Issue no: 1568
• SEPTEMBER 4 - 10, 2026 • PUBLISHED WEEKLY
PRICE: GEL 2.50
In this week’s issue... Georgia, US DTRA Hold CBRN Field Exercise in Batumi NEWS PAGE 2
Ukraine Latest: War of Attrition Deepens as Russia Presses Donetsk NEWS PAGE 3
On a New "Geopolitical Race" in the Region and Georgian Ultra-Realistic Capabilities (First Letter) POLITICS PAGE 5
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi (left), Russian President Vladimir Putin (center) and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Source RFERL
ON UKRAINE FOCUS Putin is now being urged not only by the West, but also by Russia's partners to end the war in Ukraine
PAGE 6
UK Fines Citibank £4.7 Million over Russia Sanctions Breaches BUSINESS PAGE 7
Georgia’s Business-Sector Turnover Rises 11.9% to GEL 67.5 Billion in Q2 BUSINESS PAGE 8
From Rachmaninoff to Daur Buava, Abkhaz Blogger and Advocate Kordz: Germany’s Young for Georgian-Abkhaz Dialogue, Buried in Tbilisi Musicians in Tbilisi CULTURE PAGE 10
BY TEAM GT
Nino Kharatishvili Awarded Winfried Prize 2026
A
bkhaz blogger Daur Buava was buried at Mukhatgverdi Cemetery in Tbilisi on Wednesday, days after he was found dead in his rented apartment in the Dighomi district. Buava was born in Tkvarcheli in 1994, after the end of the war in Abkhazia. He was 26 when he came to Tbilisi from Russian-occupied Abkhazia in 2021. He had never witnessed the war himself, but had heard about the conflict from people around him. For years, he said, he knew only a history told from one side. After arriving in Tbilisi, Buava decided to verify that history himself, as he told Netgazeti several years ago. Within a few months, he had become one of the better-known Abkhaz TikTok bloggers. He also held Georgian citizenship. His videos mainly focused on Georgian-Abkhaz relations, the war, peace, and the future of Abkhazia. Since 2021, he had posted videos about Georgians and Abkhaz, friendship, the prospects for living together, and other related topics. Continued on page 8
CULTURE PAGE 11
Eter Liparteliani Wins Lausanne Grand Slam SPORTS PAGE 11 Prepared for Georgia Today Business by
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2
NEWS
GEORGIA TODAY
SEPTEMBER 4 - 10, 2026
Georgia, US DTRA Hold CBRN Field Exercise in Batumi Electric scooters in Tbilisi, Georgia. Source: Publika
Georgia Government Plans Legal Regulation of E-scooter Use by Minors BY NANUKA MAGLAKELIDZE
T
he Georgian government plans to introduce legal regulations governing the use of electric scooters by minors, according to the government’s short-term legislative activity plan for the 2026 autumn session submitted to Parliament, BPN reports. Under the plan, the government
intends to draft and submit a bill aimed at reducing risks associated with the use of two-wheeled electric scooters, protecting road users and improving road safety. The issue was also addressed in Georgia’s 2026–2030 National Road Safety Strategy and its 2026–2027 Action Plan, approved by the government. The documents state that the government plans to review the legislative framework governing the safe use of motorcycles, mopeds and electric scooters.
Japanese Ambassador Visits Pankisi Gorge, Meets Local Community
The training. Source: FB
BY ANA DUMBADZE
G
eorgia’s State Security Service (SSSG) and the US Defense Threat Reduction Agency (DTRA) have jointly conducted an interagency field exercise in Batumi aimed at strengthening the country’s preparedness for chemical and biological threats. The NEXUS Georgia 2026 exercise brought together representatives of Georgian state agencies responsible for chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear (CBRN) security, the SSSG said.
Participants included specialized units from the State Security Service, the ministries of Internal Affairs, Defense, Health, Economy and Finance, as well as other relevant government bodies. During the exercise, participating agencies responded to simulated chemical and biological incidents under three separate scenarios conducted in realworld settings. According to the SSSG, the drills were designed to test existing standard operating procedures and identify potential gaps in incident response and inter-agency coordination. Based on the results of the exercise, targeted recommendations will be developed to address the challenges identified during the simulations. New projects
and training modules are also expected to be introduced with support from Georgia’s international partners. The SSSG said another simulation exercise is scheduled to take place in Mtskheta on September 8, focusing on practical response procedures for chemical and explosive threats in crowded public spaces. “The State Security Service of Georgia maintains a long-standing and highly successful partnership with the US Defense Threat Reduction Agency,” the agency said, adding that DTRA provides significant support for developing Georgia’s security sector and strengthening the country’s ability to prevent and respond to CBRN threats.
Beer Consumption in Georgia Reaches Record 141 million Liters in 2025
The Japanese Ambassador in Pankisi. Source: Japanese Embassy
BY ANA DUMBADZE
T
he Japanese Ambassador to Georgia Ishizuka Hideki visited the Pankisi Future Foundation in the Pankisi Gorge on August 27. During the visit, the Ambassador met with members of the local community
and discussed the Foundation’s activities and issues related to the community. Ambassador Ishizuka also delivered a short lecture on Japan, introducing participants to Japanese society and culture, and speaking about the friendship and cooperation between Japan and Georgia. The visit was aimed at strengthening people-to-people ties and promoting cultural exchange between the two countries.
Beer Consumption in Georgia Reaches Record 141 Million Liters in 2025
BY NANUKA MAGLAKELIDZE
B
eer consumption in Georgia reached a new record high of 141 million liters in 2025, according to a publication by TBC Capital, as reported
by BM.GE. The data shows that imported beer is becoming increasingly popular among Georgian consumers, accounting for 16% of total beer consumption in 2025, while locally produced beer made up the
remaining 84%. Per capita beer consumption in Georgia increased by 21% over the past five years, reaching 44 liters last year. TBC Capital noted that the main sales channels for beer, including the FMCG and HORECA sectors, have grown significantly in recent years, with the growth trend expected to continue in the medium term. On the supply side, domestic beer production declined for the second consecutive year, falling to 114 million liters in 2025. Despite the decline, higher prices contributed to increased sector revenues,
with beer manufacturers’ turnover reaching GEL 636 million in 2025. This represents an average annual growth rate of 12.1% between 2019 and 2025. Georgia’s non-alcoholic beverage industry has also expanded significantly. In 2025, the country produced 474 million liters of non-alcoholic beverages, with the value of production reaching nearly GEL 1 billion. The sector is becoming increasingly export-oriented, with exports reaching 162 million liters in 2025 and continuing the growth trend recorded in recent years.
NEWS
GEORGIA TODAY SEPTEMBER 4 - 10, 2026
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Ukraine Latest: War of Attrition Deepens as Russia Presses Donetsk COMPILED BY ANA DUMBADZE
T
he Russia-Ukraine war has entered September with some of its heaviest fighting still concentrated in Donetsk, while the conflict is increasingly reaching far beyond the front. Russian troops continue to press toward Kostiantynivka and Pokrovsk, but their territorial gains remain limited. Ukraine, meanwhile, is taking its drone campaign deeper into Russia, striking oil infrastructure, airfields and military facilities, while Russian attacks continue to hit Ukrainian cities, ports, railways and energy facilities, killing and injuring civilians. The main ground battles remain around Kostiantynivka and Pokrovsk. Ukraine's General Staff reported more than 200 combat engagements on several days during the reporting period. On August 30, there were 225 clashes across the front, including 36 Russian attacks in the Pokrovsk direction and 23 around Kostiantynivka. By September 1, another 213 engagements had been reported. Kostiantynivka remains particularly important because it forms part of Ukraine's heavily fortified defensive belt in Donetsk. Russian troops have spent months trying to penetrate or encircle the city, increasingly using small infantry infiltration groups alongside mechanized assaults. Geolocated footage reviewed by the Institute for the Study
of War indicated a recent Russian advance in northwestern Kostiantynivka, but Ukrainian forces continued to hold significant parts of the city. By the end of August, ISW assessed that Russian forces had a presence through advances or infiltrations in roughly 72 percent of Kostiantynivka, but had still failed to capture it. Similar pressure is being applied around Pokrovsk and Dobropillia. Russian forces have repeatedly tried to push toward settlements including Udachne, Molodetske, Novopavlivka and Serhiivka, while Ukrainian troops have maintained or regained positions in parts of the area. Farther north, Ukrainian counterattacks around Lyman, Kupiansk and Borova have complicated Russia's attempts to consolidate its positions and advance toward Slovyansk. The broader picture remains one of attrition rather than a decisive Russian advance. ISW estimated that Russia captured or consolidated control over approximately 90 square kilometers of Ukrainian territory during August, compared with more than 500 square kilometers in August 2025. Ukrainian counteroffensive operations reclaimed at least 129 square kilometers, particularly around Lyman and the Oleksandrivka direction. Russian President Vladimir Putin nevertheless claimed this week that Russian forces had captured 270 square kilometers in Donetsk during August and were approaching Slovyansk, Kramatorsk and Druzhkivka. Independent battlefield analysis did not support that figure. ISW
estimated that Russia had captured roughly 73 square kilometers in Donetsk during the month. While the ground war remains slow and costly, Ukraine is increasingly trying to change the character of the conflict by taking the fight deeper inside Russia. Ukrainian forces struck the Kirishi refinery in Leningrad region and the Yeysk military airfield in Krasnodar region, where subsequent assessments confirmed the destruction of a Russian Ka-27 helicopter. Ukraine also confirmed that an August 27 strike near Millerovo airfield in Rostov region destroyed a MiG-29 fighter. Other attacks targeted drone facilities, communications centers, command posts and fuel depots in occupied territories and inside Russia. The strike on the Novatek facility at Ust-Luga in Leningrad region, more than 1,000 kilometers from Ukraine, demonstrated the growing reach of Kyiv's domestically produced longrange weapons. Ukraine's Defense Ministry said its strikes reached as far as 1,900 kilometers into Russia during August and hit 12 major oil refineries, two gas-processing and petrochemical facilities and three major fuel terminals or depots. The consequences are increasingly being felt beyond military targets. Repeated Ukrainian drone threats disrupted flights at Moscow's Vnukovo and Sheremetyevo airports for a second consecutive night. According to Flightradar24 data cited by Reuters and The Moscow Times, 21 flights were canceled and 235
