The Correspondent, September 1999

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R.eporting the tlandover The Fenby Saga China and the Falun Gong

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CLUB 2 Lower Albert Road, Hong l(ong Tel: (852) 2527 7571. Fax: (852) 2868 4092

Ernail; <fcc@fcchk.org> Website: <wq,.fcchk.org> President

Philip Segal

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Correspondent Member Governors [,isa Barron, Rorvan Callick, Bob Davis, Hubert van Es, Cathy Hilborn Feng, Mark Landler, Saul Lockhart, Darid O'Rear

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SPcond Vice President

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Chrìstopher Slaughter Ray Rudowski

Fint \4ce President

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Jownalist Member Governors

Associate Member Governors William H. AresonJr, Ben Beaumont, Jon Rittge¡ Carl Rosenquist

Finmce Comittee Conumor: Beu Beaumont (Treasurer)

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Plæning Comittee Menbership Comittee Conu¿rror Hubert van Es Food & Beverage Committee Convnor: Jon Rittger

Entertaiment Comittee Carl Rosenquis t

Freedom of the Press Conuenor: F ra

Comittee

tcts Moriartv

Comittee

Co-conumors:

Hubert van

Es

and Bob Davis

SUq{ TI1INCI

speeches at the FCC. The club

will cover the cost of your meal. Not only that, the

editor of The Comespondent will pay you for your words. And he promises not to threaten your sense of self-esteem by making you rich.

O The Foreign Correspondcnts' Club of Hong Kong

Club.

Publicatioro Comittee Conumor: Catby Hilborn Feng Edllo¡: Saul Lockhart Pro d,uc lion'.

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coo".sto.y Who Is Writing The News?

.*u,,"" Putting China To Work.

Lunchlines 17 Professor David Zweig 18 Professor Perry Link

Anger in China's Countryside.

- Why is The Communist Party

Afraid of the Falun Gong?

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Entertainment Comrnittee

I 21 ""tt society I

Duckham Wins His First Major.

Terrl' Duckham

Travel England's Eclipse.

Editorial Editor; Saul Lockhart Tel: 2813 5284 Fax: 2813 6394 E-mail: lockhart@hkstar-.co¡u

Production Asiapix Print Services

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Interested? Contact the Editor.

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The Correspondent The Correspgndent is published I I times a year Opiniols expressed b,v wrirers in rnagazine are Dot necessarily those of the

The Conespondent needs writers to help cover the growing number of luncheon

The New Literary Magazine.

23 Tll'e Fenby Saga.

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Conunor: David O'R.ear

TVHO SAID TI{ERE WAs NO

9 DimSum-

Mark Landler

Conuenor:

Wall

the President

ain Dining Room Renovation

Profesional Comittee

Conu enot':

and Announcements

roo¿ & Beverage Committee

Liu Kìn-mirrg, Francis Moriarty

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TE.NTS

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THE FOREIGN CORR.ESPONDENTS'

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THE CORRI.],SPONDF],NT SE,PTEMBF,R I999

9q

Around the FCC in Pictures

32

FCC Faces

I 30 Professional Contacts I I

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Ted Thornas

Cover photographs courtesy of the lnformation Services Department

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ANNoUNCEMENTS

Genenal Managen's Re$¡gnat¡on The Board of Governors wishes to inform members that the FCC's General Manager, Robert Sanders, has

decided to terminate his service to the club in accordance with the provisions of his contract, which was due to expire at the end of the year.

The Board acknowledges Mr. Sanders' personal decision, and sincerely thanks him for his contributions to the Club since assuming the post in 1996. Mr. Sanders helped see through the extensive renovations, as well as the refurbishment of the new Bert's jazz cellar, and his tenure included the very busy period around the 1997 llandover. We wish him and his family all the best for the future.

The Board has already formed a sub-committee to begin the task of identi$ring a successor.

The Board also wishes to express its full confidence in all senior staff in the Club, who in the interim will

continue to run their individual departments

in their

customary exPert manner.

From: Peter Bennett #683

This "statement" provides a totally insufficient explanation to members especially in view of Bob Sander's excellent performance during his tenure, and also in view of the enormous amount of gossip, rumour and innuendo circulating in the bar most evenings.

It is irresponsible and extremely unwise for the Board to have allowed Bob Sander's "resignation" to occur when the FCC is in its currentþ difhcult frnancial condition.

Members deserves a full explanation, by circular and in The Correspondent, of Bob's reasons for leaving, and also the steps being taken to hnd his replacement.

If previous attempts at recruitment are any indication,

Committee, but it was putled at the last minute by the President.

For 30 years I have drawn hundreds ofcartoons and designs for the FCC as well as writing dozens of articles.

My work has never been censored on instructions of the last 28 Presidents. The new cartoon is related to the discussion between FCC gourmets on the merits of French Fries against those of Fat Chips.

It is generally assumed that the President pulled the cartoon because he didn't like the previous one. Has he the authority to overrule the F&B Committee? In the

August

Corresþondent

the President, Philip

Segal,

protested (on behalf of the Club) about the harassment of Hong Kong Journalists in Beljing. What about the harassment of cartoonists in the FCC?

With the debate raging about the.proposed Press Council, press freedom and self-censorship, the President's action smacks of hypocrisy. How can he speak with any conviction or credibility about the freedom of the press when he doesn't practice it himselP In the cause of press freedom, I am requesting that The Correspondent pwblish this letter together with the cartoon 'Fat Chips'.

I am considering entering the cartoon in next year's Human Rights Press Awards which is hosted by the FCC.

efforts.

You aANl \n/tN./ fH E POA^s WANT

FAT(HIP5-

WE CH INESE

].HE YA N K5 LI KE FREN¿H FRrEs./

PREFER

A CHIP OFF

THE OLÞ WOK./

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I wish Robert Sanders well and hope the staff are okay and thank the committee for all the improvements over the past year.

