Field Notes Volume VII

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FIELDNOTES

THE MCGILL UNDERGRADUATE GEOGRAPHY JOURNAL Winter 2018

McGill University Montreal, Canada FieldNotes acknowledges that McGill is on traditional Haudenosaunee territory.

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Acknowledgements Copyright © FieldNotes: The McGill Undergraduate Geography Journal, McGill University, Montreal, Canada, 2018.

Editorial selection, compilation and material © by the Editorial Board of FieldNotes and its contributors.

Fieldnotes is an academic journal of McGill University with submissions by students.

Printed and bound in Canada by Solutions Rubiks Inc. All rights reserved. Except for brief passages quoted and cited from external authors, no part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any way of form without the permission in writing from the publisher.

Special thanks to the Arts Undergraduate Society of McGill University and the McGill Undergraduate Geography Society for enabling the publication of this journal.

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FIELDNOTES THE MCGILL UNDERGRADUATE GEOGRAPHY JOURNAL

Editors in Chief Dorothy Heinrich Robyn Lane Layout Editors Charlotte Zaininger Maya Lewis Editors Lisa Altman Nick Frazer Sophie Gélinas-Gagné Josée Sabourin Nicole Sharma Brian McGinn Celia Zuberec

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A Letter from the Editors-in-Chief The word “geography” has many definitions, its study has many methodologies, and its use has many implications. Fundamentally, the discipline of geography attempts to describe the world in which we live and the linkages and relationships across space. Then, it prescribes solutions.

Ours is very much an active discipline. Through field work, projects and second-hand stories, we explore the potential of the geographical lens. Geography has grown and morphed since its beginnings, and we are seeing increased interest in subjects such as environmental change, social justice, and new applications of GIS, to name but a few. As geographers, we are uniquely positioned to fill the current demand for interdisciplinary thinking in a plethora of world issues.

This is what the FieldNotes journal attempts to showcase. The hard work, bright ideas, and the spark of talent presented by the authors of the journal are indicative of the work being done by the geographers-in-training of the McGill Geography department. It hopefully is also an indication of the opportunities present for current and future students.

This is the 7th edition of FieldNotes. In 2011, a simple conversation in the GIC sparked the idea of publishing a new kind of journal: 7 years later, the special project is going strong. The papers in this edition range from many angles of the definition of Geography. They are about old neighbourhoods, about new master-planned cities being erected at lightning speed, about soil composition, about economic-hubs... They were written on the fifth floor of Burnside and at Bellairs; they were thought-up while reading a news article, tinkering with ArcMap, or walking around a city; they were bolstered by supportive professors, T.As, staff, and peers.

As Editors-in-Chief, we would particularly like to shine light on this year’s editorial and layout teams. The work they have done was behind the scenes, and the final journal is a product of their work and dedication. We would like to thank them on behalf of all the readers.

In the hopes that reading this will inspire you and make you proud of being a part of the Geography community at McGill, Dorothy Heinrich and Robyn Lane Editors-in-Chief, 2018

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Table of Contents A Letter from the Editorial Team

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Natural Systems in Speightstown, Barbados Aspen Albrick, Annie Dahan & Soraya Sarshar

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From Chinatown Onward: The Changing Structures of Chinese Space and the Ethnic Economy Ely DeSandoli

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A Smart Past for a Smart City: Constructing History to Facilitate Exclusion in the Nascent Amaravati Capital City Madeleine Jennings

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Anam City: The Master-Planning Approach to Development Martin Kwan Ching Law

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Uncovering Realities of High Technology and Modest Eco-cities Hannah Ker

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The Issue of Scale in Geo-Information Science Deboleena Mazumdar

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Relationship Between Topography, Physical and Chemical Properties, and Environmental Controls on Soil Formation of Five Soil Profiles of the Gault Nature Reserve of Mont Saint-Hilaire Tabatha Rahman

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The New Jersey Pharmaceutical Agglomeration Claire Styffe

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Green-Gentrification… Greening The City At The Expense of Displacing the Poor? A Spotlight On New York City Kirsten Visser

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Natural Systems in Speightstown, Barbados

By Aspen Albrick, Annie Dahan & Soraya Sarshar URBP 507 - Planning and Infrastructure Professor Lisa Bornstein Fall 2017 Abstract Barbados’ North to South boulevard separates the East and West complexity of this small, versatile town. The West sits on a sparkling blue coast in which the lively commercial hub finds itself. Sprinkled with small shops and authentic, local restaurants, you will find yourself always busy along this sandy shore. In the East, a change in atmosphere occurs. A quiet, tranquil environment with quaint houses pocketed within the tropical trees will bring you to a place of calmness. As you move away from the reef, you will find yourself on the stable ridge that gives you views of rolling fields and wild forest contrasted against the ocean backdrop. From the bustling reef to the rural ridge, there is natural beauty to be found.

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Introduction A natural system within an urban centre encompasses both the ecological and human realms and how they interact with one another. Natural systems in the Speightstown catchment (See Figure 1) have been greatly affected by human activity, fast-increasing urbanisation being one of the factors. This paper focuses on the diversity of flora, water management and waste management as these three assets cover the natural world, the management of the natural world and human pollution of the natural world, respectively. These areas of study describe how humans navigate the natural resources in their proximity. Focusing on Speightstown allows for a comprehensive understanding of how natural systems are modified by anthropocentric activities. Through on-the-field

Figure 1: Map of Study Area 14

data collection, we analyse on three environmental assets, strengths and weaknesses of the local natural systems and vulnerability of the area of study.

Field Methods and Limitations The methods used for this study consisted of systematic visual analysis via field visits, conversing with locals, Google Maps and a review of the 2017 Barbados Physical Development Plan. Touring the upper catchment of Speightstown by car allowed for a good observations of waste management and flora alongside roads but also within rural residential communities.

However, basing the data on observations made in a car limits the field of research to areas with access to roads; thus, we have yet is no data for forests, fields, deep agricultural land and gullies. This noted, ,

since these areas are not accessible by car and only by foot, it is safe to assume that they do not contain large amounts of solid waste since there is not much human traffic. However, it was difficult to obtain an overall sense of vegetation patterns for areas not accessible by car.

The state of waste management, flora and drainage sites within Speightstown’s urban core and beaches was identified by walking along the coast. This method is limited by the distance that can be travelled by foot within a limited time.

Google Maps was used to get a better unFigure 2. Map of drainage sites found in derstanding of the location of land uses.

Speightstown from Heywood Beach to Lastly, the Physical Development Plan was used to understand the government’s Alms Gap (From Google Earth) plan for strategies and policies to improve the quality of natural systems.

Findings Flora

There is very diverse flora in Speightstown. Inland on the ridge there sugar cane fields abound. . Nearer the shore, many pockets of trees and brush are found; most of these areas have been cleared for urban development. Snaking through the island, gullies present areas lacking human activity and interest, where bush grows haphazardly . In this report, we discuss visible signs of productivity on this landscape such as vegetation cover, biodiversity, pollution, and soil quality. A compilation of this data can be found in Table 3 which presents a. non-exhaustive list of indicators of environmental quality.

Gullies Drainage Site Heywood Beach Drainage I Heywood Beach Drainage II Mangrove Swamp Drainage Speightstown Esplanade Salt Pond Drainage Jordan’s Breakwater Drainage I Jordan’s Breakwater Drainage II

Efficiency Low N/A High Low High Mid Mid

Table 1. Drainage sites found and their determined efficiency.

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Gullies are dry, densely wooded river valleys with steep sides and flat bottoms that form due to the karst topography of Barbados (EPA et al.). These formations perform a range of ecosystem services such as water regulation and drainage and erosion control, as well as providing a habitat for a diverse set of flora and fauna.

Gullies are especially important as ecological habitats a barrier against widespread deforestation that has taken place over much of the island which has leading to habitat loss (GEMS). The condition of gullies is important because if they are compromised, so are the ecosystem services they provide. The conditions of gullies are affected by both local and upstream activities. For example, throwing trash directly into the gullies causes a buildup of litter that harms the ecosystem by introducing potentially toxic pollutants. Unfortunately, this type of behavior seems to be on the rise (PDP, Introduction). Agro-chemicals from agricultural practices upstream from the gullies also harm the productivity and biodiversity by disrupting a fragile equilibrium.

Vegetation cover in the gullies is high. Because of the way gullies are shaped, they create a greenhouse effect that is perfect for plant growth. The gullies in Speightstown are productive areas due to their biodiversity despite the fact that they are polluted. Gully plants make up about one-third of vascular plant species in Barbados. They can be used for food, herbal medicines, and biomedical research (GEMS Biodiversity Subcomponent). This biodiversity increases the gullies’ resiliency to certain shocks related to climate change including flooding, drought, and more intense weather patterns such as stronger hurricanes. The Speightstown gullies have good soil quality most likely due to the fact that the diverse plant spe16

cies created a diverse root system of both deep and shallow roots minimizing the risk of erosion. The high vegetation cover most likely added to the organic matter in the soil as well. Parts of the soil in the gullies were compacted most likely due to hikers. Many of the gullies in Speightstown are filled with litter due to illegal dumping and the movement of trash from wind and runoff. This garbage includes small plastic cups, Styrofoam containers, old clothes, and discarded tires. The pollution of gullies can lead to blocked waterways and health hazards depending on the type of pollutant: if the waterways are blocked, the gullies cannot perform their function as a drainage network. This not only affects the gully ecosystem but also the surrounding ecosystems. Storm water moves from the gully to the ocean. This transports the trash and chemicals from the gullies to the fragile coastal ecosystem, which can have serious effects on the coral reefs.

Agricultural Land The agricultural land of Speightstown is located in the eastern section on the ridge where farmers grow mostly sugarcane but also other subsistence crops.

The vegetation cover of the agricultural land in Speightstown depends on the geographical location of the field and the moment it is in its crop rotation sugar cane fields present obvious vegetation cover but they were not inter-planted with any other crops. This means that there is muhc uncovered land between the sugar rows.

This pattern decreases the infiltration rate of rainwater and leads to an increase in runoff. This can cause agro-chemicals to be transported from the fields into the gullies and increases the risk of flooding downhill. Some fields are left to fallow – or, rest – meaning that there is no veg-

etation cover at all in these. Again, this decreases the infiltration rate and can quickly lead to soil erosion. The biodiversity of the agricultural fields is low due to the propensity for monocropping. The lack of biodiversity can decrease the area’s resilience to shocks such as pests, diseases, and climate change.

Our visual analysis of the soil quality was deemed good, overall. The soil was a dark color and did not appear to be compacted. However, some fields had no crops on them which increases the risk for soil erosion thus decreasing soil fertility and productivity. Pollution in the area surrounding the agricultural fields is also a consideration, but there seems to have been very little overt pollution in the fields themselves

to high compaction rates from development and from heavy foot and vehicle traffic. The pollution of urban vegetation is also high due to its proximity to high population rates. With a growing population, there is also more trash which ends up in the vegetated areas. There was a lot of plastic trash got in the bottom branches of shrubs and occasionally in the upper parts of the shrubs as well. There is most likely invisible pollution as well which would include potentially dangerous toxins.

Overall, these vegetation types in urban areas must be recognized for their importance as natural systems that can provide food , as well as increase the island’s resilience to storms and flooding.

Waterfront & Stormwater Management Speightstown is a coastal town which relies heavily on its waterfront for economic and social activities.. Poor stormwater management and weak infrastructure increase the town’s risk of survival in the face of extreme weathering events (Barbados Physical Development Plan, 2017). Observing the town’s waterfront and water management systems Urban Vegetation helps to assess its threats, risks, strengths Urban vegetation in Speightstown and weaknesses. Seven drainage sites, the is characterized by small pockets of tree Speightstown Esplanade and the Jetty cover and fields tucked between sections have been observed in this report. of development. However, this vegetation cover is low due to large portions of the Drainage Sites area being covered by concrete. This reSimilar to other urban centers duces the infiltration rate, which increases found in Barbados, Speightstown was the risk of flooding and runoff. The biodi- built along the coast. Because of this, Speiversity of plant species in the urban area ghtstown finds itself with many drainage is low due to the fact there is not much sites that alleviate water from the mainvegetation cover. There are trees, shrubs, land and bring it out to sea. However, this and grassy areas., The productivity of this stormwater management is a common vegetation appears to be low. Indeed, soil practice in Barbados that is in great need quality in the urban area is very poor due of improvement (Speightstown Commu17

nity Plan 2017). Poor maintenance of stormwater management infrastructure often results in blockage that prevents discharge from water catchment areas and leads to flooding. This is due to the fact that the drainage sites bring water from large catchments through narrow concrete tunnels that are insufficient for heavy flow. During field visits along the coast, it was observed that coastal drainage sites are poorly maintained, are too few and far in between, and lastly, that their infrastructure is poorly designed; it has too small of an opening for water to exit efficiently. An additional observation is that drainage sites are not found near touristic coastal development, creating pressure on those that are hidden from visitor’s views.

Two drainage sites are found at Heywood Beach; one which is no longer in use, and one that was poorly maintained. Both these drainage sites found themselves near coastal developments and were carefully hidden from tourists.

Further south, along Sand Street, where there was no coastal development, the largest and most efficient drainage site was found. From the shoreline, it appears that this drainage site is an artificial infrastructure due to its concrete opening. However, this is actual a natural drainage and the mouth opening to Speightstown mangrove swamp (See Figure 1) . The practice of using mangrove swamps as stormwater management is common in Barbados and predominantly used as a water retention site. However, mangrove swamps are often overlooked, left unsupervised and the cause of several ecosystem damages due to lack of human intervention. The Speightstown Community Physical Development Plan notes the need to remediate this swamp, as it has been the cause of increased flooding 18

events. The Plan has proposed policies to improve its natural function in stormwater management retention, as well as help it preserve its biodiversity.

At the end of Sand Street, Speightstown coastal beach shore turns into a coastal breakwater boardwalk. The Speightstown Esplanade is an infrastructure that provides the town some protection from the sea, as well as creates a spot of social and institutional gathering. The Esplanade carries a drainage tunnel all along its boardwalk which deposits at Salt Pond bridge. This drainage tunnel ensures low flooding on the boardwalk in times of heavy rainfall and is evidently part of Speightstown resilient infrastructure against potential climate change threats.

Once the boardwalk ends, the coast quickly dips inland to the Salt Pond Bridge. The Salt Pond is a water catchment area found in the center of the town that discharges to the sea. This is a site of

Figure 3: Mangrove swamp drainage (picture: Soraya Sarshar) heavy and efficient drainage, however, it is still susceptible to blockage. Since the Salt Pond is so large, and exposed to many urban activities, such as garbage disposal and failing infrastructure, times of inefficiency occur often (Barbados Physical Development Plan, 2017). Next along the transect, Queen Street Beach, the most

southern beach surveyed on the field visit was found to be heavily eroded and exposed to the sea (see Figure 12).

Many developments here have been exposed to weather damage and are of lower property value than those found on the breakwater. After Queen Street beach, the shoreline once again becomes elevated on the coastal breakwater boardwalk.

This breakwater is relatively maintained, as it hosts a couple of the town’s touristic restaurants, as well as their predominant grocery store, Jordan’s. The drainage sites found here are relatively small and integrated in the breakwater infrastructure.

Due to the break of boardwalk from Salt Pond to Jordan’s Supermarket, it is possible that large amounts of water deposit at this site, eventually leading to the erosion of the breakwater. However, on the whole, these drainage sites are well maintained.

Overall, the identified drainages sites must be recognized as a core facet to Speighstown’s wellbeing. Without their proper management, the town will find itself prone to more flooding, pollution and general deterioration of infrastructure.

This will be detrimental to Speightstown’s commercial and touristic development.

For this reason, all of Speightstown drainage sites must be made functional.

Waterfront As mentioned prior, Speightstown relies on its waterfront for economic, social and most importantly, touristic opportunities. Without its extensive beach, Speightstown would not have developed into the second largest town centre in Barbados. However, the town’s coastal infrastructure lacks structural resilience.

Many of the developments found along the shoreline would not stand against severe climatic events, such as high winds, tides and sea level rise. This will be a cru-

cial issue for Speightstown in the future as climate change effects become more prevalent. Although some infrastructure interventions have been put into place, such as breakwater boardwalks and vegetation cover by the shore, these initiatives are not sufficient for upcoming year.

Speightstown’s waterfront is made up of a mix of breakwater boardwalk and beach shore. The beach shore and its developments are inevitably the most susceptible to severe weathering events.

Along the shore of Queen Street, several developments have been at the mercy of beach erosion and find themselves building and rebuilding outdoor infrastructure to keep up with the ever-changing topography. If better infrastructure and planning are not implemented in the near future, these commercial businesses will not last. The difference between these two waterfront infrastructures creates marginalization along the coast between the developments found on the coastal breakwater, and those found on the beach. This creates unequilibrated growth along the coast due to physical environment. Boardwalk businesses in general are better kept, better situated and will have to face less risk in the future,whereas beachfront properties are more run down, have higher maintenance needs and do not present as well to tourists, therefore collecting less revenue.

An additional observation is that quality and cleanliness of beaches are overall better when there is more commercial and touristic development found (See Figures 13 & 14). This shows that where local citizens are settled, the coast is less maintained, creating an unequal distribution of wealth within the community.

Furthermore, a proposal from Barbados Development Plan is the reconstruction and repair the town’s jetty. The jetty could be a source of great econom19

ic income, as it would bring attention to the town, help re-establish activity for the fish market and become a source of water transport. The jetty is currently unwalkable due to its unstable infrastructure and closed off to all public. However, locals still illegally cross the pier to fish and sightsee, jeopardizing their safety. Additionally, in case of high wind or a hurricane, the jetty would surely deteriorate, blowing in high levels of debris into the town.

Overall, the coastal community of Speightstown is threatened by the potential impacts of climate change. According to Barbados’ Development Plan, approximately 370 structures are at risk and 65% of critical facilities are within the storm surge zone, meaning at risk to coastal flood. It is important for Speightstown to harness the opportunity the waterfront brings, as well as ensure it is climate shock resilient for the future. Although many breakwaters may be in place, the town has many weak spots that do not assure safety for its citizens. Location and asset specific climate change adaptation measures must be developed in order to respond to potential natural hazard such as flooding, high winds and sea level rise.

Solid Waste Solid waste can be found inland as well as in Speightstown. A common trend found is that the more touristy the area, the cleaner it is, even though the total amount of waste in the touristy areas is larger since it is highly frequented. This trend occurs because touristy areas are more frequently cleaned to attract tourists to the area and make them feel comfortable.

Large amounts of waste are accumulating in inland gullies; specifically gullies that have roads passing through them since they are more accessible. There are no signs that this waste is ever cleared 20

out, since it is in remote rural areas with no tourist attractions. The types of waste spotted in the gullies range from Chefette disposable food containers to broken cement blocks and plastic bags. Small and light waste will often end up in the oceans as large rainfall events flood the gullies and the storm water carries the solid waste downstream to the oceans.

Speightstown beaches are rarely covered with litter since they are cleaned frequently primarily because the beaches are touristy areas that are highly frequented. Furthermore, according to a sign found at the start of the Speightstown Esplanade, there are heavy fines for littering on the beach.The timing of the study is important since the area is being analysed during tourist season, thus the beaches are cleaner than they were in September. The types of waste found on the beach are smaller items like plastic water bottles, beer cans and bottles, Styrofoam food containers etc. These types of waste are extremely toxic to marine life, as the litter is ingested by sea life releasing toxins that bioaccumulate through the food chain. Thus, even though there are smaller amounts of waste by the beaches, it is still a very serious problem due to the danger it poses to our oceans.

Garbage in the city center is often an issue because of the amount of people coming and going in the area. The city center is split into the touristy sections and the local section. The touristy section includes hotels, stores, restaurants, and bars; meanwhile the local section includes the residential zones, the schools and bus stops. The touristy areas create large quantities of waste as levels of consumption are very high due to constant eating out at restaurants, shopping and quick turnovers of customers in hotels. However, even though large quantities of waste are

produced in the touristy city center, this waste is rarely found in the streets as litter because the frequency at which waste is cleaned and picked up is more often. A dirty beach and dirty hotels would greatly deter tourists from coming to Barbados, so keeping the tourist areas clean is very important for ensuring that Barbados’ tourist industry remains strong.

