issue1564

Issue no: 1564

• AUGUST 7 - 13, 2026 • PUBLISHED WEEKLY

In this week’s issue...

FOCUS ON AUGUST 2008 Eighteen years ago, on the night of August 7, 2008, Georgia entered the darkest period of its modern history.

We remember it here.

PRICE: GEL 2.50

Hlun Solo’s Brother Announces Thai Blogger’s Repatriation to Thailand NEWS PAGE 2

Ukraine Latest: Russia Makes Slow Gains as Missile Attacks Intensify

PAGE 2,5

NEWS PAGE 3

What is the Achilles Heel of the Russian Army? Interview with Ukrainian Army General Mykola Malomuzh POLITICS PAGE 4

Georgian Railway CEO: Tbilisi-Batumi Train Time Cut to Four Hours BUSINESS PAGE 6

Georgian troops during the August War. Source: Atlantic Council

Are Batumi’s Challenges Made Worse Not By Tourists, But By Locals?

SOCIETY PAGE 8

Georgia Hit by Third Nationwide Blackout in Night Serenades 2026 Celebrates the Recent Weeks as Power System Faces Scrutiny 80th Anniversary of Liana Isakadze

BY TEAM GT

CULTURE PAGE 10

G

eorgia was hit by its third major power outage in recent weeks on Wednesday evening, with electricity cut across much of the country and gradually restored after almost an hour.

The blackout, which began at around 8pm, disrupted services nationwide. Mtavari Arkhi reported that passengers were forced to leave metro trains on foot during the outage.

According to the Georgian State Electrosystem (GSE), the blackout occurred during technical work being carried out at the Enguri Hydropower Plant following the nationwide system failures on July 24 and 25. The agency said specialists were testing equipment at the station, which required the electricity system to operate temporarily in an isolated mode and at frequencies different from the standard operating frequency, resulting in a temporary nationwide power outage.

Continued on page 7

Moby’s Georgia Debut Shows the Country Is Ready for a New Scale of Live Events CULTURE PAGE 11 Prepared for Georgia Today Business by

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2

NEWS

GEORGIA TODAY

AUGUST 7 - 13, 2026

Remembering the August 2008 Russia-Georgia War

Family of Thai travel vlogger found dead in Tbilisi questions suicide theory

Hlun Solo’s Brother Announces Thai Blogger’s Repatriation to Thailand

BY TEAM GT

O

nAugust4,Publikareported that Somsak Butsri, the brother of Thai YouTuber Hlun Solo (real name: Bowornthat Pengsuk), who died in Georgia, said that Hlun Solo’s body would be repatriated from Tbilisi to Thailand on August 5.

The publication reports that Thai Embassy representatives would be present at Tbilisi International Airport to oversee the repatriation process.

As the brother wrote, the embassy sent an official letter to the Georgian authorities requesting the expedited transfer of the autopsy and toxicology reports to

the Thai side. They also requested the return of the traveler’s personal belongings.

The Thai solo traveler and YouTuber, known as Hlun Solo, was found dead in a hotel in Tbilisi, reportedly on July 14.

His family said they had been unable to contact him since July 13.

The Ministry of Internal Affairs only announced information about the death of 27-year-old Hlun on July 29. The agency said it had launched an investigation under the article on incitement to suicide.

Hlun Solo’s family rejects the suicide theory and is demanding a full investigation into the circumstances of his death. The Thai authorities and the family are awaiting the completion of the Georgian investigation.

Embassy of Switzerland in Georgia: Exhibition on GeorgianSwiss Relations Opens in Dmanisi

A

n exhibition exploring the long history of relations between Georgia and Switzerland opened at the Dmanisi Museum on August 4, highlighting links between the two countries in culture, education, politics, and economic development.

Titled “Stories of Georgian-Swiss Relations,” the exhibition examines connections that developed during the 19th and 20th centuries, when Georgia’s cultural and intellectual life became increasingly connected with wider European networks.

The exhibition was opened by Switzerland’s Chargé d’Affaires in Georgia, Jacqueline Jacob-Galman, and Georgian National Museum Director General David Lordkipanidze. Representatives from the Kvemo Kartli regional administration and Dmanisi Municipality also attended the opening ceremony.

The exhibition is being held at the

BY TEAM GT

E

ighteen years ago, on the night of August 7, 2008, Georgia entered the darkest period of its modern history. What began with escalating violence around Tskhinvali (“South Ossetia”) quickly turned into a five-day war with Russia, leaving hundreds dead, tens of thousands displaced, and a legacy that continues to shape Georgia’s politics and security concerns today.

The fighting did not come without warning. For months before the war, tensions had been rising between Tbilisi and the de facto authorities in Tskhinvali. Both sides accused each other of ceasefire violations, shelling, and attacks on villages near the administrative boundary line. International observers warned that the security situation was deteriorating, while diplomatic attempts to prevent further escalation failed.

On the evening of August 7, Georgian officials announced a unilateral ceasefire and called for renewed talks. But within hours, after further exchanges of fire around Tskhinvali, Georgia launched a military operation aimed at bringing the region back under government control.

Heavy fighting broke out in and around Tskhinvali, the regional capital.

Russia responded by sending troops, tanks, and aircraft through the Roki Tunnel, saying it was intervening to protect Russian peacekeepers and civilians. The fighting soon spread beyond Tskhinvali, with Russian forces also moving through Abkhazia and into areas of Georgia beyond the two breakaway regions.

In the days that followed, Russian forces advanced into several Georgian towns and strategic locations, including Gori, Senaki, and Poti. Air strikes targeted military facilities, transport routes, and infrastructure. As the fighting moved closer to civilian areas, thousands of people fled their homes.

The war ended after a ceasefire agreement brokered by French President Nicolas Sarkozy, whose country held the presidency of the Council of the European Union at the time. The six-point plan called for an end to hostilities, the withdrawal of forces, and international talks aimed at addressing long-term security concerns.

The human cost was severe. According to official Georgian figures, 228 civilians, 170 members of the armed forces, and 14 police officers were killed. Hundreds more were injured, and tens of thousands of people were forced from their homes.

Many displaced families have still not been able to return.

On August 26, 2008, Russia recognized Abkhazia and “South Ossetia” as inde-

pendent states. Georgia and most of the international community continue to consider both territories part of Georgia’s sovereign territory under Russian occupation. Only a small number of countries have recognized their independence.

The aftermath of the war reshaped Georgia’s foreign policy. The conflict reinforced the country’s drive towards closer ties with the European Union and NATO, while leaving unresolved security issues along the occupation lines. Reports of detentions, restrictions on movement, and the expansion of fences and barriers around the occupied territories continue to be a source of tension.

The war also led to the creation of the Geneva International Discussions in October 2008, bringing together Georgia, Russia, the United States, the European Union, the United Nations, the OSCE, and representatives of Abkhazia and “South Ossetia.” The talks continue, although major political breakthroughs remain elusive.

Every August, Georgia remembers those who lost their lives in the war and the thousands who were forced to leave their homes. Nearly two decades later, the events of August 2008 remain one of the defining moments of the country’s recent history, with its effects still visible in Georgia’s politics, security environment, and relations with Russia.

The Telegraph: Tbilisi Emerges as Top Short-break Destination

Source: Embassy of Switzerland in Georgia

BY NANUKA MAGLAKELIDZE

A column of Russian armored vehicles is seen on its way to the South Ossetian capital of Tskhinvali on August 9, 2008.

Dmanisi Museum, one of Georgia’s most internationally recognised archaeological sites. Dmanisi is best known for the discovery of approximately 1.8-millionyear-old hominin fossils, which transformed scientific understanding of early human migration outside Africa. The discoveries were made during excavations led by Georgian archaeologists, including David Lordkipanidze, and have placed the site among the most important prehistoric locations in the world.

The exhibition also comes as Georgia and Switzerland mark a long diplomatic relationship. Switzerland recognized Georgia’s independence after the collapse of the Soviet Union and has maintained diplomatic relations with the country since 1992. Switzerland later became involved in Georgia’s international affairs after the 2008 Russia-Georgia war, representing Georgia’s interests in Russia after diplomatic relations between Tbilisi and Moscow were suspended.

“Stories of Georgian-Swiss Relations” will remain open to visitors at the Dmanisi Museum until August 18.

BY TEAM GT

B

ritish newspaper The Telegraph has highlighted Tbilisi as an attractive destination for a short holiday, featuring Georgia’s capital among recommended city breaks.

The article presents Tbilisi as a city combining historic architecture, vibrant culture, Georgian cuisine and a unique atmosphere shaped by European and Asian influences. The publication highlights the city’s Old Town, traditional sulfur baths, local food and wine culture, as well as its growing reputation as a destination for travelers seeking a different European getaway.

The Telegraph also emphasizes that Tbilisi offers visitors a mix of history, modern lifestyle and affordability, making it suitable for a short urban escape.

The publication’s travel coverage adds to growing international attention toward Georgia as an emerging tourism destination.

Tbilisi. Source: FB

NEWS

GEORGIA TODAY AUGUST 7 - 13, 2026

3

Ukraine Latest: Russia Makes Slow Gains as Missile Attacks Intensify COMPILED BY ANA DUMBADZE

R

ussia’swarinUkraineentered another week with Moscow m a k i n g o n ly l i m i te d advances on the ground but increasing the intensity of its missile and drone campaign against Ukrainian cities, infrastructure and supply networks.

While Russian forces continued their push in eastern Ukraine, particularly in Donetsk region, their territorial gains remained small compared with the scale of the fighting. At the same time, Ukraine stepped up attacks on Russian energy and logistics facilities, extending the conflict deeper into Russian territory and increasing pressure on Black Sea trade routes.

According to assessments based on Ukraine’s DeepState mapping project and the Institute for the Study of War, Russian forces captured around nine to 10 square miles of Ukrainian territory between July 28 and August 4. The gains represented an increase from the previous week but remained modest along a front line stretching hundreds of miles.

