WHAT ON
EARTH FRIENDS OF THE EARTH SCOTLAND’S MEMBERS’ MAGAZINE
Issue 91 I Winter 2023
The future will be what we make it
WHAT ON
H T R A E T L A N D’S RT H S C O F T H E E A GA Z IN E O S D N F R IE S’ MA MEMBER
23 Winter 20 Issue 91 I
Friends of the Earth Scotland is: > Scotland’s leading environmental campaigning organisation > An independent Scottish charity with a network of thousands of supporters and active local groups across Scotland > Part of the largest grassroots environmental network in the world, uniting over 2 million supporters, 73 national member groups and 5,000 local activist groups
Our vision is of a world where everyone can enjoy a healthy environment and a fair share of the earth’s resources. Friends of the Earth Scotland is an independent Scottish charity SC003442 What on Earth is published by and copyright to: Friends of the Earth Scotland 5 Rose Street, Edinburgh EH2 2PR T: 0131 243 2700 E: info@foe.scot W: www.foe.scot Editor: Eilidh Stanners Design: Emma Quinn Cover photo by Neil Hanna The views expressed in What on Earth are not necessarily those of Friends of the Earth Scotland. FoES accepts no liability for errors, omissions or incorrect data in advertisements. If you would prefer to receive a digital version of What on Earth please contact us: info@foe.scot Printed on 100% FSC Silk
C O N T E N TS Director’s view
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What I learned writing our new strategy
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Peterhead expansion plan would worsen Scotland’s biggest climate polluter
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We need to move past growth to protect the planet
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Scotland’s council pension funds pour £2 billion into fossil fuel
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The UK Government has approved the Rosebank oil field. But the fight doesn’t end here
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Campaigning to bring Strathclyde’s buses back into public control
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Interview with Joy Reyes, Friends of the Earth Philippines
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Get social with us: /foescotland /foescot /foescot
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Director’sview Gracie Bradley, Director
Welcome to issue 91 of your Friends of the Earth Scotland members’ magazine What on Earth. This edition gives you some insights into the development of our freshly launched organisational strategy, which sets out a new vision, mission, values and theory of change for the organisation. It draws on careful learning and reflection from the previous strategy period, and the input of our staff team, board, membership, and friends and allies in the wider movement. Our climate campaigner Alex has written about the proposals for a new gas-fired power station, which would drastically worsen the emissions from what is already Scotland's biggest climate polluter. Also in this issue, you can read about a new campaign to bring buses back into public control. We’ve been working with a diverse range of organisations on this, and it’s already gaining a lot of public support. We look at the idea of degrowth for tackling the climate crisis and share some updates on a couple of our campaigns. We share new data on the amount of money council pension funds have invested in fossil fuels, and look at what’s next for the Rosebank oil field, which has now been approved for development by the UK Government. Finally, we’re delighted to share an interview with Joy Reyes, our colleague from Friends of the Earth Philippines who is now living in Edinburgh to study her masters degree. She shines a light on some of the issues on which they work, and how their climate campaigning compares to Scotland. Thanks for your continuing support which remains absolutely vital in making sure that we can deliver on our mission to win campaigns for transformative solutions to the climate crisis and protect Scotland’s environment. I hope that you enjoy the magazine and please get in touch if you have any feedback, we’d love to hear from you.
Gracie
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What I learned writing our new strategy By Gracie Bradley, Director I was recruited to Friends of the Earth Scotland with a pretty enormous brief: developing a new organisational strategy to ensure that Scotland plays its part in reducing global emissions to be consistent withh 1.5°C warming. That new strategy was published recently, including a new vision, mission, values and theory of change. Here are five key lessons:
1 It’s not too late The climate movement has done amazing work calling people to the urgency and severity of the crisis that we face. At the same time, constant messages of alarm and emergency, while moving some people to action, move others to apathy and inertia. We can do more to convey the true nature of the crisis, which is one of political and economic systems premised on domination and extraction. We can also do more to communicate how much is still worth fighting for, and crucially, the solutions that exist. It’s important that we work together to imagine the
world we want to live in, strategise towards getting there, and communicate that this is possible, even if the journey may be uncertain and hard.