In contrast, the local parts of the city center of Speightstown have more visible waste in the streets. This is not necessarily because there is more waste production in these areas, but might be because the efforts to pick up litter are less than in the touristy areas ; no profit exists from cleaning streets in residential areas. Garbage pick ups are scheduled to occur once a week, however, according to inhabitants of the area, sometimes weeks go by without any garbage trucks coming at all (date of field note) . This lack of following schedules is more common in the inland residential areas than in the city center. Furthermore, when garbage bags are placed on the street, animals such as cats, monkeys and mongooses rip open the bags spilling the contents onto the streets. The spilt garbage is at the mercy of winds and rain and is often transported down the streets, awaiting pick up.

Overall, there are minimal efforts to mitigate waste ending up in landfills.

Composting efforts have not been spotted on a large scale and are not mentioned in the strategies and policies of the Physical Development Plans. It can only be supposed that some individual efforts to compost are taken on organic farms and in minimal amounts of households. Efforts to recycle in Barbados in general are present yet not widespread. There are several recycling companies on the island such as the Sustainable Barbados Recycling Center. These companies do not offer

door to door pick up, however if a community chooses to collect recyclables in one main location, then the company will pick it up free of charge. There was no visible sign of such a recycling pick up location seen during the sight visits. There have been sightings of locals collecting recyclable glass and plastic bottles to return for profit.

The state of solid waste in the Speightstown catchment differs from area to area. This comparison is reiterated in table 3 in the appendix. The Physical Development Plan addresses the issues of waste management as the government plans to “introduce local waste education centers to promote sustainable waste management. This may include: a) Using informational and educational signage to raise awareness of recycling and waste diversion activities; b) Considering the introduction of waste education centers in association with other community facilities “ (PDP Speightstown, p. 19).

These education centers are an interesting approach, however it must be acknowledged that the infrastructure for proper waste management must also be well set up. Furthermore, although this study focused on solid waste, it is important to recognize that waste can be found in liquid and gaseous forms such as chemical from fertilizers and pollution particles from automobiles and industry.

Analysis - Type I - Overlay of Information The natural environment is inevitably integrated with human activity.

Therefore, the three assets analyzed in this paper are closely related and impact one another. Poor waste management leads to garbage accumulation in gullies, streets and fields. Paired with heavy rain21

fall this leads to blocked drainage and poor stormwater management. Further leading to polluted floodwaters and damaged ecosystems. Damaged ecosystems include polluted beaches, eroded beaches, loss of vegetation cover, lowered beach water quality, and stress on aquatic life (see Figure 2). Decreased vegetation cover reduces infiltration rates which increases runoff and exacerbates the issue described above. These issues are augmented by urbanization as it causes an increase in garbage quantities and a decrease in vegetation cover. Areas that are the most vulnerable have low vegetation cover such as in the city center, large amounts of waste accumulation in gullies and the local city centers and inefficient drainage sites such as at Heywood Beach. This shows that various aspects of the natural system are interconnected and when not properly managed can form larger issues.

Speightstown catchment area. By identifying the strengths and weaknesses of the natural system, one can identify what is going well and what needs to be improved upon.

The waterfront of Speightstown is a hub for economic activity and provides a location for social gatherings, recreational activities and cultural heritage. This is an advantage for the town as it draws tourists and locals alike. However, if water is poorly managed, it can become detrimental to the area. Poor stormwater management along the coast can lead to beach erosion and poor beach water quality. Poor stormwater management also increases risk of flooding. Flooding leads to the degradation of infrastructure and pollution of the town. A coastal town has both advantages and disadvantages, however if poorly managed, water can almost always be an issue.

Vegetation plays an important role Analysis Type II - Strengths & by increasing infiltration rates thus effecWeaknesses tively reducing runoff and minimizing the Natural systems provide many risk of flooding. It also provides ecosystem beneficial services, however when poor- services such as food, medicine, and natly managed can create weak links in the ural fibers as well as creating a space for

Figure 4: Overlay information diagram (by the authors) 22

recreation. Vegetation in the gullies creates a diverse habitat for many species; in agricultural lands, it provides livelihood.

In the urban centers, this same vegetation helps to cool the heat island effect caused by development as well as being visually appealing.

However, vegetation can also cause issues. For example, agricultural development often means the clearing of natural vegetation and increases the amount of chemicals going into the land Invasive plant species might also problems in Barbados by outcompeting native species and decreasing biodiversity.

Waste management is important to keep human pollution out of our natural systems. The strengths of Speightstown’s waste management systems is that touristy areas such as the beachfront and areas by hotels and restaurants are kept clean.

This good waste management allows Barbados’ main industry to flourish, as tourists prefer to stay in clean areas. However, Speightstown has very low waste mitigation efforts, as consumption is high and composting and recycling efforts are low to nonexistent. Furthermore, another weakness is the lack of litter removal from inland gullies, which leads to garbage accumulation.

Ratings of waste management in different areas of Barbados is important to quantify. The quantity of waste produced is a function of how many people frequent the area and the levels of cconsumption in the area. The quantity recycled is a function of the amount of waste that is diverted from landfills. The quantity littered is a function of the amount of solid waste found on the ground. The overall threat of waste is a function of the amount of litter found and the danger that the litter poses to the natural environment.

In conclusion, there are currently several issues that impede on the overall functioning of natural systems, however, as many of these are caused by humans, proper management and policies can mitigate these problems. As such, the following table shows the strength and weaknesses of natural systems in Barbados.

Analysis Type III - Vulnerability Assessment Vulnerability assessments are an increasingly popular tool to assess potential hazards to the town’s population and infrastructure. By choosing one hazard, one may analyze what is sensitive to such exposure, the potential impacts that may occur, adaptive capacities that may be ap-

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proved and finally the vulnerability identified.

The hazard chosen in this study was flooding. Poor stormwater and waste management make it quite troublesome for community centres such as Speightstown. In the specific case of flooding in Speightstown, few aspects should be taken into consideration. Flooding increases erosion and therefore affects topography and vegetation cover directly. However, with poor stormwater management, a capacity that is in need of improvement in Barbados, potential negative impacts include blocked drainage and polluted flooding. Finally, this places pressures on both the gullies and the waterfront. The gullies are furthermore littered with garbage, whereas the waterfront is at risk for further flooding, leading to beach erosion and general degradation of infrastructure.

When gullies are exposed to flooding, it can lead to erosion due to the large amounts of water flowing through the sys24

tem. Flooding can also make gullies less efficient as drainage systems because they are not able to process all the water (Barbados Physical Development Plan, 2017).

The sensitivity and adaptive capacity to flooding is moderate because the plants and soils in the gullies can be affected by extreme water flows but they are also able to regulate themselves if kept in good condition. It is possible for policies and regulations to keep gully integrity intact by monitoring pollution in order to prevent blockage and increase water flow through gully. However, even if the gullies are kept clean, it is still possible for water flows to be too intense for gullies to regulate. Gullies are relatively vulnerable to flooding due to their nature as a natural drainage system. Therefore, the overall priority of gullies is moderate because although they are somewhat sensitive and vulnerable, they do have the adaptive capacity to regulate flooding.

Shoreline integrity is almost al-

Figure 4. Beach erosion on Queen Street Coast. (picture: Soraya Sarshar) ways susceptible to flooding due to their vulnerable location. Main concerns due to flooding are beach erosion and infrastructure damage. The sensitivity due to this event is high, since the waterfront is downstream from water catchment areas and is where all water accumulates. Furthermore, adaptive capacity is moderate because building coastal infrastructure such as breakwaters ensures protection and resilience but is only temporary and requires heavy maintenance.

Flooding poses a large hazard for garbage pick-up since major floods can block roads and prevent trucks from accessing the garbage pick-up areas. Furthermore, if garbage is left in the streets it can be swept along in the floods and carried downstream. This issue could easily be mitigated with improved solid waste management, such as reducing litter and implementing strong garbage cans that will not be swept away by floods, thus garbage pickup is not very vulnerable to heavy rains and flooding.

Shoreline integrity is the most important followed by gully integrity and garbage pickup, based on priority rankings for the natural systems that are exposed to flooding.

Conclusion The issues of blocked and buried drainage sites, waste accumulation in the gullies, and the lack of adherence to garbage pick-up schedules needs to be addressed. With various site visits, in-depth online research and many map overviews, an analysis of Speightstown’s natural systems and how they interact has been summarised. Pollution and lack of vegetation cover in the urban center are areas of concern. By decreasing pollution and increasing vegetation cover, the urban core’s resilience to the effects of climate change will be increased. The presence of more vegetation cover increases the infiltration rate of the area, reducing runoff and flooding. Furthermore, the drainage capacity of the gullies can be increased by addressing the serious issue of illegal dumping and pollution. Flora is a huge potential source of resilience to climate change and full advantage should be taken of its benefits.

Speightstown water resources range from its coastline to on-land drainage sites. Speightstown’s waterfront provides social services that make the town the lively place that it is. However, the town’s waterfront is at risk to climatic events such as flooding, high winds and hurricanes. In order for the town to become resilient to the effects of climate change, it will need proper implementation of hard infrastructure on its coast.

Additionally, Speightstown drainage systems are in dire need of improvement.

Risk of flooding becomes more prevalent with the increase of heavy rainfall. Proper stormwater management could help resolve issues of beach erosion, water pollution and flooding. Speightstown would not be the place it is without its waterfront, therefore this precious resource must be protected.

A common trend found in Spei25

Table 5: Vulnerability Assessment to Flood Risk

ghtstown’s waste management practices is that locations commonly frequented by tourists, primarily by the coast, are cleaner than inland local areas. To reduce the vulnerability of garbage pick up in the inland areas and local city centers, waste management practices need to be improved.

In sum, natural systems are an integral part of the Speightstown region as human livelihoods closely rely on them.

Therefore, the management of these systems need to be improved in order to reduce Speightstown’s vulnerability to climate events.

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Acknowledgments We would like to acknowledge Professor Lisa Bornstein and Mr. Paul Lecavalier for guiding us through this project, and for teaching us the qualitative and quantitative urban planning research methods used in this project. This paper was written in the context of the Barbados Field Study Semester, undertaken at the Bellairs Research Institute, in Fall 2017.

References Urban Strategies Inc. Prudentia et al.

Draft February 2017. Barbados Physical Development Plan. Speightstown Community Plan. Town & Country Develop-

ment Planning Office.

Accessed Online. http://www.townplanning.gov.bb/pdp/Downloads/files/pdp/B-08_Speightstown.pdf EPA, PDA, SEMS. 2005. Gully Ecosystem Management Study: Integrated Gully Ecosystem Management Plan. The Government of Barbados Ministry of Housing, Lands, and Environment.

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From Chinatown Onward: The Changing Structures of Chinese Space and the Ethnic Economy

By Ely DeSandoli HIST 442 Professor Laura Madokoro Fall 2017 Abstract Chinese migrants have been coming to North America for hundreds of years. Racism, discrimination, and segregated neighbourhoods led to the creation of Chinatowns, some of which linger on in urban centers across the country. Despite these roadblocks, the Chinese population has grown immensely, to the point where the majority of Chinese no longer live in Chinatowns but in large, self-contained ethnic suburbs (also known as ethnoburbs). How was this growth possible? This paper will look at the significance of the ethnic economy localized within ethnic enclaves--Chinatowns and newer ethnoburbs-- in allowing for the upward socioeconomic trajectory of the Chinese population in North America.

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Introduction The first Chinese immigrants in North America faced the difficulty of navigating a hostile white society, subject to multiple forms of racism and anti-Asian discrimination. To combat this, and also as a result of racist housing legislation, the Chinese immigrants congregated in inner city cores, creating the first Chinatowns that still exist today. While Chinese people today can live amongst the white majority with little to no issue, ethnic conglomerations still exist. The new ethnic enclave has moved outward into the suburbs. Today the “ethnoburb” represents contemporary concentrations of Chinese economic and social activity. To help conceptualize the diaspora, this paper will be looking at the differences of ethnic space and the economies therein, namely comparing the phenomena of the inner city ethnic enclave—Chinatown— and the outer ethnoburbs. Each community is characterized by the socioeconomic status of its residents, determined by the individual and geopolitical conditions under which they immigrated. Furthermore, each community offers varying avenues for immigrant economic attainment, and thus potential for upward mobility within the dominant society.

First, I will look at the ethnic enclave ‘Chinatown’, the history and conditions under which they were created, and their particular ethnic economy based largely on ties of kinship and ethnicity.

Second, I will discuss the newer ethnic suburb (the ethnoburb), the preconditions necessary for its emergence, and its characteristics as well as the type of Chinese immigrants and ethnic services found within. Throughout this all, I would like to highlight how Chinese ethnic economies have changed over time in correlation with the spaces they occupy and the 30

economic opportunities available. The localization of immigrant networks has allowed for the upward social and economic mobility of Chinese immigrants.

The Offerings Of Chinatown The first Chinese migrants came to North America in search of economic opportunity. Mainly poor working-class labourers from Southern China, these immigrants were generally unskilled, uneducated, and had little to no English language skills. This, coupled with broad anti-Chinese racism and discrimination, made it impossible for Chinese immigrants to enter the dominant economy. Official legislation passed in the late 19th century worked to legally exclude Chinese workers from the mainstream labour market. For example, the Sidewalk Ordinance of 1870, outlawing the traditional pole peddling method of carrying vegetables and other goods, was passed in San Francisco specifically targeting Chinese street merchants (Wong 1998, p.11). Chinese were not only excluded from white employment as well as from starting their own firms, but in some cases Chinese-owned cigar and garment factories were forced “to cease operations in economic competition with white firms” (Light 1972, p.7). The main intention behind this kind of legislation, other than blatant racism against an invading Other, was to eliminate economic competition. As such, the Chinese responded to this discrimination by entering businesses “not directly competitive with white enterprises” (Wong 1998, p.11).

Service work thus became the dominant, and also only, sector available to Chinese labourers. This included laundries, grocery stores, restaurants, and domestic services – occupations not attractive to white males, and thus not seem as competition to the white economy (Light

1972, p.7). By 1920, more than 50% of the Chinese in the United States were employed or self-employed in restaurants or laundries (Light 1972, p.7). However, racism and discrimination persisted, leading the Chinese to congregate into co-ethnic enclaves and form the first Chinatowns.

Ironically, prejudice and laws intended to limit the economic opportunities of the Chinese helped structure the growth of their ethnic businesses” (Wong 1998, p.17). The inner-city enclave thus became a physically separate, peripheral site wherein ethnic businesses could thrive as a secondary labor market, thanks to the large concentration of ethnic clientele therein. Wherein all Chinese immigrants faced the same discrimination and limitations, their ethnicity and their sense of kinship helped create an environment in which they could thrive under relative self-reliance and self-sufficiency.

While a segregated immigrant community may seem counterproductive to the upward mobility of its members, Chinatown illustrates the extent to which a localized ethnic community aided the success of the first Chinese immigrants.

Through the mobilization of ethnic networks and resources, Chinatown acted as “a chance to rise out of poverty, to gain entrance to the mainstream society, and to stand up as Chinese-Americans” (Zhou 1995, p.220). Protective societies and associations were formed based on kinship, locality of origin, trade, and dialect, thereby helping the Chinese mediate their own disputes, promote their own economic interests, and creating a sense of belonging (Wong 1998, p.12). Through these social associations and networks, Chinatown acted as an agent for numerous avenues of success. For one, it provided a sense of consolation and comfort by means of its cultural symbolism. Seeing their lan-

guage on storefront signage, their motifs on city architecture, and their kinsmen in the streets eased any harsh culture shocks new immigrants may have faced. They could tell themselves “‘I don’t have to be afraid, I can manage here; I know where to shop and to get around’” (Wong 1998, p.19).

Chinatown further acted as an acculturation agent for the new immigrants (Wong 1998, p.18). Clan associations and networks acted as a source of shared knowledge, with established Chinese residents teaching newer immigrants skills to integrate, such as how to speak English and how to look for jobs. Knowledge sharing occurred on a person-to-person basis, mainly facilitated by the association’s services. Much of their occupational training came informally from kinsmen who hired into jobs in the service sector for the sheer value of their labour, not their skills. Chinatown acted as “a manpower training and employment center” for future chefs, seamstresses, and merchants (Wong 1998, 26). These ethnic services provided immigrants the tools with which they could then use to launch into the mainstream economy. Chinatown served as “a springboard to a new life in a new land”, acting as a safe testing ground where new immigrants could acquire and develop new skills before applying them in the larger society (Wong 1998, 26).

The Ethnic Enclave Economy Separate and largely independent from the dominant economy, the ethnic enclave economy has its own structural and cultural components revolving around ethnic solidarity, social networks, and kinship ties. This exemplifies Greve and Salaff’s (2005) social network approach whereby the ethnic economy is firmly embedded in social networks, al31

lowing individuals to create opportunities by “combining resources of their contacts” (Greve & Salaff 2005, p. 10). In the context of the Chinese economy, ethnicity helps social capital in that a shared cultural experience creates multiple stronger ties between people. Reciprocity between kinsmen “cements mutual trust”, enabling co-ethnics to work together and support each other’s businesses, thereby strengthening the overall ethnic economy (Greve & Salaff 2005, p.11). Indeed, patronizing businesses owned by co-ethnic members is “a moral obligation and the accepted mode of behavior” within Chinatown (Light 1972, p. 93). This helps to create a “spirit of clannish fraternity”, giving the neighbourhood economy “a distinctly cooperative character” (Light 1972, p. 93.).

One example of kinship-based resource accumulation is the hui loan system. Hui is a traditional system of accruing money through a communal credit association (Light, 1972). This is an essential method for obtaining funds without having to go to white, English-language commercial banks, instead utilizing the capital within the ethnic economy. Without such societies, very few Chinese businesses could have started in America. By preserving this traditional loan system in their new society, the Chinese created an alternative, specifically cultural avenue for success separate from the dominant white economy.

The enclave fostered self-employment and the growth of Chinese businesses and was thus a crucial tactic for the economic success of both employers and employees. Arguably, the greatest advantage to the ethnic network system was the seemingly limitless supply of immigrant labour. The survival of most small to medium-sized businesses depended on the low cost of such labour and immigrants’ 32

eagerness for work, giving ethnic entrepreneurs an edge over their non-Chinese counterparts (Zhou 2010, p.82).

Despite the many benefits kinbased networks allow new immigrants, they are not without their limitations.

Because many ethnic businesses operated in the informal sector in order to avoid expensive tax and employee benefits, they were unprotected by state legislation, laws, or formal regulations (Greve Salaff 2005, p.9). That the ethnic enclave economy is so embedded in the social networks of a community, and confined to such a small concentrated space, can trap immigrant workers in “patron-client relationships that bind them…to low-wage jobs” in exchange for assistance at the early stages of employment (Sanders & Nee 1987 p.764765). The informality of the ethnic economy also meant that wages and employee benefits were not set or regulated by official legislations, but instead “through informal community practices” (Zhou 2010, p.87). Indebted to their employer for hiring them as a favour, employees are often vulnerable to exploitation and abuse and are not willing to speak up against any mistreatments. Thus, the limited options for unskilled, uneducated, and non-English speaking immigrants, coupled with the high consequences for breaking expected workplace behaviours ostensibly forces employees to stay in abusive or exploitative work within the ethnic enclave economy for fear of being ostracized from the community.

The relatively small boundaries of Chinatowns also proved to be a limited space for a social network economy.

Whereas kinship relations were effective at providing jobs for the first Chinese immigrants, in the mid 20th century the population of Chinatown eventually grew too large to maintain – a phenomenon Zhou

describes as “economic saturation”. When “migratory influx outstrips economic growth”, unemployment occurs with the inevitable shortage of jobs and housing in the Chinatown cluster (Zhou 2010, p.90).

Furthermore, the types of jobs available offered “little flexibility in terms of social and physical mobility,” possibly hindering further economic growth outside the confines of Chinatown (Zhou 2010, p.8990). Although service networks could no longer create new jobs, they were useful in diverting immigrant labourers to different areas where jobs were available (Zhou 2010, p.94). This led to a new phenomenon: the outward migration from the inner city to the suburban fringes, contributing to the development of a new localization of the ethnic community outside the ethnic core.