Firefighters in Odesa, Ukraine, Sept. 2, 2026. Source: Ukrainian Emergency Service
delayed at Sheremetyevo, while 22 were canceled and 94 delayed at Vnukovo. Ukraine subsequently notified the International Civil Aviation Organization that it considers Russian airspace increasingly unsafe for civilian aviation. Russia, meanwhile, has sustained an intense aerial campaign against Ukraine. Zelensky said Russia launched nearly 1,500 drones over four days, more than half of them jet-powered. One of the week's deadliest incidents followed a Russian strike on an ammunition storage facility near Kyiv, triggering massive secondary explosions. At least 37 people were killed and dozens wounded. Other attacks in the Kyiv region killed children, including a 14-year-old girl and a twoyear-old girl. Russian strikes also damaged railway and port infrastructure in southern Ukraine. In Odesa region, attacks hit port facilities, the Orlivka border crossing with Romania and energy infrastructure. Odesa was struck again early on September 3, when an attack damaged a 21-story residential building and injured at least 17 people, including three children. Russian strikes in Dnipro killed two civilians and injured six, while Ukrainian drone attacks in Russia's Belgorod region reportedly killed two people and injured 16. There is little sign that the escalation is bringing the two sides closer to a settlement. Putin continues to insist that
Russia is winning on the battlefield and has rejected suggestions that the current front line should simply be frozen. Kyiv, meanwhile, argues that greater military and economic pressure is necessary before Moscow will negotiate seriously. Ukraine's Western partners are discussing additional sanctions and military assistance. Ukrainian officials have traveled to Washington to lobby for stronger US sanctions legislation targeting Russia and countries purchasing Russian energy. European governments are also discussing tighter sanctions and continued support for Ukraine, including the possible use of frozen Russian central bank assets. Germany is moving toward a deeper defense partnership with Kyiv. Zelensky said Ukraine and Germany were finalizing a broad agreement on the joint development of drones, missiles and associated software. Germany is already supporting the production and procurement of Ukrainian-made drones and interceptor systems, while Kyiv continues to seek more air-defense capabilities. For now, the war remains a grinding contest in which neither side has achieved the breakthrough it needs. Russia is pressing against Ukraine's defenses in Donetsk, while Ukraine is demonstrating that its ability to strike inside Russia is growing. The result is a conflict in which the front line may move only slowly, but the war itself continues to spread.
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POLITICS
GEORGIA TODAY
SEPTEMBER 4 - 10, 2026
Flights Canceled and Delayed at Moscow Airports after Zelensky Warns Russian Airspace is Becoming Unsafe BY ANA DUMBADZE
F
lights at two major Moscow airports were canceled or delayed for a second consecutive night after Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky warned international airlines that Russian airspace was becoming increasingly dangerous for civilian aviation as Ukraine expands its long-range drone operations. Moscow’s Vnukovo and Sheremetyevo airports temporarily restricted arrivals and departures overnight, Russia’s federal aviation agency Rosaviatsia confirmed, saying the measures were introduced to ensure flight safety. According to Flightradar24 data cited by The Moscow Times and Reuters, 21 flights were canceled and 235 delayed at Sheremetyevo, while Vnukovo recorded 22 cancellations and 94 delays. The disruption followed another night of significant delays and cancellations at Moscow airports linked to drone threats. The disruptions came after Zelensky warned airlines, insurers and govern-
Passengers waiting in an airport. Photo by Evan Gershkovich / MT
ments on September 1 that the increasing presence of Ukrainian drones over Russian territory was creating growing risks for commercial aviation. “Russian skies are becoming completely dangerous,” Zelensky said in his evening address. He stressed that Ukraine does not target civilian aircraft but said the growing scale of drone operations inside Russia had to be taken into account by airlines continuing to
use the country’s airspace. Ukraine has since formally notified the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) that it considers Russian airspace unsafe for civilian aviation. Ukrainian Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha said Kyiv wanted to minimize the risk of unintended incidents and urged airlines and governments to take additional precautions. Ukraine has also called on ICAO to encourage member states to
restrict civilian flights through Russian airspace. ICAO responded by reiterating concerns over the risks posed to civilian aircraft in conflict zones, citing threats including long-range weapons, drones, interference with satellite navigation systems and advanced air-defense systems. The latest disruptions have also affected foreign carriers still operating services to Russia. Turkish low-cost airline Pegasus Airlines canceled several Russia-bound flights, citing “technical and operational” reasons. Earlier this week, three of its Moscow-bound aircraft reportedly returned to their departure airports before reaching the Russian capital, while additional services connecting Turkish cities with Moscow and St. Petersburg were canceled. Other foreign carriers, including Turkish Airlines, flydubai, Kuwait Airways, Armenia’s Shirak Avia and Egypt’s Nesma Airlines, were also reported to have canceled some Moscow services on September 2. Russian authorities have rejected Kyiv’s assessment. Rosaviatsia said Ukrainian statements concerning Russian airspace
had no legal force and insisted that Russian airports and aviation infrastructure continued to operate. Transport Minister Andrei Nikitin said authorities were working with the Defense Ministry and National Guard to strengthen airport and flight security and prevent major disruptions to civilian aviation. The aviation disruptions come as Ukraine increasingly uses long-range drones to strike targets deep inside Russia, including areas around Moscow and St. Petersburg. Aviation risk consultancy Osprey Flight Solutions has assessed that strikes deeper inside Russian territory are likely to continue through 2026 and warned of the risk of miscalculation or misidentification in areas affected by the conflict. Most European and US airlines have avoided Russian airspace since Moscow launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 and Russia and Western countries imposed reciprocal airspace restrictions. However, Russian carriers and airlines from countries including Turkey, China and several Gulf and Central Asian states continue to operate flights through Russian airspace.
Pashinyan: Armenia is Deepening Ties with Georgia and Iran while Building Relations with Azerbaijan and Turkey Nikol Pashinyan. Source: Reuters
Illustrative photo of social media profiles. Source: Myth Detector
Myth Detector: 434 Inauthentic Accounts Linked to Government Identified in 2026 BY NANUKA MAGLAKELIDZE
T
he fact-checking portal Myth Detector says it identified 434 inauthentic profiles associated with the Georgian government this year, whose photos had been generated using artificial intelligence. Monitoring shows that these accounts are intended to simulate public support for government positions, and that the process bears signs of coordination. The mobilization of the inauthentic network mainly follows two strategic lines: • Socially sensitive domestic political issues; • The political and historical revision of Georgia-Russia relations. The chronology and topics of the inauthentic network’s activation are as follows: • Protest demanding medication for Duchenne syndrome (April): • “Deep State” and “Russophobia” (August 12): • Assessment of the Treaty of Georgievsk (August 18):
Myth Detector’s analysis found several common characteristics among the 387 suspicious accounts identified in August. • Most accounts were newly created: 323 of the 387 accounts were created in July-August 2026, including 154 on July 20 alone. • Profile photos were likely AI-generated: Hive Moderation assessed that more than 90% of the photos were AI-generated, with the probability reaching 100% in some cases. • The profiles list real educational institutions and workplaces, including municipal and state agencies, banks, and private companies, apparently to increase their credibility. • Some accounts are linked by identical names and connections, while others follow specific pro-government news and political pages. Myth Detector says the networks respond in a coordinated manner to progovernment propaganda messages, particularly posts by Imedi and Interpressnews featuring statements by Irakli Kobakhidze, as well as Rustavi 2 posts. The narratives include portraying the Treaty of Georgievsk positively and promoting claims about “Russophobia” and the “Global War Party.”
BY ANA DUMBADZE
A
rmenia is pursuing a balanced, multi-vector foreign policy while deepening friendly relations with Georgia and Iran, and working to establish interstate relations with Azerbaijan and Turkey, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan said. Speaking at a meeting held in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization Plus format, Pashinyan said Armenia’s foreign policy is aimed primarily at preserving and strengthening the country’s sovereignty and independence. “The essence of this policy is as follows: when the force of attraction of one geopolitical pole becomes so strong that it may threaten our independence, we
activate relations with another pole, which in this situation has sufficient attraction to maintain balance on the difficult path of sovereignty and independence,” Pashinyan said. He argued that sovereignty and independence cannot be fully secured while a country remains in a state of conflict, adding that multipolarity must first be reflected in relations within the region itself. “That is why, in parallel with deepening friendly relations with neighboring Iran and Georgia, we continue to establish interstate relations with our two other neighbors – Azerbaijan and Turkey,” he said. Pashinyan said Armenia is currently working with Azerbaijan and Turkey to open interstate transport links, including through the Trump Route for International Peace and Prosperity (TRIPP), with practical implementation of the
project expected to begin in the coming months. Armenian prime minister says the project could create new east-west transport opportunities linking the Caspian and Mediterranean seas, as well as northsouth connections between the Persian Gulf and the Black Sea. Pashinyan also said Armenia has been developing strategic relations in recent years with a number of countries and partners, including Georgia, China, Kazakhstan, the United States, France, Germany, the United Kingdom and the European Union. He described Armenia’s relations with India and Iran as “essentially strategic,” adding that Yerevan is working to formalize them. Pashinyan said Armenia supports the vision of a multipolar world and considers the United Nations to have a key role in its development.