2 We are not alone In campaigning it can be hard to make time to reflect on and acknowledge how far we’ve come, but it’s essential to maintaining morale and refining our strategies. Despite the best efforts of the Westminster Government to demonise climate protestors, the reality is that the belief that we need action on climate change isn’t fringe or radical: the majority of people are with us. Official surveys show that in 2022, 74% of adults in Great Britain – and 72% of adults in Scotland – reported feeling very worried about climate change, and it was the second greatest concern facing adults after the rising cost of living. It’s clear that our task now goes beyond raising awareness: we need to make our shared concerns a basis for action that pressures decision-makers into implementing transformative solutions.
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3 We have a lot to learn from each other Even though climate chaos will have a disproportionate impact on racialised and working-class communities in the global South, and indeed on racialised and working class communities in the global North, I only need one hand to count the other Black people in senior leadership in the UK environmental movement. While I’ve had a hugely warm welcome from many people, certain spaces have felt cliquey, superior and exclusive, as if I had to have the right climate credentials and know all of the right jargon for my
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experience or analysis to count. Those parts of the climate movement need to do more to look outwards and learn from their peers in the broader progressive movement. For example, some have been surprised by the UK Government and media attacks on charities like the RSPB. But this is a tried-and-tested playbook – charities and lawyers working to defend migrants’ rights have been dealing with it for years. In the same vein, anti-racism campaigners (and veteran climate action groups) have long been subject to the kinds of policing, surveillance and punishment now being doled out to newer actors in the space.
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4 We need to think critically about state power Civil liberties campaigners cannot be anything but critical of state power. Over the last decade my work has looked right down the barrel of how the state treats marginalised people, and how it uses and abuses its powers of surveillance, detention, deportation and punishment. While massive mobilisations of state power and resources are necessary to implement the climate movement’s transformative visions, it simply isn’t enough to hope that getting the right governments into power will suffice. A just transition must be attentive to existing patterns of harm and discrimination in state practice, or there will be nothing just about it.
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5 Our means are just as important as our ends Much of my time at Friends of the Earth Scotland has been taken up with the kind of work that is all too often feminised and made invisible in NGOs. The reality is that we cannot deliver on our campaigning out in the world without proper systems of care, support and administration holding us in that work. Like all the best things, Friends of the Earth Scotland’s new strategy is a collective endeavour, drawing on the wisdom of the whole staff team, the Board, our members and local groups, allies in the Friends of the Earth International federation, and partners and critical friends working in and beyond the environmental sphere. We look forward to getting to work.
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Peterhead expansion plan would worsen Scotland’s biggest climate polluter By Alex Lee, Climate Campaigner In February 2022, energy giant SSE and the fossil fuel company Equinor submitted a planning application to the Scottish Government to build a new and additional gas-fired plant next to the existing gas-fired plant at Peterhead power station in Aberdeenshire. Not content with trying to open the controversial Rosebank oil field, Equinor are now trying to push ahead with another new project that could continue to pollute for decades to come. We have been following along with the planning process and at the relevant stages have been urging decision makers to properly scrutinise this development and reject the new plant from being built.
To start with some background, SSE’s Peterhead power station started operating in 1980. It’s Scotland’s largest gas fired power plant and has been Scotland’s single biggest climate polluter every year since 2018. Despite SSEs claims that they are trying to cut their climate emissions, the pollution levels actually increased in 2022. SEPA has also found that there has been an increase in the super polluting climate gas methane from the station which is thought to be 25 times more impactful than carbon dioxide. If the proposed additional plant is built, it will produce 910MW of electricity alongside the existing 1180 MW plant. Whilst the proposal expects reduced capacity at the existing Peterhead power station, worryingly it does not rule out both plants operating at full capacity. This creates a risk that climate wrecking emissions will significantly increase if both plants run simultaneously – this is something that SSE have admitted in planning documents that could cause major impacts on Scotland's climate efforts.
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Tackling climate breakdown means stopping burning fossil fuels. The developers claim that they will add carbon capture technology to the plant at an undefined later date, but this technology has a long and troubled history, consistently failing to meet projected carbon capture targets. We are also increasingly seeing oil and gas companies use this technology to try and greenwash their polluting plans. The consultation process on the Peterhead project – where local councillors and relevant regulatory bodies like SEPA review the plan – is now closed. We expect the project will now be examined by the Scottish Government who have the final decision on whether this dangerous project goes ahead.