Russia currently controls around onefifth of Ukraine, including Crimea and parts of the Donbas seized before the full-scale invasion began in February 2022.

The heaviest fighting continued in Donetsk region, where Russian forces are attempting to move closer to Ukraine’s remaining major defensive positions around Sloviansk and Kramatorsk. Instead of large armoured offensives, Russia has

increasingly relied on small infantry assaults supported by drones, artillery and glide bombs designed to weaken Ukrainian positions before advances.

Military analysts say Moscow’s strategy remains focused on applying constant pressure, forcing Ukraine to spread its forces across several threatened areas while attempting to exhaust its defensive capabilities.

Fighting also continued near Ukraine’s northern border, particularly in Sumy region, where Russia has sought to establish a buffer zone. The area requires Kyiv to maintain troops away from the main battles in the east and complicates efforts to reinforce the most heavily contested sectors.

However, Russia’s slow progress on land has been accompanied by a far more intense aerial campaign.

On July 31, Russia launched 35 missiles and 185 drones against Kyiv and surrounding areas. Ukrainian officials said the attack included 27 ballistic missiles, but only one was intercepted because of shortages of the missiles needed for Patriot air defence systems. At least 10 people were killed and dozens injured, including children. Residential buildings, a school, infrastructure and diplomatic facilities were damaged.

A larger attack followed on August 4, when Russia launched 24 ballistic missiles, four Zircon cruise missiles and 115 drones. Ukrainian authorities said most of the drones were destroyed, but the country’s air defences were unable to stop the majority of the missiles. At least 17 people were killed in Kyiv and surrounding areas, while more than 40 people were injured.

The strikes highlighted one of Ukraine’s most urgent military challenges: a shortage of air defence interceptors capable of stopping ballistic missiles.

President Volodymyr Zelensky raised the issue during a conversation with NATO Secretary General Mark Rutte on August 5, calling for faster decisions from Ukraine’s partners.

“It is important to cut through all red tape and make the necessary political decisions. Literally every day, people’s lives here in Ukraine depend on the resolve of our partners in Europe and the United States,” Zelensky said, according to Reuters.

Ukraine has repeatedly warned that shortages of air defence missiles are leaving cities vulnerable to Russian strikes, while Kyiv’s allies have acknowledged the difficulty of increasing production and deliveries quickly.

Russia has also continued using missiles supplied by North Korea, according to Ukrainian officials. Kyiv said a North Korean ballistic missile was likely used in an attack on the village of Radushne near Kryvyi Rih, where five members of one family were killed. Ukraine said radar data suggested the weapon was a KN-23 or KN-24 missile, although the claim could not be independently verified.

Ukraine has responded with its own long-range strikes against Russian infrastructure.

A Ukrainian drone attack on July 31 caused a fire at an energy facility and warehouses in Russia’s Volgograd region, according to local authorities. Five people sought medical assistance after the attack. Volgograd is home to a major oil refinery, although Russian officials did

81st Separate 'Slobozhanska' Airmobile Brigade of the Ukrainian Air Assault Forces.

Photo by Oleksandra Klyzhka/ArmyInform

not specify which facility was damaged.

Ukrainian drones also reportedly struck the Saratov refinery as part of Kyiv’s broader effort to disrupt Russia’s fuel production and military supply chains.

Ukrainian officials argue that refineries, oil depots and export facilities are legitimate targets because oil revenues help finance Russia’s war effort and fuel supplies support its armed forces.

Beyond energy infrastructure, Ukraine has increasingly targeted logistics networks that it says contribute to Russia’s military capacity. Ukrainian forces reported strikes on facilities linked to the Wildberries retail and distribution network, alleging that some warehouses were being used to support military supply operations. Russia has not confirmed these claims.

The Black Sea has become another area of growing tension.

A Turkish-owned cargo vessel was struck near the Russian port of Novorossiysk, seriously injuring three crew members. All 22 people aboard were evacuated as the ship caught fire. Turkey called on both Russia and Ukraine to protect civilian shipping routes and warned that attacks on commercial vessels posed a serious risk.

The disruption of Black Sea shipping threatens both Ukrainian and Russian exports. Ukraine depends heavily on ports in the Odesa region for agricultural

shipments, while Russia uses Black Sea terminals for grain and energy exports.

Damage to ports, vessels and infrastructure has increased risks for shipping companies and raised insurance costs.

Diplomatic efforts continued alongside the fighting, but no breakthrough was reported.

Moscow said it remained open to discussing proposals from the United States while insisting it would continue military operations until its objectives were achieved. Kyiv continued calling for a ceasefire backed by security guarantees and rejected any agreement that could allow Russia to rebuild its forces and restart the war.

The immediate focus for Ukraine’s allies remained air defence. Zelensky and NATO officials discussed accelerating deliveries of interceptors, while US and European officials continued talks on expanding production capacity, including possible Ukrainian involvement in manufacturing Patriot interceptor components.

Such cooperation could strengthen Ukraine’s long-term defence capabilities, but officials acknowledge that increasing production would take time. For now, Ukraine faces the immediate challenge of protecting its cities and infrastructure from an intensifying Russian missile campaign while holding its defensive lines on the battlefield.

4

POLITICS

GEORGIA TODAY

AUGUST 7 - 13, 2026

What is the Achilles Heel of the Russian Army? Interview with Ukrainian Army General Mykola Malomuzh defending side to restrain the enemy?

Approximately one to three, in many cases one to five is enough. That is, the defending side can have three, and sometimes five times less manpower, and still maintain the front line.

So if we have a million soldiers, it means we have enough reserves. The only problem is that we need to use this resource more effectively.

IF UKRAINE HAS OVER A MILLION SOLDIERS, WHY DOESN'T IT HAVE ENOUGH TO FILL THE FRONT?

Army General Mykola Malomuzh (left) and Ukraine's military leadership. SourcE: RFERL

INTERVIEW BY VAZHA TAVBERIDZE FOR RFERL

P

rotests in support of former Ukrainian Defense Minister Mykhailo Fedorov have continued following his dismissal in July, with demonstrators calling for his reinstatement. Rallies have taken place in Kyiv and other Ukrainian cities, although their size and frequency have varied.

Fedorov has rejected alternative positions offered by President Volodymyr Zelensky, saying he would only return as Defense Minister. He has argued that other roles would not provide the authority needed to continue reforms in defense procurement and military transformation.

Mykola Malomuzh, a Ukrainian army general and former head of the Foreign Intelligence Service of Ukraine (20052010), tells Radio Free Europe/RL’s Georgian Service that the reason for the dismissal of Fedorov, and also of Oleksandr Syrskyi, former Commander-inChief of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, was not only the disagreement between them; the matter may be related to a wider political crisis within the Ukrainian government.

FORMER MINISTER OF DEFENSE FEDOROV PUBLISHED A POST IN WHICH HE LISTED 22 ACHIEVEMENTS AND THREE ISSUES THAT HE HAD FAILED TO IMPLEMENT. HOW WOULD YOU ASSESS HIS SIX MONTHS IN OFFICE? I must honestly say that I do not share the euphoria that part of society feels towards Mr Fedorov. I will say this directly: those ambitious plans, about producing three, five, or even seven million drones, were not implemented during his six-month tenure. Initially, the figure was three million, then it increased to five and seven million, and even before he was appointed minister there was talk of these numbers. After he became minister, the target rose to ten million.

Ten million drones, can you imagine the scale? Especially if we are not talking about Chinese drones, which were arriving in the first two years of the war, but about Ukrainian and European production, with technologies capable of overcoming Russian electronic warfare.

If we had achieved this, many of the cities we have lost would still be under our control.

What I cannot deny about Fedorov is that he has a strong understanding of potential and future opportunities. However, when it came to implementation, there were serious obstacles. I believe his personal ambitions also played a role.

The logic seemed to be: I will develop the strategy, and everyone else, if they want to, should follow it.

However, this is not only Fedorov’s problem. The fact that he was unable to implement many strategic tasks and specific programs had objective reasons; it was not simply a matter of lacking time. The necessary organizational, bureaucratic and, frankly, financial con-

ditions were not in place. He also did not have the team needed to work effectively with him and turn these ideas into reality.

Many of the issues related to introducing the innovations that Fedorov spoke about fall under the responsibility of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, meaning the President. Responsibility here lies not only with the minister, but also with the country’s top leadership.

Unfortunately, in many cases, Fedorov’s plans remained just plans, and sometimes even dreams, such as the proposed laser technologies. Under favorable circumstances, they might have been achievable, but there was a huge gap between the vision and the reality.

When the disagreement with Syrskyi emerged, it was the President who should have resolved the situation. He is their direct superior and personally approves all these programs, including innovations and their introduction into the armed forces. No one prevented him from doing so.

WHAT WAS THE ESSENCE OF THE CONFRONTATION BETWEEN SIRSKYI AND FEDOROV? WHAT WAS IT THAT THEY COULD N'T AGREE ON? It is often said that Fedorov tried to introduce innovations into the army, while Syrskyi opposed them. I know that this is not entirely true.

Syrskyi cannot be against innovation in the army. On the contrary, it is part of his responsibility to develop new directions, introduce advanced technologies into the armed forces, and ensure they are used effectively in combat conditions.

Yes, there is bureaucracy, personal ambition, and various internal contradictions. But that is precisely why the President should have intervened.

We should have had a unified state strategy for the innovative development of the army long ago. It should have been approved by presidential decree and adopted through the National Security and Defense Council. In that case, no one would have been able to enter into such a conflict with Fedorov, because it would have been a formal state policy approved by the Supreme Commanderin-Chief.

That is why I believe this is not simply a conflict between Syrskyi and Fedorov.

It is a much broader political confrontation, a political crisis.

HOW ACUTE IS THIS CRISIS? HAS ALL THIS STRENGTHENED ZELENSKY'S POSITIONS OR WEAKENED THEM? I’ll be honest: in my opinion, Zelensky is afraid of the emergence of strong political figures who have their own public support, influence, and authority.