POLITICS
GEORGIA TODAY SEPTEMBER 4 - 10, 2026
5
On a New "Geopolitical Race" in the Region and Georgian Ultra-Realistic Capabilities (First Letter) ANALYSIS BY VICTOR KIPIANI, GEORGIA FIRST
P
erhaps saying that today's world is in a state of total "disordered order" would be considered an exaggeration by some. I would partly agree: certain "laws" containing elements of order operate within this "disorder." However, as it turns out, the paramount among these "laws" remains the "law of force." This is precisely why it is no coincidence that the (a)systemic nature of modern relations is governed primarily by the "law of force" rather than the "force of law."
AN OVERVIEW Naturally, the factor of force is not new from a historical perspective. Yet, our interest lies in exposing its real role in the contemporary context. Personally, in my memory, the projection of force has never occurred as overtly as we see it today. Moreover, I dare say that even in the 1980s of the Cold War and the post-Cold War years, there were public or tacitly agreed-upon limitations on its use in the form of certain "red lines." The current trend, however, is a direct and overt demand for the "law of force," boasting about it, and establishing it as a normal way of doing business. As a result of this trend's impact, right before our eyes, we witness an accelerated fragmentation of the key pillars for a universally accepted and more or less civilized systemic order, specifically: Erosion of the Balance of Power: Due to the, to put it mildly, ambitious policies of large and medium-weight countries, the balance of power necessary for a stable global and regional order is being lost. Abandonment of Established Rules: Previously agreed-upon rules of conduct are being forgotten and adapted to suit one's own egoistic and individualistic
agendas. The virtue of these moderately well-agreed rules was that they formally determined what was permissible in international politics and what was not. Loss of the Will for Basic Compromise: The desire for a basic compromise, let alone uniting around common interests, is disappearing. Instead, the new "lawless rule" of geopolitics is becoming the calculation and prioritization of resources needed to achieve one's own interests at the expense of others' interests and resources. These brief characteristics are particularly noteworthy for so-called small, or, in the terminology established in my previous publications, compact, countries. A fitting yet unpleasant catchphrase associated with this trend is the Peloponnesian War-old dictum that "the strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must." In the context of Georgia, we will discuss a flexible response to this offering of the modern global "disordered order." But before that, let us examine what we are dealing with outside our country: the pattern of the new geopolitics formed independently of us, often referred to by the barbarism frequently used in the Georgian media space.
LOOKING CLOSER... We clearly see not merely the rational, but often the ultra-rational essence of this handwriting, where virtually no space (nor desire) remains for sympathyempathy. More specifically and concretely: 1. The political document of the socalled "grand strategy" has practically turned into a nominal file. In practice, the policy of real function has become the so-called "emergent strategy." In other words, countries act based on existing circumstances and by adapting to them, there, thus, and in the manner demanded by achieving a specific result. Moreover, bothering oneself with "isms" and "moral complexes" in this process happens less and less (if at all). 2. Diplomatic skills, and knowledge
A representative image. Source: Equitable Growth
policy in general, are increasingly being replaced by the temptation to weaponize geography, economics, or technology to exert influence and subjugation. 3. It is also a reality that many organizing systems of international relations, which were supposed to complement and strengthen one another, have turned into competitors. 4. The concept of alliance has drifted far from its authentic spirit. Countries of various types, despite formal membership in one or another alliance, increasingly resort to hedging (insuring against) external risks. This unusual transformation of the alliance concept is inappropriately fueled in some places by the current administration of the United States, not infrequently creating the impression of a "rebellion from within" in US-led alliance frameworks
(by the way, the question is whether this trend will follow Donald Trump’s administration or remain the approach of subsequent administrations?). 5. Instead of parties caring and working toward solid peace agreements, we practically witness short-term ceasefire or truce deals. This makes the prospect of establishing solid, long-term relationships extremely fragile, and achieving a stable order nearly hopeless. 6. Economic protectionism has moved through economic nationalism into modern economic autarky. Among other things, this means that economics and security are so intertwined today that all policy issues are viewed through the lens of security. Accordingly, economics and security are no longer separated from each other. 7. Territorial expansion is no longer a
taboo subject, and the targets of war defy clear definition due to their conflation in practice. For instance, the war in Ukraine demonstrated this, where both civilian and military infrastructure equally fell under attack. Because of these and other factors, I believe that today it is far more relevant to speak of crisis management policy beyond "emergent strategy," let alone "grand strategy." Obviously, such an offer by no means replaces strategic "framework" tasks, but the path toward these tasks lies in achieving specific goals. And this is possible through the creation of an ultra-realistic policy in a "manual mode," the same as "emergent," from event to event, circumstance to circumstance, phase to phase. We will discuss these and other related issues in the next letter.
11 to Be Questioned in Investigation into Death of Human Rights Defender Lazare Jorbenadze BY TEAM GT
G
eorgia's Prosecutor's Office has summoned 11 people for questioning as part of an investigation into the death of human rights defender Lazare Jorbenadze, who died on April 4, with the authorities saying the investigation has so far unequivocally established that he died by suicide. The decision to question a group of prominent public figures follows a letter from imprisoned former Prime Minister Irakli Garibashvili, who recently publicly questioned the circumstances surrounding Jorbenadze's death. The Prosecutor's Office said investigators had already carried out a number of investigative and procedural measures, including interviews with people close to Jorbenadze, among them family members and his spouse. Based on the information gathered, it said, the fact of suicide has been “unequivocally confirmed” at this stage. Nevertheless, following public statements by Garibashvili and others, investigators will question Nika Gvaramia, Irma Inashvili, Nanuka Zhorzholiani, Khatia Dekanoidze, Tazo Datunashvili, Gia Khukhashvili, Giorgi Liluashvili, Zaza Davitaia, Ermile Nemsadze and Giorgi Gigauri. Garibashvili himself will also be questioned. The Prosecutor's Office said it would
The Prosecutors Office in Tbilisi. Source Archello
provide further information if the questioning produces any new circumstances concerning Jorbenadze's death.
WHO WAS LAZARE JORBENADZE? Jorbenadze was a former human rights defender and political activist who had also served as a deputy head of Georgia's counterintelligence service, according to accounts published following his death. In recent years, he became a vocal critic of the Georgian authorities and was frequently quoted in the newspaper AsavalDasavali. His last widely discussed interview was published by the newspaper on February 2, 2026, shortly before his death. Journalist Dito Chubinidze interviewed Jorbenadze in an article that focused heavily on criticism of Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze and included serious allegations against the government. Among other claims, Jorbenadze said
he had seen Kobakhidze sign a document concerning the transfer to Azerbaijan of territory belonging to the David Gareji monastery complex, an allegation for which no independent evidence has been presented publicly. The interview subsequently became politically significant because, according to Garibashvili, officials suspected that he, the former prime minister, was behind the article. Jorbenadze died about two months after the interview was published. His death was officially treated as suicide, but questions about the circumstances were subsequently raised in public, including by Asaval-Dasavali itself and by several opposition figures. There is, however, no publicly established evidence that his death was anything other than suicide.
GARIBASHVILI RAISES QUESTIONS The issue returned to the center of pub-
lic attention after Garibashvili, writing from prison, asked what the “real cause” of Jorbenadze's death had been. Garibashvili said that on February 12 he had been sent, allegedly on the instructions of Kobakhidze and then-government official Mamuka Mdinaradze, a copy of the Asaval-Dasavali article containing Jorbenadze's interview. According to Garibashvili, he was also confronted with suspicions that he was behind the publication. He said he rejected the accusation and that he might never have spoken publicly about the episode had he not later learned that Jorbenadze had died by suicide. Garibashvili said the case raised broader questions about a number of deaths during the period of the Kobakhidze-Mdinaradze government. He did not, however, provide evidence in his letter establishing that Jorbenadze's death was caused by another person. His comments triggered a political reaction. Nika Gvaramia said Garibashvili's letter had made questions surrounding several deaths and suicide cases more acute, while Irma Inashvili publicly expressed doubts about Jorbenadze's death. Georgian Dream officials, meanwhile, accused Garibashvili of using a personal tragedy for political purposes. Summons draw further controversy Some of those summoned have already said they intend to testify in court rather than at the investigative agency. Journalist Nanuka Zhorzholiani said she would not appear at the investiga-
tive agency for questioning and would instead testify before a magistrate judge. She described the summons as an attempt to intimidate people who have spoken publicly about Jorbenadze's death. “I was summoned, but I will go to court,” Zhorzholiani said, arguing that the authorities were sending a message to socially active people that public statements about the case could result in pressure from investigators. Khatia Dekanoidze, a leader of the United National Movement, also said she would appear in court for questioning. She criticized the decision to summon opposition figures and said that, if the authorities were seeking accountability for the political environment surrounding the case, senior Georgian Dream figures including Bidzina Ivanishvili, Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze and Mamuka Mdinaradze should themselves be questioned. The Prosecutor's Office has not indicated that the people summoned are suspects in Jorbenadze's death. Their questioning follows their public statements or other information that investigators say may be relevant to the case. For now, the central finding of the official investigation remains unchanged: The Prosecutor's Office says Jorbenadze's suicide has been established. The new questioning is intended to determine whether the claims and questions raised publicly since his death reveal any additional circumstances that investigators have not previously established.