Fneedom

ol the Pness and the

FCC

ïhe Boand From: Terry Duckham #5565

From: Arthur Hacker #712

There are

A couple of weeks ago I was asked by the FCC Food & Beverage Committee to draw a cartoon for the new Bar Menu. Their brief was simple. Make it topical and about food. They liked my first cartoon, which poked a bit of harmless fun at the President.

The next week they asked me to draw another.

The second cartoon was approved by the F&B Editor's note: The þresident a.nswers the þoints ra,ised on these þøges in his colu¡nn on þage 7.

2

Who is to blame for this sorry state of affairs? You can't blame the majority of members for a Board that now finds itself so split over the personal agendas of

a few that they are being forced to neglect their responsibility to work together for the best interests of the Club and its members. While the majority of members by far are the Associate Members, they have

little right except to vote for fìve Associate Board members once a year and keep our bar sales solvent.

With only one vote to the Correspondent's 25, they have little influence at all except on the Club's balance sheet.

No, it is the Correspondent Members, like myself, who didn't have the time or the interest to serve on the

we can expect considerable delay and confusion in finding a replacement.

From: Bill Wadswo rth #447

him the right to run the club in any manner he wishes.

After all nobody else wanted the job.

It is a tragedy that this set of events has led to the president frnding himself actively engaged in battle with the FCC Board that then led to the Board voting a motion of no confidence in his presidency. But still he frghts the righteous battle enlisting the aid of a popular newspaper gossip column to promote his fight and throw mud at other Board members. He doesn't care if the Club is plunged into a ridiculous political squabble demoralising members and staff alike. He doesn't care that the situation has so emotionally upset his appointed treasurer that that gentleman became so distressed (under the influence of alcohol) during a recent Board meeting (July 31st) that he had to be asked to to leave the meeting and the Club, subsequentþ to be taken to hospital by police and ambulance after collapsing on the adjacent steps.

No, he (the President) is getting on with the job.

After all, his efforts have forced the club's general manager to resign a signihcant cost-saving to our financially-beleaguered club and he doesn't intend to stop there. In an effort -to dispel dissent, he has courageously forsaken one of the Club's very principles freedom of speech and expression and banned -cartoons in the Main Bar menu. After- all, you can't have a menu cartoon being critical of the President's

a

Board who are to blame for our current situation.

Under our current Memorandum and Articles of Association, it is only the Correspondent members who can effectively act to put an end this sill¡ but potentially very damaging, situation. There are diffrcult times enough ahead for the Club without them being made worse by the personal agendas of a few

joined, the menu and quality of food have never been better.

As an Associate Member, myself and many of my colleagues have limited voting rights. However, I wish to express the strongest disapproval at the recent events,

apparently occasioned by yourself and Mr. Ben Beaumont. A President is elected to carry out the wishes of the m{ority of members, not to act unilaterally in his personal crusade against certain staff members.

From: Nick Fulcher #5480 As a member of the FCC, I wish to bring to your attention the fact that I and many of my other associates fear for the future of our club.

Since taking offrce, the actions of the President, in particular his refusal to step down in the face of his own Board passing a vote of no confidence against him (in a meeting thatwas called and conducted in full compliance with our Memorandum and Articles of Association) indicate that he is totally out of touch with the wishes and feelings of not only his Board, but also a great many of the members.

This is our Clwb. It is a very good Club; it is not a plaything that has been handed to Mr. Segal on a plate to do with as he pleases for the duration of his tenure.

From my observations, Mr. Segal rarely attends the Club and he's certainly made no effort to get to know the members or understand their feelings.

As faceless as he may be, his pitiful attempts to run roughshod over his Board and the members can be felt by all. I have never before witnessed such collective bad feeling, mistrust and dislike for someone that nobody knows. \iVhen a candidate for President stands unopposed, I expect and trust the Correspondent Members of my Club to ensure that he is the right man for the job. This time, sadly, the Correspondents got it wrong.

While I appreciate that they are trying hard to fix things, the correspondents got us into this mess, and I, for one, expect the Correspondents to get us out of this mess. On the other hand, wouldn't it be wonderful if Mr. Segal did the gentlemanly thing and resign for the

good of our Club rather than continue to cling desperately to office to satisfi his highly transparent, selÊserving motives.

From: Robin

P

Lynam #5512

lot of unhappy people in the FCC these

days, but you can't blame the president. There was such

in running for the Board this year that he ran unopposed, as did all Correspondent candidates.

Even then the number of Correspondent candidates runningwas two short of the legal requirement to make up a legally constituted board. a lack of interest

Another two Correspondent Members had to be coopted, without going through the election process, to form the present board. It is nol the President's fault that he has decided that this lack of interest has given THE CORRESPONDENT SEPTEMBER 1999

From: Jeff Heselwood #5435 I would like to register my concern over the turmoil which appears to have overtaken the Club of late.

Since you took office, we have lost the Club Manager,

Mr Sanders, and I understand there are moves afoot to replace Steve Warren, the Executive Chef. I would like to place on record my full support for Bob Sanders and for Steve Warren. Under the former, the Club ran smoothly and efficiently, while since Steve \Marren THE CORRESPONDENT SEPTEMBER 1999

Having served on three FCC Boards I am aware that ofhce in the Club is an onerous and generally thankless task. I am therefore inclined to hold my peace on the subject of how successive Boards interpret their role.

I do however feel that when the majority of the Board of Governors, including the president, hold their offices through uncontested election and therefore by default rather than selection by their constituents, they ought to consider themselves

3

properly answerable to the people they purport to represent. This does not appear to be the case.