The Ethnoburb Residents Compared to their older counterparts, the Chinese immigrants from 1965 onwards had greater resources, skills and options therefore effectively eliminating their dependency on inner city ethnic enclaves for social mobility and capital accumulation. In line with the economic restructuring underway in the United States, the development of both hightech, high-wage sectors and low-tech, low-wage sectors, otherwise known as polarized reindustrialization, depended heavily on both high and low-skilled immigrant labour (Li 2009, p.31). This attracted a new class of Chinese immigrants who were highly-skilled labourers or professionals, had prior business experience, were wealthier and had sufficient English language skills. This, along with the greater national suburbanization trends and the lifting of restrictive residential legislation, allowed Chinese greater upward movement socioeconomically and outer

movement spatially to the suburbs (Li 2009, p.36).

The more contemporary migration was fuelled by political instability in the homeland more so than economic need.

As such, post-1965 Chinese immigrants were more likely to understand America as their new home, rather than as a tool to acquire capital before eventually returning home. The original sojourning attitudes of early Chinese labourers was a “particular mode of adaptation that separated them from society,” demonstrating their disinterest of assimilating into American society (Zhou 1995, p.220). On the other hand, ethnoburbs are demographically mixed, with less highly concentrated numbers of one ethnic group.

Their residents are more active in politics, their community, and economic activities in the mainstream while also maintaining and exhibiting their ethnic affinity by virtue of the relative concentration of one ethnic group (Li 2009, p.47). As such, ethnoburb boundaries are less rigid and defined than enclaves, and are more open to the mainstream society as sites of daily contact with other ethnic groups.

Older Chinese immigrants who started off in Chinatown have been able to successfully use the ethnic economy to ameliorate their socioeconomic status and move out of the inner city, converting their economic gains into residential ones.

This smooths the path and transition for the second generation to assimilate into American society. Structural assimilation, as Zhou calls it, is provided by spatial assimilation specifically in the context of education (Zhou 1995, p.226). By living in more desirable and affluent districts, Chinese immigrants can send their children to better public schools, providing them with the skills for further upward mobility. The ethnoburb economy thus acts as 33

the next set of networks for this new eth- (Li 2009, p.42). The increased integration nic community. of the ethnoburb structure, in comparison to the enclave structure, is a result The Ethnoburb Economy of immigration policy changes. The capThe biggest difference in the in- ital and business experiences of contemfluence of the ethnoburb economy on porary immigrants are seen as desirable Chinese immigrants, compared to the assets for the restructuring of the Amerethnic enclave economy, is the emergence ican economy (Lo 2006). Now, Chinese of service networks in replacement of kin- immigrant businesses in a given area can ship and social networks. The large influx link the local economy to “worldwide diof Chinese immigrants after World War aspora networks of entrepreneurs and II led to the decline of clan associations. capital” through the use of transnational Overwhelmed by the sheer number of im- networks and international ties (Tseng migrants, the role of associations in find- 1994, 182). Chinese ethnoburb residents ing new immigrant work moved to pro- hold the potential to be at the forefront of fessional, private ethnic services. Chinese a globalized economy, in stark contrast to lawyers, employment offices, and real the limited fringe economy of the ethnic estate agents founded by the profession- enclave. ally trained post-war Chinese emerged The Chinese ethnoburbs of as the new services aimed at helping im- Markham, Richmond Hill, and Mississaumigrant integration. These services were ga are found in the Greater Toronto Area. ethnic-specific and multilingual (commu- Each suburb has a large Asian shopping nicating in both English and Chinese), mall, described by Lo (2006) as a type of providing services “largely invisible to new ethnic enclave located on the outoutsiders, as most agencies advertise only skirts of the city core. These malls “offer in Chinese” (Zhou 2010, p.91). Further- the Chinese immigrant population oppormore, what proved most crucial in the tunities to shop in familial, albeit transdevelopment of a new space for ethnic planted, environments” and act as “sites economic activity was that, like the new of recreational and cultural activities” (Lo population itself, these services were not 2006, p.89). Non-Chinese people can paconcentrated in the social network of the tronize the shops and services as well, but enclave. They could help immigrants with- the location of these malls in areas with out personal ties in the United States, significant Chinese concentrations indireducing “the dependency of newcomers cates who they are intended for. Thus, Lo on personal connections” thereby making highlights the ability of “an enclave comjobs more accessible to everyone” (Zhou ponent visibly displayed by numerous 2010, p.93). This helped diversify and Chinese shopping malls [to run] side-byintroduce greater freedom in the ethnic side with a functionally and structuralworkplace. ly integrated component that shows no Ethnoburbs are “fully function- visible Chinese traits” (Lo 2006, p.93). al communities with their own internal Coexistence amidst non-Chinese space socioeconomic structures” that are “in- illustrates the phenomenon of ethnic tegrated into both national and interna- “concentrations within dispersions” (Lo tional networks of information exchange, 2006, p.93.) Indeed, this dispersal of the business connection, and social activity” ethnic economy paradoxically provides 34

economic security for Chinese businesses in the contemporary context; it creates a wide patronage base to include all Chinese immigrants in the Greater Toronto Area beyond the individual ethnic clusters.

Ethnic ties thus remain important for the survival of ethnic businesses.

References Greve, A., and J. W. Salaff. 2005. Social network approach to understand the ethnic economy: a theoretical discourse. GeoJournal 64(1): 7-16.

Li, W. 2009. Ethnoburb: The New Ethnic Community in Urban America. Honolulu: Conclusion Although the ethnoburb, as a dis- University of Hawai’i Press. tinct ethnic community is much more integrated into the mainstream economy Light, I. H. 1972. Ethnic enterprise in than the ethnic enclave, the ethnoburb America: business and welfare among residents still maintain their ethnic ties. Chinese, Japanese, and Blacks. Berkeley: These ties change with each generation: for University of California Press. the first generation it acted as a necessary shelter, but for the second and third gen- Lo, L. 2006. Changing Geography of Toerations it acts more as a symbolic space ronto’s Chinese Ethnic Economy. In Landfor their cultural identity. Whereby assim- scapes of the ethnic economy, ed. D.H. ilation theory assumes ethnicity is a tem- Kaplan and W. Li, 81-94. Lanham, MD: porary and static feature that will gradu- Rowan & Littlefield Publishers. ally cease to exist with all ethnic groups eventually merging into white American Sanders, J. M., and V. Nee. 1987. Limits of Protestantism, the establishment of eth- ethnic solidarity in the enclave economy. noburbs and the influx of new types of American Sociological Review 52(6): 745immigrants challenges the inevitably of 773. the assimilation process. These residential concentrations prove that assimilation Tseng, Y.-F. 1994. Chinese ethnic econodoes not mean the loss of cultural values my: San Gabriel Valley, Los Angeles Counor ethnic ties, and that ties to Chinatown ty. Journal of Urban Affairs 16(2): 169remain even after spatial dispersion of 189. the Chinese community. Both the concentrated, tightly-knit space of Chinatown Wong, B. 1998. Ethnicity and Entrepreand the dispersed, multipurpose and neurship: The New Chinese Immigrants multiethnic ethnoburb foster their own in the San Francisco Bay Area. Needham ethnic economy with specialized goods Heights: Allyn & Bacon. and services according to the geopolitical and economic contexts of each immigrant Zhou, M. 1995. Chinatown: The Socioecogroup. Thus, the relationship between nomic Potential of an Urban Enclave. Philspace, ethnicity, and the ethnic economy adelphia: Temple University Press. allows immigrants more opportunities for upward social and economic mobility than Zhou, X. 2010. The New Chinese America: Class, Economy, and Social Hierarchy. the mainstream economy ever could.

Rutgers University Press.

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A Smart Past for a Smart City: Constructing History to Facilitate Exclusion in the Nascent Amaravati Capital City

By Madeleine Jennings GEOG 417 Professor B. Forest Fall 2017 Abstract This paper examines the powers of exclusion as they take shape in Amaravati, the proposed new capital of India’s Andhra Pradesh state. Here, the state government has played a major role in the planning process for the city, as the corporate power that has descended upon the region has been bound by the fickle whims of the Andhra Pradesh Capital Region Development Authority. Amaravati’s design has undergone a host of dramatic changes since 2014 as the planning authority struggles to reconcile the accommodation of Indian spiritual design elements with the impulse to modernize. In the wake of these alterations, the CRDA has worked to build an account of the region’s past that will benefit its grand ambitions.

However, this contrived history erases the local narrative, facilitating the government’s exclusion of residents who do not comply with the plans for an ultramodern IT hub.

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Introduction Familiar roadblocks emerge when researching Amaravati, the proposed capital city of Andhra Pradesh. New contemporary cities across the Global South are often shrouded in secrecy, fostering a sense of intrigue and mystique for international onlookers. The planned capital city has historically served as a dramatic exemplar of national identity, one constructed to optimize social cohesion and state primacy. However, the manipulation of the public narrative has taken a distinct turn in the age of the smart city, as is demonstrated by Amaravati’s unique trajectory. The highly anticipated capital city has given rise to a nationalism that must appeal to the government in tandem with its corporate shareholders.

Although the phenomenon of privatizing the symbolic state center is not unique to Amaravati, its regional government has undertaken a major overhaul of history and culture in order to realize its vision of a homegrown smart city. As opposed to postcolonial efforts to exalt traditional origins that unify autonomous communities, Amaravati’s chief planners are carefully selecting pieces of Indian history that will enhance corporate profitability in the area (Jayanth 2016). The technological prowess of the city is seen as paramount, its potential success superseding local customs. Vague representations of Indian history have been co-opted under the guise of state creation, erasing the needs and values of the villagers who may never reap the benefits of a luxurious smart capital (Dalvi 2016).

Once history falls to the wayside, smart city planners will envisage a bright future for an era of domestic technological innovation. In October of 2015, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi himself laid the first brick in the foundation 38

of Amaravati (Financial Express 2016).

Since then, builders and foreign planners have worked tirelessly to bring his dream of a greenfield capital city to fruition. Led

by Chief Minister Chandrababu Naidu, Amaravati has withstood many shifts in the planning process in order to reconcile the aesthetics of hypermodernity with the preservation of culture (Karri 2015).

However, it is important to question whose culture is being upheld as well as the social cost of this initiative. Creating a culturally significant capital valuates certain backgrounds, prioritizing the voices of the elite. In so doing, economic stagnation is placed firmly in a refurbished past, leaving the economically vulnerable out of the blueprint for a brand new capital.

Literature Review Amaravati was a household name by the time of Andhra Pradesh’s division, yet its eminence was properly established far before the rise of the smart city (Jain 2017). Scholarship on the state hinges on its religious significance, as its Buddhist architecture is a testament to antiquity (Dehejia 1970). Ruins of the grand Amaravati stupa, a reliquary dome, maintain a strong connection to a period of bustling traffic in the Krishna River area beginning in the fifth century BCE (Kinnard 2008).

The structure served as an empty throne to Buddha, empowering ritual practitioners from the time of its construction between the fourth and second centuries BCE. Scottish Major Colin Mackenzie first laid eyes on the devotional edifice in 1797, and his publications prompted intense colonial interest in the region’s artifacts. When he returned to Andhra Pradesh in 1816, the stupa had been nearly dismantled by various excavation and construction efforts (Kinnard 2008).

Over the course of the nineteenth century, Mackenzie and Sir Walter Elliot rushed to document the stupa and export its contents to England (Sharma 2016). The remnants of this monastic hub have languished in the Amaravati gallery of the British museum ever since, allowing former colonizers to benefit from its commercial value in perpetuity.

Art historians and outraged scholars alike have written at length on the topic of Amaravati’s architectural history.

Jacob N. Kinnard offers a comprehensive analysis of the site’s Western interpretations over the past two hundred years in “Amaravati as Lens: Envisioning Buddhism in the Ruins of the Great Stupa” (Kinnard 2008). Historian Vidya Dehejia condemns improper categorizations for Asokan architecture in “Early Activity at Amaravati”, highlighting the nuance in Indian artistic style over the course of its creation (Dehejia 1970). Opinion writer Ruchika Sharma sends a fiery message to Great Britain in a short piece dissecting the exploitative history of Amaravati’s excavation, demanding the return of the stupa’s symbolic remains (Sharma 2016).

Captain HH Cole, the Curator of Ancient Monuments in India in the late nineteenth century, espoused a philosophy of preservation, inspiring a modern push to regain local control over their own monument (Sharma 2016).

Despite the scores of work on the ancient Buddhist memorials in the region, there is a dearth of scholarly analysis covering Amaravati’s smart city transformation. Literature that broaches the topic is largely in favor of the government’s urban planning initiatives, offering little critique of the costly and ambitious process.

Despite the widespread knowledge of the city’s cultural significance, the plan is being lauded as a greenfield project (Devasa-

hayam 2017). This popular view discounts the structures in existence before the plan took effect, favoring a view of a clean slate on an open expanse. This false designation enables the demolition of historical structures in the area, permitting the tide of modernity to subsume all that is left of Amaravati’s past.

Because the historical and contemporary narratives do not overlap in the literature on Andhra Pradesh, urban scholars have been able to focus on the future of the Amaravati scheme. Ayona Datta has scrutinized the colonial influences that take shape in postcolonial Indian urban planning, using Dholera as a case study in the shift toward corporate-driven city building (Datta 2015). Moser has expanded on Datta’s work, emphasizing the modern tendency in Indian city planning to delegitimize indigenous knowledge as regressive while centering corporate advancement (Moser 2015, 32). The gaps in the literature on Amaravati suggest that the government and its corporate shareholders are doctoring the image of the region, placing the supremacy on a future that will exclude the bane of the past.

The propaganda that has emerged to promote Amaravati raises questions about the fate of the villagers and the institutional memory of their ties to the region. According to Sandhya Ravishankar of the Guardian, the Andhra Pradesh Capital Region Development Authority (CRDA) has enacted a plan to pool 35,000 acres of farming land to complete the city (Ravishankar 2017). Shri Chennamsetty Ramachandraiah is one of the only scholars who has openly denounced this initiative, asserting that this government tactic enforces caste hierarchies and allows for the forced expropriation of peasant lands (Ramachandraiah 2016). The author posits that large-scale land acquisition with 39

a paltry promised return to the villagers would not be possible without substantial coercion by the government. According to the Times of India, the Amaravati government chose to amend its Land Acquisition Act under the Gujarat model in January of 2017 (Samdani 2017). After appropriating 33,000 acres of farming land, the government plans to remove barriers to the further acquisition of green fields, posing a threat to villagers’ food security and democratic sway (Ravishankar 2016).

This governmental tactic relinquishes its accountability to Amaravati’s residents, pushing farmers to the fringes of a newly fabricated society and erasing their history from the new city narrative.

Hefty demands in new capital planning New capital cities present an abundance of challenges, forcing planners to strike a precarious balance between historical deference, nation-building, and international competition. Amaravati, the fifth proposed greenfield capital in India, has a unique obligation to harmonize its bygone essence with its grand plans for a brilliant new city. In June of 2014, the state of Andhra Pradesh was bisected in order to create the 29th Indian state of Telangana (Ravishankar 2016). Hyderabad remains the joint capital of both Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, yet its significance to the former is only ceremonial. Within the next ten years, the acting capital of Andhra Pradesh is expected to blossom into a magnificent capital whose features are consistent with the country’s modernization goals. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who has instituted a plan to enlist state governments to construct one hundred new cities in the coming years, expects Amaravati to function as a paragon of Indian architectural mastery (Fi40

nancial Express 2016). In fact, the new capital is presumed to form the template for a new wave of smart capitals across the country. Despite the soaring aspirations for the city, its chief planners have expressed even more pointed intentions.

Not only is Amaravati set to become a domestic treasure, but it is also anticipated to rival global new cities in its splendor and technological advancement (Karri 2015).

Amaravati is an unusual case for a new city with such bright prospects – not only is its future contingent on its corporate success, but these private interests are also rewriting the region’s past.

Much like the majority of new planned cities gaining prominence due to strategic public-private partnerships and displays of grandeur, the forthcoming capital of Andhra Pradesh has attracted attention across a wide range of platforms for its lofty goals. However, recent scholarship overlooks the dichotomy in the Amaravati identity; the glamorous, competitive new city sits at odds with the momentous religious site of yore. The effort to break with British colonial city planning is a phenomenon that new cities scholars have analyzed at length since India’s post war independence. Nevertheless, a colonial legacy has resurged in the state’s behavior, as the capital of Andhra Pradesh welcomes a new set of foreign powers in the planning process while disenfranchising local actors (Srivasthan 2017). The neocolonial politics of exclusion have favored the new city agenda, allowing Amaravati’s rich history to fall to the wayside.

Rather, the CRDA has just chosen to advocate a history that does not belong to the Amaravati region. Interestingly, Dalvi’s article surveys Chandrababu Naidu’s plan to use fantastical movie sets as models for his burgeoning commercial

hub (Dalvi 2016). The veneer of cultural relevance distracts the critic, obscuring the government’s deeper motives until the slate of history is inevitably wiped clean.

Dalvi emphasizes the chief minister’s denunciation of previous master plan drafts, favoring the dream of a utopian city that pays respect to ancient Indian architectural expertise (Dalvi 2016). The chief minister has admired the stylings of Telugu director Rajamouli, seeking to recreate the kingdom of Mahishmati that has only yet come to life in his popular film Bahubali: The Beginning (Dalvi 2016). The move is reminiscent of Jawaharlal Nehru’s modernist reverie of Chandigarh in the 1950s, which enjoined Le Corbusier to aid postcolonial India in its quest for a newfangled nationalism (Dalvi 2016). The Amaravati project is similar in its objective to promote a sense of national pride in a capital city, but its implementation diverges from the phlegmatic, placeless blueprint grafted onto systematized new cities. Still, the plan for Amaravati to avail itself of mythology creates an air of discord that may be inimical to Naidu’s nation-building ambitions.

Building a new identity is a tall order Despite the theoretical benefits of Indian national influence in the construction of Amaravati, the CRDA continues to rely heavily on foreign corporate planning. In a Guardian article, Ravishankar highlights the nuances in the CRDA’s relationship with the Singaporean firms employed to design a majestic capital for Andhra Pradesh (Ravishankar 2016). According to CRDA commissioner Srikant Nagulapalli, the state government is in a pro-bono agreement with the Singaporean agency Surbana Jurong (Ravishankar 2016). Although the state has sought a

master plan from private representatives of an urban powerhouse, its vision for Amaravati has conflicted with the futuristic goals of its clients along deep-seated spiritual lines. A preliminary version of the city plan was rejected outright due to its ignorance to the tenets of Vaasthu Shastra, a Hindu architectural ideology that connects nature, symmetry, and directionality with good and bad luck (Ravishankar 2016). The streets were subsequently redrawn to appeal to the cosmos, while energy flow through a central brahmasthan was secured in planned green areas (Lynch 2017). The eminence of this set of principles leaves a rightful space for cultural practice in the technologically savvy realm of new city planning. Yet, the responsibility to preserve the Hindu custom has been placed on a foreign actor, who will profit from any change to its capital design. In the year since this initial point of contention came to light, the agreement has maintained the Singapore-Andhra Pradesh union, no matter how irreconcilable their differences may become (Srivathsan 2017).

However, the government of Andhra Pradesh has been steadfast in its goals for the proposed capital, choosing to forgo city plans that are not in accordance with the CRDA’s stringent values.

Japanese private planners Maki and Associates’ proposal was spurned by the CRDA, which cast off their designs as tawdry imitations of Le Corbusier’s plans for Chandigarh (Indian Express 2017). In March of 2016, the Japanese group won a contest to design Amaravati’s capitol complex, yet its failure to comply with Indian architectural philosophy and tradition led the government to reopen the competition (Lynch 2017). The company expressed outrage at the breaches to its contract, writing an open letter to outline its 41

efforts to appease the state government before their agreement was unexpectedly destroyed (Lynch 2017). Although this removal was undertaken out of high esteem for Indian cultural conservation, the new prize was awarded to Foster + Partners, a British architecture firm whose expertise must be scrutinized through a neocolonial lens (Indian Express 2017). The group has vowed to create the capital that Amaravati has been desperately searching for over the past year, but I am wary of the move to entrust descendants of former colonizers with the task of building an advanced, culturally-sound idyll for India. Furthermore, Amaravati’s collaboration with both British architects and a Bollywood director will herald a city plan based on distorted, fallacious ideals.