6
POLITICS
GEORGIA TODAY
SEPTEMBER 4 - 10, 2026
Even Putin's Allies Are Calling on Him to End the War
PM Modi and President Putin on August 31. Source: Reuters
BY JIMSHER REKHVIASHVILI FOR RFERL
P
utin is now being urged not only by the West, but also by Russia's partners to end the war in Ukraine. After Modi and Tokayev, it is becoming increasingly difficult for the Kremlin to maintain international support for the continuation of the war. Putin's response remains unchanged: he will bring the war to an end. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has urged Russian President Vladimir Putin to end the war in Ukraine. The meeting took place in Bishkek, on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Summit, which brings together the leaders of China, Russia, India, Turkey, Iran, Azerbaijan, and Central Asian countries. The Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev recently made a similar appeal to Vladimir Putin.
WHY ARE PUTIN'S SO-CALLED ALLIES URGING HIM TO END THE WAR? DOES CHINA SHARE THIS POSITION, AND HOW WILL PUTIN RESPOND TO THESE CALLS? According to political experts, it is one thing when Western countries demand an end to the war in Ukraine, and quite another when its Asian allies, the socalled Global South countries, demand the same from Russia. Prime Minister Modi, during his faceto-face meeting with Vladimir Putin on the sidelines of the SCO summit, stated: "We need an end to war, not a war without an end. Every day that war continues essentially takes humanity one step back, while every step taken towards peace gives all of humanity a real hope for peace. We must move from endless war to the end of war, to the cessation of hostilities." Putin claims that Russia is "moving towards the end" of the war against Ukraine. However, citing sources close to the Kremlin, Bloomberg previously reported that the Kremlin, on the contrary, is preparing for an escalation, as it believes that peace talks have reached a deadlock. On September 1, Putin also met with Chinese leader Xi Jinping as part of the
Bishkek summit. According to Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov, the leaders only “touched on the war with a sneer.” However, Xi Jinping said at the same summit that the world was still in the “fog of war.”
WHAT DOES INDIA WANT? According to Timur Umarov, a researcher at the Carnegie Center in Berlin, this statement by Prime Minister Modi is probably one of the most important statements made at the Bishkek summit. "Why is India trying to push Russia to end the war? Everything here is quite understandable and logical,” Umarov told the Russian service of the BBC. “India, like many other countries, is suffering in the energy crisis, which has been exacerbated by the war in Ukraine, sanctions, and other events, including the ongoing war in Iran. “In addition, maintaining a balance in relations on the Eurasian continent is very important for India's foreign policy. India is very sensitive to the rapprochement of Russia and China, since it has quite complex relations with China, including due to territorial disputes and competition for dominance in the IndoPacific region." According to Umarov, it is a favorable situation for India when there are stable and predictable, although not intensively developing, bilateral relations between Russia and China. “Accordingly, everything that has happened since 2022 is an undesirable scenario for India. This affects India's positions in both world and regional politics. In addition, the war in Ukraine limits Russia's capabilities as one of the main suppliers of weapons on the world market. Recall that, until 2022, India was one of the largest importers of Russian weapons, and Delhi is still significantly dependent on these supplies. A situation where Russia can no longer fully supply weapons is undesirable for India. All these factors together make India a country that sincerely wants the war to end as soon as possible and its foreign policy balance to return to normal.” Narendra Modi is not the first to openly call on Putin to end the war. On July 25, Kazakh President Kassym-Jomart Tokayev, during a meeting with Putin at the XXII Russia-Kazakhstan Interregional Cooperation Forum in Omsk, spoke about the need to end the war in Ukraine as soon as possible.
“It is sad that young people are dying. This is the gene pool of fraternal peoples. All this must be stopped. The nature of this conflict is not fully understood by many, including us. It is difficult to understand.… I know that in Alaska you showed maximum diplomatic flexibility; this is my humble opinion. Perhaps it is time to freeze the conflict and return to the Istanbul agreements, 2.0. Of course, with the guarantees of such great powers as the United States.” According to political analysts, the Indian Prime Minister is following an existing trend. Narendra Modi sees that he has support within the SCO, because there are countries that share his position and demand an end to the war within the organization. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who also supports an end to the war and often comes up with peace initiatives, was also present at the SCO summit in Bishkek. However, for Erdogan, like Modi, it is also important to maintain good relations with Russia. “There are important economic interests, and also security issues,” says political analyst Anton Barabash, Radio Liberty's Russian editorial office. “We have seen more than once that Russia and Turkey can reach an agreement even after the escalation of relations, as happened, for example, in Syria and other regions. Therefore, Erdogan traditionally wants to play the role of an important mediator: a leader who can talk to both the West and the East at the same time. Especially since Turkey is a member of NATO, but also maintains close relations with Russia. In this way, Erdogan can once again demonstrate the possible role of Turkey. The effectiveness of his mediation has already been partially confirmed during agreements related to grain exports. “In addition, this provides an opportunity to test how ready Putin is today to compromise. At the very least, Turkey can show its Western partners, both in Europe and the United States, that it is sparing no effort to stop the conflict and bring it to a truce or a temporary pause.” According to Timur Umarov, the position of the Indian Prime Minister is likely shared by the majority of member states of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), although they use different diplomatic tactics and do not cross the line beyond which the initiative can be perceived as criticism.
“Even in Central Asia, we see a big difference in diplomatic approaches, for example, between Kazakhstan and other countries in the region,” Umarov notes. “Kazakhstan acts based on its own considerations and close ties with Western countries. Moscow understands this well. It understands that it is necessary for Tokayev to make such statements in order to appear as a reliable partner in the eyes of Western partners, and this will not shake the foundation of bilateral relations with Russia. “The same can be said about India. India cannot be called Russia’s closest ally either in the world or in the region. “It is clear that Russia has made its choice over China, and China does not allow itself to make such statements. China understands perfectly well how important it is to maintain the Kremlin’s feeling that it is doing everything right. China also understands perfectly well how important it is to stroke Vladimir Putin’s ego and tell him that everything is fine and that he is the best, the leader, and, as Xi Jinping calls him, ‘a dear friend.’ China will not make statements like India's even when the situation worsens."
