s loss of an arbitration case against Turkish company ENKA, the investor in the Namakhvani HPP project. ENKA Renewables launched arbitration proceedings in 2021 after Tbilisi terminated the investment agreement for the construction of the Namakhvani HPP amid a prolonged protest campaign in the Rioni Valley. The protests began in October 2020 in the village of Namokhvani, where local residents and their supporters established a permanent tent camp near the planned construction site. Protesters blocked access to parts of the construction area, organized rallies, and demanded that the project be halted. The movement later expanded to Kutaisi and Tbilisi, attracting wider opposition over the project’s potential environmental impact, its effect on local communities and the terms of the agreement between ENKA and the Georgian government. The confrontation intensified in April 2021, when police dismantled the protesters’ tents in Namokhvani and authorities restricted access to the area. The
Construction of the Namakhvani plant drew massive local protests and was shelved in 2021. Source: FB/Save Rioni Valley movement
protesters continued their campaign, which lasted about 550 days. In September 2021, ENKA Renewables announced that it was abandoning the
project and terminating its agreement with the Georgian government. The company cited the government’s failure to fulfill certain conditions of the invest-
ment agreement, while Georgian officials disputed aspects of ENKA’s position. ENKA subsequently initiated arbitration proceedings against Georgia in
Von der Leyen Announces New Project to Connect South Caucasus and Central Asia to European Market
European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen. Source: AP
BY NANUKA MAGLAKELIDZE
E
uropean Commission President Ursula von der Leyen announced a new international connectivity initiative during her annual address to the Euro-
pean Parliament, aimed at directly connecting the South Caucasus and Central Asia to the European market. Von der Leyen said the initiative refers to what the EU calls the “Middle Corridor.” “In this defining era, our prosperity and security cannot be built at home alone. This year, we have concluded free
trade agreements with India, Mexico, Australia and Indonesia. We now have trade agreements with more than 80 countries, more than anyone else in the world. And businesses are asking even more of us. Today, I can announce a new international connectivity project. It will directly connect the South Caucasus and Central Asia to the European market. This is what we call the Middle Corridor. Through Global Gateway, our goal is to mobilize up to €12 billion in public and private investment. Our task is to diversify routes, triple trade flows and significantly reduce transit times for freight by 2030. To make all of this a reality, together with the Prime Minister of Bulgaria, we will organize a regional connectivity summit,” von der Leyen said. The Middle Corridor is a multimodal route connecting China and Central Asia with Europe via the Caspian Sea, the South Caucasus and Türkiye. Global Gateway is the EU’s infrastructure and connectivity strategy, which aims to mobilize €300 billion in investments worldwide between 2021 and 2027.
France and won the case in December 2024. The International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) arbitration tribunal ordered Georgia to pay $383 million in compensation. The award also stipulates that interest is added to the principal amount for each unpaid quarter. As a result, the total amount sought by ENKA is expected to be significantly higher than $400 million. Court records obtained by RFE/RL show that ENKA must specify by September 18 the exact amount it is seeking from Georgia. ENKA applied to the US District Court for the District of Columbia to have the arbitral award recognized and enforced in the United States. The United States is a signatory to the 1958 New York Convention on the Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Arbitral Awards, which provides a framework for the recognition and enforcement of foreign arbitration awards. The District Court for the District of Columbia issued its ruling on September 11, 2026. The Namakhvani HPP was planned as a major hydropower project on the Rioni River. Its cancellation became a significant issue in Georgia’s debate over foreign investment, energy policy, environmental protection and the rights of local communities.
Gazprom Armenia building. Source: Caucasus Watch.
Russia to Temporarily Suspend Gas Supplies to Armenia BY NANUKA MAGLAKELIDZE
A
rmenia will temporarily cease to receive natural gas imports from Russia due to planned preventive and rehabilitation works on Russian territory. The restriction will take effect on September 15 and continue until September 25. According to the Armenian side, infrastructure works are planned on the North
Caucasus-Transcaucasia main gas pipeline during this period, and Armenia is fully prepared for the temporary disruption. Despite the situation, gas supplies to local consumers will continue uninterrupted. The government says the country will meet domestic demand by using internal reserves and receiving additional volumes of natural gas from Iran. The North Caucasus-Transcaucasia gas pipeline is the main route for Russian natural gas supplies to Armenia and is also a key component of the country’s energy infrastructure.
Property Tax Threshold to Rise to GEL 100,000 BY NANUKA MAGLAKELIDZE
G
eorgia’s GEL 40,000 property tax threshold will be abolished, with the tax applying only to citizens whose annual income exceeds GEL 100,000. Majority Leader Irakli Kirtskhalia said the change, which will be adopted under an accelerated procedure in coordination with the Finance Ministry, will remove the property tax obligation for around 81,000 citizens. “Following active coordination with
the Finance Ministry, a decision was made to adopt the change under an accelerated procedure. The threshold will be increased from GEL 40,000 to GEL 100,000. The GEL 40,000 threshold will be abolished altogether, and property tax will only remain for citizens with annual incomes of GEL 100,000 and above. As a result, around 81,000 people will no longer have to pay this tax,” Kirtskhalia said. The change will take effect from October 1. Under Georgia’s current Tax Code, individuals and families whose annual income exceeded GEL 40,000 in the previous year are required to file a property
Taxes. Representative image. Source: FB
tax declaration and pay property tax. The GEL 40,000 threshold is calculated based on gross income, before income tax and pension contributions are deducted. Individuals who meet the threshold must register on the Revenue Service website, declare their income and provide the market value of their property, after which the system calculates the property tax due. The same requirement applies to individuals registered as individual entrepreneurs. Under the current rules, a monthly take-home salary of GEL 2,600 or more generally means that an individual’s annual gross income exceeds the GEL 40,000 threshold.