Tackling climate breakdown means stopping burning fossil fuels. If the Scottish Government approve this dangerous plan, it will lock us in to continued use of volatile fossil fuels for decades to come and keep us using expensive fossil fuels that are wrecking the climate. For cheaper energy bills and a safe climate, we need to stop expanding oil and gas production full stop. We are going to be pushing hard for the Scottish Government to reject this project and instead pushing for a just transition and an alternative future for our energy system that benefits workers, communities and the planet. We will need your help to succeed.
Find out more about the proposed new Peterhead power station: www.foe.scot/peterhead
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All photos: iStock
We need to move past growth to protect the planet By Kim Pratt, Circular Economy Campaigner In May this year, thousands of people gathered in the European Parliament to discuss the idea that it is only possible to truly address planetary-wide environmental and social breakdown if we change the very heart of our global economic system: the pursuit of growth. Speaking at the European Beyond Growth conference, Tim Jackson, Author of ‘Prosperity without Growth’ said “we need an economy whose guiding principle is care”.
What is degrowth? The degrowth movement, as it is sometimes known, advocates for a planned and democratic reduction of the economies of rich countries. It’s about creating smaller, more sustainable systems. Rather than our economic goal being the relentless pursuit
of profit at all costs – which only benefits those at the very top – an economy should serve the needs of people. Some activities, like fossil fuel production, meat and flights, will have to be rapidly reduced. Some sectors, including renewables, public transport and education will be developed until they fulfil the needs of their societies. Degrowth is often criticised in the media because it is characterised by its opponents as introducing a voluntary, permanent recession. Recessions are a nightmarish but inevitable part of the boom and bust cycle of growth-based economies that create widespread hardship and suffering. Degrowth, on the other hand, means down-scaling in an organised way, in order to avoid such harms to ordinary people.
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There is space for fair and sustainable businesses in a degrowth future. Rather than an exhausting cycle of profit driven growth, businesses would be run to provide a service to people and communities, without damaging nature.
Is degrowth necessary?
To put this another way, imagine that the world many of us want to see was somehow realised – clean energy for everyone, all the
products on our shelves are recyclable and recycled, pollution disappeared. Even if we achieved all this, if it was done in a system still based on economic growth, we would end up in ecological collapse because endless growth on a finite planet is impossible. We mustn’t stop calling for the changes that are vital to a better future but, if we want lasting change, we must change our economy too.
What changes to our economy would support this shift? Turning our juggernaut of an economy round is a daunting task, but it is possible. What is required is a systematic and integrated plan, implementing changes at every level of society, from the way we use products, to our public services, jobs and monetary systems.
Photo: Andy Aitchinson
In 2021, academic experts published a study in the scientific journal Nature which showed that to reduce emissions in line with the Paris Agreement targets, rich nations must reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 12% a year. They found that there was no way to do this if the countries continued to pursue economic growth. Even with zero growth, this level of emissions reduction was impossible. They concluded that a liveable future requires new economic strategies.
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Examples of degrowth policies Products: Reduce unnecessary production, end planned obsolescence, cut advertising, shift from ownership to usership, end food waste Lifestyles: Improve public services, decommodify basic goods (housing, health, education), Universal Basic Income Jobs: Introduce a green jobs guarantee, raise wages, reduce working time (4 day week) Equality: Shift from debt to equity finance, maximum wage policy, reduce irresponsible lending, cancel most debt
Each one of these policies would be an improvement on the current system. For example, ending planned obsolescence, the widespread practice of deliberately reducing the lifespans and repairability of products to increase sales, would save people money and reduce consumption. Some policies will mean big transformations and require development to happen in a certain order: improving public services and ensuring basic income for everyone must happen before widespread reductions in working time can be fully embraced. This means governments must have a clear, long-term over-arching strategy for degrowth which comprehensively changes the whole economic system over several decades. As the limits to growth are becoming more apparent, through the loss of biodiversity,
extreme weather events caused by climate breakdown and the toxic chemicals embedded in products by corporations that make them easier to sell but which also slowly poison us, more people are questioning the growth-based model.
Degrowth offers an alternative future, one where everyone’s needs are met so we have more time to spend doing what we love with who we love. This is the caring vision that Tim Jackson spoke about in Brussels – a future where we have more time to care for ourselves, for others and the natural systems that we are part of. Degrowth is a vision of fair and sustainable future which is within our grasp.