Ukraine is a parliamentary-presidential republic. If a strong prime minister and a strong government emerge, they receive significant powers under the Constitution.

President Zelensky believes that he should personally lead almost everything, including issues that fall within the government’s area of responsibility. This is where the problem began.

The only positive aspect that can be mentioned is the partial stabilization of the situation through the appointment of such authoritative commanders as Drapat and Khmara.

I WILL ASK YOU ABOUT BOTH OF THEM. BUT BEFORE THAT, ONE QUESTION: HOW WOULD YOU CHARACTERIZE SIRSKYI'S LEGACY? Sirskyi leaves behind serious combat and systemic experience. However, there were also mistakes. There was bureaucracy. They did not show due vigilance and attention when selecting their closest personnel. There was also a certain amount of corruption.

However, to be fair, it must be said that corruption is found not only in the army, but also in the Ministry of Defense and other state structures.

YEVHENII KHMARA. WHAT KIND OF MINISTER DO YOU THINK HE WILL BE? I think he is excellently prepared from a military point of view. However, he does not have experience working in the ministry or serious political experience. This is his weak point. Therefore, I am afraid that he will have a hard time using it.

The Minister of Defense should be a large-scale figure with a broad range of experience. He should understand politics, strategy, military affairs, economics, and innovation equally well, and at the same time should have significant international authority. The Ministry of Defense encompasses hundreds of the most difficult decisions and tasks, including military strategy, politics, economics, technology, military-technical support, logistics, international relations, the Ramstein format, and many other areas.

I have a very positive attitude towards Khmara. He is my colleague and has serious combat merits. However, he does not yet have the experience of being responsible for such a huge sector as the Ministry of Defense during wartime.

This is an extremely difficult task.

ONE OF FEDOROV'S MAIN ACHIEVEMENTS WAS REDUCING CASUALTIES AMONG THE UKRAINIAN MILITARY THROUGH THE INTRODUCTION OF MODERN TECHNOLOGIES. WILL THIS CRITERION ALSO BE THE MAIN MEASURE IN EVALUATING THE PERFORMANCE OF HIS SUCCESSOR? We demanded that this component be the main one, both from Zelensky and later from the Prime Minister and the Minister of Defense.

However, everything was somehow delayed. We have a problem moving from words to deeds. There are still many myths and a lot has not been done.

Initially, they said that we would have millions of drones, but this could not be implemented. Now they are saying that in six months or a year there will be tens of thousands of missiles, but this has not yet been implemented.

JUST A YEAR AGO, THERE WAS A LOT OF TALK ABOUT THE

CREATION OF A SO-CALLED “DRONE WALL” TO STOP RUSSIA. IF SUCH A WALL IS BEING BUILT AT ALL, HOW CLOSE IS IT TO COMPLETION? It's not just about drones, we also need anti-drones. A complex system is needed that includes long-range missiles, drones, and anti-drone means.

The main task is to destroy Russia's offensive potential directly at their deployment sites: for example, the Tu-95 or Tu-160 airfields. We hit them and destroy the flight control system so that nothing can take off.

If we destroy the runway, the strategic bombers can't take off. If we destroy the ammunition depot, they can't resupply.

If we destroy the special fuel depot nearby, nothing can fly.

The destruction of even one of the ten essential elements is enough to render a strategic bomber unable to take off.

The main thing is to destroy all this directly at the deployment sites. That is what will signal a success. It is much more difficult to destroy targets that are already in the air. No country in the world, including Israel, has been able to completely close its skies.

LET'S MOVE ON TO THE NEW COMMANDER-INCHIEF. WHAT DO YOU THINK ABOUT DRAPAT? I know Mykhailo Drapatyi personally, and well. At the tactical level, he is a highly effective commander, but he still needs to develop further in order to operate at the strategic level.

In specific areas and when dealing with specific tactical tasks, he has performed exceptionally well. However, the length of our front line is around 1,300 kilometers. In addition, there are roughly another 1,100 kilometers of what is known as the “grey zone,” including Belarus, which remains a constant potential threat, as well as Ukraine’s northern regions.

Altogether, this amounts to around 2,500 kilometers that require protection.

We must defend both the front line and the state border. I cannot rule out the possibility that active hostilities could eventually begin in these directions as well. That is why the Commander-inChief must be capable of leading at the level of strategic planning and offensive operations.

There is no doubt that Drapatyi has valuable combat experience, but he still lacks experience at this strategic level.

Let us hope that the strong team he is building, together with support from the country’s leadership, will create the conditions necessary for effective work.

ONE OF THE FIRST TASKS THEY WILL HAVE TO SOLVE IS THE SHORTAGE OF MILITARY PERSONNEL. HOW SERIOUS A PROBLEM IS THE MOBILIZATION SYSTEM IN UKRAINE TODAY? I wouldn't say that we have a shortage of combat corps, and I can explain why.

Russia currently has about 753,000 soldiers at the front. And we, according to both Zaluzhnyi and Syrskyi, have more than a million military personnel. Let's not forget that we are defending ourselves: what ratio is needed for the

General Zaluzhnyi stated this number.

General Syrskyi repeated the same thing just a week ago.

Imagine: Russia has about 750,000 people at the front, while our armed forces have more than a million soldiers.

It is necessary to properly organize rotation and training, review military formations, and partially involve those law enforcement agencies whose resources have not yet been mobilized for war.

LET'S LOOK AT THE SITUATION FROM THE RUSSIAN SIDE OF THE FRONT. IN YOUR OPINION, HOW REALISTIC ARE PUTIN'S CALCULATIONS THAT HE WILL BE ABLE TO ESTABLISH FULL CONTROL OVER DONBAS

BY THE END OF 2027?

I don’t think Russia has any prospects.

The chances of that are zero.

Not only will Putin not be able to fully occupy Donbas, but if Drapat is able to fully demonstrate his capabilities at the strategic level, it will be very difficult for Russia not only to completely occupy Donbas, but also to maintain what it has.

He has a special talent for conducting non-standard operations, and this is the Achilles' heel of Russia and the Russian army: they are afraid of non-standard actions. The fact is that Drapat has already used similar approaches in certain directions, and this resulted in the disruption of Russian attacks and the conduct of counter-offensive operations.

For example, let's remember the Kharkov operation, when we liberated the territories. Or when the Russian troops were attacking in the direction of Vovchansk. They were not only stopped, but also forced to retreat and give up the previously captured territories.

If we use non-standard methods and strengthen the innovative component, in my opinion, Russia will no longer have any prospects. Putin will be forced to admit that he has no prospects and that failure is real, and it is precisely when it becomes clear that there is no longer any prospect of success that the Russian side will be ready for negotiations.

AND IF PUTIN GOES TO THE VA BANK, ANNOUNCES AND CONDUCTS A LARGE-SCALE MOBILIZATION, WILL UKRAINE BE ABLE TO WITHSTAND NEW WAVES OF ATTACKS, MAINLY BASED ON DRONES AND MODERN TECHNOLOGIES? Yes. They will attack, and we will have to use the latest means.

In such a case, numerical superiority will no longer play a decisive role. Russian units must be destroyed before reaching the front, when they move by rail, highways, or on foot, and are still 200, 100 or 50 kilometers from the line of combat contact.

When inexperienced battalions, brigades, and regiments are just heading to the front, it is at this stage that their systematic destruction is necessary.

And then an incredible panic will begin.

I tell you this as an army general. Panic is the most dangerous thing for any army.

When panic begins, soldiers will no longer enter the battle, even if you point a gun at them. The Russians will no longer be able to act in an organized manner.

This is what we must do. No one else will do this work for us.

POLITICS

GEORGIA TODAY AUGUST 7 - 13, 2026

5

The Night Tbilisi Held Its Breath

A Georgian man cries over the body of his relative after a Russian warplane dropped a bomb on the Georgian town of Gori. Photo by Gleb Garanich/Reuters

BLOG BY KATIE RUTH DAVIES

S

ome memories of war are beyond words.

Across the world, people continue to endure conflicts that have brought unimaginable suffering. People have lost loved ones, watched their homes destroyed and been forced to flee. I can’t claim to know what that feels like. But in August 2008, many Georgians did.

Russian bombs fell on towns and cities, civilians were killed, families fled their homes, and thousands were displaced. I was not among those directly caught in the fighting, but I was living in Tbilisi as the war unfolded. Like everyone around me, I had no idea how far it would spread or what each day would bring. The fear was real. The uncertainty was real. And for one long night, it felt entirely possible that the capital could become part of the battlefield.

For weeks, there had been growing fear around the Tskhinvali region (now known as “South Ossetia”). The situation between Georgian forces and separatists had deteriorated, with shelling, accusations and military movements increasing in the days before the fighting erupted. On 7 August, President Mikheil Saakashvili announced a unilateral ceasefire, but events quickly spiraled. By the night of 7–8 August, the conflict had become a fullscale war involving Georgia and Russia.

Nobody in Tbilisi knew where it would end. News reports mixed with rumors, and it became almost impossible to separate one from the other. Reports of Russian troop movements spread quickly. Some people thought Russian forces could reach Tbilisi within hours. Whether every rumor was accurate hardly mattered; it felt possible, and that was enough.

Suddenly we were quietly asking one another the same question: If they keep coming, what do we do?

I remember being one of the last people to take out money from a particular ATM before it ran out due to panic withdrawals. The people lined up behind me hurried off to find another machine.

Suddenly, cash became something precious. Cars snaked slowly down every road leading to a fuel station. Supermarket shelves began emptying a little more quickly than usual. Families phoned one another, made contingency plans, and quietly packed bags.

Many people headed east and south to stay with relatives or friends in villages away from the capital. Others were caught completely off guard. Some families holidaying on the Black Sea coast suddenly found themselves unable to return home as roads became unsafe. They stayed in their hotels, separated from loved ones in Tbilisi and unsure when they would be able to come back.

I delayed packing bags for my husband and I. Perhaps it was denial. Perhaps it was the very

human belief that if you wait long enough, the frightening thing might disappear.