8
BUSINESS
GEORGIA TODAY
SEPTEMBER 18 - 24, 2026
Trump Tower Tbilisi Unveiled as Flagship Project of $2 Billion Development BY TEAM GT
T
rump Tower Tbilisi was officially launched in the Georgian capital this week, at an international ceremony attended by Georgian government officials, representatives of The Trump Organization, project developers, business leaders and media. Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze said the wider Downtown Tbilisi project and Trump Tower represented more than urban development, describing it as a $2 billion investment encompassing 600,000 square meters of modern space in the city center. “This is a $2 billion investment and 600,000 square meters of modern space in the city center that will create a new reality for the country and serve as a major economic and tourist attraction,” Kobakhidze said. He added that Trump Tower Tbilisi would be “a 280-meter, 62-story tower, a bold statement that will give Tbilisi a new appeal alongside the world’s leading urban centers.” It should be noted that the Trump Organization had previously described the planned building as approximately 70 stories and 259 meters. Economy Minister Mariam Kvrivishvili said the project would create new jobs from the outset, promote the exchange of knowledge and experience, introduce modern international standards and take
cooperation between Georgian and international companies to a new level. Eric Trump, Executive Vice President of The Trump Organization, addressed the ceremony remotely by video link. He said discussions about the project began at Mar-a-Lago in Florida, and highlighted Georgia’s economic growth, geographical position and natural beauty as factors behind the company’s decision to enter the market. “Georgia is an incredible country; the Georgian people love the United States, and the United States loves the Georgian people,” Eric Trump said. He said Georgia’s position as a crossroads between Europe and Asia, together with its cultural and transportation links, made it an attractive location for the development. Eric Trump also emphasized the importance of the project’s location and said The Trump Organization rejected most projects presented to it because it sought to develop landmark properties. “Location is absolutely everything. We have the best location in Tbilisi, in one of the most gorgeous cities anywhere in the world. We are partnered with the right people, and we are going to deliver something unbelievable,” he said. He said he wanted the project to become a landmark for both Georgia and the wider region. “This isn’t just about being the best in Georgia or in Tbilisi. Georgia sits at the intersection of Europe and Asia, and I want this to be the best building in Europe
At the Trump Tower Tbilisi project launch. Source: FB
and the best building in Asia. I want it to redefine a skyline and do something truly incredible,” he said. Eric Trump also said the development would bring greater international attention to Georgia and potentially encourEric Trump speaking at the Trump Tower Tbilisi presentation. Source: FB
age other international brands and investors to enter the market. “You’re going to see development standards redefined because that’s what we do every single time we build,” he said, adding that the project would “put Georgia on the map in a very big way regarding international development and investment.” He compared the planned tower with Trump Tower in New York, noting that both projects are associated with developments around major central parks. He said the Tbilisi project would draw on the Trump brand’s experience while being developed specifically for the Georgian capital. Eric Trump said he planned to be closely involved in the project and visit Georgia regularly, including for the groundbreaking ceremony. He also praised the Georgian development partners, saying the vision of Archi Group and Alex Sapir, with whom The Trump Organization previously worked on Trump SoHo in New York, closely matched that of his company. The Trump Tower project is the first development under the Trump brand in the wider region. It will serve as the flagship tower of the Downtown Tbilisi master development and is being carried out in direct partnership with The Trump
Organization. Archi Group and Invia are the primary partners and lead developers, while The Sapir Organization is acting as co-developer. The investment group backing the project includes Block Stone Capital, Finvest and Vector Group. Trump Tower Tbilisi will rise on the site of the former hippodrome in Saburtalo, next to the area being redeveloped as Tbilisi Central Park. The 70-story, approximately 259-meter tower will be the centerpiece of The Downtown Tbilisi, a planned six-tower mixed-use development covering the former racecourse grounds. Developers say the project will combine residential, hotel, retail, dining and other commercial facilities, with the towers positioned alongside the planned park and its green spaces. The scale of the development, however, will substantially change the character of the former hippodrome and the surrounding Saburtalo neighborhood, replacing a large tract of land with a high-density urban complex. Supporters describe the project as a major new urban and investment destination, while critics have raised concerns about the loss of the area's existing open character, the scale of construction and its potential environmental and infrastructure impact on one of the capital's remaining large green areas.