Instead we get first an opaque and insincere official communique from the Board apparently unilaterally issued by one faction or another without reference to dissenters on the important and - sudden departure of a contentious matter of the general manager, then notification of a meeting at which a motion of no confidence in the president is passed via a set of minutes which I can only describe as a morass of obfuscation.

Hammering the last nail into the coffin of this Board's credibility, the President chooses to explain his decision not to respond to this vote with his resignation via the Lai See column in ttre South China Morning Post rather than through an open letter to the membership.

This is not good enough.

on the middle of summe¡ and with Mr. Segal ^w^y vacation. That's a slap in the face to all members.

Mr. Segal was voted in by the entire membership.

His position is that of a popularly elected President (nevermind that he was unopposed). His attempted removal, on the other hand, was a charade. His critics torturing a parliamentary system to their own ends

thinking they could remove him with

a vote

of "no

confidence."

At its worst, the palace coup by the Board smacks of Asian crony capitalism. Have we journalists learned nothing?

From: Ann Nordby #6205

Recently there was a cartoon on ,the menu that a jibe at FCC President Phil Segal. The

seemed to be

The rumours floating around the bar as the result transparency can only damage the reputation of the Club, and of the various members of the Board involved in this destructive squabbling. Can we please have a clear and immediate statement of exactly what is and has been going on, printed in the pages of The Correspondeú, from either a united board with its differences resolved or from the president and the leaders of his opposition.

If the latter let us also give the membership an opportunity to pass its verdict on this sorry performance in the form of an earþ election.

board has recently been feuding about

From: Robin V. Sears #6626

I am writing to express my concern, and I think the concern of many other members of the Club, over the recent actions of certain members of the Board. You have allowed personal convictions and rivalries to split the Board into factions; you have allowed confìdential

of this extraordinary lack of

I

cannot express strongly enough my embarrass-

ment and irritation about the adolescent behaviour of some Club members reported in the South China

Morning Posú this past weekend. Anyone who so childishly puts the reputation of the Club at risk should probably have his membership reviewed by the Board.

Needless to say, like many others in the silent majority I applaud the President's efforts to bring a professionalism and financial discipline to the Club.

Whatever views others may hold they should be discussed within the organisation and not through holding the Club up to public ridicule in the local media.

From: Alkman Granitsas #6875

It is with great distress that I read of an attempt to unseat Philip Segal from his position as President. His offense: asking too many questions. In my opinion, Mr. Segal has been asking all the right questions about the club's hnances. He has demanded clarification where there is little clarity, asked "why?" where all too often the answer is: 'just because."

He has shaken up the status quo. Bravo. The FCC needs someone like him.

Equally distressing is the way certain members of the Board tried to remove him 4

-

with just five votes, in

issues

surrounding the General Manager's resignation, so I guess the cartoon was a reference to that.

In any case, and regardless of your opinion about this issue, the menu is not the appropriate forum for such a cartoon. We as members of a journalists' club should all be aware of the types of media available for expressing our opinions, such as this magazine and board meetings. Both are open to all members who want to discuss issues in an adult fashion.

From : Barry Kalb #1954

information to be passed (and in some cases deliberately passed that information) to outsiders, embarrassing the Club and damaging its reputation; individuals have fumbled around in areas of the CIub operation that should be none of their business; the staffhas been upset.

I have no interest in taking sides in this silly dispute.

I think I speak for many members, however, when I say that it must stop immediately. The FCC has a long and distinguished history. Some people have been members for a long time, I joined in 1975, and quite a few members have been here longer than that and for some, it is almost a second home. It should not suffer because of the petty jealousies and disagreements of a transient board.

It is clear that Philip Segal, the new President, has failed through his actions to win the respect and co-operation of certain Board members. It is up to him to see that this is rectihed immediately.

It is clear that some board members who don't like Mr. Segal are willing to do and say almost anything, in public, no matter what the consequences to the Club, in an attempt to push him out. The instance of the cartoon that appeared (briefly) on one of the weekly THE CORRESPONDENT SEPTEMBER Ì999

menus, and the passing of detailed board minutes to an SCMP columnist, are the tlvo most glaring examples.

This kind of nonsense is unacceptable, and the people responsible should be ashamed.

Associate Members like to criticise (as they have for decades) the set-up that gives foreign correspondents control of the Club despite their minority status. The fact of the matter is that since this Board was seated,

members representing foreign correspondents, local journalists, the legal profession, and business, have all made equal asses of themselves. Some extremely inappropriate and harmful comments have been heard from all sides.

The Board has an obligation to work out its differences, in private, please! and get on with the job of running the Club. If you can't do it, step down. You are all aduìts: Sit down, talk, and let's have an end to the childishness. Throw mud pies at each other on your own tlme.

********

To: Commissioner Ma Yuzhen Chinese Foreign Ministry Office Kennedy Road, Mid-Levels, Hong Kong

On behalf of the Foreign Correspondents' Club

of Hong Kong, we write concerning the reported statement of the Vice-Premier Qian Qichen who was asked to comment upon an opinion expressed in Hong Kong by Mr. Cheng An-kuo, a Taiwan off,rcial based here. Mr. Qian's response has raised considerable concern among journalists.

Mr. Cheng, as you will know, had appeared on local radio to clari$, what President Lee Teng-hui had meant regarding so-called "state-to-state" contacts. Mr. Qian, as quoted in reports, was asked by a reporter whether the advocacy in Hong Kong of an opinion such as Mr. Cheng's would violate the seven principles regarding Taiwan relations that Mr. Qian had himself once put

forward. Mr. Qian replied that it would, and when asked why, he said it was because the One-China Policy applied in Hong Kong as well on the Mainland, and therefore the propagation of holding such state-to-state relations was "inappropriate".