A political machine and its backseat drivers As optimistic as this loyalty to the vision may seem, concerns have been raised over the ethics of finances and stocks in the Amaravati project. The Singaporean consortium Ascendas-Singbridge and Sembcorp Development Ltd. controls 58% of construction functions for the new greenfield capital, delegating a minor authoritative role to the state government (Nitin B. 2016). Chandrababu Naidu has made it his mission to make Amaravati legible on the world stage, as his victory in a 2014 regional election hinged on his promise to entice foreign investment and enterprise (Ravishankar 2016). He issued an ominous warning to supporters last year, reminding them in Big Brother fashion that the international community has its eyes on Amaravati. His belief is well-founded, as Amaravati-centric headlines litter Indian news sources on a daily basis. However, considering the growing global interest in the new capital, 42

Naidu’s decisions have been remarkably erratic since development plans were first drawn. The immense power being granted to prosperous foreign actors over the capital has been subject to the caprices of the state government, which has both renounced and reinforced its own control numerous times in Amaravati’s short existence. Naidu and the CRDA have signed and violated agreements with international contractors, raising the issue of an incipient capital acting too big for its britches before producing sound evidence of economic security (Nitin B. 2016).

The state government’s command of decision-making clout in the Amaravati project has led to the abandonment of citizen accountability initiatives, leaving villagers with neither control over their land nor their collective narrative. In March of 2017, the city’s first legislative assembly opened in Velagapudi, a placid village in the Thullur mandal of Amaravati (The Indian Express 2017). This budget session opened under the most auspicious spiritual terms possible, also introducing legislative power to the state for the first time since local Telugu kings, the Satavahanas, were defeated 2200 years ago (Akbari 2017). Although the occasion is extremely important to local history, it must be noted that the legislators were meeting to fund a city that has displaced and demoralized the historically agricultural local population. The Land Pooling Scheme alone razed livelihoods and institutions in the 29 villages surrounding Amaravati, and landowners have suffered from governmental fallout on capital gains tax guarantees (Deccan Chronicle 2016). Moreover, sharecroppers and tillers will not receive any benefits from the initiative and will have difficulty finding employment in a city that will not integrate the agricultural sector upon which

they rely (Krishna 2006).

As Moser and Datta have stressed, the new city phenomenon has provoked a resurgence of colonial exclusionary patterns across the Global South (Moser 2015) (Datta 2015). I chose to analyze Amaravati as a study in neocolonial hierarchies manifesting themselves in a new city. I would expand on the scholarship in this area to posit that new cities must upend the past to forge a resplendent future for a prosperous target population.

In Amaravati’s case, the conditions for rewriting history were superb at the time of Andhra Pradesh’s bifurcation. The capital city was a necessary addition to the state, which could no longer operate remotely in Hyderabad. Fortuitously, Prime Minister Modi upheld the CRDA’s values in his 100 cities program, touting Amaravati as a prototype for the Indian urban network of the future (Financial Express 2016). In the midst of its international prominence, this neocolonial blueprint will set an eerie precedent not just for new Indian cities, but for luxurious capital projects across the Global South.

circumscribed any semblance of citizen rights (Samdani 2017). Naidu sought to preserve Indian conventions in the construction of the city, yet he held no regard for the very real, prominent history tied to the region. Furthermore, Naidu looked to a movie director to envision a culturally congruent wonderland, casting off Amaravati’s tangible monuments as unsuitable embodiments of regional significance (Dalvi 2016). Even more peculiar is the CRDA’s choice to employ foreign architectural firms to concoct a characteristically Indian city plan.

The convoluted web of planning decisions constitute the forces of exclusion that will leave villagers out of any new societal arrangement for Amaravati.

Their history has been rewritten, yet their home has been co-opted in order for the CRDA to realize an auspicious future. In the process of creating a new city to enter India into the global race to build the smartest city, the state government allowed the scourge of colonialism into the drawing board. By the time Amaravati becomes an official capital, perhaps the world will be a strange conglomeration Conclusion of movie sets. While the terms are set to Above all else, Amaravati is a prod- build such a paragon of inaccessibility, cituct of corporate hysteria, and its market- izens must search for a livelihood far from ability has been the chief prerogative of their ancestral home. the CRDA. In order to appeal to the needs of the economy, the Amaravati plan has been wracked with contradiction. The government launched its plans by appointing a minister under the pretense of bringing jobs and prosperity to the state. However, the corporate influence that has suffused the unfinished city has ensured citizen displacement instead of employment (Ravishankar 2016). The Land Pooling Scheme, which only granted a one-quarter return to landowners, eventually plunged into a series of coercive methods that 43

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Krishna, Anirudh. “Pathways Out Of And Into Poverty In 36 Villages Of Andhra Pradesh, India”. World Development 34.2 (2006): 271-288. Web. Lynch, Patrick. “Fumihiko Maki Criticizes Indian State Government After Amaravati City Contest”. ArchDaily. N.p., 2017. Web. 9 Mar. 2017.

Datta, Ayona.2015. New urban utopias of postcolonial India: Entrepreneurial ur- Moser, Sarah. 2015. ‘New Cities: Old wine banism in Dholera Smart city, Gujarat. Di- in new bottles?’ Dialogues in Human Gealogues in Human Geography 5 (1): 3-22. ography. (1-5).

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41-54. Web. Kinnard, Jacob N. “Amaravati as Lens: En- “No Capital Gains Tax For Farmers Who visioning Buddhism in the Ruins of the Pooled Land For AP Capital Amaravati”.

Great Stupa.” In Buddhism in the Krishna http://www.deccanchronicle.com/. N.p., River Valley of Andhra, 81-104. State Uni- 2017. Web. 3 Mar. 2017. versity of New York Press, 2008.

Devasahayam, M.G. “A ‘Greenfield’ Capi- Nitin, B.. “Explainer: Andhra’s Swiss Chaltal?”. The Hindu. N.p., 2015. Web. 5 Mar. lenge Method For Building Amaravati And 2017.

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To Amaravati: The Battle To Build India’s New State Capital”. the Guardian. N.p., 2016. Web. 3 Mar. 2017.

Samdani, MN. “Amaravati Farmers Panic As Government Set To Amend Land Acquisition Act - Times Of India”. The Times of India. N.p., 2017. Web. 4 Mar. 2017.

Sharma, Ruchika. “Forget The Kohinoor, Could We Have The Amaravati Stupa Sculptures Back Please?”. Scroll.in. N.p., 2016. Web. 1 Mar. 2017.

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Anam City: The Master-Planning Approach to Development Hannah Ker ARCH 564 Vikram Bhatt Winter 2017

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Introduction Urbanization in the developing world is occurring at a dramatic rate. Heralded as the new urban frontier, Africa’s near uncontrollable pace of urban growth is leaving citizens starved of appropriate infrastructure and housing (UN 2014).

The need for effective design and planning with respect to these concerns has led to many approaches to development that deviate from the traditional practices of the Western developed world. As Africa is also the continent most vulnerable to climate change, urban development in this region must come up with innovative ways to incorporate mitigation and adaptation strategies (UN 2006). Many projects in the region show that designers, governments, and policy-makers are looking for new visions to guide development that respond to urbanization and climate change concerns (Cugurullo 2013).

Nigeria’s Anam City is an example of the large-scale urban development projects that are becoming increasingly common in countries throughout Africa and Asia. Many existing cities in the developing world are plagued by overcrowding and congestion. Rather than attempting to fix and retrofit these cities, efforts to respond to urban ills are increasingly dominated by new megaprojects built from scratch (Cugurullo 2013). These new city projects are often intended to provide a fresh start that represents progress from the urban chaos of current cities. These new “master-planned cities” are often publicly rationalized as a solution to housing crises and poor infrastructure, but are often intended to serve broader state goals as well.

As grand, utopian visions of cities in balance with nature, these megaprojects are often used as “leapfrogging” development tools to enhance nation-building initiatives, boost economies, and raise a coun48

try’s international profile (Datta 2015; Moser 2012; Watson 2014). To rationalize such large-scale urban development projects and connect to global climate change concerns, many master-planned cities also brand themselves as “Eco-Cities” and surround themselves with (often empty) sustainability rhetoric (Datta 2015; Koch 2014).

Despite alluring design renderings of lush greenspace and open plazas, these projects have encouraged much critical debate. Projects such as Putrajaya in Malaysia have been criticized for exacerbating inequalities, excluding the poor, and reproducing hierarchies and power dynamics from colonial eras (Moser 2012; Moser 2012). With designers often looking to cities such as Dubai and Singapore, it is worried that these cities will function as little more than showpieces (Watson 2014). Furthermore, projects such as these are often state-led, top-down initiatives that either ignore or commodify local cultures.

While remnants of the era of modernist planning and design such as Brasilia and Chandigarh are evidence that large-scale city building is not a new phenomenon, today’s master-planned cities have evolved to respond to the new concerns within the developing world. The projects that are now occurring utilize a new toolbox of skills and prompt us to rethink the role that design and planning have to play in developing countries. The Anam City project in Nigeria is an example of such a project. While situated within the trend of master-planned cities, Anam City provides a unique model for urban development in a largely rural context.

Urbanization in Nigeria Nigeria’s urban population is projected to reach 67% by 2050 (UN 2014).

This figure accounts for the increasing rural-urban migration and rural transformations that the country is experiencing. As more people are moving to urban areas, the country’s existing cities are becoming strained. In 2010, it was estimated that approximately 70% of the country’s urban population lived in crude housing and slums (Awofeso 2010). Nigeria’s largest city and former capital, Lagos, is experiencing problems with overpopulation as many people live in slums and are lacking adequate sanitation and transportation services (Awofeso 2010). Existing infrastructure is insufficient to meet the needs of ballooning urban populations.

With visions of new utopian urban futures, Nigeria is building new master-planned cities to solve its existing urban problems. Eko Atlantic, a multibillion-dollar new city planned for along the Lagos shoreline, is an excellent example of the sanitized urbanism that makes new cities so attractive. The city is still under construction, but will include new, hightech infrastructure, and hopes to serve as a symbol for Nigerian pride and modernization (Olawepo 2010). The sensationalism and grand scale of this project echoes plans from other new cities such as Masdar in Abu Dhabi and Lusail City in Qatar.

All such projects have been criticized for their lack of affordability, sustainability, and feasibility (Watson 2014; Tok et al.

2015).

Anam City The Anam City project in Nigeria presents a model for sustainable development that addresses increasing urbanization and is intended to be replicable throughout the African continent. This project is an example of how city-building can be used as an approach to development. The large-scale plan for Anam City

envisions building a city from scratch for approximately 30,000 residents. While the scale of this project likens it to many other master-planned city projects, there are many ways in which it differs. Whereas many master-planned projects are characterized by top-down, static urban visions with little regard for local context, Anam City functions as a grassroots initiative that seeks to empower the local Anam communities through a collaborative and dynamic approach to urban development. With its bottom-up development approach and strong ties to the local context, this project addresses many of the criticisms that other master-planned projects have faced.

The people of Nigeria’s Anam region are settled in eight communities along the Niger/Anambra River basin. These communities are all primarily based in agriculture. To pursue collective development goals of economic growth, improved social services, and adequate infrastructure, these communities have organized an “Anam Rebirth” movement. One of these eight communities, the Umuoba Anam, has suffered from land shortages as their present-day settlement in the town of Otuocha has reached capacity. As this town is not located on the traditional lands of the community (in Ebenebe), many of the Umuoba Aman must travel by boat to reach their farmlands. In response to these problems and within the context of the Anam Rebirth movement, the Development Council of the Umuoba Aman community has partnered with the Chife Foundation, a non-profit organization, to build a new city on their traditional lands in Ebenebe. Through this partnership, Dr. Aloy Chife has been appointed as the custodian of the Ebenebe land, which means that he is responsible for its future success and well-being (Anam New City Master 49

Plan 2011).

Due to the rural location of the land and the Anam peoples’ reliance on agriculture, Anam City is to follow a “rururban” land use model, which attempts to integrate both rural and urban landscapes. Accordingly, all land is zoned into one of three distinct types: residential or domestic space (ala obi), transitional farmland (ala ulo), and the natural environment (ala agu) (Anam New City Master Plan 2011). By integrating the city within the natural environment, the ecological conditions of Ebenebe come to define much of the design of the Anam City project. This riverside location is vulnerable to flooding and erosion that comes with seasonal rain patterns. This creates the fertile land that has made the Anam people successful farmers, but it poses a difficulty for urban growth as it degrades living conditions (Anam New City Master Plan 2011). As the environmental conditions in the region are key to sustaining the livelihoods of the Anam people, one of the primary challenges of this project is to

balance urban development with environmental preservation.

The Master Plan The construction and development of Anam City is guided by a detailed master plan that outlines key principles for community growth and a set of best practices for the construction of the city. This master plan has two main goals. Looking internally, it serves as a guiding vision of best development practices for the next generation of the Anam people as their city develops. Externally, the master plan hopes to present a model for sustainable growth that can be adapted to suit other similar projects in Africa. As there is little documentation of the construction progress in Anam City, it is only possible to evaluate the project based on its master plan. While this plan has many different dimensions, it contains key themes of dynamic urbanism, community resilience, and sustainable development.

The Anam City master plan reflects an understanding of urbanization

Figure 1. Rururban land use plan (Source: Anam New City Master Plan, 2011) 50

Figure 2. Organization of superblocks (Source: Anam New City Master Plan, 2011) as an evolving and dynamic process. By involving many levels of influence and developing a plan which can iteratively be implemented, Anam City’s model for growth allows for flexible design that can respond to the changing needs of the community. This is contrary to many other master-planned cities, which are often assembled according to static visions of a predefined form. The final plan likens the growth of a city to the growth of a garden, as the city is “something that will be seeded, planted, and cultivated organically over time” (Anam New City Master Plan 2011, 44). After consultation with community members, seed projects such as a brick factory, poultry farm, school, and health clinic are the first steps towards growth. These seed projects function as nodes for further urban growth and are strategically placed throughout the land to allow for surrounding expansion. To prevent undesirable sprawl, the city is to be built incrementally as a series of “superblocks” that can each accommodate 100 residents and 500 workers. Each su-

perblock is designed to be self-sufficient with all immediate needs of residents within a 5-minute walk. In this way, the city can grow organically and at a pace that can adjust to changing rates of population growth. The city has been designed to self-propagate and evolve where needed (Anam New City Master Plan 2011).

Anam City holds further promise for its strong degree of community engagement in the planning process, which promotes resilience in the community.

Master-planned cities are often criticized for their lack of community engagement, as “starchitects” and global planning and design firms are contracted to envision sensational new urban realms, without concern for the needs of residents (as can be said for the design of Abu Dhabi’s Masdar City, by Foster + Partners). Anam City stands apart in this regard as its planning process has challenged the traditional role of the trained expert (i.e. the architect or the engineer) and given more importance to local forms of knowledge. The final master plan is the result of a very 51

interdisciplinary effort, as local knowledge was combined with the expertise of professional consultants (engineering, planning, and architectural firms) and students from all around the world. Consultations and focus groups were routinely held with the Anam Rebirth Council, the Anam Development Company, and interested community members. Both the Anam Development Council and the Rebirth Group were given the responsibility to review, approve, and oversee all implementations of the recommendations made by the master plan (Anam New City Master Plan 2011).

This engagement promotes social resilience for the Anam people as it gives them more agency and control over ways to improve their quality of life (Roy & Hartigan 2008). The strong degree of local influence and engagement is evidenced by the design and construction process of a shed space for carpenters. The design team from the Chife Foundation communicated their construction ideas to the Anam community through a physical model. Local bamboo craftsmen shared their specialized knowledge particular to building with bamboo, and helped the design team understand the components that would be necessary in construction.

Both the Anam community members and the design team then worked together to build the structure. This collaboration resulted in the creation of a very stable truss system which was able to support a large roof with only four columns (Scribner 2011). Rather than attempting to modernize the Anam community according to Western standards of development, this city-building process is a form of “planning from below,” which allows the residents to be self-sufficient in meeting their basic needs (Friedman 1979).

Another key theme in the Anam 52

City master plan is a commitment to sustainable development and environmental preservation. To increase the capacity of design and planning approaches to address environmental concerns, the city is envisioned as an ecological model of interconnected systems. Applying ecological principles to the design of Anam City changes common approaches to sustainable design that attempt to protect nature from urban development. Rather, this method explores ways that the city can invest in nature and function in harmony with it (Steiner et al. 2013). The city is imagined as interconnected systems of economy, mobility, water, land, energy, and society. These systems join to form a single, unified “ecosystem” that interacts with the surrounding river, wetlands, and forests. Natural green space is to be interwoven with the urban fabric to regulate micro-climates, mitigate environmental impact, and beautify the urban landscape.

These broad aims are balanced by more specific sustainability initiatives that encompass environmental, social, and economic dimensions. The city is planned to have off-grid, renewable energy; rainwater harvesting; and densified growth. The city is designed to prioritize forms of local agricultural production to enhance food security, promote economic growth, and build community cohesion (Anam New City Master Plan 2011).

Anam City’s Shortcomings While Anam City has many promising features that make it stand out from other master-planned city projects, the replicability of the plan is questionable.

Funding for the project is primarily from the associated non-profit organization (The Chife Foundation). By overseeing the project, the foundation can maintain a relatively clear focus for Anam City that

is not connected to broader government or state aims. The Anam City project is likely not replicable without the benefit of a non-profit funding body such as this.

Other master-planned city projects are often jointly funded by both public and private institutions that have motivations besides bettering the lives of those living in the city. A government may fund a master-planned project to build the international reputation of a country and advance economic development, and a private company may invest in the project to create a business hub or free trade zone.

Kenya’s Konza Tech City is an example of such a project that is funded by both public and private investments. If other projects looking to follow the Anam model are tied to funding bodies such as these, then it is likely that many of the main aims behind the project will not be achieved.

Furthermore, the Anam City project struggles to find a balance between generalizability and design specificity.

The master plan for this project hopes to provide a model for sustainable development for the rest of Africa, yet it must also respond to specific characteristics of the Anam context in which it is based.

The tension between these two aims has resulted in a master plan that lacks any detailed design specifics, yet contains contextual dimensions which are likely not applicable in many other situations. The lack of specific design features in the master plan makes the design for the city difficult to critique and evaluate. While the broad themes for the project raise little concern, it is unclear how many of these themes will be translated into the built environment of the city. For example, the master plan mentions quality of infrastructure as a key value, yet there is no indication of how this can best be achieved in the building process. This lack of design

specificity also raises concerns for the feasibility of many aspects of the plan. For example, the plan promises many forms of affordable housing in the city which are to feature solar power, biogas production, and rainwater harvesting. Such an aim is appealing, yet the plan lacks any detailed instructions on how to achieve this. The Master Plan would benefit from more detailed construction directions, including recommended materials to be used and construction techniques. With detailed directions such as these, other rural communities like the Anam can more easily implement the directives of the Anam City Master Plan.

Lastly, as the Anam City development model promotes a focus on local regional context, it does little to acknowledge the way that such a new city fits within a larger network of urban centers.

While Anam City does not aim to function as a central node in the region’s economy or attract big businesses, it must nevertheless acknowledge greater scales of influence than the surrounding region. The city must be able to interact and compete with other centers of economic production to attract sustained investment and inevitably function without the resources of the Chife Foundation. The forces of globalization that are now so firmly tied to urbanization must be considered (Castells 2010). The pastoral ethos of Anam City does not consider the ways that the economic production of the city will interact with existing cities, and how flows of capital, resources, and residents will connect.

Conclusion The Anam City project in Nigeria is one of many dimensions. This project aims to both drive the development of the Anam communities and function as a model for sustainable “ruruban” develop53

ment for the rest of Africa. As this project is to be a new city built from scratch, it is situated in the rising trend of new master-planned cities. These city-building megaprojects are a new development tool being used by countries throughout the developing world to respond to overcrowding and insufficient infrastructure in existing cities resulting from rapid urbanization. These city projects are also used to drive economic growth, promote national identity, and advance a country’s international profile. Such projects react to global climate change concerns by branding themselves as “Eco-cities.” Despite their growing popularity, many of these cities are criticized for exacerbating inequalities, degrading the environment, and disregarding local context.