Trump Tower Organization representatives. Source: FB
Guests and officials at the Trump Tower Tbilisi project launch. Source: FB
SOCIETY
GEORGIA TODAY SEPTEMBER 18 - 24, 2026
9
Georgia’s Niche in Trumpiana
orbit: dedication to sovereignty, traditional family values, Christianity, opposition to foreign influence, criticism of liberalism, obstruction of specific political conditionality, anti-LGBT rhetoric, skepticism toward NGOs, and a desire to protect national values against outside insinuations. It is often thought that Trumpism is not a coherent doctrine, but only a political style, burgeoning around Trump himself and liberating its leader from the burden of ideology. When Trumpesque politics begin to show themselves intensively, with the purpose of influencing human lives globally, the Trumpocentric elite starts doing its possible best to further accelerate the process of Trumpification so that Trumpdom never flops. It is almost universally recognized that
the Trumpworld is larger than the White House itself. It includes loyalists, opponents, admirers, enemies, journalists, influencers, lawyers, businesspeople, Republican politicians, foreign leaders and ordinary voters who are either obsessive Trumpists, the followers of the Trumpy logic, or zealous challengers of Trumpogenic reality, passionately hating the Trumpian style in general. The Trump factor allows a regular political narrative to grow into commanding facts that help us understand something critically factual about modern America, like the famous MAGA. It is probably very true that there are presidents who occupy the White House, presidents who make history, and presidents who turn their own surname into a component of modern political vernacular. Donald Trump, with his populism, institutional distrust, unpredictability, maximalism, dealmaking, economic nationalism, anti-globalism, transactional foreign policy, cultural conservatism, and enduring political-conflict mentality, belongs to the third category. The Trumpish effect is tending to turn a trivial intervention into a mega-show, with Trump rhetoric being conducive to declaring triumph before the ultimate score has been displayed. And this is where the Trumpy interaction lingo shows itself as really important. The entire Trumpiana happens to be constructed for the press, TV and social media. The Trumpish style of public speaking does not avoid a multitude of superlatives, personal skirmishes, emotional edginess, and the relentless creation of a champ and a failure at the same time. Trumpian diplomacy accentuates influence with a shade of nonstop campaigning. Trumpism seems to be a formidable special economic and political phenomenon, but one should still hope that not everything in the world is Trumpable. Throwing in the attempt to determine Georgia’s niche in Trumpiana, understandably, the current political establishment in Sakartvelo had positive feelings about Donald Trump’s return to power because he disliked liberal internation-
alism, emphasized sovereignty, and was skeptical about traditional European institutions. The thing is that for tens of years in the recent past, based on its strategic partnership with the United States, Georgia adamantly believed in political notions like democratic Georgia, sovereignty, territorial integrity, Euro-Atlantic integration, etc. This was all very near to the truth, based on the declared readiness of the United States to invest massive political and sensible economic capital in Georgia because the States considered us one of its important postSoviet partners and supported our sovereignty and Euro-Atlantic aspirations. But, as it seems, Trump’s worldview is more transactional. Hence, the equationchanging question is what Sakartvelo can actually do, and does, for America. Not easy to respond! And this might be more consequential than whether we admire or do not admire the incumbent American president. The current surmisable stand is that Georgia is a sovereign country and America does not want to interfere in its internal politics. The States want a practical relationship. Not surprising! Plus, hypothetically, why should America spend enormous resources defending countries that are geographically distant? On top of that, Russia wants Georgia within its sphere of influence, and America would sooner keep from harm’s way at this point in time, which might not be the truth of the highest probe. Today’s America contains a strong Trumpian America-First predisposition. Should this frighten us? I don’t think so! Trumpology, a surmisable political science of the future, might give a more precise picture of Trumpism if the Trump Doctrine as such has an actual chance and value to come into existence someday. Let’s wait and see. The game is not over, and in this vivacious Trump orbit somebody might play a Trump card instead of the big guy in the life of current humankind, which certainly includes our Sakartvelo too. Who knows? Paradoxes happen!
for us. He and I went to Zugdidi recently in his van to buy everything for this large project. Drywall, plumbing materials, cement, tiles, toilets and sinks… a big outlay, but we hope it will improve things for our guests. Having a local builder makes a lot of difference. He comes highly recommended, and drives to us each day, has maximum one meal here, doesn’t drink alcohol (a special bonus in Georgia!), and then goes home each evening. This in contrast to workers from far away, who must stay with us, get fed three times a day, take up space, and so on. Ideal, really. As our tourist season winds down, with only one more large group (11 from Spain, October 3) booked and the rest singles or couples, we now have the time and space to focus on this renovation project. The pipes for clean water inflow and black water outflow must, of course, join our existing system. So this isn’t something one rushes into: it takes talking back and forth, discussing ideas and possibilities until the optimum solution is arrived at. Here we are. Lali, as usual, has trusted me to choose colors and patterns for floor and wall tiles for the bathrooms. I generally do this quite fast, without agonizing over hundreds of possibilities, just zeroing in on what I like and going with that. She, on the other hand, might spend hours comparing and contrasting. But she has always liked what I decide on, which is always faster anyway. So we go with this. The two rooms needing new bathrooms
must be emptied of furniture, and some plastic sheeting taped to the floors to minimize dust form the building process. A sofa gets moved to the café building; the beds redistributed to other rooms for now. The builder must also take out a large double window, replace it with a much smaller one, knock a hole out of the house wall for pipes and another for another window, AND knock out a doorspace for one of the bathrooms, all through cement block walls. So this is no light undertaking. It will probably take weeks, and he prefers to work alone instead of with a partner. So we trust him to it.
We do what we can to make things better, taking a deep breath and wishing it will go well. Next year is a new season… Here’s hoping.