It would seem upon examination of the Chinese text that the Vice-Premier was seeking to limit the scope of his comments to those who advocate such an opinion, and not to those who report it, although in the absence of further clarification by Mr. Qian this remains open to interpretation (we note, for example, that the China Daily has taken him to mean that it was inappropriate for any person or organisation in Hong Kong to "openly publicise" Mr. Lee's state-to-state remarks, although others read Mr. Qian's words as an admonition not to rrpropagate"). However, even assuming that Mr. Qian intended a division between advocacy and reporting, we are deeply concerned that his words will have a chilling effect upon free expression and free press in the SAR. \Mhatever position one takes regarding Mr. Cheng THE CORRESPONDENT SEPTEMBER 1999

An-kuo's opinion (and we hold no view), he was clearly exercising the free expression of personal opinion.

Mr. Cheng was fully within his rights to do so, irrespective of whom he represents; there is no law in Hong Kong that such comments would breach, and neither Mr. Cheng nor anyone else who puts forth a controversial opinion should be barred from doing so.

Indeed, many listeners might have found Mr.

Cheng's clarifications helpful, even

if they did not

share his opinion, and it was certainly a public service of the radio station to allow him air time.

It is worth noting here that while Mr. Qian referred to Mr. Cheng's expression of a particular viewpoint as being inappropriate, he himself stopped short

of

calling it illegal.

Nonetheless, when high-ranking officials such as Mr. Qian brand views as inappropriate and say that they should not be propagated, publishers, editors and reporters could well be tempted to engage in self-censorship rather than expose themselves to direct criticism for having allowed persons with

heterodox views to express themselves. Already we see, as in the ChinaDaily example above, that some people are taking Mr Qian's meaning beyond the advocacy of a position, to include as well those who "openly publicise" it. \A¡hat does "openly publicise" mean? Does it mean that reporting such controversial remarks, or allowing people editorial space and air time to express

them, is also inappropriate? And is that broad interpretation truly reflective of what the Vice-Premier intended to mean?

Mr. Qian's statement worries those who care about free expression and a free press, while giving support intended or not to those who might wish to curb -those freedoms. We-believe that the energetic exercise of the rights guaranteed under the Basic Law is vital to the success of Hong Kong under the 'One CountryTwo Systems' formula, as well as to Hong Kong's continued good image as an international city based upon the free marketplace of ideas and the rule of law.

These rights unquestionably include the right to express freely a contrary opinion, along with the right to report lt.

Philip Segal, President Francis Moriarty, Chairman Press Freedom Subcommittee

Beliing g¡ues dinectives to Hong Kong media From: Reporters sans Frontières

In a letter sent today to Chinese Prime Minister Zhu Rongji, Reporters sans Frontières (RSF) said it is concerned about a statement by the Chinese VicePremier about Hong Kong's media reporting on Taiwan's diplomacy. RSF said it "considers that Hong Kong's media are free to report on all issues, even on the Taiwan-China relationship, as Beijing guaranteed press freedom in the area after the retrocession in

)

June 1997". General Secretary Robert Ménard added that "it is the duty of Hong Kong journalists to inform the public and the right of Hong Kong citizens to be informed on such an issue". Therefore, RSF asked Premier Zhu Rongji "to ensure that the Chinese authorities do not interfere in Hong Kong media policy and do not gag press freedom there".

According to news reports, Qian Qichen, the Chinese Vice-Premie¡ said "open support for the 'tlvostates theory' is a violation of guidelines on Hong KongTaiwan relations". Mr. Qian was referring to a controversy over comments by a Hong Kong-based Taipei representative in support of the Taiwanese President's call for "special state-to-state" relations with China.

Macau Handoven Genemony Accneditation tonm$ From: João Manuel Costa Astunes, Co-ordinator As you are probably aware, the processing of media wishing to cover the Handover Ceremony in Macau in

December this year has begun.

I would like to take this opportunity to extend to you and your staff a personal invitation to come to Macau to witness this important and auspicious event.

The return of the administration of Macau from Portugal to the People's Republic of China on the evening of December 19 will mark a new chapter in the long and colourful history of this territory. I would hope the events we have planned during that day, and indeed the days that follow, will be seen as important

and newsworthy to the people of Hong Kong.

As you will see from the accreditation form which is

now being distributed, my staff has been working exceptionally hard to plan and build a Press and Broadcasting Centre which I am confidentwill meet the exacting standards of the international press. The facilit¡ which covers 6,000 sq. m. is located in the Zhu Kuan

Building which faces the locations of all the main events which will form part of the handover ceremony.

This office has negotiated with a number of leading

hotels to provide a choice of competitively priced accommodation packages for visiting journalists and broadcasters. Your organisation should feel free to deal directly with the hotels listed in the documents accompanying the accreditation form. If you have not received a media accreditation form, then they are available in Hong Kong in both Chinese and English at the Macau Information Bureau, Room 307, Yu Yuet Lai Building, 43-45 Wyndham Street, Central; Tel: 2869 7862. You can also download the form and information relating to the Handover from our official Website: <uruw.macau99. nrg.mo>.

Once again, I would like to take the opportunity to welcome you to Macau, both before and during the Handover Ceremon¡ to witness for yourself the unique atmosphere of our city and the warmth and hospitality of the residents of Macau.

To: President BJ. Habibie

Republic of Indonesia

We are writing on behalf of the

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Foreign Correspondents' Club of Hong Kong to express our serious concern about the safety ofjournalists working in East Timor, who are being beaten, shot at, threatened at gun point, struck with weapons (such as machetes) and otherwise harassed in the course of their work. While we are concerned equally about the protection of all journalists, we are obliged to express particular worry on behalf of those covering the events in East Timor who are also our members. \À/e urge your government as a matter of urgency to take all steps practicable to assure the physical safety of our colleagues. They are neutral non-combatants performing their professional duties, and they should be protected insofar as possible in the course of their work. \4¡e recognise the diffrculties this might entail, just as we also recognise from first-hand reports that a number of their attackers seem to have been tolerated, if not actively supported by Indonesian police personnel whose responsibility should be the protection of law and order for everyone. Such happenings will do damage, as you must be aware, to Indonesia's reputation worldwide.