WILL THIS STATEMENT BY THE INDIAN PRIME MINISTER HAVE ANY CONSEQUENCES? Some political experts are skeptical, as they do not believe that Russia's actions in Ukraine are dictated by the foreign policy situation. Indeed, at a press conference immediately after the SCO summit, Vladimir Putin did not say anything about ending the war. On the contrary, he devoted a large part of the 40-minute press conference to the “successful conduct” of the war. "I have no doubt that the enemy will be defeated, although the issue of time and deadlines is always difficult, and it is not worth talking about specifying deadlines,” Putin said. “I receive information from different sources, from special services and from all those agencies that are involved in one way or another in the special military operation [this is what Russia calls the full-scale war against Ukraine. - R.T.], so my picture is quite objective. Combat operations are always a tragedy, accompanied by losses and new challenges, especially now, during the dizzying development of science and technology. Now the main challenge is unmanned aerial vehicles: on water, on land, in the air. This is a
serious challenge, and we are coping with it. I am sure that all tasks in this area will be solved. The pace of work of our military industry gives me the right to say this. We may lag behind the enemy in some areas, we are ahead in others. In the end, we will succeed in all tasks." Putin claims that the Russian army is also having success in the SVO zone, where, according to him, an operation to liberate the DNR (Donetsk People's Republic) is underway as planned. "In August alone, we captured 207 sq. km of territory, 15 settlements. We are moving forward cautiously due to the threat of drones. We are moving through the eastern outskirts of Kramatorsk and Slavyansk. In the center, battles are underway for Dobropolye. I don't want to talk about successes, lest anyone lose sight of them," Putin said. "Russia is in favor of any negotiations being primarily laden with concrete content. If someone can bring something positive to the negotiation process, which is currently somewhat frozen, Russia is not against it." However, as experts note, Putin “in the specific content of the negotiations” means the capitulation of Ukraine. The Russian government, which is restrained in response to the peace calls of its allies and partner countries, will respond with extreme aggression to the so-called collective West. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, during an appearance on television, explained why the Western peace proposals are unacceptable to Russia: "What the West is proposing today is a halt to the lines of confrontation where the parties are currently facing each other, that is, a truce, not a long-term peace. At the same time, they are already openly declaring that after the cessation of hostilities, neither Ukraine nor the West, or at least Europe, will recognize the territories under the control of the Russian army as part of the Russian Federation. They are almost proudly declaring: ‘First the fire must cease, and then we will begin to peacefully restore the 1991 borders,’ and that ‘stabilization forces’ will be deployed in the territories remaining under the control of the Zelensky government. Great Britain and France are particularly at the forefront of this initiative. In reality, these ‘stabilization forces’ will serve to preserve and protect the regime that Russia calls neo-Nazi, and which is the only regime in the world that has banned an entire language and canonical religion." At a press conference following the WTO summit in Bishkek, Putin spoke about the food chain in the animal kingdom, recalling Soviet propaganda, which often referred to the “sharks of imperialism” when describing the collective West. “Bone whales are truly formidable predators.… In Soviet times, the collective West was called the ‘sharks of imperialism.’ The metaphor is that if someone tries to choke us to the bottom of the food chain, they can get their teeth in. Russia can survive despite the sharks’ rapidly growing appetite and teeth,” he said. John Laffey, a well-known British expert on international relations and researcher at the NEST (New Eurasian Strategies Center), told Radio Liberty's Russian editorial office that for the Russian delegation at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization Summit, "the number one goal was to strengthen Russia's positions in the Global South and maintain support for its foreign policy goals." "I think it's also important for Putin to show his own voters in Russia that the country still has some status in the world and enjoys real influence," the British political scientist noted. Source: Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty’s Georgian Service
BUSINESS
GEORGIA TODAY SEPTEMBER 4 - 10, 2026
7
UK Fines Citibank £4.7 Million over Russia Sanctions Breaches BY TEAM GT
B
ritain fined Citibank £4.7 million ($6.34 million) on Wednesday for breaches of its Russia sanctions regime, saying a series of operational failings and errors at the US bank’s London branch resulted in funds being made available to sanctioned individuals and entities. The Office of Financial Sanctions Implementation (OFSI), which is part of HM Treasury and is responsible for implementing and enforcing UK financial sanctions, said Citibank’s London branch processed 970 payments worth approximately £19.7 million ($26.57 million) in breach of sanctions. Most of the violations occurred between February and November 2022, in the months following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, when Britain and its Western allies introduced sweeping sanctions against thousands of Russian individuals, companies, financial institutions and other entities. The transactions involved sanctioned Russian entities, including state-owned shipping company PJSC Sovcomflot and banks such as Alfa-Bank, Gazprombank and Credit Bank of Moscow. OFSI said the breaches arose across several areas of the bank’s operations, including pay-
Citibank London. Source: wilkinsoneyre
ment processing, correspondent banking and the handling of accounts subject to restrictions. According to OFSI, the violations were not intentional. However, the regulator found that Citibank had a number of weaknesses in its systems and procedures for identifying and blocking transactions involving sanctioned parties. The bank had particularly high exposure to Russiarelated sanctions risks in February 2022 because of its Russian client base and its correspondent banking relationships with Russian financial institutions. One of the problems involved the way the name of a sanctioned Russian company was recorded in the bank’s systems. A mismatch meant that the sanctions screening system failed to recognize the entity and did not generate an alert, allowing transactions to proceed. OFSI also found that Citibank failed to report frozen assets promptly in 53 cases. The average delay in reporting was 274 days, according to the regulator. The scale of the breaches demonstrates the difficulties banks faced in the immediate aftermath of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, when governments rapidly expanded sanctions regimes, and financial institutions had to adjust their systems to a constantly changing list of restricted individuals and entities. OFSI nevertheless stressed that banks remain responsible for ensuring that their sys-
tems are capable of identifying sanctions risks and preventing prohibited transactions. Citibank voluntarily disclosed most of the transactions involved, and cooperated with OFSI’s investigation. The bank has also said it continues to strengthen its global sanctions compliance systems. The fine comes as Britain has stepped up enforcement of sanctions against Russia and efforts to prevent sanctions evasion. On August 31, the UK announced that it was doubling the maximum financial penalty for sanctions breaches from 50% to 100% of the value of the breach, while also increasing efforts to target networks suspected of helping Russia circumvent Western restrictions. Citibank had already begun reducing its exposure to Russia after the invasion. In August 2022, it announced plans to wind down its consumer and local commercial banking operations in the country, and later moved to exit most of its remaining institutional banking activities. Its Russian banking unit was ultimately sold in 2025. The £4.7 million penalty is an example of the continuing scrutiny faced by major international banks over their ability to enforce sanctions, particularly as Western governments seek to restrict Russia’s access to the international financial system and prevent sanctioned funds from moving through global banking networks.
Georgian Dream Considers Raising GEL 40,000 Threshold for Property Tax BY NANUKA MAGLAKELIDZE
T
he Georgian Dream parliamentary majority has discussed raising the GEL 40,000 income threshold for individuals subject to property tax. The issue was discussed at a Georgian Dream majority meeting, majority leader Irakli Kirtskhalia said after the meeting. “We are working on increasing the existing threshold for individuals in terms of property tax. That is all I can tell you for now,” Kirtskhalia said. Under Georgia’s current Tax Code, individuals are required to pay property tax if their annual income in the previous year exceeded GEL 40,000. In such cases, individuals must register on the Revenue Service website, declare their income and provide the market value of their property. The system automatically calculates the amount of property tax payable.
WHO IS REQUIRED TO FILE A PROPERTY TAX DECLARATION? Under the current rules, if an individual’s or their family’s income exceeded GEL 40,000 between January 1 and December 31 of the previous year, they are required to file a property tax declaration. The same rule applies to individuals registered as individual entrepreneurs.
WHAT DOES A GEL 40,000 SALARY MEAN? The GEL 40,000 threshold is based on gross income rather than the amount an employee receives after taxes. Therefore, receiving less than GEL 40,000 in take-home pay does not necessarily mean that a person is exempt from filing a property tax declaration. Income includes the amount paid by the employer before deductions, including the 20% income tax and 2% pension contribution. Under the current rules, individuals who receive GEL 2,600 or more in take-home pay per month are subject to income tax.
Tbilisi, Georgia. Source: bm.ge
Georgia’s Regions with the Highest and Lowest Average Salaries BY NANUKA MAGLAKELIDZE
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Property tax. Representative image. Source: Commersant
eostat’s latest data show that the average monthly nominal salary in Georgia increased by 8.9%, or GEL 193.7, year-on-year in the first quarter of 2026, reaching GEL 2,363.8. Geostat data for January–March 2026 show that the average salary of employees in Tbilisi was higher than the national average. The average monthly salary in Tbilisi stood at GEL 2,779.6 during the reporting period. BPN has established the average monthly salary of employees in Georgia by region: Tbilisi: GEL 2,779.6 Adjara Autonomous Republic: GEL 1,889.4 Guria: GEL 1,458.7
Imereti: GEL 1,471.4 Kakheti: GEL 1,418.5 Mtskheta-Mtianeti: GEL 2,188.8 Racha-Lechkhumi and Kvemo Svaneti: GEL 1,223.3 Samegrelo-Zemo Svaneti: GEL 1,587.9 Samtskhe-Javakheti: GEL 1,520.8 Kvemo Kartli: GEL 2,011.4 Shida Kartli: GEL 1,538.9 The average salary represents the arithmetic mean, and in some cases, the earnings of employees in Georgia differ significantly from this figure. Some citizens earn considerably more, while others earn considerably less. It is also worth noting that some experts dispute the average salary figures, arguing that the difference between gross salaries and the amounts employees actually receive after taxes can be misleading. They say that, after taxes are deducted, citizens are left with approximately GEL 1,600 – 1,700 in take-home pay.
8
BUSINESS
GEORGIA TODAY
SEPTEMBER 4 - 10, 2026
Geostat: Fish, Meat and Meat Products Saw the Biggest Price Increase in August, Rising 9.8% Georgia’s business sector recorded higher turnover, output, employment and salaries in the second quarter of 2026. Source: Geostat.
Georgia’s Business Sector Turnover Rises 11.9% to GEL 67.5 Billion in Q2 BY NANUKA MAGLAKELIDZE
G
eorgia’s business-sector turnover increased by 11.9% year-on-year in the second quarter of 2026, reaching GEL 67.5 billion, data from the National Statistics Office of Georgia (Geostat) shows. Business-sector output rose 10.7% to
GEL 25.7 billion during the same period. The average number of people employed in the business sector increased by 4.1% to 828,400, while average monthly salaries reached GEL 2,471.5, up GEL 153.8 year-on-year. Arts, entertainment and recreation accounted for the largest share of turnover at 36.5%, followed by wholesale and retail trade at 32.4%. Manufacturing had the largest share of total output, at 20.5%.
Meat and fish. Source: Geostat
BY NANUKA MAGLAKELIDZE
G
eostat reports annual price increases across transport, food, housing and healthcare groups in Georgia. Geostat reports annual price increases across transport, food, housing and healthcare groups in Georgia. Changes in prices had a major impact on the formation of annual inflation, the National Statistics Office of Georgia (Geostat) said. Prices in the transport group increased by 15.2%, which contributed 1.81 percentage points to annual inflation. Prices increased by 20.8% for
the operation of personal transport equipment and by 12.8% for transport services; Prices in the food and non-alcoholic beverages group increased by 5.0%, which contributed 1.72 percentage points to annual inflation. Prices for fish, meat and meat products increased by 9.8%, oils and fats by 7.8%, and bread and bakery products by 7.1%. Prices for vegetables increased by 5.5%. Coffee, tea and cocoa became 5.4% more expensive, while milk, cheese and eggs increased by 2.9%, and sugar, jam and other confectionery products by 1.9%. Mineral and spring water, soft drinks and natural juices became 0.6% more expensive. At the same time, prices for fruit and grapes
decreased by 6.1%. “Prices in the housing, water, electricity and gas group increased by 8.5%, which contributed 0.82 percentage points to the overall index. Prices mainly increased in the following subgroups: electricity, gas and other fuels (10.3%), maintenance and repair of dwellings (8.7%), and actual rentals for housing (8.4%); Health: During the period, prices in the group increased by 5.2%, contributing 0.44 percentage points to total inflation. Prices increased in the following subgroups: medical products, appliances and equipment (8.7%) and outpatient medical services (2.4%),” Geostat said in its report.