In 2012, Donald Trump and Georgia’s then-president Mikheil Saakashvili attended the launch of a planned luxury skyscraper in Batumi, with Trump as a project partner. Phtoto by Seiran Baroyan/AFP/Getty Images
OP-ED BY NUGZAR B. RUHADZE
I
n the capacity of a real estate developer, and at the invitation of Sakartvelo’s then head of state, Donald Trump visited Tbilisi in April 2012 to officially unveil the planned 47-story luxury residential tower project in the Black Sea resort of Batumi, but the venture did not come to fruition for a while, and for the reasons that be. Since then, a lot of water has passed under the bridge, things have altered and people have changed, and the project was successfully resuscitated, this time as an around 62-story [ed: up to 70 floors according to The Trump Organization] tower in the capital city of Tbilisi, which is very good.
At the time of Trump’s visit to Georgia, nobody could have thought that he would become the US president, let alone twice. Moreover, not even one political scientist on our planet Earth could have imagined that Trumpism as such would overwhelm the world to this impressive extent. Meanwhile, the word TRUMPISM is no longer a political witticism or another journalistic brainchild. It has turned into a recognized political term. Dictionaries define it based on Trump’s commonplace policies and his distinctive socio-political approach. Trying to draw some parallels between Trumpism and Georgian national political life, I would not say that we have become Trumpists, but there is a certain number of things that might make us think that Sakartvelo could very well sense what it is like to be in the Trumpian
All Change BLOG BY TONY HANMER
O
ur cold, wet summer in Svaneti continues: after several sunny days with almost no cloud, it’s back to rain. I feel for our tourists, some of whom are setting off to trek to their next point, Mazeri, actually IN the rain, after breakfast. Such are the dice-rolls of booking a trip to hike in a foreign country weeks or months in advance: very much dependent on the weather.
They can make choices: get someone (including me) to drive them to their day’s endpoint if it’s bucketing down rain, for example. Or stay an extra day with us, to see if things improve for tomorrow. The first option speeds up their carefully planned route, which usually takes them all the way to Ushguli or beyond; the second one slows it down. So all things must be considered. As for us: we are adding two new bathrooms, to meet the demand and frequent requests for more private bathrooms in the guest house. At the moment there is only one of these, with the others all shared. A neighbor is doing this work
The guesthouse in Etseri under renovation. Photo by the author
Tony Hanmer has lived in Georgia since 1999, in Svaneti since 2007, and been a weekly writer and photographer for GT since early 2011. He runs the “Svaneti Renaissance” Facebook group, now with over 2000 members, at www.facebook.com/groups/ SvanetiRenaissance/ He and his wife also run their own guest house in Etseri: www.facebook.com/hanmer.house.svaneti
10
CULTURE
GEORGIA TODAY
SEPTEMBER 18 - 24, 2026
A World in Residence: What Tsinandali Reveals When the Stars Stay for Lunch REVIEW BY IVAN NECHAEV
A
t the Tsinandali Festival, the most interesting thing about the international presence is not that famous musicians arrive in Kakheti. It is what happens to musical history when they are placed, almost casually, next to one another. There is a particular moment in Tsinandali that is easy to miss. The evening concert is over. The amphitheater has emptied, the lights have gone down, and the audience has dispersed into the hotel, the gardens, the vineyards, and the roads leading back toward Telavi. The international soloists who, a few hours earlier, seemed to belong to another geography have not disappeared. They are still there. The next morning, someone will play Bach in the chamber hall; someone else will rehearse Schumann; a cellist will work through Rachmaninoff; a pianist will spend an hour on Rautavaara. This is one of the more important things about the Tsinandali Festival, and also one of the easiest to misunderstand. The festival is often described through its international names: conductors, soloists, chamber ensembles, singers, young musicians from across the Caucasus. And certainly the scale of the 2026 edition is remarkable: the festival ran from September 3 to 13, presenting more than 20 concerts and bringing more than three hundred musicians to the estate. But the deeper story is not simply that Tsinandali has persuaded an impressive list of musicians to travel to Georgia. It is that, for several days, the international music world is temporarily made resident in Kakheti. The original idea behind the festival was unusually ambitious. George Ramishvili, its founder and chairman, imagined the restored Tsinandali Estate not simply as a beautiful venue but as a cultural and educational center. Martin Engstroem, the Swedish-born music executive and co-founder of the Verbier Festival, became one of the project's artistic architects; Avi Shoshani, former secretary-general of the Israel Philharmonic and another Verbier co-founder, joined the founding artistic leadership. Gianandrea Noseda became the festival's music director, while David Sakvarelidze, who had previously led the Tbilisi Opera and Ballet Theatre, serves as general director. That combination explains something fundamental about Tsinandali. It was never designed simply as a Georgian festival that occasionally invites foreigners. Its structure is international from the beginning. Even its central educational project, the Pan-Caucasian Youth Orchestra, was conceived as a musical meeting point for young musicians from the region. The geopolitical language around such an institution can sometimes sound grander than music itself. But there is a more concrete way to understand what the festival is doing: it makes people listen to one another for a living. That sounds almost embarrassingly simple. Yet an orchestra is an unusually precise machine for producing this condition. A violinist cannot insist on playing only the music of his or her country. A violist cannot negotiate with a cellist through ideology. A conductor cannot rehearse a Brahms symphony by nationality. The only practical language is sound. David Sakvarelidze has described the festival's mission in almost cosmological terms, presenting music as a universal language and Tsinandali as a place where people can gather to explore that mystery. It would be easy to dismiss such language as institutional poetry. But the 2026 programs offer a surprisingly concrete version of it. Consider the lunchtime recital by