We thank you for your urgent attention in this matter.

Philip Segal, President Francis Moriarty, Chairman Press Freedom Subcommittee THE CORRTSPONDÌìNT SEPTìiMRì'R

I

999

From the President Before I deal with Club politics, a few facts that should be of interest. Since this Board assumed office at the end of Ma¡ the cost of food in our club as a proportion ofsales has been reduced by 78Vo. The cost of wine stands to be reduced by as much and probably

more once our wine tastings are completed.

Estimated savings to the club from both initiatives:

million ayear. \{rhen this Board came in, the Club had had an operating deficit of half a million dollars in the month of April. That has been reduced by 50%. \A4ren this Board came in, the Club was losing upward of $100,000 a month in cash. Now, our cash balance has stabilised and we have lost no cash for two months.

As we continue to add members, the financial outlook grows increasingly hopeful. I would like to thank the Board and the Club's staff for helping the FCC pick up the pace in its battle against the recession, in what has been a truly diffrcult economic period.

More good news: Bert's, our extremely successful new jazz bar, has probably come close to paying for itself, and we now have the occasional, wonderful problem of having more customers who want to use Bert's than we can accommodate. We take in hundreds of thousands of dollars a month in new membership fees, a lot thanks to Bert's. Part of the credit for the increased numbers ofjoiners should also go to Bill Areson's Finance Committee last year, which recommended the reduced entrance fees that has helped to recruit new members.

In the spirit of the highly successful improvement in the basement, the Board has voted unanimously to engage the same architect and contractor who did Bert's to do a long-overdue redecoration of the Main Dining-Room. This decision was taken after an open tendering process.

As we move to overhaul the Club's menus, it is critical that the look of the FCC stay contemporàry.

The economy will one day rebound, but it will do so with much stiffer competition than we have ever had to face Lan Kwai Fong is bustling as ever and there was no SoHo in years past. I would like to thank former President Hugh Van Es, Associate Member and former Board member Dave Garcia (who was also influential in putting the Bert's project together) , Second Vice President Ray Rudowski and Chef Stephen Warren for all their hard work and input in helping to get the dining-room project off the ground so quickly.

The vision for the Main Dining Room is simple.

Right now, it is reasonably used at lunch, but often empty at dinner. There are weeks that Bert's actually outsells the Main Dining Room in a fight that features drinks and snacks vs. hne dining and expensive wine.

We want to see more comfortable (although stackable) chairs with arms in the dining room, to entice members and their guests to sit another hour or so, and maybe order another bottle of wine or two, or a couple extra cognacs. When the work is fìnished in November, you will see exposed brick, beautifully lit wooden beams and a fresh look to one of the city's loveliest rooms. At the same, we will also be making repairs to the roof on the Verandah. (For more details, see page 9.) some $1.5

THE CORRESPONDENT SEPTEIVIBER 1999

All of these changes have been accomplished, or are process, without having had to raise prices, and without cutting a penny in staff salaries or bonuses.

From Gilbert and Sammy to Chef Warren, plus all the unsung heroes in the kitchen, in the offrce, in housekeeping and of course in the restaurants and bars our staff are first-rate and deserve every cent they get, Rumours appearing in several letters (see Letters to the Editor, pages 2-6) about intended or imminent dismissals ought not to be believed. I have confidence in every one of our department heads and have told them so both privately and publicly.

Now to the politics. I did not resign after the noconfidence vote held in my absence on July 31st because we are not a parliament, but rather a company under the Companies Act. Boards do not remove chairmen members do. But even if we were a House of Commons, five votes out of 17 do not lead me to believe that I have truly lost the confidence of the board. Under Article 48 of our Memorandum and Articles of Association, those members of the Board making a formal complaint about another member may not act as Board members while doing so.

Therefore, the two votes of the proposer and seconder of the motion should not have counted, and the motion should have failed.

I am still the President of the FCC and the Board of

in

Governors is continuing to do what we were elected to do.

As for the departure of our General Manager, I can assure members that the announcement was circulated

to the whole Board and re-written to take into account all suggestions. Bob Sanders was on a one-year contract due to expire at the end of this year. He decided to terminate the contract a few months early. He did not choose to discuss his reasons for doing so and I intend

to respect his wish regarding what is now a sealed personnel matter. We wish Bob well and thank him for the many positive contributions he made to the Club.

Regarding Mr. Hacker's letter (on page 2): I have

no problem with his cartoons appearing in

The

Corresþondenf which is an approved editorial outlet overseen by a qualified editor hired by the Board. The issue

here is not one of freedom of the press because no Board ever decided that our Club menus were "the press." The Correspondent h.as a Board-approved editor in the event the Board and so should our menu - editorial outlet. That is a decides to make the menu an not a question for the whole Board to consider single person acting without Board consent. So, largely good news to report. I ask that members join with the Board in working to make the FCC an even bigger success than it has been. Please help recruit new members and to talk about the benefits of belonging, which include not only an interesting group of people to talk to, but fascinating professional events open to all. Mention the fine food, the jazz bar and the terrihc, personal service. All in all the FCC is an excelIent (and ever improving) value for money. If we get the message out, people will come.

pl;ü,9tÅ fenlip

Segal

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Fooo & Bnvnnacn CouMrrrEE

Food &

ffi,ain Binin'g: Ro,o,m

to he Renowff

Committee qtrÀcôtrl; *".r,".

s promised in the last F&B

Committee report, the new Main Bar Menu under the "Page 3" masthead was launched on August 23rd. In spite of a Black Rain signal being hoisted the new menu was very well

962

he Board of Governors has voted to renovate the Main Dining Room

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The new format offers an expanded variety of fare,

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is more user friendly, contains a bit of whimsy in the form of little known facts on victuals and such, and features special promotions being developed by Chef Stephen Warren, Sammy and your F&B Committee.