SOCIETY
Daur Buava, Abkhaz Blogger and Advocate for Georgian-Abkhaz Dialogue, Buried in Tbilisi Continued from page 1 By 2022, tens of thousands of people, including many young Abkhaz, were following his TikTok account. On May 19, 2022, the de facto State Security Service of Abkhazia charged Buava with “treason.” At the time, the agency said his TikTok videos “undermine the security and defense capabilities of the state of Abkhazia and are aimed at assisting a hostile state against Abkhazia.” Family members said during Buava’s funeral that he had been punished for his love of his homeland. Buava was found dead in his rented apartment in Tbilisi on August 28. According to available information, he had been dead for several days before neighbors called emergency services after noticing a strong odor coming from the apartment. The cause of death has not yet been determined and is expected to be established through a forensic examination. Georgia’s Prosecutor’s Office later released CCTV footage from the residential building where Buava lived. The footage shows that he was last seen entering the building on August 23. An investigation into the circumstances of his death is underway. According to investigators, Buava and his friend, Ukrainian citizen Valeria Kirliuk, had used narcotic substances together at Buava’s temporary residence
in Tbilisi’s Didi Dighomi district, after which both became unwell. Investigators say Kirliuk left Buava alone in the apartment while he was in a critical and life-threatening condition. According to her testimony, she locked the apartment door from the outside using a second key and left without informing anyone about what had happened or seeking medical assistance for Buava. The Georgian Interior Ministry said Kirliuk was detained on August 29 on charges of abandoning a person in danger. The investigation is being conducted under Articles 115 and 128 of Georgia’s Criminal Code, concerning incitement to suicide and abandonment of a person in danger, respectively. Tbilisi City Court later ordered Kirliuk’s pretrial detention. The decision was made by Judge Arsen Kalatozishvili. Prosecutors had requested detention as the strictest preventive measure, while the defense sought her release without any preventive measure. The prosecution argued that there was a risk that Kirliuk could commit another offense, influence witnesses, or abscond. Prosecutor Davit Kazarashvili said Kirliuk had communicated with numerous people after leaving Buava’s apartment but had not told anyone that she had left him in a critical condition. He said she was afraid of being held responsible and therefore did not contact the police.
At the funeral. Source: Netgazeti
According to the prosecutor, several days later, when Buava’s friends asked about him, she allegedly still failed to disclose his condition. Defense lawyer Khatuna Chkhaidze opposed the prosecution’s request, arguing that the alleged offense falls into the category of less serious crimes and that no preventive measure should be imposed. She also said Kirliuk was in a serious condition and was being treated in an intensive care unit. Kirliuk has exercised her right to remain silent. Police have also detained two other people on drug possession charges as part of the investigation into Buava’s death. According to the Interior Ministry, police searched two residential apartments in Tbilisi and seized 10 packages containing different types of drugs, including marijuana and methadone. The ministry said the ongoing investigation, including interviews, established that both detainees knew Buava and Kirliuk. It also said that one of the people detained on drug charges had given drugs to Kirliuk free of charge, after which she used the drugs together with Buava and then left him in a life-threatening condition without seeking help. The investigation remains ongoing. At the funeral, Buava’s father thanked Georgians for welcoming his son and said that Daur Buava was buried in the very place where he had found himself.
SOCIETY
GEORGIA TODAY SEPTEMBER 4 - 10, 2026
9
Back to “Flower Garden.” Part 1
Photo by the author
BLOG BY TONY HANMER
S
ince our Georgian friends introduced us to Qvavilnari (from the Georgian word for “flower”), a bit of seaside near Ureki, we have been back to it a number of times, and also explored around it. Our latest excursion there was
in late August; four nights when our house was guest-free in Svaneti and we were thus able to slip away. I had bought a good-quality, very easily set-up threeperson tent in Canada just before, and this was its first use. Tent evolution since I bought my first one in 1989 has made leaps and bounds forward! Thankfully, my wife has taken to camping like she was born to it. Our last trip to Qvavilnari had it over-
Photo by the author
run with tents and campers, most of which seemed to be from Russia, Ukraine and Belarus: hardly anyone else in sight. Contrast this with our first time there, when our friends and we had practically the entire 1-km stretch of pine trees and beach to ourselves. It has been Discovered, well and truly. This time, though, the overwhelming nationality was Georgian, with the odd Russian or European sparsely mixed in. And the beach had become much more populated from sunrise to sunset, as well. But the tent- and camper-folk didn’t seem to me to be any more than last time. We did stumble across other friends, relatives of the original ones who had directed us there, and shared a meal or two with them as well. I suppose that the one thing lacking for me in Svaneti’s mountain grandeur is just this: the crash and hiss of waves on sand, a shallow beach, good swimming in very pleasant water. There were no mosquitoes, even, surprising given that we backed onto a small pond. Our weather started off very well, as per the forecast: warm and sunny the first two days. The tent was easy for my wife alone to set up, as she discovered, wanting to try. We also had a separate tall, narrow-footprint tent for a toilet, with a hole in the ground and a shovel next to it. Very civilized. We relaxed to our hearts’ content. Fresh water was very close to fill our large bottles. We had the choice of a gas burner or a wood fire to cook on; folding chairs; mattresses and sleeping bags, though I mostly slept on top of mine due to the warmth. In short, we were happier thus than in any hotel, looking after ourselves with no care in the world. I also had a new, unfolding three-panel solar charger bought in Canada to top up my main device battery. This worked well when it was sunny; less well on the second two days, when the weather was cloudier, though it still did charge the battery, just slower. Internet was just good enough to send a few videos a day, and we even celebrated passing the 41,000-follower mark on Facebook. This time we gave the Dendrological Park with its flora and fauna a miss, and I photographed not a single bird, concentrating on the beach, waves and pond.
Photo by the author
But it was very satisfying, as I played with a slow shutter speed (about 1/4 second) while moving the camera horizontally with the waves coming in. I love showing water, like dance, with motion blur, as for me it’s all about the movement: the subject is simply never still, and I want to capture that somehow. Freezing it just seems wrong to me, but that’s my style. I’ll conclude the story next issue.
Tony Hanmer has lived in Georgia since 1999, in Svaneti since 2007, and been a weekly writer and photographer for GT since early 2011. He runs the “Svaneti Renaissance” Facebook group, now with over 2000 members, at www.facebook.com/groups/ SvanetiRenaissance/ He and his wife also run their own guest house in Etseri: www.facebook.com/hanmer.house.svaneti
The Soldiers of Georgia’s Journalistic Army BLOG BY NUGZAR B. RUHADZE
A
nd here is one of the best and the eldest of them – Vasil Mamulashvili, 87, for the last 50 years the functioning editor-in-chief of the Kareli Moambe biweekly newspaper. He believes that nothing is more powerful than the press in the world, and is proud to have spent his entire life in the field. As he says, a professional journalist is like a fencer who would not abandon the arena even after receiving frequent stabs by the sword. The veteran man of letters has never accepted staying in the shade, and has always preferred to be in action, fighting to the very end of the battle. He is proud that his lifetime is fully loaded with published newspapers and articles. His colleagues admit that he is a universal journalist thanks to the versatility, diversity and multi-topicality of his creative work. Vasil Mamulashvili is the founder of one national, one districtlevel and four regional newspapers; has for years diligently worked for numerous mass media outlets; authored various radio and television programs; wrote movie scripts and drama plays; and translated fiction and non-fiction into the Georgian language, for instance The Glove by Friedrich Schiller, thus having achieved journalistic success of that magnitude, with literally hundreds of much-spoken-about interviews under his belt.
Vasil Mamulashvili. Source: FB
No less impressive is his achievement in the field of pedagogy, with his Ph.D. in philology and his long teaching experience as a professor at various universities across the country. Vasil Mamulashvili, having forever remained faithful to his pen, strong journalistic ethics and unimpaired integrity as a servant of society, hated merely to watch and analyze life from his comfortable office as an editor-in-chief. He never sold his civic conscience to the desire and necessity of praising decision-makers at various levels through flattery, fawning and obsequiousness, instead intensively and fearlessly using his sharp humor and satire against those whom he thought were standing in the way of our effective development.