On August 8th, I packed those bags.

My parents-in-law refused to leave the city. They were elderly, fragile, and deeply attached to their home. Our plan, if things became impossible, was to drive to Turkey by the back roads, through Manglisi, Akhaltsikhe, and onwards. It was not a carefully designed evacuation strategy; it was more the kind of plan people make when they have no idea what will happen next but need to feel that they still have some control.

We worried that my Georgian husband, if caught running, might be called up. He’d done his military service in his early twenties, and, that week, the fear of mobilization became something entirely possible.

We joined the queue for fuel. We bought extra food. We watched the news constantly.

And then came the night we decided to leave.

The possibility of Russian forces reaching closer to the capital no longer felt like an abstract fear.

Russian troops had poured into the Tskhinvali region, Georgian forces had withdrawn from Tskhinvali town, and reports of Russian military movements beyond the conflict zone were being splashed across the TV screens. Nobody knew whether the advance would stop or continue south. The rumors were frightening, but they were not coming from nowhere. For the first time, many people in Tbilisi felt that the war was no longer happening somewhere else; it was moving towards them.

We went to collect a friend. The plan was to take him home to pick up his bag and meet other friends who wanted to come with us.

In the strange atmosphere of those days, every small decision felt loaded with meaning. I remember feeling irrationally panicked that I didn’t speak a word of Russian. How would I communicate if we were stopped by the occupiers? We had a Georgian flag with us in the car, and, as we drove through the quiet, night-dark city, I asked them to hide it in the glove compartment. It wasn’t a political statement; it was fear. It was the instinctive caution of someone who did not know what the next hours might bring or who we might encounter.

My Georgian friends laughed about it. I didn’t.

They’d lived through the collapse of the Soviet Union, the “dark 90s,” civil war, and years when friends were lost in the chaos of gang violence.

Their relationship with uncertainty was entirely different from mine, as I’d grown up in a quiet part of the United Kingdom where danger was something distant and unusual. They knew something about surviving difficult times that I was only beginning to understand.

Our friend lived near Mama Daviti Church on Mtatsminda, and it was there that I was standing on the balcony when the TV tower lights went out.

The sight of this landmark of Tbilisi suddenly thrust into darkness was frightening. The blackout was a

Georgian refugees are seen walking past a Russian armored vehicle in the village of Igoeti.

Photo by Sergei Grits/AP/TASS

precaution as fears grew that the city might be targeted, and in that moment the city seemed to hold its breath.

And yet, inside our friend’s apartment, life continued.

The table had been prepared by the older women of the family who had no plan to leave: food to fill us up before we said our goodbyes. There was khachapuri, fried chicken, salad, shoti bread, cheese, fruit and, of course, wine and vodka. The men drank and toasted again and again: to Georgia, to victory, and to staying strong in whatever the coming days might bring.

I sat there listening to the laughter while also listening to the streets around us. Every passing minibus made me tense. In my imagination, every rattling engine sounded like a Russian tank.

Eventually, the toasts did their work and my husband and his friends were no longer in a state to drive. Our escape plan was postponed, and we spent the night at our friend's home.

By morning, everything looked different. The city was still there. The streets were still busy. People were still shopping, drinking coffee and going to work. The fear of the night before had not disappeared, but daylight somehow made things feel more manageable.

Then we watched the news.

Russian military units, including armor and airborne troops, had reinforced "South Ossetia" and were pushing Georgian forces back around Tskhinvali. Russian aircraft had bombed targets around Gori, a city around 80 kilometers from the capital, including a strike that hit a residential building.

The images were shocking. I’m sure you’ve seen them.

But in the comfort of daylight, sitting in front of the news report, seeing those people, our countrymen, suffering, the fear of the night before turned into anger and a need for defiance.

We decided to go home.

The August War lasted only five days, but those five days changed Georgia forever. Russian forces advanced deep into Georgian territory, taking control of Gori and other areas beyond Tskhinvali and Abkhazia. As Russian troops moved southwards, they reached positions near Igoeti, around 40 kilometers from Tbilisi, confirming why many of us

in the capital had feared the fighting could reach us.

Thousands of people were displaced from the two Georgian regions, many forced to live in temporary accommodation, repurposed hotels and abandoned buildings. Families who had fled to safer areas, including those who’d been stranded on the Black Sea coast, eventually began returning home when roads reopened and access became possible.

After the ceasefire agreement brokered by French President Nicolas Sarkozy on behalf of the European Union, Russia recognized Abkhazia and Tskhinvali (“South Ossetia”) as independent states. U.S. military aircraft arrived at Tbilisi International Airport with humanitarian aid, an indisputable sign of international support and perhaps one of the reasons Tbilisi was not hit by the Russians.

The human cost of the war doesn’t compare to what we see around us in the world today, but for Georgia it was enormous. Around 850 people were killed, including civilians, Georgian soldiers, Russian troops and “South Ossetian” fighters. Hundreds of thousands of people were affected by the conflict, and many Georgians never returned to the homes they lost; consequences that remain unresolved to this day.

And yet, one of my strongest memories of that time is not of destruction. It is of people refusing to surrender normal life.

Georgians cooked, joked, argued, sang, raised glasses and looked after each other. A country that had already endured the collapse of an empire, civil war, economic hardship and uncertainty once again found a way to stand upright.

I came to Georgia as an outsider. I was the person nervously listening for tanks while my friends were drinking toasts and telling stories. But somewhere between the panic-buying, the fuel queues, the darkened TV tower and that crowded balcony on Mtatsminda, Georgia became more than a place where I happened to be living.

So many years later, I am still here.

The war passed. The fear passed. The country rebuilt, reset in some way, and carried on. And perhaps that is the most Georgian thing of all: not the absence of fear, but the ability to sit around a table, pour another glass, tell another story, and continue.

6

BUSINESS

GEORGIA TODAY

AUGUST 7 - 13, 2026

National Wine Agency: Georgian Wine Presented at 24 International Events in 11 Countries A Georgian train. Source: 1TV

Georgian Railway CEO: Tbilisi-Batumi Train Time Cut to Four Hours

BY NANUKA MAGLAKELIDZE

T

ravel time on the Tbilisi– Batumi and Batumi–Tbilisi railway routes has been reduced to four hours, Georgian Railway Director General Lasha Abashidze said.

He said that the travel time previously stood at five hours and 30 minutes.

“Travel duration is now four hours.

This is a significant improvement. We have carried out major capital works on railway tracks and infrastructure. These

works enabled us to increase speed on the rehabilitated sections, remove restrictions, and allow passengers to travel safely from Tbilisi to Batumi within four hours,” Abashidze said.

He also noted that Georgian Railway has already completed the rehabilitation of several stations. The company’s goal is to fully modernize not only stations located on main railway lines but also suburban stations.

“Rehabilitation of 5–7 stations is already underway, and this year we want to add five more stations. Next year, we also aim to complete the rehabilitation of the stations entirely,” Abashidze said.

Georgia, ADB Sign $250 mln Loan Agreement for Tbilisi Bypass

A eine festival. Source: The National Wine Agency

BY TEAM GT

T

he National Wine Agency said that Georgian wine was presented at 24 international exhibitions and festivals held in 11 countries during the first seven months of 2026.

The events took place in Germany, China,

France, Japan, Italy, Slovenia, Greece, the US, Austria, the UK and Belarus.

During the same period, 115 Georgian wine presentations and tastings were held in 11 countries. With the agency’s support, 20 wine promotion events were also organized in Georgia, including masterclasses, exhibitions, festivals, competitions, and forums. Twelve wine tours were held for foreign wine professionals, trade representatives, and media.

Tbilisi City Hall Adds GEL 7.8 million to Rustaveli Avenue Rehabilitation Project

A Georgian highway. Source: gov.ge

BY TEAM GT

G

eorgia and the Asian Development Bank (ADB) have signed a $250 million loan agreement to finance the construction of key sections of the Tbilisi bypass, the Ministry of Finance announced.

The agreement was signed by Georgian Finance Minister Lasha Khutsishvili and Leslie Bearman Lahm, Director of the Asian Development Bank’s Resident Mission in Georgia.

Ministry says the funding will be used to construct two sections of the Tbilisi bypass: the Tbilisi Airport-Lochini section (Lot 4) and the Lochini-Rustavi section (Lot 5).

The project includes the construction of an approximately 18.9-kilometer, four-lane highway with a central median.

Officials say the new bypass will play an important role in strengthening Georgia’s transport network by easing traffic congestion in Tbilisi, improving the safety of transit traffic, and increasing the capacity of the country’s transport corridors.

The signing ceremony was attended

by Infrastructure Minister Revaz Sokhadze, Deputy Finance Minister Ekaterine Guntsadze, Roads Department Chairman Levan Darakhvelidze, and representatives of the Georgian government and the Asian Development Bank.

The project will be implemented by Georgia’s Ministry of Infrastructure through the Roads Department.

Rustaveli Avenue, Tbilisi, under restoration. Source: BM.ge

BY NANUKA MAGLAKELIDZE

T

bilisi City Hall is increasing the budget for the rehabilitation project of Rustaveli Avenue by GEL 7.8 million, according to two additional tenders published on the website of the State Procurement Agency.

The tender descriptions indicate that

the additional works involve the rehabilitation of sidewalks from Chovelidze Street to Rustaveli Metro Station. The tenders do not include detailed project descriptions, and companies can submit applications until August 17.

BM.GE reports that the current rehabilitation works on Rustaveli Avenue are being carried out by Smart Solutions, which is expected to complete the project by November. The company’s director, Levan Gogsadze, previously told BM.GE that completing the works within

the initial 100-day timeframe would likely not be possible.

At the same time, GWP is replacing drinking water and sewage infrastructure on Rustaveli Avenue, investing GEL 12.5 million in the project.

The rehabilitation of Rustaveli Avenue began on July 23 at 00:00, with all types of vehicle traffic fully restricted on the avenue and part of Merab Kostava Street.