Photo by the author
Raphaël Feuillâtre, From Bach to Piazzolla. On paper, the title sounds like a familiar chronological journey. In practice, the program is more interesting because the guitar makes chronology unstable. Bach's Prelude in C major from The Well-Tempered Clavier is followed by François Couperin's Les Barricades mystérieuses, Jacques Duphly's Médée, Miguel Llobet's Variations on a Theme of Sor, two Catalan folk songs, Julián Arcas's Fantasia on Themes from La Traviata, Albéniz's Granada and Asturias, Agustín Barrios's La Catedral, and finally Piazzolla's Adiós Nonino. Almost everything has been moved. Bach's keyboard writing is moved onto the guitar. Couperin's harpsichord idiom becomes something intimate and plucked. Arcas transforms Verdi's opera into a guitar fantasy. Albéniz's piano nationalism is absorbed into the instrument that later became one of the great symbols of Spanish musical identity. Barrios turns the guitar into both cathedral and salon. Piazzolla makes it remember the tango. The guitar therefore functions as a kind of cultural customs office: nothing arrives unchanged. This is an excellent metaphor for Tsinandali itself. The festival imports music, but it does not present it in a vacuum. A guitar recital that moves from Bach to Piazzolla is already a lesson in cultural migration; heard in a Georgian wine estate, it becomes something larger. Bach arrives in Kakheti. Brahms arrives in Kakheti. Rachmaninoff is heard by an audience that has traveled through Georgian musical culture to reach him. Persian folk material is placed next to a British-Caribbean composer's Dervish. A Finnish composer's mystical piano sonata becomes the final work of a Russian pianist's Sunday recital. The point is not that these works suddenly become Georgian. The point is that context changes the ear. The same phenomenon becomes even clearer in the violin recital of Nikolaj Szeps-Znaider and Andrey Gugnin. The program moves through Mozart's Violin Sonata in E minor, K. 304; Prokofiev's Second Violin Sonata; four of Shostakovich's Op. 34 Preludes in the arrangement by Dmitri Tsyganov; and César Franck's Violin Sonata in A major. The program is almost an essay on historical rupture. Mozart's K. 304, in E minor, is one of the most unusual products of his mature violin-sonata writing. The work is compact and formally lucid, but emotionally unsettled. Its E-minor tonality, sudden contrasts, and famously nervous rhythmic energy make it feel much less like the smiling Mozart of popular mythology than the composer of the Don Giovanni world. Then Prokofiev. His Second Violin Sonata was originally conceived for flute and piano and later transformed by the composer into a violin version. The very history of the piece is therefore one of adaptation: a work changing its physical
identity without losing its structural one. Its four movements juxtapose lyricism, grotesque energy, melancholy, and rhythmic violence. Then Shostakovich, whose Op. 34 Preludes are piano miniatures in their original form, appear here in Tsyganov's violin-and-piano arrangements. Finally comes Franck, whose A-major Sonata is almost the opposite of Mozart's compressed architecture: cyclic, expansive, obsessive in its return of themes, and built around the idea that a musical argument can continue to transform itself over a long temporal arc. The result is not a chronological history of the violin sonata. It is a history of the sonata losing and reconstructing its identity. Mozart gives us proportion. Prokofiev destabilizes it. Shostakovich fragments it. Franck reconstructs it through cyclic memory. And then something even more interesting happens. Mozart's K. 304 returns in another chamber program, this time surrounded by Mozart's E-flat-major Piano Quartet and Brahms's G-minor Piano Quartet. The same work, encountered again within a different ensemble environment, begins to behave like a musical memory rather than a standalone item. This is the kind of programming decision that would be easy to overlook if one looked only at individual concerts. Across several days, Tsinandali begins to function less like a sequence of events and more like a network of echoes. The vocal recital on September 11 offers another version of the same idea. Chen Reiss and Okka von der Damerau, accompanied by Sandro Gegechkori, move through Purcell, Robert Schumann, Clara Schumann, Brahms, and Dvorák. The printed program includes Purcell's My Dearest, My Fairest, Sweeter Than Roses, Music for a While, and Sound the Trumpet; songs from Schumann's Myrthen; Clara Schumann's Sie liebten sich beide and Liebst du um Schönheit; Brahms songs including Meine Liebe ist grün, Wie Melodien zieht es mir, Dein blaues Auge, O liebe Wangen, and Verzagen; and a selection of Dvorák's Moravian Duets. It would be possible to describe this as a standard Romantic song recital. It is much more revealing to hear it as an archive of intimacy. Purcell begins with the English Baroque idea of music as rhetorical speech. The words do not sit on top of the music; they generate its rhythm, ornamentation, and emotional temperature. With Schumann and Clara Schumann, the relationship between poetry, domestic life, and musical identity becomes almost inseparable. Myrthen was written in the context of Schumann's marriage to Clara, and the songs exist within a world in which private emotion becomes public art. Clara's own songs complicate that picture further. Her presence is not merely biographical evidence in Robert Schumann's story. Her music demonstrates