What a wonderful example for the current and future generations of journalists in Sakartvelo! Yes, we truly need the epitomes of that kind and magnitude to be guaranteed that our people’s actuality is being described fairly and objectively, because the influence of mass media on our lives and personal behavior as responsible citizens of this country is limitless. Is this put too noisily? Yes, but we need to say things like this without hesitation, to be heard by the majority of our youth and taxpayers. People of my generation remember well one vivid example of Vasil’s journalistic deed. Even a child knows today that mass media was muted in the Soviet era: no journalist would dare to utter a word against what the Communist Party thought and said was true and acceptable. Notwithstanding the regime’s scary strictness and flagrant severity, the young Vasil Mamulashvili once publicly declared that the Communist Party bosses should not meddle in or mess with the work of Georgian journalists. This sounded like a thunderbolt all over the country. At that time, the party leader was the well-known Soviet functionary Eduard Shevardnadze. Having heard Mamulashvili’s straightforward statement, with a clear grain of truth in it, the entire conference went mum until Shevardnadze himself started applauding. Once that totally outlandish statement was endorsed by the boss, the public felt free to explode into applause for the daring young man’s unexpected step. Well, nowadays, there is not much
Vasil Mamulashvili in younger years. Source: Vasil
need to be an outspoken hero because we are living in a free country as genuinely free people, at least free to speak our minds, but the permanent presence of characters like Vasil Mamulashvili, serving as watchdogs of truth in our national reality, would not hurt. We truly need honest professionals like Mamulashvili to keep the country on the right track of development, conducive to a more qualitative life for our people. The episode with Shevardnadze speaks eloquently about this. With his style of work, civic activity, character and behavior, Mamulashvili is preaching to us, the journalists of Georgia, to feel the pains
of the nation, to let our society hear the true word, with the purpose of acquiring enough social power to fight evil and let justice triumph. Again, is this overly loud? Possibly, but saying things straight is better than being reluctant to sincerely express ourselves and running from veracity. Amazingly, Vasil Mamulashvili did not limit himself to journalistic activity. He also tried himself on the stage, in the movies and in poetry, being equally attractive and successful everywhere. Finally, stories like this about the sons and daughters of Sakartvelo speak volumes about this nation. Let the world hear about them. The louder, the better!
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CULTURE
GEORGIA TODAY
SEPTEMBER 4 - 10, 2026
From Rachmaninoff to Kordz: Germany’s Young Musicians in Tbilisi REVIEW BY IVAN NECHAEV
O
n September 1 and 2, Tbilisi hosted the first Georgian visit of Germany’s National Youth Orchestra, the Bundesjugendorchester, with the Georgian pianist Giorgi Gigashvili and conductor Mirian Khukhunaishvili. The two evenings were deliberately different. The first, at the Tbilisi Opera and Ballet Theater, presented Rachmaninoff ’s Third Piano Concerto, Giya Kancheli’s Another Step…, and Mussorgsky’s Pictures at an Exhibition in Ravel’s orchestration. The second, at the Auditorium of the Georgian Philharmonic, opened with Piano Concertino by Kordz, before returning to Kancheli, Mussorgsky and Ravel. The tour continued to Kutaisi on September 3. These were not simply two performances of the same touring programme, but two opportunities to hear the same young ensemble under rather different musical demands. That difference also made the concerts more revealing. A single appearance can tell us whether an orchestra is technically accomplished. Two contrasting programmes begin to show its musical reflexes: how it deals with mass and transparency, with extreme dynamics, with contemporary writing, with instrumental color, and with the accumulated conventions of the classical repertoire. The Bundesjugendorchester is an unusually serious institution for musicians so young. Founded in 1969 by the German Music Council, it selects players between fourteen and nineteen through auditions and brings them together for intensive rehearsal and touring projects. Its history includes work with conductors such as Herbert von Karajan, Kurt Masur, Gustavo Dudamel and Kirill Petrenko, while the Berliner Philharmoniker has served as its mentoring orchestra since 2013. The players therefore encounter the symphonic repertoire within an institutional framework that treats them as future professionals rather than as students being introduced to simplified versions of orchestral music. The first evening began with perhaps the least forgiving work in the programme: Rachmaninoff’s Third Piano Concerto. Written in 1909 for the composer’s first American tour and premiered by Rachmaninoff himself in New York, the concerto is often described as a summit of pianistic difficulty. That description is accurate but incomplete. Its real problem is one of proportion. The soloist has to maintain a long melodic line while negotiating enormous technical demands, and the orchestra must generate the weight of Rachmaninoff’s sound without covering the piano. Giorgi Gigashvili’s interpretation was compelling precisely because it did not sound entirely safe. From the opening bars, he treated the first theme as a singing line rather than as the prelude to a display of virtuosity. The phrasing was flexible, with a noticeable inclination to linger over harmonic turns and to make the melodic line breathe. This suited the concerto’s vocal character and was particularly effective in the lyrical writing. Gigashvili’s sound could become remarkably transparent in the upper register, while the left hand retained enough weight to keep the accompaniment from becoming merely decorative. The price of that freedom was audible in the technically exposed passages. There were missed notes, blurred runs and moments in which the clarity of the piano texture temporarily gave way under pressure. Some transitions also felt less structurally settled than the surrounding music. This matters in the Third Concerto because virtuosity is inseparable from form: the cadenza, for instance, is not an ornamental interruption but one
Photo by the author
of the principal points at which the pianist has to reorganise the listener’s sense of the entire movement. Yet the performance’s imperfections were inseparable from its strongest quality. Gigashvili is plainly unwilling to make the concerto sound predetermined. He takes expressive risks, pushes the tempo around phrases, and gives climaxes a physical urgency. In the second movement, that instinct worked particularly well: the melody acquired a private, almost vocal quality, and the surrounding orchestral texture remained sufficiently restrained for the piano line to retain its intimacy. In the finale, however, the same impulse occasionally became excessive. When the tempo was pushed and the passagework became denser, the music lost some of its definition. The performance would have gained considerably from greater technical reserve. Not because Rachmaninoff requires sterility, but because greater security would allow Gigashvili’s interpretive freedom to register without being accompanied by audible struggle. The orchestra’s contribution was similarly mixed, though its strengths were substantial. The strings produced a full, dark sonority appropriate to Rachmaninoff, and the brass had the necessary authority in the large climaxes. The principal issue was balance. At several points the orchestral tutti accumulated enough weight to force the piano into a more aggressive projection than the musical line required. Elsewhere the balance was excellent, particularly when the accompaniment became chamberlike and the inner voices could be heard beneath the solo line. The young players were at their best when they listened horizontally, across the ensemble, rather than treating the score as a sequence of entrances. This distinction became crucial in Kancheli’s Another Step…. Where Rachmaninoff tests an orchestra’s ability to control abundance, Kancheli tests its ability to control absence. Written in 1992 for large orchestra, tape
Photo by the author
and an offstage viola, Another Step… is constructed from enormous contrasts in density and volume. Kancheli’s silences are not rests in the conventional sense. They have duration, weight and expectation. A quiet passage must remain genuinely quiet; a distant sound must retain its distance; and a sudden orchestral eruption only works if the preceding silence has been allowed to become psychologically substantial. Khukhunaishvili understood this aspect of the piece. The most successful moments came in the transitions from barely audible material to the full orchestral eruptions. The restraint of the quiet sections gave the climaxes a physical shock that they would not have possessed had the orchestra treated the dynamic range merely as a series of markings in the score. The offstage viola and recorded material also created a convincing sense of acoustic distance, extending the musical space beyond the visible orchestra. The performance was strongest when it avoided making Kancheli sound automatically “tragic.” His music can tempt performers into a kind of ready-made solemnity: slow tempo, long pause, enormous crescendo, melancholy. Here the silences generally retained their ambiguity. They sounded like spaces in which something might happen rather than instructions about what the audience ought to feel. That distinction is central to Kancheli’s aesthetic and particularly important in Georgia, where his music carries a cultural memory that does not need to be underlined by interpretation. The final work of the first evening, Pictures at an Exhibition, demanded a completely different orchestral vocabulary. Mussorgsky wrote the original piano suite in 1874 in response to an exhibition of works by his friend Viktor Hartmann. Ravel’s 1922 orchestration transformed the work into a vast study in instrumental color, assigning different pictures to different sections and repeatedly changing the physical character of the sound. Here the young orchestra had a natural advantage. The music requires rapid