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Scotland’s council pension funds pour £2 billion into fossil fuel industry By Sally Clark, Divestment Campaigner
Photo: istockphoto.com
£2 billion from council pension funds in Scotland is invested in fossil fuel companies. This staggering figure includes investments in many of the world’s worst polluters, such as Shell, BP, Exxon Mobil, Chevron and Equinor, which is currently planning to develop the Rosebank oil field. In fact, 96% of all oil and gas companies are planning to expand their fossil fuel operations.
We worked with our colleagues at Friends of the Earth England, Wales & Northern Ireland and Platform to uncover the investments of council pension funds across the UK. The analysis covers data taken from the 2021/22 financial year and was acquired through freedom of information requests.
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Pension fund
Amount invested in fossil fuels
Percentage of fund invested in fossil fuels
Dumfries and Galloway Pension Fund
£22,407,942.83
2.67%
Falkirk Pension Fund
£101,479,095.85
4.57%
Fife Council Pension Fund
£98,647,914.77
2.99%
Highland Council Pension Fund
£28,832,329.36
1.41%
Lothian Pension Fund
£350,770,283.23
4.19%
North East Scotland Pension Fund
£83,450,798.11
1.94%
Orkney Islands Pension Fund
£9,112,398.93
2.03%
Scottish Borders Pension Fund
£3,249,763.58
0.55%
Shetland Islands Council Pension Fund
£23,675,844.89
6.24%
Strathclyde Pension Fund
£618,305,292.25
3.33%
Tayside Pension Fund
£149,233,943.22
3.30%
This is the known fossil fuel investment by council pension funds only. Data was available to analyse 75% of the assets under their management.
As skyrocketing energy bills are plunging millions of people into fuel poverty, this energy transition is more important than ever. Councils must play their part in protecting the long-term future of their employees but a number of them are having their attempts to do this blocked by the pension fund managers. Our research has found that the biggest fossil fuel investor of the council pension funds in Scotland is Strathclyde Pension Fund. It is administered by Glasgow City Council and was found to have invested at least £618 million in fossil fuel companies. Glasgow City Council voted to divest from fossil fuels in April 2021, yet the Strathclyde Pension Fund which manages the money has still not enacted this change. Other councils in the region have also voted in favour of divestment. The Lothian Pension Fund, administered by Edinburgh City Council, has at least £350 million invested in fossil fuels. Its councillors also voted in favour of divestment in November 2022, but the fund managers have not taken action to do so.
It’s unbelievable that despite clear direction from councillors, the biggest council pension funds in Scotland are still investing this obscene amount of money in fossil fuel companies that are driving climate breakdown. The money moved away from fossil fuels could instead be invested in ways that support local communities and protect the planet for everyone, like renewable energy. As skyrocketing energy bills are plunging millions of people into fuel poverty, this energy transition is more important than ever. Across the UK, £16 billion of council pension funds is invested in the fossil fuel industry. Over 20% of UK councils now invest less than 1% of their fund into fossil fuels – a 10 fold increase since 2020, the last time analysis was conducted – but in Scotland, pension funds still invest over 3% into fossil fuels.
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The UK Government has approved the Rosebank oil field. But the fight doesn’t end here... By Freya Aitchison, Oil and Gas Campaigner After over a year of delays and back and forth, the UK Government has given the green light to Rosebank, the biggest undeveloped oil field in the North Sea. By giving Rosebank the go-ahead, the UK Government is denying the reality of the climate crisis that is having devastating impacts across Scotland and around the world. This reckless decision flies in the face of all available climate science which says that to have any chance of remaining within safe climate limits, we must not extract any new oil or gas. Over 700 scientists wrote to the UK Government to tell them this in March. The Rosebank oil field would still be extracting oil and gas in 2051, well beyond the date at which Scotland has pledged to be ‘net zero’. Over its lifetime this single field would produce
the equivalent climate pollution to the combined annual emissions of the world’s 28 lowest income countries. What is also shocking is that the UK Government is making the public subsidise 91% of the costs of developing Rosebank, handing Equinor £2.8 billion through a deliberate loophole in its windfall tax. The windfall tax was supposed to help households pay their energy bills this winter but instead it is lining the pockets of Equinor’s bosses and shareholders, who already made over £60 billion in profits before tax last year. £2.8 billion would be enough to fit insulation and clean heating systems in every house in the North East of Scotland.