Tbilisi Mayor Kakha Kaladze said the rehabilitation works are expected to be completed by the end of November.

BUSINESS

GEORGIA TODAY AUGUST 7 - 13, 2026

7

Batumi & GEL OP-ED BY NUGZAR B. RUHADZE

A

s surprising and inexplicable for the man in the street, one of the worst nightmares for the forces opposed to the government is the stability of the national currency, known by the familiar acronym GEL, alias Lari.

How come it stands so strong and unflinching against all odds?

Batumi is a vivid sample of dramatic urban change: an amazing number of functionally varying high-rise buildings with modern lines, angles, and facades, strewn all over the place, many of them under construction, spreading the city in every possible direction; buzzing entertainment and catering businesses every step of the way; colorfully illuminated electronic signs, forcefully enticing a passerby to purchase something; bars, cafes, and restaurants packed full with deep-pocketed consumers; overly busy entertainment joints; tens of tankers, dry-cargo vessels, passenger ships, and motorboats furrowing the blue waters of the Black Sea; well-equipped and comfortable beaches full of happy swimmers and tan-lovers; casinos working like crazy; thousands of dressed-up visitors on their evening stroll, speaking in numerous languages and walking along the gorgeous boulevards of the city, stretching along the beach in several lanes; endless frolicking and bustling-

around kids and their parents; eateries everywhere; cash flowing with ease and pleasure.

Something unimaginable is happening in this famous port and resort city of Sakartvelo, which has never before witnessed the boom of trade and commercial efforts by both foreigners and locals in the same way. In a word, the boiling and bubbling Batumi is bustling with life, all of this propped up by crowds prepared to spend money, buying joy, delight, and happiness for themselves, saying no to spending fears and letting tight fists go loose.

Batumi is just an example. The entire Georgia is a resort place where people want to come and stay for a while, bringing with them cash-packed wallets and credit cards.

One episode of Batumi's beach life might be enough to explain the present pecuniary boom: on one of the beaches, one queen-size beach bed with curtains around it and bolsters to relax on, including a couple of bottles of sparkling wine and some other services, costs 350 Lari a day. People are buying it without any hesitation, and there are tens of instances like this one to throw in.

That is the way Georgia's economy is boosting, and GEL is keeping its power and energy to strengthen the Georgian economy to the point when the national currency feels comfortable serving people, ready to imbibe all available pleasures of life in the hope of earning more and spending even more next time.

Construction works in Batumi. Source: GT

Attractive geography, the government's tourism policy, political stability, a predictable business environment, easily purchased real estate at moderate prices, and a subtropical climate with mountains nearby add to the popularity of Batumi.

In addition, the hope for real estate prices to rise, the desire to have vacation homes or possess a secure asset, rental opportunities, and powerful marketing abroad all add to the popularity of the place.

Beyond all that, tourism has a magic effect of multiplying services like taxis, supermarkets, entertainment, shopping, construction, banks, cleaning, healthcare, and what not. Every tourist dollar circulates through the local economy several times.

This is all part of the current reality, but Batumi has an even stronger prospect of becoming a truly international

port and resort place thanks to advantages like its strategic location, connections to the Caucasus and Central Asia, Sakartvelo's role in east-west trade corridors, lower prices, relatively easy access, a unique mix of sea and mountains, and growing infrastructure.

However, the challenges are no less noteworthy: competition from ports in Turkey, Romania, Bulgaria, and Russia; a limited hinterland compared with major European ports; geopolitical uncertainty in the Black Sea; a shorter beach season; transportation capacity issues; and urban planning challenges.

As a result, Batumi is likely to remain important regionally. Batumi could become Georgia's tourism capital, which is a vital source of foreign currency supporting the Lari, although there are benefits as well as risks.

Jobs, higher incomes, tax revenues, improved infrastructure, international visibility, and increased foreign currency earnings could be thought of as assets.

Property bubbles, environmental damage, congestion, overbuilding, and dependence on tourism might sound like liabilities.

Yes, the scale of construction in Batumi impresses mightily, but the success of a growing city depends less on how many towers are built than on whether the city can provide good infrastructure, affordable housing for residents, environmental protection, and a diversified economy that extends beyond seasonal tourism.

Let us hope that the purposeful, dynamic development of our beloved Batumi never comes to a halt for some unlikely reason that could occur anytime in this unstable world.

Georgia Hit by Third Nationwide Blackout in Recent Weeks as Power System Faces Scrutiny Continued from page 1 GSE said emergency measures were immediately taken and electricity was subsequently restored across the country.

The explanation drew criticism from opposition MP Giorgi Sharashidze of the Gakharia for Georgia party, who questioned why authorities failed to act or warn the public if they knew there was a risk of a nationwide system shutdown.

"After the third nationwide electricity outage, the statement by the Georgian State Electrosystem and later comments by a member of the Georgian National Energy and Water Supply Regulatory Commission, saying that the blackout was caused by planned testing of Enguri HPP units and that the risk of a complete system shutdown was known in advance, raise even more questions about what is really happening in Georgia's electricity system," Sharashidze said.

He added that citizens, particularly those forced to walk through darkened metro tunnels, deserved to know why

Enguri Dam. Source: FB

no preventative measures or advance warning had been given. Sharashidze also suggested the real reason behind the blackout could be more serious than officials have acknowledged.

The incident came less than two weeks after nationwide blackouts on July 24 and 25, when electricity supplies were interrupted across Georgia, including in the Russian-occupied region of Abkhazia. The repeated failures have raised questions about the stability and management of the country's electricity network.

According to reporting by Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty journalist Sandro Jufalakiani, the July outages have already led to personnel changes at Georgian State Electrosystem (GSE). GSE Director General Vano Zardiashvili is expected to leave his post after returning from leave, with Deputy Director General Davit Vardiashvili temporarily carrying out his duties.

The move followed the presentation of preliminary findings by the Georgian National Energy and Water Supply Reg-

ulatory Commission into the July 24 blackout.

According to the commission's initial assessment, the first outage began after the 110-kilovolt "Geguti" transmission line, connected to the Kutaisi 220 substation, was disconnected. At the time, Georgia's electricity system was linked with Azerbaijan's network. The disconnection separated Georgia from the Azerbaijani system, leaving the country's grid operating in isolation. The commission said this led to drops in frequency and voltage, followed by a chain reaction that shut down power plants and consumers across the country.

The regulator said the electricity system should have been better prepared to prevent such a scenario, stating that existing protection and automation systems should have been recalculated to improve the reliability and stability of the network.

However, the company responsible for the transmission line, Energo-Pro Georgia, disputed this assessment, saying that the failure of one distribution line should

Passengers in the metro on August 5. Source: Raveegram/IG

not result in Georgia losing its connection with a neighboring country, switching to an isolated mode, and experiencing a complete nationwide blackout.

Investigations into the July outages are being carried out separately by the energy regulator and the State Security Service of Georgia, which is examining the possibility of sabotage. No final conclusions from that investigation have been announced.

Energy experts have warned that Georgia's electricity system faces structural risks, including the concentration of much of the country's hydropower generation in western Georgia. Energy expert Gia Arabidze told RFE/RL that while the preliminary findings had provided some information, the exact reasons for the outages remained unclear.

The repeated blackouts have also renewed debate over political influence and management within the energy sector. Some experts cited by RFE/RL argued that personnel changes alone would not resolve deeper problems within the system.

8

SOCIETY

GEORGIA TODAY

AUGUST 7 - 13, 2026

In Praise of the Demoted Loon best used on a tripod, and not on a canoe.

For me, seeing and hearing such magnificent creatures is always a spiritual experience, day or night. I suppose I will continue seeking and photographing them my whole life, especially given that my chosen country of residence does not feature them, making them a rare sight for me. I hope that you, dear reader, have the opportunity to find them in the wild, as I have.

Secretary birds in Georgia? No, they’re strictly sub-Saharan African in distribution. Barn owls? Just a second while I google their territory: YES! In the western part of the country, though more south than my mountain Svaneti, more in the lowlands. Now I need to start seeking them out too, to get my first ever photos of these birds for my collection.

Note to self: outside the UK, Western Barn Owls are nocturnal hunters: so I’ll have to adapt my schedule and lighting accordingly. I can do that, once I set aside the time and commit myself. Worth it?

Sure. Ditto for hoopoes…

BLOG BY TONY HANMER

C

an you name, without googling, the national bird of Georgia? Hint: it’s a game bird. Another hint: it’s one of two animals supposedly shot by an arrow fired by King Vakhtang Gorgasali, the other being a deer. The wounded animal fell into hot water in the area of what became the hot springfed public baths of Tbilisi, named for the word “warm” (tbili); and emerged healed. That’s right, Georgia’s national bird is the common pheasant.

Canada’s national bird USED to be the common loon. But it was recently replaced by a less spectacular looking and sounding bird, also one present in all provinces and territories of the country year-round, likely thus the change: the gray jay, also called the whiskey jack (from the Cree name for it, wisakedjak). I mourn the change a bit, but it does nothing to lessen my deep affection for the beautiful loon, which still appears on our 1-dollar coins, nicknamed “loonies”.

Loons, along with barn owls, secretary birds and hoopoes (another bird found in Georgia as well as elsewhere), are my favorite birds. Why? I don’t know. I’m sure you have other favorite birds. That’s okay.

Not only are loons beautiful in form and plumage, as my photos will show; they also have a haunting cry, especially

A loon. Photo by the author

when you hear them at night, echoing across lake water which is their primary home. See and hear them on YouTube.

They can hardly walk on land at all, with legs very far back on the body, and move best as swimmers.

Although Spring Lake, where I based myself on this Canada trip, has a pair or

two of loons, I didn’t manage to see them this time, despite having a 150-600mm lens. Where I did see them a bit was outside Thundar Bay, on a pond in Whitecourt, and especially from a canoe on Glory Lake, just before I left. All my best photos are from this occasion.