Highlights include:

different veggies and from sautéed, boiled, mashed or French fried potatoes. o Buffet Specials. A variety of new buffets are in the offing. Monday's fare changes weekly and ranges from sausages to pork ribs to curries.

Tuesdays continue to offer the popular sandwich buffet. New on Wednesdays is the Hawker Buffet featuring a wide array of Chinese and Asian dishes. Thursday offers the roast of the week ranging from beef to chicken to ham to brisket. Friday raps up the week with the ever popular lamb kebab.

.

Sandwiches. There are now a variety of paninis

on the menu and more frllings will be coming along. A proper steak sandwich is a permanent fixture and a new Sandwich Menu is forthcoming. . Beverage Specials. Avariety of beverage specials has kicked off with Anchor Steam Beer. For September and October members can quaff this rich light ale for $16 a bottle. Members quaffed over 15 cases during the "Page 3" launch week, so it must be pretty good.

The F&B Committee would like to tip their hats to Chef Warren who worked closely with us in developing "Page 3". And, this is just the start. "Page 3" will be an

I

9th, the area will be closed...which means around early November we should be dining out in a spankin' new facility, just in time for the festive season.

Once completed, the Main Dining Room will highlight the best features of what is, after all, one of Hong Kong's loveliest buildings. The warm red brick will be now painted white walls

o New Chips. Selected from a variety of options by a distinguished panel of chip connoisseurs, the new chip represents the state-oÊthe-art in

chippery. ¡ Pasta. There is now a selection of three tlpes of pasta with an option of of bolognaise, meatballs or carbonara. Other options will be forthcoming. . Main Course Veggies. Gone are the days when you only got mash and peas arry way you wanted them prepared. Now you can choose from 10

and repair the roof

-

exposed. More attention to will be drawn to the beautiful wooden beams on the ceiling. The overall lighting will be changed. There will be new carpets. New chairs with arms (more comfortable yet stackable for effrcient storThe wine front lt was tough, but someone had to do

¡tl

evolutionary menu and Chef Warren is already looking at ways to expand the variety of daily offerings.

On the wine front, the F&B Committee is in the frnal phase of selecting new house wines for all outlets.

Our objectives are to improve the quality of our house wines and reduce our purchase prices in order to offer

members a larger pour while maintaining current prices.

During the past month, the committee reviewed wines from throughout the world, with Sammy's invaluable assistance. Four separate tastings were conducted with a panel of Club members selected as being wine knowledgeable and representative of the wine drinkers in the Club. In all,,42whites and 40 reds werejudged.

From these tastings,

10 whites and 12 reds emerged

for a final judging held on September 2nd. They represented a cross-section of top wine producing regions around the world. The fìnalists included wines from Australia, the US, Chile, France, Italy and Spain.

From this tasting emerged four whites and four reds as finalists for the FCC house wine.

We are now in negotiations with the respective vendors on pricing and should have the new wines in place later this month. Watch this space! I THE CORRT,SPONDENT SEPTEMBER I999

age) will make for a more inviting atmosphere to accompany Chef Stephen \Marren's innovative cuisine and the traditional FCC personal service.

We hope the new surroundings will entice members and their guests to linger a while longe¿ enjoying the conversation while quaffing another bottle of wine or glass of cognac...or two, or perhaps three. We hope that the new-look Main Dining Room will be an even

; The llI.G.tff L lt ep flllg frft,a$fi li:lt G ]l;*'"îf:î#

columnist, humourist Nury Vittachi, he

of

bigger attraction for private functions. We want the new Main Dining Room to be a pleasant place to repair to any day of the week after drinks in the Main Bar or Bert's, our basement jazz bar; or perhaps even a place to wait for a little elbow room or a table to enjoy the live music in Bert's.

And speaking of Bert's, the new Main Dining Room is brought to you by the same talented designer who did the successful renovation earlier this year a renovation which lurned a functional, - downstairs bar into crowded jazz bar with rarely used, live music.

I EDIA

the

Far Easter Economic Rniat's Travellers' Tales fame and a former Lai See in the South China Morning

has taken on the mantle of editor for this endeavour. The project entails more than just

Posú,

publishing a quarterly magazine. Through its Website, <www.dimsum.com.hkr, writers can find various forums and on-line writers'workshops. I

THE CORRNSPONDENT SEPTEMBER 1999

9

Covnn Sronv voice to cameras with the club as an exotic

The Legco Balcony scene The Democratic Party on Handover night: One Politician, Four

background. l

Speeches.

Ø o f

o J.

o

l o !

o

Still wondering what was going on, I found a space at a table in the library and asked if I could share it.

The man replied that I could as long as I didn't mind being an unpaid extra in the movie The Chinese Box, a movie about a foreign correspondent in Hong Kong.

It suddenly became clear to me why the people in the room were all younger, better looking and certainly better dressed than the FCC regulars - they were Hollywood's idea of what correspondents looked like.

he Handover might be seen in retrospect as a television producer's idea of what political change looked like. You might remember there was an air of unreality about Hong Kong's transition to Chinese rule.

Both Britain and China wanted an orderly Handover with unimpeded profiltaking. Yet both had been engaged in long running and virulent media campaigns

will also follow the tradition of doing three rounds in his car in the grounds of Government House to signi$r that he will return." The expected departure was timed at 4:20 p.m., and the release tells us that the music would be Auld, Lang Syne.