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Photos: Andrea Domeniconi
The fact that it has taken so long for the Government to make a decision on Rosebank is testament to the huge amount of public and political and opposition to the field over the past months. But the approval of its development doesn’t mean it’s a done deal. The fact that it has taken so long for the Government to make a decision on Rosebank is testament to the huge amount of public and political and opposition to the field over the past months. 130,000 people signed a petition calling for the UK Government to reject Rosebank, over 200 organisations published an open letter opposing the field, and thousands of letters and emails have been written to politicians, resulting in Rosebank being repeatedly challenged in the Scottish, UK and Norwegian parliaments. On top of this, dozens of protests all over the UK, from Shetland to the south of England, have demonstrated the breadth of public opposition to the field’s development. In the days after the decision from the UK Government to approve Rosebank, thousands of people took to the streets across the country.
The response from the campaign to stop Rosebank has been incredible. Already, our friends at the research and advocacy group Uplift have announced that they will take the UK Government to court over their decision to approve Rosebank. A petition has been launched calling on the Norwegian Government (the majority owners of Equinor) to speak out against Rosebank, and plans to ramp up public pressure on Equinor itself are well underway. Equinor is already under fire in the Norwegian press and from its own investors, who wrote to the Norwegian Government expressing concerns that Equinor isn’t doing enough to cut emissions. Equinor is highly vulnerable to public opinion and has been known to pull out of unpopular projects in the past. The climate movement can and will force them to pull the plug on Rosebank too.
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Campaigning to bring Strathclyde’s buses back into public control By Eilidh Stanners, Communications Officer Everywhere in Scotland except Edinburgh has privately owned buses. This means the companies running the buses can make decisions based on what will make them the most money, rather than what the communities they’re serving need. Almost four in 10 local bus routes in Scotland have been axed since 2007, which gives a sobering picture of the situation right now. Along with trade unions, health and poverty charities, student groups and more, we’re campaigning for buses in the Strathclyde region to be taken back into public control so that they are run for passengers, not for profit.
commercial operators cut routes and increase fares. A single on First Glasgow is now £2.85, compared to £2.00 on Edinburgh’s publicly-owned Lothian Buses. Many people think of having a poor, expensive bus service as an issue that’s faced particularly in rural areas, but as anyone who lives or spends time in Glasgow knows, it’s a problem in Scotland’s biggest city too. In Glasgow, around half of households don’t have access to a car – so a good bus service is vital.
The Strathclyde region covers 12 councils and has a population of 2.2 million. It has the largest number of bus users in Scotland, yet passenger numbers continue to fall as
Campaigning in Glasgow
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Public transport needs to be treated like the essential service it is. Without a good bus service, people are forced into using a car or if that’s not an option left isolated and unable to access services, employment or friends and family. And where car use is an option for people, we need to make public transport the first choice. Transport is Scotland’s biggest source of climate emissions, and it’s not being tackled at anywhere near the pace that’s needed. The Scottish Government has committed to reducing car travel by 20% by 2030 which will make a significant difference, but without serious improvements to public transport it isn’t feasible.
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The buses in Greater Manchester have recently been taken back into public control following a similar campaign, so we know it’s possible to win this. The region’s new ‘Bee Network’ launched in September and will deliver an integrated transport system with a one ticket fits all approach and fares have already got lower. The bus regulator is currently developing the new Strathclyde Regional Bus Strategy which will set the direction of bus policy for the next 15 years, which is why it’s a crucial time to push for this to happen in the Strathclyde region. They intend come to a decision on how to move forward in March 2024, so we have some time to show them that there is huge public support for this move. We hope this will be the first of many campaigns like this in Scotland.
Sign the petition for Better Buses in Strathclyde www.foe.scot/betterbuses
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Interview with Joy Reyes, Friends of the Earth Philippines
Joy Reyes is a climate justice lawyer in the Philippines working for the country’s Friends of the Earth affiliated organization, the Legal Rights and Natural Resources Centre (LRC). She is currently in Scotland to study her Master’s in Global Environment, Politics and Society at the University of Edinburgh. We spoke to her to find out more about her work in the Philippines and how she’s finding climate activism in Scotland so far.