Loons will rise up from the water’s

surface and flap their wings after preening so as to distribute the vital oils they secrete which help them waterproof their feathers. Capturing these flaps makes for an exciting encounter. I was the closest I’ve ever been to the birds, and my 70-300mm lens, was plenty close enough; the longer lens, far heavier, is

Tony Hanmer has lived in Georgia since 1999, in Svaneti since 2007, and been a weekly writer and photographer for GT since early 2011. He runs the “Svaneti Renaissance” Facebook group, now with over 2000 members, at www.facebook.com/groups/ SvanetiRenaissance/ He and his wife also run their own guest house in Etseri: www.facebook.com/hanmer.house.svaneti

Are Batumi’s Challenges Made Worse Not By Tourists, But By Locals? opinion, but it reminded me that not everyone sees Batumi’s future in the same way.

THE BATUMI EFFECT: UNTHINKABLE IN TBILISI?

Buildings in Batumi. Source: GT

BLOG BY MARY ANDERSEN

F

ollowing on from last week’s article, this is the second in a three-part series exploring how Batumi has changed in recent years. This time, I want to examine something more uncomfortable: whether some of the city’s challenges are being reinforced not by tourists, but by local attitudes.

I was sitting in a restaurant on New Boulevard, a part of Batumi that has become something of a hotspot for Russian-speaking tourists. My dad was visiting me and, like many visitors to Georgia, he was looking for exactly what most people come here to experience: Georgian food, music and a taste of local culture.

Yet, this is becoming increasingly difficult to find.

After wandering around for a while, we eventually stumbled across a restaurant that appeared to tick all the boxes.

It had a relaxed atmosphere, a view of the sunset, and a singer performing Georgian songs. We sat, ordered drinks, and suddenly the performance switched from Georgian into Russian.

In Batumi, this isn’t unusual.

As I sat listening, I found myself wondering why this had become so normal.

Previously, I’d have quietly accepted it, or dismissed it as “not worth mentioning.” Given the political realities of the region, is it unreasonable to ask whether Russian songs belong in venues marketing themselves as Georgian experiences?

After discussing it briefly with my group, I decided it was worth asking.

For context, I speak Georgian, so I

approached the singer and spoke to him in his own language. I asked a simple question: “How do you feel singing Russian songs given everything that’s happening in the region?”

It immediately became clear that this was not a welcome conversation.

“What’s the problem?” he replied.

What followed was a respectful but increasingly tense exchange, with both of us firmly defending our positions. He argued that Russians, and the Russian language, were an essential part of Batumi’s economy. There is, of course, truth in that. Russian tourists contribute significantly to the local economy.

But that wasn’t the point I was making.

My concern wasn’t that Russians visit Batumi. It was that the Russian language increasingly dominates parts of the city at the expense of Georgian language and culture. To me, they are two very different conversations.

As we continued talking, it became apparent that our disagreement ran much deeper than one song. I got the impression that he viewed Russia’s presence far more positively than I did, and I realized neither of us was going to persuade the other.

I simply said that, in my opinion, Georgia would struggle to move forward while attitudes like his remained commonplace.

Then I smiled, thanked him for his time, and returned to my table.

For the rest of the evening, however, he avoided making eye contact with me.

It was obvious he was recounting our conversation to members of staff whenever he had the chance.

Later, I mentioned the exchange to the waitress serving us. She quietly told me that she didn’t think that mindset was good for Adjara either. It was only one

There are, in many ways, two different realities in Georgia.

In Tbilisi, speaking Russian to strangers is often avoided, and there is a much stronger emphasis on protecting the Georgian language. That isn’t true in every case, but it is a noticeable cultural difference.

Batumi feels different.

Understanding why is a much larger conversation involving geography, tourism and economics. Yet one argument is heard repeatedly: that accommodating Russian speakers is simply good business.

The question is whether that assumption has become so ingrained that it is no longer questioned.

Does refusing to default to Russian really mean losing customers? Or has it simply become habit?

With English becoming increasingly widespread among younger tourists, and international visitors arriving from far beyond the former Soviet Union, that assumption deserves closer examination.

Perhaps Batumi’s greatest challenge isn’t choosing between culture and commerce. Perhaps it’s recognizing that protecting one doesn’t necessarily require sacrificing the other.

The question, then, is how Georgia moves forward from here. With attitudes shaped by geography, upbringing, personal experience and political beliefs, can there ever be a consensus on what the country’s future should look like?

More importantly, can that future be built in a way that strengthens Georgia’s economy without sacrificing its language, identity and culture?

That balance may prove to be Georgia’s greatest challenge, and its greatest opportunity. It is also the question that lies at the heart of the final article in this series, where I’ll explore whether Georgia’s long-term economic future depends on the choices it makes today, and whether prosperity and cultural preservation really have to exist in opposition.

This conversation feels especially relevant this week, as Georgia marks the anniversary of the 2008 war. Eighteen years on, the country continues to live with the consequences of that conflict,

while remaining determined to protect its sovereignty, identity and place in Europe. It is a reminder that questions about language, culture and national identity are not abstract political debates: they are deeply personal for many Georgians. As the country looks to the future,

Tourists in Batumi. Source: GT

the challenge is not choosing between openness and identity, but finding a way to embrace economic opportunity without sacrificing the language, traditions and values that have helped define Georgia through some of its most difficult moments.

CULTURE

GEORGIA TODAY AUGUST 7 - 13, 2026

9

The Ring that Broke at Bayreuth: AI Takes the Blame for a Very Human Scandal REVIEW BY IVAN NECHAEV

A

t Wagner's 150th-anniversary festival, artificial intelligence was supposed to redefine opera. Instead, Bayreuth exposed something far more revealing: not the limitations of algorithms, but the limitations of the people who claimed to know how to use them.

The videos traveled around the world long before any serious critical assessment had time to appear. Footage of Bayreuth's creative team receiving a storm of boos during the curtain calls quickly became one of the defining cultural images of the summer, accompanied by an irresistible headline: artificial intelligence had attempted to stage Wagner and failed spectacularly. It was a perfect media narrative. Technology had challenged one of Europe's most sacred cultural institutions, the audience had rejected it, and the experiment appeared to end as a cautionary tale about the dangers of replacing artists with machines.

Except that almost none of it was true.

Bayreuth audiences have never been gentle with innovation. Patrice Chéreau's Centenary Ring was booed relentlessly before entering the history of opera as one of the twentieth century's defining productions. Frank Castorf experienced similar hostility. On the Green Hill, boos have often accompanied works that later became landmarks. They are not, by themselves, evidence of failure. What made this premiere unusual was not the intensity of the reaction but its object.

The audience did not seem to be rejecting artistic radicalism. It was reacting to something far more unsettling: the feeling that behind all the technological promises there was remarkably little theatrical imagination.

Within hours, critics and commentators had already reached the easiest possible conclusion. Artificial intelligence had failed.

No. Artificial intelligence was never given the opportunity to succeed.

The official Bayreuth program quietly tells a very different story. The production was conceived by curator Marcus Lobbes, developed through the artistic and technical concept of Marcus Lobbes and Nils Corte, with dramaturgy by Andri Hardmeier, Digital and AI Storytelling

by Roman Senkl, and Creative Code and Visual Art by Nils Corte together with Phil Hagen Jungschlaeger. Those credits matter because they locate responsibility exactly where it belongs. Artificial intelligence did not direct this Ring.

Human beings did.

That distinction has almost disappeared from the public conversation. Newspapers continue to describe this as "the AI Ring," as though an autonomous machine had suddenly assumed the role traditionally occupied by Wieland Wagner, Patrice Chéreau, Harry Kupfer, or Frank Castorf.

Nothing could be further from reality.

Artificial intelligence made none of the decisions that actually constitute directing. It did not determine how characters relate to one another. It did not shape dramatic rhythm. It did not construct movement, define psychological space, or decide when silence should become meaningful. Those decisions remained entirely human.

In that sense, the prompt engineer, whether presented under the more elegant titles of AI storyteller, creative coder, or digital artist, became one of the evening's actual directors. Directing has never been about the tools themselves. It is about deciding which tools deserve to exist on stage and which should remain invisible.

Every omission is as important as every addition. Every artistic limitation imposed upon the technology ultimately became part of the production's aesthetic. Unfortunately, the limitations proved more

memorable than the possibilities.

Throughout much of the cycle, singers appeared stranded inside a concept that had surprisingly little interest in directing them. Wagner's dramas depend upon relationships: power negotiated through gesture, silence loaded with history, physical distance carrying emotional meaning long before a word is sung.

Instead, performers frequently found themselves standing almost motionless while projected imagery assumed responsibility for visual storytelling. One could hardly avoid asking a rather uncomfortable question: was this genuinely a new stage production, or had Bayreuth quietly transformed one of opera's greatest tetralogies into a concert performance accompanied by an elaborate video installation?

That question matters because Bayreuth is not simply another opera house.

It represents one of the world's great cultural pilgrimages. Audiences wait years for tickets, travel across continents, organize vacations around performances, and invest not only considerable sums of money but also immense emotional expectations. They come to witness theater, not merely to hear extraordinary music accompanied by digital projections. When staging contributes so little to the dramatic experience, the distinction between a fully realized production and a semi-staged concert ceases to be theoretical. It becomes part of the audience's contract with the institution itself.

Ironically, the concept behind the anniversary could hardly have been more compelling. Few cultural institutions possess an archive comparable to Bayreuth's. One hundred and fifty years of productions have generated an unparalleled accumulation of photographs, stage designs, costume sketches, rehearsal materials, prompt books, reviews, musicological studies, recordings, and visual traditions. If there is any opera house capable of treating artificial intelligence not simply as a visual tool but as an intellectual collaborator, it is Bayreuth. Yet that extraordinary archive remained largely untouched as an analytical resource.