a sophisticated command of the miniature form and a particular sensitivity to the relationship between vocal line and harmonic inflection. Brahms then takes the Lied away from the purely autobiographical. His songs are often astonishing precisely because their emotions are not explained. A phrase can sound intimate while remaining psychologically opaque. And Dvorák opens the window. The Moravian Duets turn the private voice outward, toward folk material, collective memory, and the imagined landscape of a people. In one hour, the program moves from the English Restoration stage to the German Romantic salon and finally to the folk imagination of Central Europe. This is exactly the sort of compression that Tsinandali does unusually well. A listener does not need a lecture about “Europe.” Europe is simply sitting in the room. The cello recital by Kian Soltani and Jaehong Park goes further. Its three works are Reza Vali's Seven Persian Folk Songs, Errollyn Wallen's Dervish, and Rachmaninoff's Cello Sonata in G minor, Op. 19. At first glance, this looks like another geographical collage. It is more coherent than that. Vali's work brings folk material into the concert tradition without treating it as an ethnographic ornament. Wallen's Dervishinvokes a figure whose cultural meaning reaches beyond simple exoticism: the spinning dervish becomes an image of circular motion, ritual, and altered consciousness. Rachmaninoff, meanwhile, gives the program its vast late-Romantic architecture, in which the cello and piano are not soloist and accompaniment but two equal dramatic agents. The Rachmaninoff is especially important in this context. Its famous melodic surface can tempt performers into making the work merely sumptuous. But the sonata is structurally restless. The piano's role is often symphonic; the cello's lyricism continually collides with the piano's harmonic and rhythmic momentum. The second movement, with its song-like opening, is not simply a beautiful melody but an experiment in how melody can become memory. Alexander Malofeev's September 13 recital might be the most conceptually elegant of the programs attached here: Schubert's Drei Klavierstücke, D. 946; Grieg's Holberg Suite, Op. 40; Scriabin's Valse, Op. 38; and Rautavaara's Piano Sonata No. 2, The Fire Sermon. Four pieces, four different relationships with the past. Schubert's three piano pieces were published posthumously. They belong to that strange category of late Schubert in which the traditional miniature begins to contain almost symphonic depths. Their apparent simplicity is deceptive: repetition becomes obsession, lyricism becomes duration, and formal return begins to feel like memory. Grieg's Holberg Suite deliberately looks backward. It is a nineteenth-century
composer imagining eighteenth-century dance forms, creating a kind of historical reconstruction that is already a modern composition. Scriabin's Valse takes the salon waltz and destabilizes it from within. The dance is still recognizable, but the harmony makes it increasingly difficult to remain simply a dance. And then Rautavaara. The Fire Sermon belongs to a completely different sonic universe. Its title invokes Buddhist imagery, and its musical language combines modernist dissonance, resonance, ritual, and mysticism. It is not “the future” in any straightforward sense. Rather, it is another way of asking what an ancient spiritual impulse might sound like inside twentieth-century musical language. There is a temptation, when writing about cultural institutions outside the traditional European capitals, to measure their success by the number of famous foreigners they attract. Tsinandali has certainly accumulated enough names to make such a list impressive. The 2026 edition includes artists such as Pinchas Zukerman, Lisa Batiashvili, Marc-André Hamelin, Ilya Gringolts, Sergei Babayan, Kian Soltani, Chen Reiss, Okka von der Damerau, Alexander Malofeev, and many others. But the more interesting question is what the names are doing there. The answer is not simply prestige. They provide different musical memories. A festival becomes culturally significant when its guests stop functioning as isolated attractions and start producing relationships between works, performers, generations, and places. This is where the role of the festival's international artistic leadership becomes particularly important. Engstroem and Shoshani came to Tsinandali with experience of constructing the Verbier model, while Noseda provides the orchestral and educational backbone through the PanCaucasian Youth Orchestra. That structure changes the meaning of the celebrity guest. The famous musician is not only there to perform. He or she is also part of an educational ecosystem. The young musician hears a rehearsal. Plays in an orchestra. Watches a chamber recital. Meets a soloist. Receives a masterclass. Then goes back to the practice room. The hierarchy between “international star” and “young Georgian musician” is therefore temporarily suspended—not because the two are equal in experience, but because they occupy the same musical ecosystem. This is the festival's most consequential form of internationalism. There is another reason this works particularly well in Tsinandali. The estate i s a ss o c i a te d w i t h A l exa n d e r Chavchavadze and the nineteenth-century Georgian encounter with European literature, music, wine culture, and intellectual life. The modern festival is therefore not placing an international cultural institution in an arbitrary Georgian location. It is activating an older idea of Tsinandali as a place where Georgian culture encountered the wider world. This is why the festival's internationalism does not feel entirely like cultural importation. The architecture is already carrying a memory of exchange. The vineyards carry another. The repertoire adds another. And the audience adds yet another. The strange beauty of the festival is that all of these histories coexist without necessarily resolving one another. Purcell does not become Georgian. Rachmaninoff does not become Persian. Rautavaara does not become European in the same way Schumann is European. Instead, they become neighbors. That may be a more useful definition of cultural exchange than the familiar language of “bridges between cultures.” A bridge connects two places while leaving them fundamentally separate. A neighborhood is messier. People hear each other's music through the walls. And Tsinandali becomes one of the places from which the world can be heard.