While the scale of the Anam City project aligns it with this new megacity trend, its bottom-up, collaborative, and dynamic approach to urban development sets it apart. Anam City is a part of the “Anam Rebirth” movement through which the Anam communities are working to develop a more socially and economically resilient society. As the Anam are a rural community with livelihoods primarily based on agricultural production, this city is to be a form or “rururban” development which attempts to combine both rural and urban landscapes. This project has resulted in a detailed master plan developed under the guidance of the Chife Foundation which is to guide the construction of the city. The master plan reflects a dynamic understanding of urbanism, as it envisions a city which will be able to grow in response to the changing needs of the Anam people.

This plan was also developed according to local knowledge from the Anam people, and thus is very responsive to their specific development needs. Moreover, the Anam City Master Plan engages with sus54

tainability and environmental preservation by conceptualizing the city according to an ecological model of interconnected systems. Despite these positive features, the project raises concerns for its replicability without the guidance of a non-profit organization, its lack of design specificity, and a lack of consideration for its position within a greater network of urban centers.

Nevertheless, the Anam City project is significant as a counterpoint to many other master-planned city projects. This project represents a novel approach to development which responds to Nigeria’s rising urbanization and global climate change concerns.

References

Olawepo, R. A. 2010. Perspectives on urban renewal and transportation develAwofeso, P. 2010. One out of every two Ni- opment in Lagos: implications for urban gerians now lives in a city there are many development in Nigeria. African Research problems but just one solution. World Pol- Review 4(1): 273-287. icy Journal 27(4): 67-73.

Roy, B., and J. Hartigan. 2008. Empower“Anam New City.” Anam New City. N.p., ing the rural poor to develop themselves: The barefoot approach (Innovations case n.d. Web. 09 Apr. 2017. narrative: barefoot college of Tilonia). InAnam New City Master Plan. Rep. Dr. Aloy novations 3(2): 67-93. & Gesare Chife Foundation, 30 Aug. 2011.

Scribner, S. 2011. Bamboo Workshop Web. 25 Mar. 2017.

Shed Constructed: space-frame strucCastells, M. 2010. Globalisation, network- ture, indigenous construction techniques. ing, urbanisation: Reflections on the spa- Anam City Blog, https://anamcity.wordtial dynamics of the information age. Ur- press.com/page/2/. ban Studies 47(13): 2737-2745.

Steiner, F., M. Simmons, M. Gallagher, J. Cugurullo, F. 2013. The business of utopia: Ranganathan, and C. Robertson. 2013.

Estidama and the road to the sustainable The ecological imperative for environmental design and planning. Frontiers in Ecolcity. Utopian Studies 24(1): 66-88. ogy and the Environment 11(7): 355-361.

Datta, A. 2015. New urban utopias of postcolonial India: ‘Entrepreneurial ur- Tok, E., F. Al Mohammad, and M. Al Merbanization in Dholera smart city, Guja- ekhi. 2015. Crafting smart cities in the rat.’ Dialogues in Human Geography 5(1): gulf region: a comparison of Masdar and Lusail. Handbook of Research on Digi3-22.

Koch, N. 2014. Building glass refriger- tal Media and Creative Technologies. IGI ators in the desert: discourses of urban Global, 448-460. sustainability and nation building in QaUnited Nations Fact Sheet on Climate tar. Urban Geography 35(8): 1118-1139.

Change. Rep. N.p.: United Nations, 2006.

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Urbanization 26(1): 215-231.

Moser, S. 2012. Globalization and the Construction of Identity in Two New World Urbanization Prospects: The 2014 Southeast Asian Capitals. Rethinking Revision. Rep. United Nations, 2014. global urbanism: Comparative insights Print. Department of Economic and Social Affairs. from secondary cities. 169-189.

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Uncovering Realities of High Technology and Modest Eco-cities Martin Kwan Ching Law Class: GEOG 325 Professor: Sarah Moser Semester: Winter 2017 Abstract Eco-cities are increasingly prevalent in the world of new master planned cities, built from tabula rasa. This research paper will look at how master planned eco-cities can be separated into two general categories: (1) High-tech eco-cites; (2) Modest eco-cities. The high-tech eco city is exemplified in Masdar, UAE and Songdo, South Korea, where state-of-the-art technology is employed to promote sustainable living. Lavasa, India and Sino-Singapore Tianjin Eco-City (SSTEC), China, are modest eco-cities, where environmentally sustainable methods are implemented through policies and indicators that embody passive mechanisms, and working in harmony with nature. Furthermore, the flaws and contradictions behind the aforementioned eco-cities are discussed, for their neglect of social sustainability and economic incentives that plague genuine environmental concerns.

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Introduction “It’s thanks to the sky, that there is rain, there is wind, and the Sun. And if we don’t like the sky, what do we do?”

(Chapiron 2016). This quote is translated from a local Chinese man living in Tianducheng, which translates to the sky capital. Although Tianducheng may not be classified as an “eco-city”, the above quote shows how China, amongst other countries, are becoming increasingly aware of the importance of environmental sustainability. This is reflected in the trend of eco-cities, as new city development plans are being drawn up from tabula rasa. Master planned eco-cities are also being advocated for through policy. For example, the eleventh and twelfth five-year plans in China demonstrate increasing interest in the renewable energy industry (Hu, Wu, and Shih 2015), and rapid urbanization in India has increased pressure for environmentally smart urbanism and sustainability (Datta 2015). This paradigm shift has led to eco-cities being scrutinized for their inability to live up to their ambitions (Grydehøj and Kelman 2016; Premalatha, Tauseef and Abbasi 2013; Yigitcanlar and Lee 2014). In this paper, it will be argued that new master planned eco-cities can be split into two general categories: those revolving around high technology, and those that are modest. This will be examined through the lens of the Masdar, Songdo, Sino-Singapore Tianjin Eco City (SSTEC), and Lavasa, followed with a discussion on contradictions and fluidity surrounding eco-cities.

Literature Review Eco-cities as a concept has only gained scholarly attention in recent decades. Studies of the origins of eco-cities indicate that since 1970, the need for effective knowledge and management 58

systems have led to intelligent urban management—a cornerstone of eco-cities (Yigitcanlar & Sang 2014). Eco-cities previously embodied ideas of social solidarity, sustainable development, appropriate technology, and green movements (Roseland 1997). Although these specific mechanisms may be outdated, present eco-cities continue to promote quality of life, harmony with nature, and the application of the best technology to attain eco principles.

There is a mixture of skepticism and optimism surrounding eco-cities. The mechanisms such as the state-of-the-art technology for planning, monitoring and managing of eco-cities have been touched upon. This has been explored in the context of Korean ubiquitous eco-city development, where new technologies funded by large corporation like LG and Samsung have been adopted to expand economic competitiveness and modernize society (Shwaryri 2013; Yigitcanlar & Sang 2014).

It is argued that eco-cities may not yet be at maturation, thus it is too early to make claims on these city-branding hoaxes (Yigitcanlar & Sang 2014). Moreover, scientific approaches to examining the promise versus performance of these eco-cities have been discussed. Arguing that zero-carbon visions in the case of Dongtan, China and Masdar are impossible given the second law of thermodynamics, as renewable energy is not emission free and eco-cities do not stop consumerist behaviour, where materials inevitably lead to pollution (Premalatha, Tauseef, & Abbasi 2013).

Also touching upon the lack of public participation, which is imperative to green measures and could be implemented in existing cities with the help of said public participation (Premalatha, Tauseef, and Abbasi 2013). Further skepticism revolving around the idea of eco-cities being ap-

pearance-oriented and truly for economic profit is ever present (Grydehøj & Kelman 2016). Thus, it can be said that scholarly attention towards eco-cities is generally negative from social, political, and scientific perspectives, with occasional silver linings of hope.

High-tech eco-cities Firstly, eco-cities that are built around implementation of state-of-theart technology will be examined. This entails the development of these eco-cities, especially in the context of a tabula rasa, which present themselves as perfect opportunities to build and plan a city rooted in reliance on technology to achieve their respective sustainable objectives. This is often brought about by private technology companies that may have interests in testing newest innovations and using these cities as platforms for research and improvement. The result of this are cities exhibiting top-down style planning and management that pushes fixed agendas, rather than allowing local powers to shape the city, almost resembling a product-oriented business organization, but instead for city engineering.

The technology and engineering employed in these high-tech eco-cities exemplify a utopian vision. Masdar eco-city, located in the UAE, 17 kilometers southeast of downtown Abu Dhabi, boasts sustainable goals such as having the world’s greenest commercial buildings by being carbon neutral and a center of excellence in sustainable technology (Keaton 2011).

The city, aiming to house 50,000 residents and 40,00 commuters, is still under construction and expected to be finished in 2020 (Keaton 2011). Complimentary underground systems will have pod-like vehicles carrying four to six passengers with central supervisory systems, running on

relatively sustainable lithium phosphate batteries (Keaton 2011). In addition, interactive, heat sensitive technologies for street lights will allow adaptation of dimness based on pedestrian traffic and phone usage (Keaton 2011). Similarly, this embodiment of future technology is seen in Songdo, located on the edge of the Incheon Free Economic Zone, 30 kilometers from Seoul (Bulu 2011). It is expected to be finished by 2018, housing 65,000 residents (IEEE 2011). The implementation of Cisco’s “Smart + Connected Communities”, entails a city entirely connected via internet (IEEE 2011). Omnipresence of two-way video screens will facilitate everyday activities, from making reservations at a restaurant to simulating a conference room environment with all its nuances in sound reverberations, branded as TelePresence models (Szigeti et al. 2009).

Additionally, partnering technology firms Honeywell, Johnson Controls, and UTC will heat, cool, and power modern office blocks through software integrating entire buildings over the internet, where energy may be regulated (Lindsay 2010).

This represents a phenomenon known as ubiquitous eco-cities.

Another phenomenon observed is the selling of a prescribed quality of life.

Masdar emphasizes a private, secure, and luxurious lifestyle, where the walled city will ensure residents keep in line with the 25 degrees Celsius air-conditioned temperature via ubiquitous monitoring, to meet efficiency targets (Keaton 2011).

Narrow, cul-de-sac filled, fareej style neighbourhoods will maximize land use, and boast traditional souk style in harmony with contemporary eco technology (Keaton 2011). This makes it unwelcoming for spontaneous visits, also promoting an unconventional vernacular hybrid.

Similarly, in Songdo, the omnipresence of 59

video screens and complete integration of internet from the roads to the walls of your homes is a step towards a sterile lifestyle. One can simply look at aerial photos of Songdo and Masdar to see overly rational grid systems with no sense of chaos that Jane Jacobs would suggest is characteristic of great cities (Jacobs 2011).

Acknowledging the rigid living style embedded into the city design, residents of these high-tech eco-cities will be forced to succumb to inorganic ways of life.

Modest eco-cities Secondly, this paper will examine eco-cities that could be described as relatively modest endeavours, focusing more on addressing climate change associated with rapid urbanisation and sustainable development in harmony with nature. The means of achieving their respective image of eco-city are more selective on technology and done via sustainable policy and indicators. Moreover, passive and human scale sustainable design, along with environmentally conscious urban planning will be focused on to contrast these modest ‘eco-cities’ with high-tech eco-cities.

Sustainability in these modest eco-cities demonstrate an alternative approach, as exemplified in Lavasa, located 180 kilometers southeast of Mumbai, India (Datta 2012). Having started construction in 2004 with completion estimated to be after 2020, Lavasa is being built to attract global investment from time-space convergence via its close proximity to the Mumbai-Pune expressway (Datta 2012; New Cities Foundation 2014). Built on 2000 hectares of land, this hill city will be 70 percent nature, with 80 percent of the population living on 20 percent of the land. (Datta 2013; New Cities Foundation 2014). Lavasa has introduced strict environmental tolerance, thus be60

ing unable to operate and construct on ground unless environmental clearance is given by the state. Strategies include the use of biomimicry and hydroseeding to prevent soil erosion and restore hillside slopes containing native and non-native species (Datta 2012). Lavasa also takes inspiration from Portofino, Italy for its dense walkability, coupled with traditional Indian vernacular buildings (New Cities Foundation 2014). Therefore, we see how Lavasa’s approach to eco-city is one that attempts to build in harmony with nature, through consciously adapting to the local environment with humble strategies.

A similar situation is demonstrated in the Chinese eco-city located along the northeast coast of china, 150 kilometers from Beijing (World Bank 2009). SSTEC takes much of its eco-city management techniques from the Singaporean model, for its sustainable water treatment (Hu, Wu, & Shih 2015). In addition to this, passive design features include conscious orientation of buildings during construction, to maximize natural lighting and reduce energy usage (BBC 2013). The land use planning creates close proximity from work to residential areas, to promote walkability and reduce carbon emissions from automobiles (BBC 2013). Hence, we can see how SSTEC and Lavasa employ environmentally sustainable strategies and methods that are less intensive than that of these high-tech eco-cites, which appear to be more down-to-earth and arguably more cost efficient.

In terms of policies and indicators used in these modest eco-cities, they seem to be relatively more prominent aspects of the city. By building facilities that capture wind and solar energy as well as miniature hydroelectric dams, Lavasa intends to reduce its reliance on grid energy,

which most likely comes from unsustainable power plants (New Cities Foundation 2014). Lavasa also aims to reduce waste going to landfills by 95 percent, through widespread education initiatives (New Cities Foundation 2014). This could be described as an ‘herbal’ initiative, meaning grassroots initiatives that have healing components on the social solidarity, which in turn promote environmental sustainability. Lavasa also intends to attract non-polluting industries such as tourism, research and development, IT related services, and film facilities (New Cities Foundation, 2014). These policies present an alternative approach to working towards environmental sustainability. The SSTEC employs twenty-two quantitative indicators and four qualitative indicators and is guided by sustainable key performance indicators (KPI) (Caprotti 2014). Some indicators include 90 percent green transport by 2020, and 50 percent non-conventional water supply, based off the Singaporean model (Hu, Wu, & Shih 2015). Thus, we get an idea of the proportional importance placed on policy and evaluation indicators as a means of embodying the eco-city label. However, these two modest eco-cities are still in the development phases, and therefore their success in achieving sustainability compared to the high-tech ones cannot be fairly judged against each other yet. The same can be said with Songdo, where such high-tech eco-cities have arguably not reached maturity. Nonetheless, there is a distinct contrast between the high-tech and modest eco-cities.

The term eco-city itself is quite a fluid term, in the sense that there is no required global standard strictly enforced upon eco-cities. Rather, eco-cities appear to be a concept being exploited for marketing purposes and economic competitiveness. This is especially present in the context of Global South cities, which find themselves historically disadvantaged.

The fluidity of the term eco-city is accentuated in the Dholera eco-city, which only took eco-city status in 2013, four years after its approval in 2009 and after expressing smart city ideals in 2012 (Datta 2015).

This begs the question as to whether these eco-cities genuinely embody the holistic ideals that eco-cities initially stood for, or if they are ultimately for economic development amidst a rising global agenda for sustainability. Such is evident in SSTEC, which is located in the Bohai Rim region, home to the largest concentration of factories in China (Caprotti 2014). It’s hard to believe these eco-city projects are truly for environmental longevity when we see these “pearls in the sea of degrading environment” (Wong & Yuen 2011 p.131).

In that regard, it is worth considering if these eco-cities are simply economic and technological experiments instead of being for social and environmental justice.

Ho Tong Yen, Chief Executive Officer of SSTEC openly admits “We are not pretending to have the solution to world’s problems as far as sustainability is concerned…this is an experiment and an ongoing experiment” (BBC 2013). As with Masdar, the eco-city project is in line with the Abu-Dhabi Vision 2030 to diversify Discussion its economy from the oil and gas sector After highlighting the significant (Keaton 2011). Although it is not expectdifferences in these high-tech utopian ed for these eco-cities to be a black and eco-cities and modest down-to-earth white situation, where they must be solely eco-cities, it is worth discussing the over- concerned with environmental sustainlap in these eco-cities and internal flaws. ability, it appears as though the increasing 61

presence of public-private-partnerships has led to private economic interests becoming the true primary objective, often disregarding social sustainability as well.

Ultimately, sustainability as a label for marketing sells, but if the trend dies out, the genuine cities will reveal themselves as those who continue their endeavours in environmentally sustainable development.

There are also many drawbacks with eco-cities regarding practicality. SSTEC’s goal for 90 percent green transport is currently met by London commuters, which also produces one third less than SSTEC’s projected carbon emissions (Shepard 2015). So, these eco-cities in spite of their name, are not even at the forefront of sustainable engineering. In addition to this, these mechanisms for environmental sustainability can be implemented in existing cities as well. The supposed exclusivity of these mechanisms to eco-cities simply makes it more attractive for potential investors, positioning themselves as unique. It should also be noted that public participation is key in the practicality of employing these environmental sustainable mechanisms. Some of these eco-cities ignore social context, attempting to embed lifestyles into the residents, specifically the high-tech eco-cities Masdar and Songdo. Public compliance is equally imperative for the success of Lavasa (Datta 2012). To put it simply, there is no eco-city without public involvement and participation. The many holes in eco-cities remind us of the difficulties in attempting to plan for human lifestyles, especially in the top-down manner.

Lastly, there is a lot of irony and contradictions in these eco-cities. Lavasa displaced sixty-six villages during its construction, many of which were indigenous populations (Datta 2012). Moreover, its 62

intended demographics are youthful middle- to high-income populations, thus we can expect enclave formation that will marginalize the poor, especially those who were displaced (Datta 2012). Similarly, Masdar may find itself becoming an elitist enclave, with the advent of mixed-income neighbourhoods priorities in Abu Dhabi pushing the wealthy to the nearby walled city of Masdar (Keaton 2011). Thus, there are contradictions in the sustainability of these cities, when they lack social sustainability, heterogeneity, and equity. Songdo was built on 53 square kilometers of wetland from the Yellow Sea, which in itself is not an environmentally sustainable practice (Shwaryri 2013). The embodied energy required to build and transport these futuristic pod-like vehicles in Songdo may end up doing more harm than good, when one could simply improve intra-city walkability. Additionally, Lavasa’s choice to not attract polluting industries is a textbook case example of the Not In My Backyard argument (NIMBY). It does not actually contribute to alleviating global climate change, as areas involved in these environmentally harmful activities will still exist. Thus, upon discussion, we see very many contradictions and ironies in these so called “eco-cities”.

Conclusion It has been established that eco-cities may be divided generally into two categories. There are those that are high-tech, entailing that they strongly emphasize the use of state-of-the-art technology to achieve environmental sustainability, somewhat resembling a present day modernizing vision. These high-tech eco-cities have a utopian aesthetic, that arguably sell a prescribed way of life revolving around high technology. This is exemplified in the case of Masdar and Songdo, where the

possibility of city wide enclave development may arise, marginalizing the impoverished and jeopardizing social sustainability. In contrast, there are the modest eco-cities, which appear to employ more humble strategies that work with nature rather than against it. This was seen in the cases of Lavasa and SSTEC, where environmental sustainability was not achieved through implementing ubiquitous technology. Instead, they emphasize the use of policies and indicators to achieve environmental sustainability, such as seen in what I considered to be ‘herbal’ initiatives in Lavasa. Although, the premature judgements made in the aforementioned eco-cities’ ability to achieve environmental sustainability is acknowledged.

Furthermore, the eco-cities concept as a whole was critically examined for its practicality, drawbacks, ironies, and contradictions surrounding them. It was established that eco-cities are often done in top-down fashion, which disregard public compliance that is imperative to achieving sustainable results. These eco-cities place economic purpose over environmental sustainability, as we consider the fact that Songdo was built on reclaimed land, Lavasa’s NIMBY argument, SSTEC’s overt purpose of experimentation over sustainability, or Masdar’s grandiose aesthetic to attract global investors.

All the studied eco-cities have unsustainable flaws in them, yet still wear the eco-friendly hat. Economic development is not an end in itself, and only time will tell which of these eco-cities are genuine in their sustainable agendas, hopefully before it is too late to do otherwise.