Instead, artificial intelligence was assigned perhaps the least interesting task imaginable. It was asked to produce images. Even more surprisingly, the production embraced many of the visual imperfections that have become synonymous with generative AI itself. Distorted anatomy, hyperreal flowers, unstable textures, impossible objects and the familiar dreamlike smoothness of algorithmically generated imagery were elevated into an aesthetic language. Yet these are not artistic discoveries. They are technical imperfections. Treating software limitations as visual style does not suddenly transform them into profound artistic statements. It merely reveals that the creators confused glitches with originality.

There is a certain irony in watching one of the most sophisticated analytical technologies humanity has developed reduced to reproducing the very mistakes that made it an internet meme.

Artificial intelligence became artificial decoration. The machine was handed a paintbrush when it might have been given an archive.

The suspicion inevitably arises that the project became more concerned with copyright than curiosity. That concern is understandable. Every institution experimenting with generative AI must navigate complicated legal questions surrounding authorship and intellectual property. But once the fear of reproducing existing artistic material becomes greater than the desire to discover genuinely new relationships, technology ceases to function as a creative partner and becomes little more than a carefully restrained illustration tool. Bayreuth did not ask artificial intelligence to investigate Wagner's world. It asked it to avoid legal risk.

The consequences became painfully

Source: bayreuther-festspiele.de

obvious in the visual conception itself.

The now-infamous feathered costumes, which quickly became objects of ridicule online, were widely blamed on artificial intelligence. Yet no algorithm wandered unaccompanied into the costume workshop. Human designers conceived them, approved them, and placed internationally celebrated singers inside them. Once again, responsibility quietly migrated away from identifiable authors toward a convenient technological scapegoat.

The machine accepted criticism for decisions it never actually made.

What made the evening genuinely frustrating was the extraordinary artistic achievement unfolding only a few meters below the stage. Christian Thielemann once again demonstrated why many Wagnerians speak almost affectionately of "Thielemannism" as though it were a distinct interpretative philosophy. Rather than pursuing monumentality for its own sake, he revealed the astonishing elasticity hidden inside Wagner's architecture. His celebrated pianissimi never function merely as moments of quietness; they become reservoirs of dramatic tension. Inner orchestral voices emerge with remarkable transparency before disappearing naturally back into the orchestral fabric, allowing leitmotifs to breathe rather than announcing them as intellectual signposts. Time itself seems to expand under his baton.

The Bayreuth Festival Orchestra responded with extraordinary refinement. Wagner's immense musical structures unfolded organically, each climax earning its arrival through patience rather than sheer volume. It was precisely the kind of deeply intelligent musicianship that the stage itself so often seemed unwilling to match.

The cast deserved equally high praise.

Michael Volle's Wotan and Wanderer combined authority with remarkable psychological subtlety. Klaus Florian Vogt once again demonstrated the luminous, unmistakably individual vocal sound that has made him one of today's defining Heldentenors. Camilla Nylund brought dignity and emotional depth to Brünnhilde, while Elza van den Heever created a Sieglinde of extraordinary sincerity. Jochen Schmeckenbecher, Christa Mayer, Mika Kares, and the rest of this exceptional ensemble repeatedly reminded the audience what Wagner's theater can achieve when entrusted to artists of the highest caliber. Which only made the surrounding emptiness more conspicuous.

How does one assemble musicians capable of creating drama at this level, only to leave them with so little drama to inhabit?

The disappointment becomes even greater because the production repeatedly hints at a far more fascinating project that never quite materializes. Imagine, for a moment, that Bayreuth had approached artificial intelligence not as a visual effect but as an intellectual collaborator. The anniversary Ring could have become one of the most ambitious digital humanities projects ever attempted by an opera house. Few institutions any-

where in the world possess an archive capable of sustaining such an experiment. Bayreuth is not merely a theater; it is the accumulated memory of Wagner performance itself. Every production leaves behind photographs, sketches, rehearsal notes, stage diagrams, critical debates, audience reactions, and visual languages that continue to influence generations of directors.

Artificial intelligence is uniquely suited to working with precisely this kind of material. Its greatest strength is not image generation but pattern recognition. It can compare thousands of documents simultaneously, discover relationships invisible to individual researchers, connect ideas separated by decades, and reveal historical continuities that would otherwise remain buried inside archives.

That, ultimately, is what intelligence means: not the ability to imitate, but the ability to discover.

Imagine AI tracing how individual leitmotifs gradually acquired visual identities across a century and a half of Bayreuth productions. Imagine comparing Wieland Wagner's radical minimalism with Patrice Chéreau's industrial mythology, Harry Kupfer's psychological realism, Frank Castorf's political deconstruction, and countless other interpretations, revealing unexpected artistic genealogies between productions separated by generations. Imagine allowing the audience to watch Wagner's theatrical language evolve rather than simply surrounding singers with digitally generated scenery.

Instead of illustrating Wagner, artificial intelligence could have illuminated him.

That intellectual ambition could have extended far beyond the stage. The anniversary itself might have become an immersive digital ecosystem. Visitors could have explored interactive installations before performances, navigating one hundred and fifty years of Bayreuth history through intelligent systems capable of answering questions, comparing productions, reconstructing lost stagings, or visualizing the evolution of Wagnerian symbolism. Instead of listening passively to introductory talks or browsing static exhibitions, audiences could have engaged directly with one of the richest theatrical archives ever assembled.

Young visitors, in particular, might have encountered Wagner through exploration rather than instruction. Artificial intelligence offers cultural institutions a rare opportunity to transform education into participation. Rather than explaining opera to new audiences, it allows audiences to investigate opera for themselves.

That difference is enormous. Curiosity lasts longer than information.

The anniversary publication represented another remarkable missed opportunity. Instead of reproducing low-resolution AI-generated imagery, Bayreuth could have documented the experiment itself. Which archives were digitized?

Which historical materials entered the system? Which questions were posed?

Which unexpected discoveries emerged?

How did programmers, dramaturgs, historians, musicologists, and artists collaborate? Such a publication would have become something far more valuable

than another commemorative catalog.

It would have stood as one of the first serious documents examining how artificial intelligence might reshape the preservation and interpretation of cultural heritage. This, perhaps, is where the broader conversation truly begins.

The question is no longer whether artificial intelligence belongs inside cultural institutions. It already does. Museums, libraries, festivals, orchestras, universities, and theaters across Europe are beginning to explore what these technologies might contribute to scholarship, preservation, education, and artistic creation. The real question is considerably more demanding: will institutions use AI to deepen their understanding of culture, or simply to make culture appear more technologically fashionable?

Bayreuth's anniversary suggests an answer that is both disappointing and instructive. Technology does not compensate for intellectual uncertainty. It amplifies it. If the artistic concept is profound, artificial intelligence can extend it in extraordinary directions. If the concept itself remains superficial, AI merely produces superficiality more efficiently.

The quality of the outcome ultimately reflects not the sophistication of the software but the sophistication of the people guiding it.

That lesson extends well beyond Germany. Countries increasingly investing in cultural tourism face exactly the same challenge. Georgia, for example, has spent the past decade transforming festivals into an essential part of its international identity. Events such as the Tsinandali Festival, the Tbilisi International Theater Festival, the Tbilisi Piano Festival, and major productions at the Tbilisi Opera and Ballet Theater are no longer simply performances; they are reasons for international audiences to visit the country. As cultural institutions begin experimenting with artificial intelligence, Bayreuth offers an important reminder. Technology alone will never become the attraction. Visitors travel for ideas, for artistic vision, and for experiences they cannot find elsewhere. AI can strengthen that vision, but it cannot replace it. In the end, the competitive advantage will belong not to the institution with the most sophisticated algorithms, but to the one asking the most intelligent questions.

There is a deeper irony here. Richard Wagner dreamed of the Gesamtkunstwerk: the total work of art in which music, poetry, architecture, philosophy, visual design, and the newest technologies available to his generation would merge into a single artistic experience.

He was never afraid of technological innovation; he demanded it whenever it served artistic necessity. Artificial intelligence could one day become another participant in that vision; not replacing artists, but expanding the ways in which art can be understood, researched, remembered, and experienced.

Bayreuth's anniversary Ring will almost certainly be remembered as "the AI Ring." It deserves a more accurate title.

It was not the AI Ring. It was Marcus Lobbes' Ring. It was Nils Corte's Ring.

It was Roman Senkl's Ring. It was Andri Hardmeier's Ring. Artificial intelligence did not assume authorship; these people did. Every major artistic decision, from the dramatic concept to the visual language, from the role assigned to technology to the role denied to the singers, remained unmistakably human.

That is why the conversation after Bayreuth should not be about whether artificial intelligence can direct opera.

It should be about whether we are finally prepared to admit that, even in the age of algorithms, artistic responsibility still belongs to artists. Artificial intelligence never directed Wagner's Ring. Marcus Lobbes, Nils Corte, Roman Senkl, Andri Hardmeier, and the creative team that built this concept, did. History should remember the distinction.

10

CULTURE

GEORGIA TODAY

AUGUST 7 - 13, 2026

Night Serenades 2026 Celebrates the 80th Anniversary of Liana Isakadze

BY KESARIA KATCHARAVA

ing as concertmaster.

OPENING CONCERTS

T

he Liana Isakadze International Music Festival Night Serenades 2026 will take place from 19 August to 20 September 2026 in Borjomi, Batumi, and Tbilisi.

This year’s festival presents an exceptionally diverse program of seven outstanding concerts dedicated to the 80th anniversary of the birth of the legendary Georgian violinist Liana Isakadze, founder of the Night Serenades Festival.

The festival will bring together internationally acclaimed artists from Georgia and abroad, alongside a new generation of exceptional young performers.

FEATURED ARTISTS • Beatrice Venezi - conductor • Yuki Serino - violin • Andres Gabetta - violin • Mario Stefano Pietrodarchi - bandoneon • Gloria Campaner - piano • Jan-Erik Gustafsson - cello • Anna-Liisa Bezrodny - violin • Sandro Nebieridze - piano • Sandro Gegechkori - piano • Nello Salza - trumpet • Marika Machitidze - soprano • Nikoloz Vadachkoria - flute • Giorgi Shiolashvili - piano The festival will also feature the Giya Kancheli Tbilisi Youth Orchestra and the festival’s resident ensemble, Virtuosi of Georgia, with Lela Mchedlidze serv-

The festival will open on 19 August at 8 PM at Borjomi Likani Hotel in Borjomi.