Based on this press release, the BBC News,June 30, 1997 carried a report: "...and one last leaaing ritual for the Gouernor: his car circled the courtyard three times, a Chinese custom, which means 'hope to be back'. The gates of Goaernment House uere closed: end of era."

So you would think that the Governor's car went around three times. 'Ihe Nau York Times also wrote: "Slowly, the long blach car flying the Goaernor's ensign from the hood circled the courtyard beþre Gouernment House three times, a Chinese ritual þerþrmed by preuious goaernors to signal 'we shall return'."

all

But Governor Patten did not follow the GIS script.

As Time reported:

against the other; with one characterised as a corrupt tyranny and the other seen as inheriting the spoils of the

o

opium trade.

j

CNN) described the relationship as being like a bad marriage with both sides slagging off the other. "They dealt with each other by fighting all the time.

The extreme gestures on both

l

o

Mike Chinoy (of

The News?

This provocative question is the key element in a new book, Rnporting Hong Kong: Foreign Media and the Handouer. The text covers not only the authors' views on how the 6,000 overseas media who converged on Hong Kong in mid-1997 managed, but also how the Hong Kong government organised and controlled the occasion. The authors spoke atan FCC Professional Luncheon Professor Alan Knight, chairman of the Journalism

Dr Yoshiko Nakano, Research Assistant Professor in

Central

City University of Hong Kong's Departrnent of English:

and Media Studies Department at Queensland University:

walked into the FCC one Sunday morning in 1 997 looking f or breakf ast. There was something strange about the club that day but I couldn't put my finger on it. The FCC was crowded and there appeared to be a television journalist operating with camera and lights over near the bar. Nothing unusual in that. There were more than 6,000 foreign media expected to be in town; that is about the same number of foreign journalists as troops sent in by the People's Liberation Army. Some of the early arrivals liked to do their 10

J

that we found in the Handover coverage. They are rather minor incidents, but at the same time, they illustrate the process of how misinformation evolves in the age of the Information Superhighway.

First, I'll read a quote from the (Hong Kong) Government Press Release, datedJune 29,1997 "Brief on Government House departure ceremony." It was issued a day before the ceremony. It says, "Mr. Patten THE CORRESPONDENT SEPTEMBER 1999

sides exacerbated that,"

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3 o l f Ø

he

n

said.

Yet journalists were

expected to make sense out of these violently opposed accounts of events. You might

expect that some of them became a little confused in the process.

Press conference The press awaits the latest word

The Handover was a scripted event prepared for a global television market. Many journalists were often reduced to being little more than unintentional bit players in the spectacle. The London Telegraph's Graham Hutchings said the Handover was not a spontaneous news story.

"The script was written 13 years before it happened. There wasn't going to be any blood. There probably weren't going to be any unexpected developments. So in a way, you were doing a bit of theatre criticism, a review of some sort of performance rather than trying to rush around and keep pace or keep a step ahead of a moving story."

This project, while an academic exercise, relied heavily on journalism methodology. Both Yoshiko and myself worked as journalists during the transit¡on, myself for RTHK and Yoshiko for NHK radio. We relied THE CORRESPONDENT SEPTEMBER 1999

"Without informing his staJf, Patten ordered the driuer to make only one-and-a-half circuits."

Muyb. Governor Patten was signi4ring that he would

not be backl

edia organisations today operate under the demands for instant and constant news. Jim Laurie, then reporting for ABC News, calls it "around the clock revolving news." He said, "The trend is, sadly, to use the technology because it is there. Because you can go live, you do go live... There is very little digestion of information possible when you are going live all the time." But the impact of live television is enormous.

CNN, which was reporting the Governor's departure live, said: CNN: Nou the Goaernor's car is circling around

the

11

heavily on journalists both for background and direct quotes. We collected about 20 major newspapers for a month-long period around the Handover itself.

We had access to lnternational television coverage including the BBC, CNN, CCTV, the ABC and CNBC. We also made reference to news agency copy from

driueway three times, which is traditional. And,

uill

be heading

to

he

Tamar to uatch the Farewell

Ceremony there. I4hat is the tradition behind Caroline Courtauld (d,escribed as "friend

a

-

of

the

AP, Reuters, UPl, AFP and Xinhua. We accessed

Pattens"): Three times around the d,riae? I thinh it is to ensure that the Goaernor will come back.

CNN; So we are saying "So long, but maybe I will be

more than a hundred internet Websites.

back".

Courtøuld: Exactþ.

omeone asked me why the book concentrated on only the day of the Handover. There are . two answers: Firstly we were more interested

'in the process of repor{ing rather than the individual product. We were interested in looking at how news was made. We didn't want to be armchair academics. Any journalist can tell you that what ends on the printed page is the result of a whole series of decisions and processes. We tried to focus on this

I believe that the CNN's presenter was actually in the studio looking at TV monitors as the car went around the circle, not on the scene. We are especially vulnerable to press release realiq, when reporting off the television live images. And yet, live reports add credibility to "what was supposed to happen."

So the mechanism is that CNN said it happened, wire services picked it up, the story wènt to thousands

Secondly, were overwhelmed by the landslide of data. With thousands of journalists producing several

of subscribers. In the meantime, each organisation may have read the GIS press release. And in the end, "three times around the driveway" was reported as a given by the BBC, Neu York Times, Guangzhou Daily, South China

stories a day we were faced with a mountain of newsprint and weeks of television and radio

Australian.

production process.

reportage. To get the book finished sometime before the millennium, we were forced to severely edit what we had. As it was, we had a team of researchers and translators working for three months trying to bring it together.

A journalist asked me what surprised me about the Handover coverage. I guess the biggest surprise was the thousands of correspondents who came here for a few days and expected to make sense of what was going on. Former FCC president Diane Stormont was

working for Reuters at the time. She said journalists who jumped into Hong Kong at the last minute, the 'parachutists' made her grate her teeth.