Acknowledgments

unique insights gave new meaning to my understanding in the field of new cities.

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The Issue of Scale in Geo-Information Science Deboleena Mazumdar GEOG 506 Professors R. Sieber and R. Sengupta Fall 2017 Abstract The issue of scale in geography is one which forms the foundation of any spatial analysis.

Drawing from the fields of geostatistics, geometry, and geography, the applications of scale are interdisciplinary, as it is the study of how the unit of measurement and extent of study has a profound influence on observed trends and outcomes. Indeed, scale operates differently according to the context, level of analysis, and type of data being measured. These simple but fundamental principles of scale have presaged seminal discoveries about the distribution of geographic phenomena, the formulation of laws of interpolation and the modifiable areal unit problem, and illustrated the importance of scale and aggregation in sampling and statistical analysis. This paper will discuss the many applications of scale to geographic phenomena, the origins and major developments in the field, and potential applications of the study of scale with respect to new geographic methods in the future.

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Abstract The issue of scale in geography is one which forms the foundation of any spatial analysis. Drawing from the fields of geostatistics, geometry, and geography, the applications of scale are interdisciplinary, as it is the study of how the unit of measurement and extent of study has a profound influence on observed trends and outcomes. Indeed, scale operates differently according to the context, level of analysis, and type of data being measured.

These simple but fundamental principles of scale have presaged seminal discoveries about the distribution of geographic phenomena, the formulation of laws of interpolation and the modifiable areal unit problem, and illustrated the importance of scale and aggregation in sampling and statistical analysis. This paper will discuss the many applications of scale to geographic phenomena, the origins and major developments in the field, and potential applications of the study of scale with respect to new geographic methods in the future.

constituents. On the other hand, resolution refers to the granularity of the data, or how finely the phenomenon is being measured, whether on the scale of city blocks, census tracts, days, months or years. In common parlance, a scale can refer to a ruler. This too illustrates how scale is an issue born out of the measurement of phenomena on the Earth’s surface, and has its roots in statistics and geography.

Choosing the right scale for a given study, one which captures trends in the data of interest whilst remaining sufficiently broad for generalization, is a challenge faced by practitioners of geography as well as mathematicians, engineers, and social scientists. The prevalence of big datasets in the 21st century has made the issue of scale evermore important in ascertaining what is the correct scale at which to analyse data, whether this differs based on the characteristics of the dataset, and how to analyse data most efficiently given ever increasing quantities of data. Moreover, the heterogeneity of big data sets and lack of standardization of data due to the nascency of the field impede efforts in cross-scale interference (Goodchild, 2011). These are Etymology One of the difficulties in study- all challenges for the study of scale going ing the implications of scale in geography forward in the 21st century. stems from the broadness of the term, its multiple interpretations according to dif- II. Historical Antecedents In its initial conception, GIS was ferent practitioners of geography, and the its fundamentality in any study of phe- an outcome-oriented tool, which was apnomena on the Earth’s surface. As noted plied to geographical data to create accuby Goodchild, scale can be considered a rate maps, perform analyses, and derive representative fraction to the cartogra- spatial insights. It was some time before pher, spatial extent or resolution to the critical analysis was applied to the aims, geographer, a general metric of measure- processes, and outcomes of GIS technolment to society at large (Goodchild 2011). ogy, and its designation as a science with Spatial extent refers to the areal its own domain-specific issues worthy unit, or temporal unit, under study. This of exploration. Thus, it is not surprising can be measured in scalar or vector terms, that some of the foremost inquiries about and even three-dimensionally if the phe- scale in GIS pertained to the relative cost/ nomenon has both spatial and temporal benefit effect of collecting data at finer 68

resolutions, and the confidence intervals that could be applied to data collected from data measured at coarse resolutions (Goodchild 2011).

Another field which laid the groundwork for subsequent research in Scale in GIS is Geostatistics. Interpolation in essence solved the problem of choosing the correct scale at which to analyse data by using existing points as determinants of the right range, and assigning values to observations which fall within that range (Goovaerts 1997). Tobler’s law states that points closer to each other will be more similar to each other than to points further away. Geostatistical theory holds that variables dispersed across a surface are not sampled independently but show autocorrelation. From these distributions, one can form a variogram which makes explicit and quantifies the gradient of dissimilarity as points become further away from a given observation. In doing so, they define a range for the data (Goovaerts 1997). These findings from sampling form the foundation of geostatistics and have implications for scale as defining the range allows one to ascertain the appropriate scale at which to measure the phenomena.

which has been a major tenet in scale research since the publication of their paper in 1983. There are two main components to the MAUP. Primarily, the scale effect is attributed to variation in numerical due to the number of areal units used in the analysis of a given area (Openshaw & Taylor 1979). Secondarily, the zonation effect, which shows a different in numerical results, is explained by grouping; a larger number of smaller areal units are grouped into a smaller number of larger areal units (Openshaw & Taylor 1979). They showed that depending on the reorganization of the 99 counties in Iowa into 12 counties, the correlation between being over 65 years of age and a Republican fluctuated wildly from −0.936 to +0.996 (Openshaw & Taylor 1983). This wide discrepancy in findings, attributable solely to the organization of discrete non-overlapping sub-units of areal analysis, was a clear illustration of the fallibility of geographic data to manipulation based on the chosen unit of measurement. These findings have allowed for more critical analyses of decisions made by geographers and scientists in their methodology, as well as ushering in greater research on scale as a topic of its own within geography.

The Modifiable Areal Unit Problem (MAUP) However, even when examining a phenomenon at an explicit scale, the choice of the sub-unit of measurement can have considerable influence on observed trends. The earliest instances of this come from studies by Gehlke and Biehl (1934) and Yule and Kendall (1950) which showed that the subunit of areal measurement has a significant effect on the correlation coefficient. Openshaw and Taylor demonstrated this with what they termed “the Modifiable Areal Unit Problem”,

Fractals Another field of research which has informed the discussion of scale in geography, comes from a domain which is not inherently spatially oriented; the subfield of geometry which is involved in the study of fractals. Similar to the idea of fractals is the concept of topology, in which the spatial relationships between discrete points remain invariant despite continuous transformations such as stretching or bending. Fractals are shapes in which the statistical relationships be69

tween adjacent areas. A snowflake is a fractal. So is a brussel sprout, the shell of a snail, and many other shapes found in nature. As Mandelbrot states: “at certain scales and for certain methods of investigation, many phenomena may be represented by regular continuous functions, somewhat in the same way that a sheet of tinfoil may be wrapped around a sponge without following accurately the latter’s complicated contour” (Mandelbrot 1982).

Its relevance to the study of scale in geography is that due to its predictive power, it allows for estimations of values based on finer resolutions. Fractal theory states that the rate of information loss or gain with scale change is orderly and predictable through principles that have come to be called scaling laws (Mandelbrot 1977; Goodchild 2011). Many geographic phenomena display fractal geometry and so the fractal theory is a useful tool in conceptualizing issues of scale, measurement, sampling, and interpolation in GIS.

as opposed to discrete objects. The given perspective of the world has implications for how scale operates and is considered.

In the absolute framework, scale can be considered operational in reference to a standardized system partitioning space into sub-units. In contrast, in a relative framework, scale is inherently dependent on spatial entities, patterns, functions and forms under investigation. Yet despite their superficially opposing viewpoints, they should be seen as complementary approaches in distinguishing the hierarchy amongst different scales of data when conducting any geographic analysis (Marceau 1999). That is to say, scale and subsequent insights derived from a spatial dataset, is largely dependent on decisions taken by the investigator.

One of the major divides in any discussion of scale is the difference in the treatment of scale by raster and vector data. For the former, scale is always explicitly accounted for in the form of grid dimensions, which are almost always square in the two-dimensional case. For the latter, scale is implicit and the issue of which scale to use to best capture fluctuations in the data is apparent. Resolution operates at multiple scales within vector data, from the unit of measurement used to differentiate points, the number of sample points chosen from various areas, and the observation used to standardize the data. The difficulty of inferring post-facto which scale has been chosen, and the implicitness of scale in vector data, have led some to go as far as claiming that vector data should be used instead in all rigorous scientific analyses (Goodchild 2011).

III. Theoretical Foundations and Important Frameworks Depending on the view of how Earth is represented, scale is realized differently (Couclelis 1992). For example, the tabletop perspective sees objects on the Earth’s surface as fixed entities, which may overlap, and the remaining areas as empty space (Goodchild 2011). This view does not account for movement or dynamic data, which is better suited to the continuous field conceptualization (Goodchild 2011) which maps location from an x-y coordinate system onto a third variable such as soil type or speed of motion in a flow network, in which each entity has exactly one value of the attribute vari- IV. Emergent debates and ramiable. This conception, suitable for study- fications for GIS ing natural phenomena and topography, The issues of scale within GIS conceive of spatial data in terms of fields are manifold; from the extent at which a 70

phenomenon is studied, to the ability (or inability) to meaningfully compare data across different scales, to the implications of scale and aggregation in statistical analysis (Marceau 1999). Some models like The Darcy equations of groundwater flow, or the Navier–Stokes equations of viscous fluid motion, are expressed as partial differential equations in scale-free variables.

Scale is only introduced into their respective equations suddenly in the form of Raster dimensions, and the level of uncertainty associated with the lack of scale information at the time of initial data input is unknown (Goodchild 2011). Moreover, it may be unclear to the researcher if any errors which arise are due to the data not fitting the model or because of the confounding influence of the scale variable on the predictions of the model.

Ignoring scale in measurement yields unreliable and inconsistent data.

Goodchild uses the example of estimating the length measurement of a simple line segment to illustrate this point. When taking the various discrete line segments as sub-units of measurement, and adding them up, this will lead to an underestimation of the truth depending on the number of samples taken. (Goodchild 2011).

The importance of scale in the measurement of raster data and other geographic variables such as slope is illustrated by Horn’s equation (Horn 1981). Here, the nearest eight neighbors are used to takes the eight cells forming a given cell’s Moore (or queen’s case) neighborhood, weights the eight neighbors depending on their distance from the central cell, and obtains estimates of the two components of slope. However, the distances measured depend on the raster size of the cells, and bigger dimensions will yield smaller slope (Goodchild 2011, Horn 1981). Thus, measurement of both raster and vector data

cannot be considered objective when they are so heavily influenced by the choice of a given scale. Making scale explicit in the discussion of the data is crucial to improve the reproducibility of the data as well as the strength of its explanatory power.

Ecological fallacy refers to the assumption that trends observed at a certain scale are transferable to a coarser scale, for example observations gleaned about aggregates can be attributed to individuals (King 1997). From crime to education to the allotment of funds to certain city neighborhoods, information taken at the district level is used to make decisions which affect individuals. In a similar vein, another issue which has had political implications for election campaigns and voter fraud, is that of gerrymandering.

This is when in the process of designating voter districts, certain constituents are selectively proportioned to strategically important areas (Forest 2004). This can cause entire states to be designated to a certain political affiliation, diminishing the voting rights of residents of certain communities while concentrating voting power in the hands of a few. Thus, the issue of scale within geography has tangible impacts on social, political and health outcomes of citizens.

With the advent of new data visualizations techniques, the prevalent use of digital and mobile maps, and PPGIS the issue of scale in GIS is more pertinent than ever. Some challenges in the future will be applying insights gained from analyses of spatial scale to temporal data (Peuquet 1994), as well as to new data types and big data sets. In their study, entitled “A variable-scale map for small-display cartography”, Harrie et al. illustrated how the use of different resolutions, and displaying both a large and a small resolution on the same screen of a mobile device, had dif71

ferent effects on the visualization of the data and subsequent legibility and ease of use by the users (Harrie et al. 2002).

Digital maps allow for expedient switching between various spatial extents when viewing a given area. We intuitively understand scale as we zoom in and out of a web-based map display, and the information appears or disappears depending on the resolution of the image. But these representations offer even less explicit information than paper-based maps about the choice of scale, and the appearance of information at a particular resolution can seem arbitrary. An understanding of scale and the possibility for erroneous conclusions and misrepresentation are especially important when converting readily available spatial data into digital maps.

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Relationship Between Topography, Physical and Chemical Properties, and Environmental Controls on Soil Formation of Five Soil Profiles of the Gault Nature Reserve of Mont Saint-Hilaire Tabatha Rahman Class: GEOG 305 Professor: Professor Tim Moore Semester: Fall 2017 Abstract Five profiles on a transect across a valley on the Northeastern side of Mont St. Hilaire were studied as to determine the relationship between soil genesis and the Dokuchaev soil forming factors (i.e. climate, parent material, organisms, topography and time). On-site observations as well as in-lab analyses of the samples allowed for their identification according to the Canadian System of Soil Classification. Properties of soil were derived from laboratory measurements of moisture content, pH, loss of mass on ignition, organic carbon content, sand, silt and clay content as well as color after ignition. The five profiles were identified as Orthic Humo-Ferric Podzol (O.HFP), Orthic Humic Gleysol (O.HG), Typic Mesisol (T.M), Orthic Eutric Brunisol (O.EB) and Orthic Dystric Brunisol (O.DYB). The soil profiles provided evidence for interdependence of their forming factors, indicating that soils are polygenetic.

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I. Introduction Rouville County’s Mont St. Hilaire is one of the largest of the eight intrusive Monteregian Hills of the St. Lawrence Lowlands in Southern Quebec (Maycock 1961). Measuring 414 m in altitude with a base area of nine square miles, the hill, being an intrusive plug (Mallick 1967), has a different geological origin than the surrounding lowlands, thus creating differences in soil and vegetation (Maycock 1961). Unlike the other Monteregian Hills, Mont St. Hilaire has not been greatly affected by human activity and remains in its natural state thanks to two families’ land ownership. In 1959, a great portion of the land was acquired by McGill University for the purpose of scientific study (Maycock 1961).

The hill is comprised of several peaks and troughs with Hertel Lake in the middle. The rocks found on Mont St. Hilaire are igneous in nature, although they do not correspond to the fine-grained structure of fast cooling volcanic magma (Maycock 1961). Considerable weathering and destruction of layers by the glacial retreat during the Pleistocene glaciation prevent dating the rocks of the Monteregian Hills, although some evidence places the igneous rocks in the Tertiary period (60 million years ago) (Maycock 1961).

Indeed, the recession of the ice sheets created glacial melts that transformed the top of the Monteregian Hills into islands, and this allowed for the deposition of sand around the hills. However, loam and sandy loam dominate much of Mont St. Hilaire (Maycock 1961). The most prominent effect of glacial retreat is the uneven distribution of parent materials found on the mountain (Maycock 1961). Mont St. Hilaire can be divided into two areas with syenite and essexite as parent materials, although several different metamorphic 76

rock types, such as marble and hornfel, and sedimentary rock types, such as limestone, can be found on the mountain as well (Webber & Jellema 1965). This results in significant differences in the mineralogies of the mountain.

The purpose of this paper is to explore the effects that topography, physical and chemical properties, and environmental controls have on soil formation. Five profiles from the Gault Nature Reserve of Mont Saint-Hilaire were used to measure these relationships. The soil samples were taken on September 24th 2017 across a transect of a valley on the northeastern side of the mountain. Profiles were dug to a depth of between 0.5 m and1 m, and samples from each distinct horizon were bagged for further laboratory analysis. In order to get the analytical properties of the soil profiles, the moisture content, the pH, the loss on ignition (LOI ), the organic carbon (C) content, the sand, silt and clay content as well as the color of the soil after ignition were recorded. The moisture content was found using differential weighing of dry and moist soil, and the pH using a pH meter. The LOI and the organic C content values were found by oven drying samples at 105℃ for 24 hours and by combusting samples in furnace at 850℃ for 30 minutes before weighing them and using Ball’s regression equation to obtain final results (Ball 1964). The sand, silt and clay content were found by separating and weighing each class of particle with a sieve using knowledge of viscosity and time of suspension in distilled water. Important soil properties from the results of the soil analyses mentioned above were then used to infer other properties. These include the physical, chemical and biological soil forming processes and the Dokuchaev soil forming factors: climate, parent material, organisms, topography and time.

II. Field Data Profile 1 ORTHIC HUMO-FERRIC PODZOL (O.HFP) Samples were taken on a well-drained slope of 40° to 50°. The parent material was hornfels (metamorphosed shale), with debris from glaciation. Vegetation included American beech (Fagus grandifolia), sugar maple (Acer saccharum), canadian hemlock (Tsuga canadensis), moosewood (Acer pennsylvanicum) and a rug-like organic layer on the ground.

Horizon LFH Ah

Ae

Bf

Bm

Cgj

Depth (cm) Description >0 Rug-like organic layer.

0-5.5 Grayish brown; dark brown; brown (5YR 5/2; 10YR 3/3; 10YR 4/4 m, 5YR 3/3; 10YR 3/3; 10 YR 4/2 d); granular; soft and powdery, few small stones, high organic matter content, plentiful roots; abrupt boundary.

5.5-13 Grayish brown(5YR 4/2 m, 5YR 6/2 d) sandy loam; subangular platy; soft, easily crushed; abrupt boundary; minimal/thin roots; very acid (pH 4.21) 13-34 Brown(7.5YR 4/4 m, 10YR d) sandy loam, chunks and easily crushable w/ fingers, small stones; no roots; gradual boundary; very acid (pH 4.76).

34-50 Brown(10YR 4/6 m, 10YR d) sandy loam; fine texture, minimal stones, blocky, no roots; gradual boundary; very acid(pH 4.73) 50-58 Dull reddish brown; brown (2.5Y 5/4; 10YR 4/6 m, 2.5YR 6/4; 10YR 6/6 d) sandy loam; loose/fine consistency, large stones; very acid

Profile 2 ORTHIC HUMIC GLEYSOL (O. HG) Samples were taken on an imperfectly drained gentle slope near the valley bottom, 290.6m in elevation. The downslope headed south. The parent material was marble and vegetation included maple, birch, beech, many conifers and moss.

Horizon LFH

Depth (cm) Description 0-1 Abundance of moderately decomposed litter of leaves, with large roots.

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Horizon Ah

Depth (cm) Description 0-21 Very dark brown to brownish black (5YR 2/2 to 10YR 3/1 m, 10YR 4/1 d) silty clay loam; granular; friable; presence of small, thin roots; no stones; many fine, interstitial pores; organic matter is beginning to decompose; soil was moist and uniform in colour; abrupt; strongly acidic ( 5.215 mean pH) Bg1 21-44 Brown (10YR 4/4 m, 10YR 6/2 to 5YR 6/1 d) sandy loam; platy; firm and sticky; absence of roots; abrupt; acidic ( 6.31 mean pH) Bg2 44-54 Brown(10YR 4/4 m, 6/4 d) sandy loam; platy; firm and sticky; absence of roots; gradual; neutral (pH 7.14) Bg3 54-62 Brown (10YR 4/4 m, 5YR 6/2 d) sandy clay ; blocky; firm and sticky; absence of roots; abrupt; neutral (pH 6.98) Bg**(average) 21-62 Brown (10YR 4/4 m, 10YR 6/2 to 6/4 and 5YR 6/1 to 6/2 d) sandy loam to sandy clay; platy to blocky; firm and sticky; absence of roots; abrupt; slightly acidic (mean pH 6.81) *There was an inconsistency in the depth (cm) of the layers between the field and the lab. Seeing that the values were relatively similar, human error was probably the cause, and so field depths were taken as the proper horizon demarcations to be used in the analytical data. In addition, considering that the individual layers from 21 cm onwards all had Bg horizon characteristics in the lab, we grouped them into one large layer spanning from 21 cm to 62 cm.

Profile 3 TYPIC MESISOL (T. M) (PEAT) Samples were taken on very poorly drained valley base that floods in the summer. The parent material was limestone and vegetation included hemlock, birch, fern and moss.