CULTURE
GEORGIA TODAY SEPTEMBER 18 - 24, 2026
11
15 Years of Berlin Art Week. Georgian and Int‘l Artists Featured in Local Institutions BY DR. LILY FÜRSTENOW
T
his year, Berlin Art Week celebrated its 15h anniversary, recapitulating upon its surprising continuity in a city that considers itself the European capital for contemporary arts, with an impressive number of international artists, galleries, contemporary art museums, kunsthalles and off-spaces still operating despite massive state budget cuts in the arts sector and a financial crisis. In the male-oriented capitalist art markets and art scene, male desire and the male gaze is a sure thing that dictates tastes, therefore, the critical approach to the art establishment that lies at the core of the artistic practice of the Guerrilla Girls, invited by the n.b.k. (Neuer Berliner Kunstverein) to contribute to the facade of their space at the Chausseestrasse in the Berlin district of Mitte, remains as relevant as ever. The essential question, posed by the Guerrilla Girls on that facade, is ‘Are in Berlin museums more nudes than women artists?’ This question addresses passersby, as well as visitors, to go to their favourite museums in Berlin and compare the amount of nudes in artworks to the amount of women artists in the respective collections and send the obtained info to guerrillagirls.com. Throughout their artistic practice, Guerrilla Girls remained anonymous, assuming the names of renowned deceased women artists, such as Frida Kahlo or Kathe Kollwitz, instead of pushing their own names as brands, as is the common practice in art. Their subversive body of work supports art for all in public spaces, where it addresses wider audiences rather than elitist circles of collectors, gallerists and art scene crowds. It calls for participatory involvement from all, in this way being radically different from Andrea Fraser's unique artistic project, but close to it in its critical spirit of laying bare the art market mechanisms, secret desires of all involved in their pursuit of prestige, sexual fantasies and self-fulfilment. Guerrilla Girls body of work has been over decades instrumental in disclosing gender- and race-related injustices within the art world. For the n.b.k. piece in Berlin, the Guerrilla Girls studied the motives of nudes in Berlin's museum collections and made a selection of images that went onto the facade piece, including Boticelli's iconic Venus as an eye-catcher. Speaking of evils and injustices from a historical perspective, coming to terms with the contaminated heritage of colonialism is the main topic of Maya Schweizer's films at the Schinkel Pavillion. Her work explores how contemporary
societies attempt to engage into dialogue with younger generations on the themes of remembrance and interpretation of colonial art. In her work "Autour d'une fresque," a monumental mural cycle by Pierre–Henri Ducos de la Haille (1889– 1972) in the ceremonial hall of the Palais de la Porte Dorée in Paris (Palace of the Golden Gate) can be understood as an expression of “colonialist realism.” Schweizer's video ‘Suis son regard et observe / Follow Her Gaze and Observe’ (2026) examines the mural‘s reception today. The film lives from the dichotomy of various layers superimposed upon one another: e.g. images of the students upon the motives of the frescoes, spoken language upon the formal vocabulary of the motives in the background giving it all a touch of tableau vivant. The young people discussing and making sketches of the colonial frescos are students from Champigny-sur-Marne, a small town 16 km away from Paris. Most of them are Africans, their teacher a white male who guides and encourages the participants to contribute to the discourse. The students comment and voice their opinions about the art work in a conformist manner, some feeling uneasy because of the camera, others not even paying attention to its presence. The whole piece leaves a somewhat ironic, bitter feeling, since the wrongdoings of colonialism can hardly be undone, and persist. The frescoes dominate the imagery with their vigorous color palette, none of it enough to tackle the complexities of the colonial past and its propaganda imagery. In her second film also presented in the Schinkel Pavillion Schweizer focused on the political propaganda aspects of protests against colonial exhibition policies historically. In her beautifully composed film En parallèle (2026) the artist analyses the protest that accompanied the International Colonial Exhibition right from its opening in Paris in 1931. Here's the crucial moment (adding some history insights for our unknowing post-Soviet readers): when the Moscow propaganda stepped in, offering it exhibition space. An anti-colonialism protest show also took place in Paris in 1931, in the Soviet Pavilion dedicated to the former 1925 Exhibition of Decorative Arts. A carefully selected and masterfully ordered visually captivating montage of letters, exhibition snapshots, citations from correspondence between Moscow regime functionaries, Louis Aragon team and others involved, reveals in the film how the cause of protesting colonialism was just a means in the hands of organizers to disseminate communist propaganda of the Soviets; even more so since they used the same contaminated visual vocabulary as their counterparts. Probably due to this critical moment
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in history that we now experience, it is no surprise that three Berlin institutions simultaneously, but in different ways, engaged during the Berlin Art Week with the so-called "East," focussing on its exhibition history and related artists, living and dead: Projektionen auf den Osten at the n.b.k. and Schinkel Pavillion and ifa-Galerie Berlin with its exhibition cycle Rauschen. This review sadly has little space on the page to dwell on all the inspiring artistic positions dealing with the East shown in the "Projections on the East" curated by Fabian Bechtle and Leon Kahane and accompanied by an extensive programme of discussions and screenings. Yet we can't help mentioning here briefly a remarkable exhibition mounted by the ifa Berlin dedicated to the exhibition history of the Center for Art Exhibitions (ZfK) of the GDR. This show marks the beginning of exhibition series Making Public: On the Work and Legacy of the ZfK in Berlin, curated by Susanne Weiß in collaboration with Nadja Abt, Swantje Greve and Petronela Soltesz. Any exhibition lives from the amount and quality of the exhibited artefacts and participating artists, and this one offers a truly impressive and in-depth collection of posters, photographs, exhibition views and even related exhibition and artist catalogues, carefully assembled and matched by the curators in the ifa Gallery space; turning it into an unexpected detor into the exhibition past of a GDR institution that operated from the 1970s till the very fall of the Berlin Wall, and was incredibly prolific in its work, with 130 exhibitions per year and shows featuring artists from the socialist satellite states, Asia, Palestine, indigenous populations of the Native Americans, and even artists from the former USSR, including a couple of Georgian women painters. The six-part exhibition series Making Public is presented by the Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen (ifa) in cooperation with the Wüstenrot Foundation, Schloss Biesdorf, the Kunstverein Ost (KVOST), the Prater Gallery, and the Galerie im Turm. It is supported by the Hauptstadtkulturfonds. Making Public is promising to be an absolute highlight, as it plans to give insights into the less discussed part of made in the "East" GDR art history. A number of new artistic productions, some of which engage with the artists’ own family histories, are part of the dialogue between generations in this exhibition featuring works and loans from a total of more than 50 artists, from the world renowned Sigmar Polke and Günther Wecker to Karla Woisnitza, less known outside Germany, who showed her Tecuna project in the Frauenmuseum Bonn in 1990 as female artistic networks awoke following the collapse of the iron wall.