changes of character, and the players responded with considerable immediacy. The saxophone solo in The Old Castle had the necessary distance and melancholy; The Ballet of the Unhatched Chicks was light and sharply articulated; Bydlo had genuine weight, while Baba-Yaga benefited from the players’ appetite for rhythmic aggression. The brass were particularly effective in the final Great Gate of Kiev, where the challenge is not simply to become louder but to make the accumulated sonority feel architecturally inevitable. There were places where the performance favored momentum over detail. Some of Ravel’s quieter color changes passed too quickly, and the transitions between pictures could have been given slightly more room to register as changes of perspective. But the larger structure held. By the end, the orchestra had demonstrated that its considerable energy could be organized into a convincing symphonic trajectory. The second evening at the Auditorium changed the terms of the experiment. Kordz’s Piano Concertino placed the orchestra in the sound world of contemporary Georgia before Mussorgsky returned it to the nineteenth century. Kordz, Alexandre Kordzaia, belongs to a generation for whom the distinction between concert music, electronic sound and popular culture is increasingly porous. His background in audio design and electroacoustic music is reflected in a compositional language in which timbre, rhythm and texture can carry as much structural weight as conventional melody. That makes Piano Concertino an especially revealing work for a young orchestra. The piano is not presented in the heroic nineteenth-century concerto role occupied by Gigashvili the previous evening. Instead, it becomes part of a larger sonic mechanism. The relationship between soloist and ensemble is more fluid, with textures emerging, breaking apart and recombining rather than progressing through the traditional opposition of protagonist and orchestra. The performance benefited from that lack of hierarchy. Gigashvili sounded freer here than in Rachmaninoff, partly because the music does not impose the same burden of continuous melodic projection. His attacks were more percussive, and the relationship between gesture and sound felt closer to improvisational practice. The orchestra responded with precision to the rapid changes of texture, although some of the more delicate layers would have benefited from greater separation. When the ensemble became dense, individual timbral details could disappear into the general mass. That was also the point at which the Auditorium proved particularly appropriate. The music depends on immediacy and on the listener's ability to register changes in texture without the formal distance that can accompany a traditional symphonic concert. The effect was more like entering a constructed sonic environment than listening to a conventional concerto. Kordz also altered the meaning of what followed. Hearing Pictures at an Exhibition immediately after Piano Concertinomade Ravel sound unexpectedly contemporary. Both composers treat orchestral color as a structural resource. Both understand that a change of instrumental timbre can change the perceived physical space of a piece. The difference is historical vocabulary, not the underlying curiosity about what an orchestra can do with sound. The second performance of Pictures therefore offered an instructive comparison with the first. The orchestra appeared more relaxed with the score, and the individual instrumental personalities came through with greater confidence. The lighter episodes were espe-
cially successful: the young players have a natural sense of attack that suits Mussorgsky’s grotesque humor, while the larger climaxes retained enough discipline to avoid becoming merely bombastic. The final pages were less about volume than about accumulation, with the brass and percussion gradually turning the recurring Promenade into something monumental. Across the two evenings, the most convincing aspect of the Bundesjugendorchester was therefore its responsiveness. The same ensemble could move from the enormous legato architecture of Rachmaninoff to Kancheli’s almost microscopic control of silence, then into Kordz’s contemporary treatment of instrumental sound, and finally into Ravel’s kaleidoscopic orchestration. That is a more meaningful measure of an orchestra’s maturity than technical cleanliness alone. Gigashvili remains the more complicated figure within the two programs. His Rachmaninoff was sometimes technically unstable, but it was also the performance with the clearest individual point of view. The important question is whether his technique will eventually become secure enough to accommodate the full extent of his expressive ambition. The signs are promising because the musical instinct is already unmistakable. His Kordz, meanwhile, suggested how naturally he inhabits a less hierarchical musical language, where the piano can be color, percussion, resonance and gesture as much as melodic voice. Khukhunaishvili’s contribution was less conspicuous but perhaps more decisive. In Rachmaninoff he had to negotiate the dangerous relationship between orchestral mass and soloist; in Kancheli he had to create the conditions for silence; in Mussorgsky and Ravel he had to maintain a rapid succession of characters without allowing the cycle to become episodic. His strongest work was in the music that depended on proportion rather than spectacle. The two Tbilisi concerts thus offered something more valuable than a demonstration of youthful virtuosity. They showed an orchestra learning, in public, how differently music can ask a collective body to behave. Rachmaninoff required stamina and long-range control. Kancheli required patience and restraint. Kordz required sensitivity to texture and contemporary notions of sound. Mussorgsky and Ravel required color, character and theatrical timing. There was also a larger cultural movement underneath the program. A German youth orchestra arrived in Georgia with a Georgian pianist and Georgian conductor. It played Rachmaninoff, whose music traveled from Russia to America and became part of the international concert canon; Kancheli, whose music carries the particular history of Georgia into that canon; Mussorgsky, whose piano cycle was transformed by a French composer into an orchestral work now heard around the world; and Kordz, whose musical language belongs to a generation for whom electronic and acoustic traditions are already part of the same vocabulary. The official phrase attached to the tour is “Sound Bridges from Germany to Georgia.” In the two Tbilisi concerts, the metaphor acquired a more precise meaning. The bridge was not simply between two countries. It ran between musical generations, between different conceptions of the orchestra, between a nineteenth-century piano score and a twentieth-century orchestral reinvention, between the silence of Kancheli and the electronically informed textures of Kordz. Most importantly, it ran through the musicians themselves: young performers learning how much of the past can still be made to sound alive, and how much of the present can enter the concert hall without asking permission.
CULTURE
GEORGIA TODAY SEPTEMBER 4 - 10, 2026
11
Nino Kharatishvili Awarded Winfried Prize 2026 Georgian-German writer Nino Kharatishvili. Source: cbw.ge
Cinema in the regions. Source: NFC
GNFC Announces GEL 50,000 Competition to Promote Georgian Cinema in the Regions BY NANUKA MAGLAKELIDZE
G
eorgian-German writer, playwright and theater director Nino Kharatishvili has been awarded the Winfried Prize 2026 by the city of Fulda in recognition of her advocacy for the European idea, and her commitment to preserving freedom in the face of Russian imperialism. The award ceremony will take place on September 13 at 3 p.m. in the Fürstensaal of Fulda’s Stadtschloss. The laudation will be delivered by Reinhard Veser, an Eastern Europe expert and editor at the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (FAZ).
The Winfried Prize has been awarded annually by the city of Fulda since 2001 to individuals who have made a particular contribution to human rights and international understanding in Europe. The prize is €10,000. The award board highlighted Kharatishvili’s literary work addressing European history, particularly the consequences of the collapse of the Soviet Union and Russian imperialism. “In her works, Nino Kharatishvili takes up topics from European history. In particular, she deals with the consequences of the disintegration of the Soviet Union and Russian imperialism,” the award board said in its justification. The board also highlighted her publication ‘Europe, Wake Up!,’ saying that Kharatishvili clearly advocates a com-
mon European outlook and the preservation of cultural and spiritual achievements. Kharatishvili, who was born in Tbilisi in 1983, is considered among the most prominent voices of contemporary German-language literature. She has received several literary awards, including the Literature Prize of the Cultural Circle of the German Economy, the Anna Seghers Prize and the Bertolt Brecht Prize. Her international breakthrough came with her novel The Eighth Life (For Brilka). Her other works include My Gentle Twin, The Cat and the General, and The Lack of Light. Her latest publications are Löwenherzen (2024) and Europe, Wake Up! Texts and Speeches (2025).
BY NANUKA MAGLAKELIDZE
T
he Georgian National Film Ce n t re ( G N FC ) h a s announced an open competition entitled “Promotion of Georgian Cinema and Support of Film Screenings in the Regions of Georgia,” with project submissions open from 1 to 14 September. The GNFC said proposals must include at least eight film screenings in regions across Georgia, featuring films produced with financial support from the Film Center. Each screening must be followed by a meeting with a member of the creative team or provide an opportunity for audience members to participate in a
discussion about the film. A five-member selection commission will evaluate the submissions. The selection criteria include the applicants’ experience, project sustainability, innovation, and alignment with the competition’s objectives. The total budget for the competition is GEL 50,000. The maximum funding available is GEL 17,000 for legal entities and GEL 8,000 for individual applicants. Applications can be submitted electronically to the GNFC at info@gnfc.ge. The full competition terms and application forms have been published on the GNFC’s official website. Applicants seeking additional information can contact Manana Suradze, Head of the Film Art Promotion Department, at m.suradze@gnfc.ge.
Eter Liparteliani Wins Georgia Beats Portugal 98-90 Lausanne Grand Slam SPORTS
in Crucial World Cup Qualifier
BY ANA DUMBADZE
G
eorgia’s national basketball team claimed an important 98-90 away victory over Portugal in the 2027 FIBA Basketball World Cup qualifiers on Monday.
The result improved Georgia’s record to five wins and three defeats and strengthened the team’s position in the race for a place at the 2027 World Cup. The top three teams in the six-team group will qualify for the tournament. Portugal made the stronger start in Matosinhos and built an 11-point lead at 22-11. Georgia gradually reduced the deficit, however, with Sandro Mamuke-
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lashvili hitting a three-pointer in the closing seconds of the first half to cut Portugal’s advantage to 42-41. Georgia turned the game around after the break. Rati Andronikashvili’s steal and three-pointer, followed by a threepoint play from Mamukelashvili, helped Georgia move ahead 57-52. Aleksandar Džikic’s side entered the fourth quarter with a 70-66 advantage. Georgia then stepped up both its defensive intensity and offensive tempo in the final period. Portugal struggled to respond as the visitors opened up a 16-point advantage at 87-71 with four minutes remaining. Portugal reduced the deficit in the closing stages, but Georgia maintained control to secure a 98-90 victory. Captain Tornike Shengelia led Georgia with 26 points, while Mamukelashvili contributed 22 points, six rebounds and four assists. Andronikashvili also produced one of his strongest performances for the national team, scoring 20 points and recording four steals. For Portugal, Boston Celtics center Neemias Queta finished with 20 points and 11 rebounds. In another Group I game, Greece defeated Spain 108-106 in overtime in Athens.
BY NANUKA MAGLAKELIDZE
G
eorgian judoka Eter Liparteliani has won the gold medal in the 57kg category at the Grand Slam tournament in Lausanne, Switzerland, held for the first time under the auspices of the International Judo Federation (IJF).
The reigning world and European champion defeated Turkmenistan’s Maysa Pardayeva in the first round, Finland’s Pihla Matikainen in the round of 16, and Italy’s Giulia Carnà in the quarterfinals. Liparteliani then beat France’s Martha Fawaz in the semifinals before defeating another French judoka, Sarah-Léonie Cysique, in the final. The victory marks Liparteliani’s third Grand Slam gold medal of her career.
Georgian judoka Eter Liparteliani. Source: 1TV
Journalists: Ana Dumbadze Tony Hanmer Nugzar B. Ruhadze Ivan Nechaev Nanuka Maglakelidze
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