Horizon LFH Om

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Depth (cm) Description >0 Accumulated organic litter, mixture of intact, partially decomposed, and decomposed organic matter 0-25 Brownish black (5YR 2.5/2m, 5YR 2.5/1d), Very wet, vegetation fragments dispersed on surface, small pieces of partially decomposed vegetation, slightly acidic (mean pH = 5.3), structureless

Horizon Om

Om

Om

Depth (cm) Description 25-50 Brownish black (5YR 2/1m, 10YR 3/2d), large and widespread amounts of organic matter, mixture of decomposed and partially decomposed, slightly acidic (mean pH = 5.4), extremely wet, gradual boundary, uniform characteristics, very friable, little to no stones, structureless 50-75 Brownish black (10YR 2/1m, 10YR 3/2d), very wet and dense, several partly decomposed pieces of litter and decomposed organic matter, slightly acidic (mean pH = 5.3), gradual boundary and uniform characteristics, no stones, structureless 75-100 Brownish black (5YR 2.5/2m, 10YR 3/2d), very wet and friable, decomposed organic matter, some small less decomposed pieces of litter, slightly acidic (mean pH = 5.2), gradual boundary and uniform characteristics, no stones, structureless

Profile 4 ORTHIC EUTRIC BRUNISOL (O. EB) Samples were taken on a well-drained slope of 15°, 280 m in elevation. The parent material was marble, and vegetation was primarily beech, hemlock, and maple trees, with moderate amounts of fern.

Horizon LFH Om

Ah

Bm(g)

Depth (cm) Description >0 Abundance of decomposing vegetation with frequent roots.

0-10 Very dark, reddish to brownish black (10R 2/1 to 5YR 2/1 m, 5YR 2/2 to 5YR 3/1 d); very wet soil attached to roots in clumps; very porous; loose far from roots; absence of rocks; abundant roots; contains mixture of partially decomposed to decomposed organic matter (leaves); abrupt boundary; mean pH 6.68 (slightly acidic) 10-26 Brownish black to black (5YR 2/1 to 10YR 5/3 m, 10YR 3/1 d); granular; medium porosity; wet; friable; absence of rocks; some roots; abrupt boundary; mean pH 7.31 (basic) 26-48 Dull brownish yellow to yellow (2.5Y 6/4 to 5Y 7/6 m, 2.5Y 8/2 d); silty loam; angular blocky; low porosity; friable; abundant and large marble rocks; absence of roots; no clear boundary; mean pH 7.66 (basic) 79

Horizon Bm(g)

Depth (cm) Description 48+ Yellowish grey (2.5Y 5/4 m, 10YR 7/2 d); silty loam; platy; low porosity; cohesive; abundant and large marble rocks; absence of roots; no clear boundary; pH 7.65 (basic)

Profile 5 ORTHIC DYSTRIC BRUNISOL (O.DYB) (acidic) Samples were taken on a slight slope at the base of a steep incline. The area had moderate drainage, with syenite as its parent material, and beech, sugar maple and ferns as vegetation.

Horizon LFH Ah

Bm

Bm

Depth (cm) Description >0 Leaf litter, several roots 0-12 Brownish black to brownish gray (10YR 3/2 m, 5YR 5/1 to 10YR 3/3 d) granular; very friable; presence of small roots; abrupt, wavy boundary; strongly acidic ( 5.44 mean pH) 12-36 Dull reddish brown to dull yellowish brown (2.5Y 4/4 to 10YR 5/3 m, 10YR 6/3 d) silt loam; medium granular; friable ; few roots; clear, wavy boundary; strongly acidic ( 5.61 mean pH) 36-60 Dark brown to brown (10YR 3/4 to 10YR 4/4 m, 10YR 6/2 to 10YR 7/3 d) silt loam; angular blocky; firm; no roots; medium acidic (5.78 mean pH)

III. Discussion The first profile along our transect, the Podzolic soil, meets the Canadian classification system requirements for an Orthic Humo-Ferric Podzol (O.HFP). It’s organic C content is between 0-5%, and has a BC horizon showing the transitional change from B to C. Furthermore, its brownish-orange combusted color indicates the presence of Fe, which is to be expected in B horizons of Podzols. One of the main driver of podzolization is vegetation. Podzols usually develop under coniferous forests where decompositions rates are slow and organic matter complexes can build up. However, the profile was found under both deciduous and coniferous species including American beech, sugar maple, canadian hemlock and moosewood. Under the process of chelation, nutrients such as Fe, Al and organic matter (OM) become soluble and are mobilized. They are leached out of the upper A horizons and immobilized in the B horizons, where the nutrients are deposited. The low pH in the surface horizons of the Podzol, 4.1-4.8, and the low clay content, 4-5%, correlate with the low cation exchange capacity and low nutrient availability; the soil cannot retain its cations and thus does not buffer against acidity. Podzols form on coarse textured parent material and thus common textures of the Podzols are sand and gravel. The profile indeed had high sand content, ranging 80

from 45% to 63%. The local climate and topography also played an important role since precipitation causes leaching by percolation and mobilization of elements, and good drainage causes water and nutrients to flow out of the soil, as opposed to water and nutrient retention in poorly drained soils. The Ae horizon has an organic C content of 1% while the Bf has one of 4%, showing the mobilization of organic content. The low LOI content, ranging between 4% and 14%, and the low organic C content, ranging from 1% to 4% in the non-organic horizons, also show a low organic matter content caused by leaching. In conclusion, the O.HFP soil was mainly influenced by its vegetation, its parent material, climate and topography.

The second profile along our transect meets the Canadian System of Soil Classification requirements for an Orthic Humic Gleysol (O.HG). Gleysols show distinct colors and evidence of mottling as a result of reducing environments caused by, for example, water saturation, precipitation and pore water. The cool climate of Mont St. Hilaire and the anaerobic conditions caused by a high water table reduce the rate of organic matter decomposition and caused a large Ah horizon of 21 cm to form. The Bg horizon shows a change in mottling color from blue to red due to oxidation-reduction reactions resulting from seasonal changes in precipitation, and, by association, the depth of the water table. In addition, O.HG soils typically have Ah and B horizons greater than 10 cm, and a mottled C horizon indicating gleying. The profile had a 21cm Ah layer and a 43cm B horizon. However, the Cg horizon was not reached. Gleysols are mineral hydromorphic soils that form where the topography determines the water table depth. Our sample was found near the valley bottom near the hemlock swamp (profile 4) that experiences seasonal flooding. Therefore, as is characteristic of Gleysols, our sample was very much influenced by its topography and imperfect drainage. Considering that calcareous parent material produces alkaline soil, the acidic pH value of the non-organic soil horizons, 6.7, suggests that the parent material may not be completely calcareous.

Furthermore, the Gleysol sample has approximately 59% sand, which has a high infiltration rate but a weak organic matter content, as is indicated by the low LOI content and organic C content, respectively 3% and -1%.

The peat soil was identified as a Typic Mesisol (T.M) because its organic C content was between 10% and 40%, the soil was in a state of intermediate decomposition throughout, and its Om horizon was greater than 40 cm. The Om horizon reached a depth of at least 1m, the maximum depth that samples were taken from. No Cg horizon was found. The first 25 cm of soil did not seem to fit the criteria for an Of horizon as there was not enough fibric material. Indeed T.M soils have more than 30 cm of O horizons. The moisture content of the profile increased from 427% to 559% with depth as the water table was approached. Because of the local topography, the soil received the nutrient-filled leachates from the surrounding soils as well as from overland flow.

The high water table created anaerobic conditions and slowed decomposition, which explains the high organic C content, 39-41%, and high LOI content, 87-89%. The soil sample’s combusted color changed from yellow to brown and orange with depth, corresponding to the presence of Fe. Its acidic pH was between 5.2 and 5.4, which is expected of organic soils. and its pH, LOI and organic C contents did not vary significantly with depth. It was noted on the field that the material got more and more decomposed with depth. The sample was taken from a swamp with trees and seasonal flooding. Fur81

thermore, the swamp formed on limestone, a calcareous parent material, which could suggest that the soil should be alkaline. In fact, some grayish hues in the Om horizon after ignition are proof of the limestone’s influence on the soil. The topography and hydrological regime, however, had stronger influences on the soil pH than the parent material, since the soil is acidic.

The last two profiles are both Brunisol soils, yet they differ from one another.

The 4th profile along the transect was identified as an Orthic Eutric Brunisol (O.EB).

These soils typically have a pH greater than 5.5 and a Bm horizon greater than 5 cm.

Not only do they lack an eluvial horizon (Ae or Aej) of at least 2 cm, but they also lack mottles that indicate gleying, an Ah and an Ap horizon of at least 10 cm, and a moist color value of 4 or less. The mean pH at this site was 7.28, the Bm horizon was greater 22 cm and there was no eluvial horizons in the sample nor was there evidence of mottles. However, an Ah layer of 10 cm was identified, meaning a measurement error could have occurred, or the sample was an outlier of the Eutric Brunisol class. Indeed, the classification system is based on averages and outliers do occur.

The last of the five profiles was an Orthic Dystric Brunisol (O.DYB). These soils are usually acidic, with pH values inferior to 5.5. They have a Bm horizon of at least 5 cm and lack eluvial horizons, mottles, duric horizons and Ah and Ap horizons greater than 10 cm thick. The mean pH of this profile was 5.44 and the Bm horizon was greater than 48cm. There was lack of e horizons, no signs of mottling and no notably cemented layers (duric horizon) in field observations. However, our Ah horizon was 12cm, which is characteristic of the O.EB profile rather than of the O.DYB profile, indicating a human error or an outlier. Furthermore, it is not Duric Dystric Brunisol because of the lack of a distinct BCcgj horizon.

With samples from both an Orthic Eutric Brunisol and an Orthic Dystric Brunisol illustrate the relationships between parent material, topography and soil properties when other factors such as climate, vegetation types, and time are held constant. O.EB formed on calcareous marble in a high drainage site. O.DYB formed on syenite in a moderate drainage site. The difference in drainage causes a difference in iron content. O.EB’s grayish hues after ignition demonstrate a low Fe content, as opposed to O.DYB’s more orange colors indicating a higher iron content. It would be expected that the higher drainage site displayed less moisture, but this is not the case. This is because O.EB has a higher overall silt and clay content, which allows for greater water retention than sand. O.DYB sand content ranges between 36% and 38% and is higher than O.EB’s sand content of 27%. O.DYB high silt content (61%) might explain why water does not stay in the soil for as long in O.DYB compared to O.EB. In addition, O.EB has a higher organic C content and a thick organic layer (10 cm Om), and organic matter retains water more readily. The difference in parent material, on the other hand, caused a difference in the pH, LOI and organic C content values of both soils. Indeed, pH values above 7 indicate the possible presence of CaCO3 in the soil, and O.EB’s rather alkaline pH values of 6.7-7.7 confirm the presence of calcareous material in the soil. Soils with calcareous parent material tend to be more alkaline, while soils with non-calcareous parent material tend to be more acidic. O.EB also lost four to five times as much mass on ignition as O.DYB, although, the organic C content of O.EB is overestimated since mass is also lost due to the dehydration of clays, oxides and CaCO3. Indeed, the higher 82

presence of organic matter in the O.EB sample is explained by the greater abundance of vegetation in its location as well as the thick organic horizon at its surface, compared to O.DYB with lesser organic C content. Since Brunisols typically form under deciduous vegetation with rapid decomposition and thick accumulation of nutrients and organic matter, it is not surprising that the O.EB sample had a 10cm Om horizon.

Data was not taken on the organisms’ effects on soil formation, although evidence of insects was found.

Conclusion The soil properties of the five profiles analyzed in the Gault Reserve of Mont St. Hilaire demonstrate a strong relationship between soil genesis and the Dokuchaev soil forming factors: climate, parent material, organisms, topography and time. The O.HFP soil was mainly influenced by vegetation, parent material, climate and topography. The O.HG soil was mostly influenced by the drainage and precipitation, which are functions of the topography and climate. The T.M soil’s properties arose from its topography, as it was located in a topographic trough. O.EB and O.DYB, both being Brunisols, developed with different parent material and topography and ended up with vastly different soil properties. Indeed, the five soil profiles from Mont St. Hilaire demonstrate the inter-dependency of the soil forming factors, suggesting that soils are polygenetic.

6. Precision and Accuracy Table 3: Standard Deviation, Standard Error and Coefficient of variation of Moisture, pH, LOI and Organic Carbon Content

Std Dev Std Err Coeff. of Var.

Moisture 0.69 0.398 0.0144

pH 0.12 0.069 0.024

LOI 1.88 1.085 0.050

Org C 0.87 0.502 0.055

From Table 3, the lowest coefficient of variation values indicate relatively higher precision. The combusted color has a relatively poor precision because some of the samples have over 3 different colors associated to them, indicating possible erroneous grouping of horizons or mislabeling of horizons.

The best tool for estimating the accuracy of this data is to look at the methods used. The pH meter is possibly the most accurate, but the LOI’s weighing and ignition process, the weighing method used for measuring moisture content as well as the Munsell color chart are all fairly accurate. The use of a mesh to separate clays, silt and sand is not accurate. Furthermore, since calcium carbonate, which is inorganic, burns off in the oven according to the following reaction: CaCO3 → CaO + CO2, there is an overestimation of the LOI of the organic carbon of soils with calcareous parent material (Ball 1964). Profile 4 has gray combusted soil mineral horizons and near neutral pH values ranging from 6.7 to 7.7, suggesting the presence of calcareous parent material 83

(marble) and explaining the soil’s abnormally high LOI (31-60%) and organic carbon content (13-26%). The regression equation, used to calculate the organic C content using the LOI, works poorly for calcareous soils and sandy soils (Ball 1964). Therefore, the regression equation has a significant error for the 2nd profile (O. HG) because of its calcareous nature and high sand content (56-62%) and for the 3rd and 4th profile because of their calcareous nature.

Appendix Table 1: Laboratory Analysis of Moisture Content and Combusted Color of Five Soil

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Table 2: Laboratory Analysis of pH, LOI, Org. C Content, and Textures of Five Soil Profiles

Acknowledgments

I would like to thank Professor Tim Moore for introducing me to the field of soil science and the Department of Geography for giving me access to their new laboratory. I would especially like to show my sincere gratitude to Cameron Roy for his insight and guidance throughout the course. This paper was written in the context of the Soils and Environment Course in Fall 2017.

References Agriculture and Agri-Food Canada. The Canadian System of Soil Classification, 3rd edition. http://sis.agr.gc.ca/cansis/taxa/cssc3/ index.html Ball, D.F. 1964. Loss-on-ignition as an estimate of organic matter and organic carbon in non-calcareous soil. J. Soil Science 15:8492 Climate Data. Climate: Mont-Saint-Hilaire. Climate normals or averages 1982-2012. https://en.climate-data.org/location/494220/ Mallick, K. 1967. Weathering of rocks and mobility of elements in soil profiles of Mont St. Hilaire, Quebec. MSc. Thesis. McGill University Maycock, P.F. 1961. Botanical studies of Mont St. Hilaire, Rouville County, Quebec. Canadian Journal of Botany 39:1293-1235.

Moore, T.R. Field Handout to Gault Nature Reserve, Mont St. Hilaire. Montreal, QC, September 2015. Paper handout.

Webber, G.R. and Jellema, J.U. 1965. Comparison of Chemical Composition of Soils and Bedrock of Mont St. Hilaire, Quebec.

Canadian Journal of Earth Sciences 2:44-58

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The New Jersey Pharmaceutical Agglomeration Claire Styffe GEOG 311 Professor S. Breau Fall 2016

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Introduction The mid-Atlantic coast of the United States is home to several bio-scientific clusters, one of those being the state of New Jersey’s pharmaceutical agglomeration This cluster originally formed when the two key hubs of pharmaceutical industry in New York and Philadelphia coalesced to create a nexus of pharmaceutical activity between them in the late 19th century (Feldman & Schreuder 1996). Out of the world’s twenty largest pharmaceutical companies, fourteen have locations in New Jersey, including firms such as Merck & Co., Johnson & Johnson, Novartis, and Bristol-Myers Squib (State of New Jersey Business Portal One-Stop Shop for Business).

First, this paper will examine this cluster and present its principle mode of operation and organization. It will then analyze how the cluster is geographically patterned within the state of New Jersey, and discuss the growth of its production and employment characteristics since the 1990s. This paper will conclude by investigating the factors that led to the formation of this distinct agglomeration.

Methodology In order to examine the pharmaceutical cluster in New Jersey, it was first necessary to gain an understanding of the pharmaceutical industry in general to fully understand how the New Jersey agglomeration fits into the larger context. It was therefore imperative to gather general information on the pharmaceutical industry in the United States by consulting general U.S. pharmaceutical reports.

To understand how the cluster was organized, data was analyzed from the Bureau of Labour Statistics and the State of New Jersey website. Finally, in order to grasp the larger trends at play in the agglomera88

tion, both raw data and information from academic literature was considered. It was necessary to use a multidimensional perspective to piece together the origins, the current state, and the future development of the New Jersey pharmaceutical agglomeration.

Results and Discussion Organization and Operation of the Pharmaceutical Industry in New Jersey In 2016, there were 282 920 people employed in the pharmaceutical industry in the U.S. (Bls.gov 2017). The New Jersey cluster is quite large: in 2011 there were around 52 125 people employed in 971 different establishments, including manufacturing plants, research and development services, and diagnostic labs (Ehret 2013).

As the industry grew and technology adapted, the cluster grew from containing mostly manufacturing plants to its current form of “integrated Research and Development (R&D) operation[s]” (Feldman & Schreuder 1996). The aftermath of World War II highlighted domestic and international needs for antibiotics, and pharmaceutical companies responded by investing heavily in R&D, realizing the profitability of the industry. Technology advanced throughout the 1970s, demands for pharmaceuticals continued to rise, and the pharmaceutical industry continued to grow (Petrova 2013). Petrova (2013) notes, “the pharmaceutical industry seems to have embarked on a gradual transformation from the vertically integrated model towards one which emphasizes “distributed, collaboration-intensive” techniques.

One such method of organization is to integrate R&D with marketing departments, straying from a ‘linear’ method of

development to one where the production of drugs has become a multifaceted process (Becker & Lillemark 2006).

Knowledge of pharmaceutical production technologies was heavily guarded and rarely discussed in textbooks or trade journals until the 1970s as pharmaceutical manufacturing technologies were considered secrets of the trade (Feldman & Schreuder 1996). It was thus imperative for pharmaceutical companies to locate near others in order to take advantage of the knowledge spillovers afforded by such proximity. Such close linkages between firms have led to a trend of mergers and consolidations that has contributed to a decrease in employment (New Jersey Almanac). Collaborations between firms can lead to lower total costs of drug development and shorter time to market via licencing agreements (Petrova 2013).

Pharmaceutical firms in New Jersey are also in close proximity to firms specializ-

ing in biotechnology and medical devices, thus comprising a dense network of life sciences related industries. This allows the pharmaceutical companies to take advantage of the untraded interdependencies generated by locating near other conglomerations of leading scientific knowledge (see Figure 1).

New Jersey is divided into three sections: the Northern, Central and Southern Regions (Ehret 2013). While biological and life science industries are patterned across the entire state, the pharmaceutical industry is most heavily concentrated in the Northern region, as can be seen in Table 1. The pharmaceutical industry also has a large presence in the Central region, while the Southern region has only a small percentage of employees and establishments.

It is also interesting to note that pharmaceutical establishments tend to cluster along major highways (see Figure

Figure 1: Clustering of pharmaceutical, Figure 2: Life science firms clustering near biotechnical, and medical devices firms in major highways in New Jersey, 2015 (AnNew Jersey (Ehret 2013) cianis 2016) 89

Table 1: Pharmaceutical employment trends in New Jersey, 2011 (Ehret 2013) N.B. 1625 employees and 138 establishments were unidentifiable to a region.

Region

Numbers of Employees in the Pharmceutical Sector (approx.)

Northern Central Southern Total

27900 20500 2100 52125

Percentage of Pharmaceutical Employees out of Total Pharmaceutical Employees in New Jersey 53.3% 39.9% 4.0% -

2) Establishments in the Northern section tend to locate in close proximity to New York City, while those in the Southern section agglomerate near Philadelphia (Ancianis 2016).

General Trends in Employment and Production since 1990 The New Jersey pharmaceutical agglomeration shows a counterintuitive trend: while the number of pharmaceutical establishments has increased since 1990, employment has decreased. This reflects the mechanization of labour and the trend towards firm consolidation and merging. From 1990 to 2007, New Jersey lost 11 percent of its pharmaceutical jobs.