Nika Kutateladze, Untitled, 2026. Courtesy of the artist and Galerie Molitor, Berlin. Photo by Marjorie Brunet Plaza.
The ifa exhibition offers a rich selection of posters, exhibition documentation materials and snapshots of artists, and one can trace visual analogies in the omnipresent Soviet-propaganda influenced artistic production of the time; immediately recognisable in all media, from books covers to the graphic design of exhibition posters, targeted at a surprisingly diverse palette of potential audiences and introducing cultural heritage and artistic practices from peoples from all over the world. Cultural influence and propaganda seemed to be the soft tool that the Moscow regime continuously used from the 1930s, and the Schinkel Pavillion exhibition showed this throughout all the decades of its existence. The formal vocabulary and the language of the posters addressing the viewers remain, however, like back in the 1930s, shaped by colonialist terminology, such as an exhibition invite that refers to the indigenous North American peoples as "Prärie-Indianer," or an evident imbalance in the presentation of mostly Russian artists in the Soviet traveling exhibitions at the ZfK and on the USSR art catalogue covers, to name but a few. As the USSR consisted of 15 so called republics, it is hard to assume that none of these produced a painter worthy of participating in a prestigious ZfK Berlin show abroad, or of a cover on a respectively prestigious art catalogue: all priviledges obviously only for party-member Russian artists. Artistic appropriation was apparently also widely used by Soviet artists back in the 80s, as is evident from the catalogue cover of the "Junge sowetische Künstler. Malerei und Graphik," with a motive from Nikolai Beljanow's Reflexion (Detail) 1982, where the artist goes for visual quotes of famous art works, including Niko Pirosmani's iconic Georgian female motive of "Ortachalian Beauty with a Fan," now part of the permanent collection of the Tbilisi State Art Gallery. Now that the totalitarian Soviet regime is long gone, there were more artists from Georgia represented by galleries across Berlin during the Berlin Art Week. Bukia-Vakhania presented works by Zauri Matikashvili. "The Sun Inside and the Sun Outside" is exceptionally poetic, with a gallery space turned into a personal universe for inner reflexion, private memories, and subjective visual references. It all revolves around the inner and outer realms: the hand-made inscription that the artist wrote on the Gallery window pane in pink in Georgian that
looks like a mysterious flowing ornament for all who are not familiar with the Georgian alphabet. Writing marks the space, separating street views from the interior, where metal place holders, usually used in Georgia to provisionally mark spaces in parking lots or construction sites, symbolise borders and limits, both private and public. With the overthrown bust made of used fabric and materials imitating marble, the artist refers to the act of throwing off from the pedestal; a rebellious gesture as one approaches the dark room where the artist‘s new video is projected, recording the wave of protests in Tbilisi against the current political regime. The protests were recorded last year in various seasons. The demonstrations are filmed both outside and in, when they enter the interiors and inner private lives of people through television as they watch while having a meal at a table. One sees protesters singing peacefully with cell phones in their hands, or knocking incessantly at the closed doors of parliament in a frantic rhythm, shoulders wrapped in white-red Georgian flags. The knocking sounds ominously aggressive, yet the massive doors remain locked; the protesters left outside. During Berlin Art Week, Gallery Molitor featured a solo show by Georgian artist Nika Kutateladze. In his portraits, the artist probes the possibilities of stripping back the surface of a face. He approximates porosity as orifices hollowed into a ghostly pallor, and contours that fracture or dissolve. The monsters that recur throughout this group of paintings show their teeth in a threatening manner. Kutateladze’s work stands in a lineage of portraiture concerned with a darker vision of life, and is reminiscent, at moments, of Francis Bacon’s concern with “the whole horror of life; of one thing living off another.” Some of the works are painted on massive white wooden panels leaning against the grey concrete walls; others adorn pieces of furniture or house facades, or are painted on white wood panels that reflect the artist’s homeland. A ramshackle painted fence of acacia wood in the gallery basement refers to the fences in the painter's native village, as acacia trees are often grown in the Georgian countryside to provide the wood for fences around land lots. Kutateladze’s portraits appear almost lost within the monotonous greyness of the gallery’s ambience, yet they never fail to haunt the viewer with their zombie-like, distorted grimaces.
Journalists: Ana Dumbadze Tony Hanmer Nugzar B. Ruhadze Ivan Nechaev Nanuka Maglakelidze
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