Letter from Lebanon: Dr. Pamela Chrabieh Letter from Hong Kong: Jenny McGowan

Lebanon has been going through a multiform crisis following the so-called end of the 1970s-1980s wars: social, political, environmental, sanitary, and beyond.

The Beirut port blast on August 4, 2020, was the first straw that broke the camel’s back, and the ongoing acute economic crisis the second straw.

As poverty is rising – more than 60 per cent of the local population lives now under the extreme poverty line –people are increasingly desperate.

Many (those who were able to do so) left the country, others (those who are staying) are trying to survive the financial meltdown, the Covid-19 pandemic, and the political deadlock.

The current situation is the consequence of decades of corruption, physical and psychological wars, state paralysis, nepotism, sectarianism, and foreign interferences. But even to someone like me who observed the war, the deterioration of the country is unprecedented. During the 1980s, we were able to escape bombs and snipers and take refuge in a different city or village. We were still able to find food and work. We had hope. Today, most of us are hanging by a thread.

The fact is that Lebanon is enduring an acute economic depression, inflation reaching triple digits, and the exchange rate losing value. This is still affecting the population, especially the poor and middle class. I agree with the World Bank statement: “The social impact, which is already dire, could become catastrophic”. I honestly don’t know how long the local population will be able to survive with one of the lowest minimum wages in the world, and when the country’s food prices have become the highest in Southwestern Asia and North Africa. People can’t even find needed medicine or pay a hospital bill. They haven’t been able to access their money in banks since late 2019.

As a result of all this, Lebanese youth are facing a lack of work opportunities, rising costs of living and unemployment rates – and the absence of any state support. Many are growing disillusioned and desperate, and we are not even at the end of our crises. We should expect worse to come and it’s going to be tougher for young people to pursue their higher studies, find a job, or even secure an entry visa elsewhere.

Most students of mine and other universities, along with countless academics, activists, and artists who have been part of the October 17 ‘revolutionary movements’, have vehemently criticised sectarianism in all its forms and offered alternative paths, ranging from a complete separation between religion and politics to mediatory approaches. This is not a new phenomenon, as many individuals and organisations have stood against sectarianism in the last decades, but we are witnessing change within student bodies, especially with secular groups winning elections in some of the most prestigious universities versus traditional sectarian groups.

So it’s still too soon to assess the October 17 revolutionary movements. I wrote a while ago that there are many ways of approaching the study of revolution in the contemporary world. According to a narrow definition, “revolution is a forcible overthrow of a government or social order, in favor of a new system”. In that perspective, revolutionary dynamics in Lebanon appear to several observers as “minor disturbances”. According to these ‘experts’, as long as the socio-political and economic systems are “unchanged”, the so-called “hirak" (movement) is not worthy to be called “revolution”, and “will soon end” or it just “ended”.

However, by a different definition of “revolution”, the October 17 revolutionary movements are only a step towards overturning existing conditions and generating alternative socio-political and economic orders. As I see it, revolution in Lebanon isn’t a static object that can either be a “success” or a “failure”. It consists of several current dimensions and historical layers simultaneously. When it is not roaring in public spaces, it is boiling in our minds.

As for me, I wear several hats: scholar, university professor, visual artist, activist, consultant, programme manager, wife, daughter, and mother. I haven’t learned about resistance and resilience in books, but through my art, and through the many struggles I have been going through, as well as the struggles of others around me.

As long as there are inequalities and social injustice, I do not think that revolutionary movements will end. However, I remain optimistic. So long as there are no limitations imposed on our will, imagination, resilience, patience and freedom, we will rise again from the rubble.

Dr. Pamela Chrabieh is a LebaneseCanadian scholar, university professor, visual artist, activist, writer and consultant, who has been named as one of the 100 most influential women in Lebanon.

Three years ago I moved to Hong Kong to work as an education consultant and during this time the city has changed in a subtle way on a day-to-day basis, and in a momentous way when you contemplate its future. In my role I have unique insight into the longterm plans of families as we discuss their children’s education and have noticed several trends with regards to the attractiveness of the UK, which has traditionally been the destination of choice for schools and universities.

The political change in Hong Kong has had a limited impact on schools for now, but parents do seem concerned about how this might change over time. International schools have greater autonomy than local schools in terms of the curriculum but the unpredictability is unsettling and has unnerved parents who had not previously planned to move away from Hong Kong.

Hong Kong nationals born before the 1997 handover were always eligible for BNO passports that gave visa-free UK visiting but not the right to live and work there. In response to the recent law changes, the UK government upgraded the BNO status allowing Hong Kongers to apply for a visa that provides a route to UK citizenship.

Crucially, this visa also provides the dependents of BNO passport holders the right to attend state schools for free and for whole families to relocate together. Before this, the only option for families without the right to live in the UK would be boarding school which provides students themselves with a study visa. But with costs of around £40,000 a year this was unattainable for most. It also meant being separated from their children, which, pre-Covid, was manageable. But during Covid this has been very stressful for families. This was highlighted recently when flights from the UK were suddenly banned on July 1st, leaving many students separated from their parents for the summer.

Using their BNO status to relocate the whole family to the UK has become a popular option. Only time will tell how many of these enquiries translate into actual moves; the UK government predicts 300,000 over five years. That said, the grass isn’t always greener and the cultural and language barriers may prove challenging for some when it comes to finding jobs and settling in a UK town. In Hong Kong you can get to most places within 30 minutes, taxis are dirt cheap and many families have a live-in maid for around £500 a month. When faced with the realities of an across - London commute and the cost of childcare many discover that life in the UK isn’t quite what they expected.

Before the BNO visa was an option, when I asked families about their reasons for considering educating their children in the UK, the answer often centred around universities and the tradition and prestige that is acknowledged worldwide and therefore translated into good employment opportunities. In 2020, there were over 7,000 applicants to UK universities from applicants in Hong Kong – a 50 per cent increase from 2010. With the increased competition, families started to consider boarding school in the UK at younger ages to try and maximise the chances of a successful university application.

Great social and political pressure is being placed on Oxford and Cambridge to reduce the percentage of successful applicants that attend private schools, which may change the perspective of parents trying to maximise their children’s Oxbridge chances. A parent who selected a school such as Winchester College for their son six or seven years ago may now be disappointed with the Oxbridge results, which will have decreased considerably during this time. Arguably, this will not affect students applying from Hong Kong as they are classified as international students and therefore do not contribute to the private school stats. There are several schools in Hong Kong that can boast better Oxbridge numbers than many UK schools and so savvy parents may re-think their UK plans.

University rankings are often referenced by parents in my conversations with them, with future employment correlated with the university reputation and ranking. While this is historically true, it will be interesting to see how this changes over time with many big companies using blind recruitment processes to mask an applicant’s background and placing greater importance on the skills rather than name of institution.

A lot has changed in Hong Kong, and for now the UK is still a very popular destination for both schools and universities. With the rapid social and political change in both places it will be interesting to see how this evolves in the next few years.