While New Jersey contained 20.2 percent of the nation’s workforce in the pharmaceutical industry, in 1990, this proportion dropped to only 13.1 percent by 2008 (Zeller 2010). However, after the economic recession, New Jersey saw a resurgence in pharmaceutical employment, and today accounts for 18.4 percent of employees employed in the US pharmaceutical industry. percent (Bls.gov 2017).

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Number of Pharmaceutical Establishments

Percentage of Establishments Compared to Total Number of Establishments

468 304 61 971

48.2% 31.3% 6.3% -

From 2006 to 2011, there was a 9.5 percent increase in the number of pharmaceutical establishments located in New Jersey (see Figure 3) (Ehret 2013).

This is not to say that there has not been some exodus of firms from the state. For example, in 2002 Roche closed its manufacturing plant in Nutley, New Jersey and chose to move its activities to Cambridge, Massachusetts, accounting for the loss of 400 jobs (Zeller 2010).

It is interesting to note that the decreasing trend in New Jersey’s pharmaceutical employment has a particular geography to it. Although the Northern Region has the highest number of firms and employees in the state’s pharmaceutical industry, it is here that the heaviest losses in employment are materializing.

From 2006 to 2011, the Northern part of New Jersey saw a 22.5 percent decrease in employment, in comparison to the 17.5 percent average decrease in employment for the entire state (Ehret 2013). Interestingly, the Southern sector, which has the smallest pharmaceutical presence, was the only part of New Jersey to show

Figure 3: Life science firm employment trends in New Jersey (Ehret 2013)

employment growth in the industry, increasing 8.9 percent over the five years measured (Ehret 2013).

While collecting data on the production dynamics of the New Jersey agglomeration proved to be difficult, in general, production in this cluster has continued to increase since its inception in the late 19th century, contributing $23 billion to New Jersey’s GDP in 2009 (New Jersey Department of Labor & Workforce Development), and $35 billion in 2014 (Seneca & Lahr 2014). This trend is consistent with the global 6.3 percent increase in prescription drug sales.

Factors Contributing to the Pharmaceutical Agglomeration in New Jersey New Jersey became known as the “medicine chest” (BioNJ 2017) after the two pharmaceutical hubs of New York and Philadelphia merged to form an industrial corridor between them. Feldman and Schreuder (1996) speculate that the formation of the New Jersey cluster followed the general industrial practices of the time; the “suburbanization of in-

dustry along developing transportation corridors, […] a series of mergers and acquisitions, and the evolution of hierarchical and decentralized organizations.”

New Jersey was also a desirable choice as it provided low rents and sufficient acreage; and was situated along both rail and canal routes that maintained connections with the still busy hubs of New York and Philadelphia (Feldman & Schreuder 1996). Another important component was the relationship forged between the pharmaceutical companies and local institutions. One example of these linkages is the collaborations between Merck & Company and Rutgers University, Princeton University, the Carnegie Institute, and the Rockefeller Institute to develop vitamin and hormone research projects (Feldman & Schreuder 1996). As Feldman and Schreuder (1996) note, “the ultimate goal of Merck & Company was to build an institutional base for research to improve relations between universities and industry in biology, pharmacy, and medicine.” This connection to institutions was further fuelled by a large pool of educated labour, marked by the 65.4 percent of 91

the industry holding at least a bachelor’s degree (Ehret 2013). Further incentives for the agglomeration are afforded by the generous tax cuts and government grants for job growth (State of New Jersey Portal One-Stop Shop of Businesses). Linkages between the pharmaceutical industry and local institutions are also maintained by the clustering of pharmaceutical establishments along major highways, and near New York City and Philadelphia (see Figure 2).

Conclusion In conclusion, it is clear that New Jersey’s pharmaceutical cluster is a dynamic hub of activity with strong ties to its surrounding institutions and complementary industries. Despite a decrease in employment since the 1990s, pharmaceuticals still represent a prominent component of New Jersey’s industry. As the biotechnology and medical device sectors grow, and as pharmaceutical companies integrate and consolidate operations, the pharmaceutical cluster’s place in the context of New Jersey’s industrial framework will continue to evolve and take new forms.

References Ancianis, A. 2016. New Jersey’s life sciences industry cluster.

New Jersey department of Labor & Workforce Development Office of Research and Information. https://lwd.state.nj.us/ labor/lpa/pub/empecon/biopharma.pdf Becker, M. C., and M. Lillemark. 2006. Marketing/R&D integration in the pharmaceutical industry. Research Policy 35 (1): 105-120. doi: 10.1016/j.respol.2005.09.005.

Bls.gov. 2017. Pharmaceutical And Medicine Manufacturing - May 2015 OES Industry-Specific Occupational Employment And Wage Estimates. https://www.bls.gov/oes/current/naics4_325400.htm BioNJ. 2017. The Medicine Cabinet of the World. http://bionj. org/membership/medicine-chest-of-the-world.

Ehret, J. 2012. New Jersey’s bio-pharmaceutical life sciences landscape. State of New Jersey. http://nj.gov/state/bac/pdf/2013-win-bio-life-Sci.pdf

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Evaluate Pharma. 2016. World Preview 2016: Outlook to 2022. http://info.evaluategroup.com/rs/607-YGS-364/images/ wp16.pdf Feldman, M., and Y. Schreuder. 1996. Initial advantage: The origins of the geographic concentration of the pharmaceutical industry in the Mid-Atlantic region. Industrial and Corporate Change 5 (3): 839-862. doi: 10.1093/icc/5.3.839.

New Jersey Almanac. “Health – economic impact.” http:// www.newjerseyalmanac.com/health--economic-impact.html New Jersey Department of Labor and workforce Development Bureau of Labor Market Information. 2011. New Jersey key industries clusters. State of New Jersey Department of State. http://www.state.nj.us/state/planning/docs/dfplan_industrysectors.pdf Petrova, E. 2013. Innovation in the pharmaceutical industry: The process of drug discovery and development. In Innovation and marketing in the pharmaceutical industry: Emerging practices, research, and policies, ed. M. Ding, J. Eliashberg, and S. Stremersch, 19-81. Vol. 20 of International series in quantitative marketing. New York, NY: Springer Science+Business Media.

Seneca, J., M. L. Lahr, and W. Irving. 2014. Contribution of the life sciences industry to the New Jersey economy. Edward J. Bloustein School of Planning and Public Policy and BioNJ. http://bloustein.rutgers.edu/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/ Economic-Contributions-of-Life-Sciences-EJBPPP.pdf.

State of New Jersey Business Portal One-Stop Shop for Business. Pharmaceuticals. http://www.nj.gov/njbusiness/industry/pharmaceutical.

Zeller, C. 2010. The pharma-biotech complex and interconnected regional innovation arenas. Urban Studies 47 (13): 28672894. doi: 10.1177/0042098010377370.

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Green-Gentrification…

Greening The City At The Expense of Displacing the Poor? A Spotlight On New York City Tamara Mitchel (McGill University), Stella Spriggs (University of Leeds, UK) GEO3-3312 Professor Kirsten Visser Fall 2016 Abstract In this paper, McGill University student Tamara Mitchell and University of Leeds student Stella Spriggs investigate the green gentrification process in New York City. Although new instalments like benches, trees, and murals appear to bring environmental justice to neighbourhoods, many efforts generate inequalities by driving up property values and creating spatial residential segregation in the city. As a result, efforts often exclude the cultural communities they are intended to benefit, and environmental sustainability projects inhibit social sustainability. Along with neighbourhood attractiveness comes increasing land values, resulting from a disconnect between development project planning, and the needs of native residents, small business owners, and minority groups. The 2009 opening of the High Line in the Chelsea area and its effects on the surrounding neighbourhood, show a history of large scale relocation due to rising land values. Moreover, Harlem residents rejected a park expansion proposal in 2010 stemming from PlaNYC, in fear of the green gentrification process and its negative impacts occurring. Ultimately, planners fail to account for the equity of their projects for long term residents. However, the case of Greenpoint, Brooklyn has shown success in cooperation between locals and incoming 'gentrifiers' to make the neighbourhood 'just green enough' with more modest, gradual approaches to planning.

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I. Introduction Cities all over the world are making high-profile investments in green spaces and ecologically-minded urban redevelopment. The process is largely due to the demands of environmental justice activists to clean up polluted and largely ignored neighbourhoods. However, while new benches, bike lanes, planted trees and artistic murals seem to appear nice from the outside, instalments like these can have a detrimental effect on the livelihoods of the urban poor in the surrounding area.

This article investigates how urban greening projects have affected populations in NYC in terms of generating inequalities from a process called ‘green gentrification’. In addition, by considering the idea of being ‘just green enough’, we will look into how to reduce environmental inequities without displacing the people the improvements are intended to benefit.

II. Processes behind green gentrification In 1964, Ruth Glass coined the term gentrification and since its conception the term has developed broader meanings (Lees 2012). For instance, it can be applied here in the case of ‘green gentrification’; the process by which a seemingly progressive discourse of urban sustainability and green projects is used to drive up property values and displace low-income residents, often excluding the cultural communities that sustain them.

An impressive new park comes in, and the low-income locals must leave, because with attractiveness comes expensiveness.

Checker (2011) writes that while green gentrification appears as politically neutral and built on consensus that is both sensitive ecologically and socially, it can easily subordinate equity to profit-minded development.

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The highlighting of sustainability efforts and green living in urban redevelopment is now an easily marketed feature by ‘up-and-coming’ neighbourhoods, appealing to those of higher economic status, thus leaving the newly greened spaces open to market forces. Environmental improvements in the city quickly become a means to increase land value, the outcome then being that low-income and many marginalized minority residents get forced out. Wolch et al. (2014), write that these residents most likely move to another site that has yet to be ‘greened’, thus avoiding the primary objective of equitable environmental justice and entering an endless pursuit of urban green space. There is a disconnect between environmental projects and planning for sustainable affordable housing and other forms of community participation.

III. The contemporary greening initiative in NYC Since its opening in 2009, the High Line has transformed the socio-economic character of a once relatively affordable area in Chelsea and is thus an ideal example of green gentrification in New York City (Haffner 2015). Small businesses and middle-income residents have been forced to relocate due to rising land values, increasing 103% between 2003 and 2011, and those that remain are adjusting to the increase of tourists in the area (Jaffe 2017). New developments as a result are frequently built, replacing what remains of old industrial buildings, as is shown by the picture below. Even NYC’s iconic Central Park was created with a primary goal of raising property values and tax revenues for the city (Haffner 2015). Large scale greening projects such as these have contributed to the problem of spatial residential segregation in the city.

Figure 1: New residential/office developments and construction site (to the left) in Chelsea neighborhood, taken from the High Line (Mitchell 2016).

The race to become the ‘greenest city’ as a trademark also attracts new investors and economic opportunities, meanwhile improving the city’s image as sustainable. In 2007, Mayor Bloomberg presented “PlaNYC 2030, A Greener, Greater New York” a long-term sustainability plan for the city, including the provision of more open and green spaces to improve the quality of life in the city (Checker 2011). The document includes visions of democracy and participation as well as highlighted the needs of communities and low-income groups. Yet, policies such as PlaNYC that show good intentions may have negative consequences and the resulting policies of the plan have not been sufficient.

IV. Consequences of green gentrification in NYC Green gentrification is a matter

of environmental justice and in general, low-income and minority populations have worse access to city parks (Jaffe 2017). Some communities even reject sustainable projects for fear that gentrification will inevitably follow. In 2010, the city proposed connecting two small parks into a large green space in Harlem, where the population is mostly African-American inhabitants. At a community meeting, residents suspected that this was because luxury condos had just been built nearby and doubted that the project was meant to actually benefit them (Tuhus-Dubrow 2014).

Fears of green gentrification have led to residents considering the projects local unwanted land uses (LULUs), a term normally used for heavy industry and polluted areas which is the type of development urban sustainability is trying to remove (Anguelovski 2016). This demonstrates the extent to which locals fear these developments and perceive their negative impacts. Despite mounting evidence supporting the contrary, local authorities still present greening projects as ‘win-win’ for all, ignoring issues of inequity and displacement which are increasingly recognised by academia (Anguelovski 2016). Area development plans currently lack plans to counter inequity, which Anguelovski (2016) argues should be implemented and given more attention.

Pearsall (2010) claims that minority groups are still suffering from the gentrification processes spurred by sustainability policies such as PlaNYC. Large corporations were behind the development plans in Harlem, likely following Smith’s (1996) rent-gap theory, in recognizing that there was low-value housing on high-value land, therefore being profitable to invest. Policies which involve planting more trees and redeveloping parks have 97

led to gentrification and the development of apartment complexes marketed as sustainable. These apartments were priced 35% higher than houses in the neighbourhood, and thus not affordable for most of the native residents (Checker 2011). People feel as if the neighbourhood has lost its character as people have left and smaller businesses have disappeared due to increasing rent prices in a ‘whitening of the neighbourhood’ following this new wave of gentrification (Rosan 2012). From the moment that PlaNYC was presented, the area started to become greener and houses around parks started attracting a new group of more well-established New Yorkers, meanwhile old renters were forced to leave their homes (Checker 2011).

The people of Harlem have resisted this system, small local businesses started to disappear, and more upscale business and restaurants are entering the neighbourhood. These processes induce a cycle of attracting more upper-class residents and continuing the gentrification process, the existing communities therefore feel ignored and rejected (Pearsall 2010; Rosan 2012). The chapter in PlaNYC that includes citizen participation was written by one consulting firm with minimum input from citizens, therefore the sustainability and justice goals here are disconnected. The Harlem situation has been a clear example of green gentrification not being equitable, however across the river in Brooklyn, there is a different and more hopeful story occurring.

A further example of green gentrification can be found in Greenpoint, a previously industrial, working class area in Northern Brooklyn that has undergone greening following a clean-up from an oil spill in the neighbourhood. Curran and Hamilton (2012) cite this area as an example of ‘just green enough’ gentrifica98

tion, as working-class residents have thus far largely resisted displacement, and in fact have benefitted from the increased lobbying power and resources provided by the new incoming residents in fighting their environmental causes. This case too perhaps also provides an example of the potential direction for the future of urban greening, to in fact unite the residents in common causes for neighbourhood improvements, rather than use them to divide and segregate communities by capitalising on their rent gap (Curran & Hamilton 2012). Greenpoint has thus been successful in achieving a balance between environmental change, and protecting the long-term residents, through containing its gentrification - a fact that challenges the notion of gentrification as ‘all-consuming’ in an area (Curran and Hamilton 2012). Gentrifies helped secure this through their contributions of knowledge and resources to help fight for the continuation of the clean-up, whilst long term residents provided the greater understanding and local knowledge necessary (Hamilton & Curran 2013).

A supplementary aspect of this ‘green gentrification’ phenomenon, which is impossible to ignore in the case of New York, is the greater impact it has upon minority communities. For example, research on Greenpoint, Brooklyn, highlighted the disproportionate number of Latino and Black populations being displaced (Curran & Hamilton 2012). This forms part of a wider issue of segregation in cities, but it is worth questioning whether the minority middle class areas are also undergoing environmental clean-up initiatives, or if it is the preserve of areas aiming to attract the young white middle class.

V. Future improvement What can be done to stop green

gentrification from being a cause of spatial segregation in the city? The best way to introduce nature into a city without causing further inequity in housing is by introducing more modest, gradual approaches often more beneficial for the environment and for the social and economic sustainability of the city rather than unnecessary, flashy, large-scale amenities. Otherwise known as the “just green enough” approach, coined by Curran (2012) after studying Greenpoint, the idea examines consciously making decisions that avoid gentrification, but remedy environmental injustices while including neighbourhood residents in the planning process. Smaller-scale strategies proposed by this concept might include community gardens, small and scattered parks, basic environmental clean-up, maintaining a building rather than knocking it down, and supporting more local manufacturing jobs rather than importing goods. In addition to advocating Curran’s approach, Wolch (2014) says that local government officials and urban planners must recognize the potential downsides of green projects by establishing mitigation measures such as preserving working-class jobs and stabilizing rent by using subsidies to help locals maintain affordable housing when neighbourhoods go through transition.

The proposed Lowline is scheduled to be constructed in the Lower East Side and completed in 2020, with the intentions of being a park museum within an old, underground trolley terminal. The funding is in part by Absolut Vodka and a Kickstarter crowdfunding campaign initiated by the creators. Additionally, City Hall has made its first official approval for the project’s construction, but no public money has been contributed to it (Haffner 2015; Chaban 2016). But what sorts of clientele are planners hoping to attract,

especially with an upscale alcohol brand backing them?

There are clear patterns which demonstrate the negative effects of this sort of redevelopment, especially when considering the High Line, therefore planners must collaborate with activists in communities to increase participation of native groups to serve the common good and protect local culture. In this careful balancing act, planners must listen to community needs and preferences.

Sustainability must encompass social sustainability as well as environmental, rather than turning neighbourhoods into green places for just those who are fortunate enough to afford them. In addition to the “just green enough” concept, the three Es of sustainability: ecology, economy, and equity, need to be considered in proposed projects and to achieve a sustainable city (Rosan 2012). Projects must be implemented and studied based on how they sustain the original community and social fabric, not just simply on how they changed the external environment.

Sure, cities inevitably change, and New York is no stranger to this, but bringing nature back into the city must be done more methodically to avoid the creation of profit-driven environments. Newtown Creek in Greenpoint has proved to be a success story in this respect, and one that newly proposed project ideas should aspire to. According to Atkinson and Bridge (2005), cities are becoming more business-oriented places, in competition with other world cities for limited investment sources, but cities must balance this desire by being a place that looks after its communities, driven to improve the livelihoods and wellbeing of all its residents.

VI. Conclusion 99

Evidently, from this research, there is more to urban sustainability projects than meets the eye. What has emerged is a complex picture of development plans, initiatives and different stakeholders that often fail to account for the equity of the projects for long term residents. This has been the case with the Chelsea area around the High Line and Harlem. Big financiers and developers are attracted by environmental improvements and see large profit potential, which local authorities are happy to encourage for increased tax revenues. However, there is mounting opposition to such projects, as resistance grows at the micro-level amongst long-term residents. Where this resistance has proven most successful is when these groups have worked in partnership with the incoming residents, or ‘gentrifiers’ to create a dialogue for the protection of the character of the area whilst the environmental improvements have taken place, as has been the case in Greenpoint, Brooklyn.

The involvement of the often-low income, minority groups in the urban renewal programme is key for their equity, and for an understanding of the local context. Without a more inclusive planning dialogue, there is no doubt that these projects for urban greening will continue to be met with suspicion and resistance, amid fears of displacement. Yet, if locals can be included, and their concerns voiced, perhaps NYC will succeed in making its neighbourhoods ‘just green enough’.

Acknowledgments

“This research was conducted at Utrecht University in the Netherlands, where both authors were experiencing a semester abroad in early 2017. This paper was written for Dr. Kirsten Visser’s “World Cities and Urban Inequalities” course. The authors would like to acknowledge Dr. Mucahid Bayrak, an assistant professor at UU and the paper’s

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supervisor, who gave us invaluable advice throughout the process of its writing. “

References Anguelovski, I. 2016. From Toxic Sites to Parks as (Green) LULUs? New Challenges of Inequity, Privilege, Gentrification, and Exclusion for Urban Environmental Justice. Journal of Planning Literature, 31 (3), 23-36.

Atkinson, R., and G. Bridge. 2005. Gentrification in a Global Context: The New Urban Colonialism. London: Routledge.

Chaban, M. A. July 14, 2016. The Lowline Just Got a Thumbs-up. From City Hall. http://nymag.com/daily/intelligencer/2016/07/lowline-gets-a-thumbs-upfrom-city-hall.html. (accessed on June 20, 2017) Checker, M. 2011. Wiped Out by the “Greenwave”: Environmental Gentrification and the Paradoxical Politics of Urban Sustainability. doi:10.1111/j.154844X.2011.01063.x/full.

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Pearsall, H. 2010. From Brown to Green?

Assessing Social Vulnerability to Environmental Gentrification in New York City. Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy, 28(5): 872-886. doi:10.1068/c08126.

Rosan, C. D. 2012. Can PlaNYC make New York City “greener and greater” for everyone?: sustainability planning and the promise of environmental justice. Local Environment, 17(9): 959-976.

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