The second concert will take place on 21 August at 8 PM at the Batumi Drama Theater.

Both opening concerts will be conducted by renowned Italian conductor Beatrice Venezi, with Japanese-Italian violinist Yuki Serino appearing as soloist. Together with Virtuosi of Georgia, they will perform: • Pyotr Ilyich Tchaikovsky: Serenade for Strings in C major, Op. 48 • Camille Saint-Saëns: Introduction and Rondo Capriccioso, Op. 28 • Felix Mendelssohn: Violin Concerto in D minor 23 August: On 23 August at 8 PM, the festival will present María de Buenos Aires: Reloaded, featuring violinist and conductor Andrés Gabetta, bandoneon virtuoso Mario Stefano Pietrodarchi, soprano Marika Machitidze, and Virtuosi of Georgia.

Inspired by Astor Piazzolla’s celebrated tango opera, the project creates a unique artistic dialogue between the Baroque tradition and Argentine tango, combining contrasting musical worlds through a vibrant and expressive programme.

25 August: On 25 August at 8 PM, the festival will present Tango-Operazione, featuring Gloria Campaner, Mario Stefano Pietrodarchi, Marika Machitidze, and Nikoloz Vadachkoria.

Dedicated entirely to the works of Astor Piazzolla and Carlos Gardel, the program

explores the close relationship between tango and opera, highlighting the dramatic intensity, elegance, and virtuosity shared by both traditions.

TBILISI CONCERTS Following its performances in Borjomi and Batumi, the festival will continue in Tbilisi.

On 16 September at 8 PM, the Grand Hall of the Tbilisi State Conservatoire will host a piano duo recital by Georgian pianists Sandro Nebieridze and Sandro Gegechkori. The artists will perform masterpieces from the classical piano repertoire, presenting a program that highlights both their individual artistry and their exceptional musical partnership.

On 18 September at 8 PM, also at the Grand Hall of the Tbilisi State Conservatoire, acclaimed Italian conductor Beatrice Venezi will lead the Giya Kancheli Tbilisi Youth Orchestra in a symphonic program featuring two internationally renowned soloists.

The evening will feature distinguished Finnish cellist Jan-Erik Gustafsson and Estonian violinist Anna-Liisa Bezrodny, who will perform works by Johannes Brahms and Camille Saint-Saëns, presenting some of the most expressive and enduring masterpieces of the Romantic repertoire.

Griboyedov State Academic Drama Theatre in Tbilisi.

Entitled ‘Morricone: The Legend of Cinema,’ the final concert will pay tribute to one of the most celebrated film composers of all time, Ennio Morricone.

The evening will feature legendary Italian trumpet virtuoso Nello Salza, renowned for his performances on numerous iconic film soundtracks, Georgian pianist Giorgi Shiolashvili, and the festival’s resident ensemble, Virtuosi of Georgia.

The audience will hear unforgettable works by Ennio Morricone from some of the most beloved films in cinema history, including Once Upon a Time in America, Once Upon a Time in the West, Cinema Paradiso, Malena, and other celebrated scores.

Combining the emotional depth of symphonic performance with the timeless beauty of Morricone’s film music, the gala concert will bring the 2026 edition of Night Serenades to a memorable close.

FESTIVAL LEADERSHIP The Night Serenades International Music Festival was founded by legendary Georgian violinist Liana Isakadze.

Artistic Director: Giorgi Isakadze Festival Director: Nina Tsagareli Organiser: Art Alliance

GALA CLOSING CONCERT

FESTIVAL SUPPORTERS

The Liana Isakadze International Music Festival Night Serenades 2026 will conclude on 20 September at 8 PM with a gala closing concert at the Alexander

The festival is supported by: • Ministry of Culture of Georgia • Creative Georgia (LEPL) • Ministry of Culture of the Autono-

mous Republic of Adjara • Tbilisi City Hall • Batumi City Hall • Borjomi Municipality • Embassy of Italy in Georgia • Zakaria Paliashvili Tbilisi Central Music School for Gifted Children Official Host Hotels: • Borjomi Likani • Hilton Garden Inn Tbilisi

FESTIVAL PARTNERS • Lutecia • Yves Rocher • Piel Naturals • Sarajishvili • Pavilion Wines • PSP • Nita Furniture House

MEDIA PARTNERS • Adjara Public Broadcaster • Georgian Public Broadcaster (Channel One) • Rustavi 2 • Imedi TV • POSTV • Euronews Georgia • Billboard Georgia • Ertsulovneba TV • Clip Art Agency • Ambebi.ge • Prime Time • Georgia Today • The Messenger • Sarke Magazine • Adjara Newspaper • Adjara Times • Radio Fortuna • Fortuna.ge

CULTURE

GEORGIA TODAY AUGUST 7 - 13, 2026

11

Moby’s Georgia Debut Shows the Country Is Ready for a New Scale of Live Events than using an established city arena, organizers transformed the Rustavi International Motorpark into a concert space capable of hosting an international headliner. If refined, such venues could significantly expand Georgia's ability to attract artists whose productions require far larger capacities than traditional concert halls can offer.

The evening also reflected Moby's personal values. A committed vegan

since the 1980s and one of the world's best-known advocates for animal rights, he requested that food sold at the venue be entirely free of meat. It was a small but visible reminder that contemporary concerts increasingly communicate ideas and lifestyles alongside music.

Ultimately, Moby's first performance in Georgia mattered for reasons that extend beyond nostalgia or a single successful show. International artists choose

tour destinations based on economics, infrastructure, and audience demand. A sold-out concert sends a signal to promoters that Georgia is becoming a viable stop on major European tours. Every successful event makes it easier to persuade the next global artist to include Tbilisi, or its surrounding venues, on their itinerary.

For Georgia's cultural sector, that may be the concert's most lasting encore.

Moby. Photo by Shako Mamukashvili/FB

BY IVAN NECHAEV

W

hen Moby finally took the stage at Rustavi International Motorpark, the concert quickly became one of the most discussed cultural events in Georgia this summer. Social media filled with videos, reviews, and debates, not only about the music itself, but about what the evening revealed about the country's growing concert industry.

For most attendees, the verdict was overwhelmingly positive. Hundreds of posts praised the sound quality, the production, and the atmosphere. Those who arrived according to the published schedule had little trouble enjoying a performance packed with the songs

that made Moby one of the defining artists of electronic music in the late 1990s and early 2000s. Classics such as Porcelain, Natural Blues, and Why Does My Heart Feel So Bad? reminded audiences why his music has remained part of popular culture for more than two decades.

At the same time, the event exposed the logistical challenges that inevitably accompany concerts of this scale. Heavy traffic approaching the venue forced many visitors to leave their cars and walk uphill to the entrance, while the journey home reportedly took some concertgoers up to ninety minutes before traffic began moving again. These are familiar growing pains for countries developing new large-scale event infrastructure, and Georgia is no exception.

The choice of venue is perhaps the most important part of the story. Rather

The Moby concert in Rustavi. Photo by Shako Mamukashvili/FB

Tbilisi International Literature Festival Warns against “Normalization” of Repression in Georgia

BY TEAM GT

T Mate Mchedlishvili. Source: Sighnaghi Municipality Association of Music and Art Schools

Sighnaghi Art School Student Wins First Honorary Place at Ferenc Liszt IX International Competition

BY NANUKA MAGLAKELIDZE

A

student of the Sighnaghi ArtSchool,MateMchedlishvili, has won first honorary place at the IX Ferenc Liszt International Competition, the Sighnaghi Municipality Association of Music and Art Schools announced.

The international competition is dedicated to Franz Liszt (Ferenc Liszt, 1811– 1886), the Hungarian composer, pianist,

and one of the most influential figures of the Romantic era. Known as a pioneering virtuoso performer, Liszt transformed the role of the piano in classical music and composed some of the instrument’s most technically demanding works.

The Liszt Ferenc International Competition brings together young pianists from different countries and aims to encourage emerging musicians, support their artistic development, and provide opportunities for international recognition.

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Commercial Director: Iva Merabishvili Marketing Manager: Natalia Chikvaidze EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT:

GEORGIA TODAY

Editor-In-Chief: Katie Ruth Davies

he Tbilisi International Literature Festival has published an open letter calling on international cultural figures to reconsider cooperation with Georgian state institutions amid growing concerns over democracy, media freedom, and human rights.

The letter addresses organizers, curators, and participants of international cultural events, warning that festivals and cultural platforms can be used to

create an image of normality while hiding repression.

“Cultural events and official representation on international platforms are not, by themselves, proof of freedom and democracy,” the statement reads.

The signatories say more than 150 people are currently imprisoned in Georgia as a result of politically motivated proceedings, including journalists, artists, and opposition figures.

The letter urges cultural organizations to ask questions, support independent voices, and avoid becoming part of what it describes as the normalization of repression.

Mchedlishvili’s achievement highlights the role of regional music schools in Georgia, where young musicians receive specialist training in performance, music theory, and classical repertoire. The Sighnaghi Art School is part of the network of municipal music and arts schools that provide music education outside Georgia’s major cultural centres.

Sighnaghi, a historic town in Georgia’s Kakheti region, has a long association with arts and culture, and the achievement marks an international success for the town’s young musical community.

Journalists: Ana Dumbadze Tony Hanmer Nugzar B. Ruhadze Ivan Nechaev Nanuka Maglakelidze

ADDRESS International Relations & Communications 22 Janashia Str. Sofia Bochoidze Tbilisi, 0179, Georgia E: sbochoidze@georgiatoday.ge Tel.: +995 32 229 59 19 Website Editor: E: info@georgiatoday.ge Katie Ruth Davies F: GeorgiaToday

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