What work do you do for Friends of the Earth Philippines (LRC)? Back home, I am affiliated with the Manila Observatory (MO) as the Technical Advisor for Conventions of the Klima Center. I am also a staff lawyer at the Legal Rights and Natural Resources Center (LRC), which is the Philippines chapter of Friends of the Earth. As a Center, LRC works for the recognition and protection of the rights of indigenous peoples and upland rural poor communities, with campaigns on indigenous peoples’ rights, human rights, natural resources, just energy transition, and climate justice.
As a staff lawyer, I work on policy papers about indigenous peoples rights and climate justice, as well giving Know Your Rights seminars to indigenous peoples. I have also helped in drafting the KLIMA Bill, a draft legislation currently with the Committee on Climate Change of the Philippines House of Representatives, which aims to hold corporations accountable for their human rights violations, among others, and which will create the Climate Change Victims Fund.
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Can you tell us about the main campaigns or workstreams of Friends of the Earth Philippines (LRC)? Do these reflect the main climate/environmental issues there? Aggressive development remains to be one of the biggest issues in the Philippines, as well as the increase of resource extractive industries. Mining remains rampant, despite calls from environmentalists to stop the industry. For the 10th year in the row, the Philippines has been identified as the most dangerous country in Asia for land and environmental defenders, and it is consistently ranked in the worst three in the world. Our work aims to target all of these issues. We serve as legal counsel for marginalised and poor communities, especially those that question these industries, such as in Tampakan, the largest open-pit mine project in Asia.
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In 2020, before I officially joined the Center, LRC and MO represented indigenous peoples from all over the country to challenge the constitutionality of the Anti-Terror Law passed by the Duterte government. LRC has also pushed for the passage of the Alternative Minerals Management Bill, which proposes a transformation of the current way we understand the minerals regime by balancing the need for these minerals with environmental, social, and economic considerations. The bill, like KLIMA, is anchored in climate justice, and proposes solutions that are just and equitable. LRC also works on the protection of watersheds and forests, just energy transition, and loss and damage.
The team at Friends of the Earth Philippines
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Photo: iStock
Can you tell us about a major victory in your organisation's work or a campaign that you are very proud of?
peoples from all over the country where they can consolidate their concerns and forward their calls to the government.
The ability of LRC to elevate and promote the voices and rights of indigenous peoples in the country has always been something that I have been immensely proud of – we have provided support from indigenous communities all over the country. Perhaps one of the most striking of LRC’s campaigns is the annual State of the Indigenous Peoples Address, which comes after the President’s yearly State of the Nation Address. It brings together indigenous
While I have never been to the address in-person due to COVID restrictions, I have been able to join online in two of them, and it is always a wonderful annual show of solidarity and allyship. It is also a great time to bring together our indigenous community partners, celebrate the successes of the year, share our collective grief, and discuss ways to move forward together.
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Have you been involved in any climate action here in Scotland? What are the differences in climate campaigning between Scotland and the Philippines?
Thankfully, this has not stopped protesters – mostly Filipino youth – from voicing their concerns on the streets; however, I wish it were safer to exercise this democratic right.
Yes! I joined the Edinburgh Global Day of Action Aginst Fossil Fuels march, as well as a protest after the approval of Rosebank by the UK government. I plan to be more active in the climate action sphere in Scotland, and also plan to continue to do my work on amplifying the voices of the global South while I’m here.
It has meant that any decision to protest requires plenty of risk assessment, which means that protesting – ideally an intergenerational collective get-together (as I have seen here in Scotland) – becomes a risky undertaking; yet it feels… not right to not partake.
Security has been an interesting, and I think the starkest, difference.
The Philippines also has the highest ranking for climate anxiety among the youth, and it is in protesting, advocating, and campaigning that I think we each find our individual and collective strengths to continue the work.
Protesting in the Philippines remains dangerous, with law enforcers asking intrusive, personal questions. Sometimes, they would even take photos or videos of the protesters, which leave a chilling effect on protesters in a country that does not take kindly to dissent.
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Scotland’s overconsumption is causing climate chaos. The good news is that we now have the best possible opportunity to change this, as the Scottish Government is creating a new law to transform the way we use materials. We need a circular economy where materials are properly valued and cycled round the economy as much as possible. We need policies which encourage producers to make products that last for longer, make them easy to repair and use materials that are better for the planet. This will only happen with public pressure.
Sign the pledge to take action: www.foe.scot/pledge
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