"Many came with preconceived ideas. Others were genuinely interested in what was going on, but clearly

Morning Post, Ming Pao, Wen

Wei Po, Straits Times

home. You could almost divide the coverage into national characteristics. The

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Press release reality also prevailed in a nonGovernment event. Who do you think is the most quoted person in the press outside of Hong Kong and China? I looked at 12 publications on the day after the Handover. PresidentJiang Zemin was the most quoted individual, followed by Martin Lee and Chris Patten.

Martin Lee was more frequently quoted than two principals who occupied centre stage Prince Charles and Tung Chee-hwa.

here did the Lee quotations come from?

They came from his speech on the Legco balcony, which was delivered 40 minutes after the llandover. The Democratic ParLy the famous the international audience scene on the Legco balcony on the night of June 30th was an camera.

Explained a Democratic Party

strategist: "All the things Ithat] happened onJune 30th at night were for the foreign our tactics. You know, the foreign press expected something would happen.

We wanted foreign coverage..." press. That was

We could describe Martin Lee's speech from the balcony

as "One Politician, Four

Speeches". They consisted of a Cantonese speech, Chinese press release, an English speech

Anson Chan The Chief Secretary answering questions at an impromptu press conference.

and an English press release.

What Martin Lee said that night depended on who he was talking to. And the quotations

12

THE CORRESPONDENT SEPTEMBER 1999

i

#

Chief ErecutirCs

British certainly went for nostalgia as one might expect. The Americans banged the democracy drum. The (Mainland) Chinese did whatever they were told, although they were a lot less passive than

many people expected."

She said that at least parachutists brought a fresh eye to the story. But their lack of local knowledge

made them easy-meat for the public-relations

RTHK Chief Executive Tung Che-hwa on air, surrounded by photographers,

machine.

from his speech in the next day's paper were not

and The

'

event scripted for

had to follow an agenda set by their editors back at

he task of handling the diverse and competitive media which descended on Hong Kong fell largely to a depafiment of the rather prim and proper civil service, the Hong Kong Government lnformation Services (GlS).

Founded and run on British lines, GIS'News Division had in colonial times sought to influence domestic and international opinions about what Government House defined as Hong Kong's aims and achievements.

It did so by channelling information by teleprinter to the press and dealing with press inquiries. GIS sought to continue this tradition at the biggest and last colonial event, the Handover.

The former editor of lhe Far Eastern Economic Review, Derek Davies, claimed that before the media-

savvy Governor Patten, Government House and its representatives treated journalists with contempt: any criticism was by definition uninformed, because the critic had not seen the files. lf any criticism did penetrate the official thick skin, it ran the risk of being damned with the worst condemnation a government spokesman could offer: it was described as being 'unhelpful.' Protestations that it was not a journalist's function to be helpful met with puzzlement."

The modern GIS was determined to weed out unhelpful if not unruly reporters coming to Hong Kong for the Handover. lt did so by creating its own list of news organisations and inviting them to nominate journalists. This process is quite different to the UN which accredits all journalists who belong to the lnternational Federation of Journalists. The 8,500 journalist applications were then subjected to security checks before GIS approval. The process was not transparent and GIS declined to reveal the criteria for selection.

Accreditation allowed access to the HK$85 million Press Broadcast Centre (in the Hong Kong Convention THE CORRESPONDENT SEPTEMBER 1999

necessarily what he said at the balcony.

The Cantonese speech was delivered first, followed by the English speech. Lee opened his English speech: "As we aþþroach the end of the twentieth century, the uorld community is looking at Hong Kong at this uery moment. The uhole world is looking at us. The world has neaer seen so many countries marching towards democracy, the rule of lau, and freedom. "

ut the Cantonese speech had no reference to: the "world community" or "many countries marching towards democracy". In fact, the speechwriter, who drafted the speech in Cantonese, had never heard the English version. He in Bali vacationing during the Handover. So I read the opening lines to him, and his response was: "World

was

trend towards democracy? I think, (it) has no meaning at this moment."

A few sections in the Cantonese speech were

completely edited out in the English version. In the Cantonese speech, Lee made a reference to Japanese atrocities during the World War II. (Editor's note: Dr Nakano did not mention this in her FCC address, but included it in a later address at the University of Hong Kong.)

"Here we make this declaration to all of you. Actually, there is history behind this (building). During World War II, in the basernent of this building, Jaþanese sold,iers secretly tortured Hong Kong þeoþle. Many braoe Hong Kong þeoþle suffered from the torture, (but) insisted on their þrinciples. Thq refused to surrender We chose this þlace to let eaerybody hnow that ue are Chinese who loae our countr) and loae

Hong Kong.

We will definitely continue to fight for democracy for all of us. Fight for democracy! Long Liue democracy!"

It is understandable that EnglishJanguage publications didn't have the time and the resources to write 13

about the Cantonese

speech.

But many respected news organisations didn't even listen to the English speech, and quoted Lee from a prepared draft speech.

Readers in

London,

Washington and Tokyo were led to

believe that Martin Lee said, "Why must we pay such a high price to become Chinese again?"

It was a popular quote around the world. But in fact, Lee didn't say this, but the press release did.

He actually said: "INhy

it it that our lead"ers in

China will not giue us

nlore

democracy? Why must thE take away the modest demouacy that ue haae fought so hard to uin

from three laps around the driveway

-

admission, entry was by ballot. When the lucky few did get inside, they found themselves subject to a second

level of control. Australian documentary maker Phil Robeftson was at Tamar base for the farewell ceremony. "Since we had never seen the place before, we didn't know where we were. lt turns out we were on a scaffolding six stories high. ln fact, we couldn't see people, stands anything like that. You [seemed]... miles away. lt was like filming a rock concert."

ike a rock conceft, there was little or no opportunity to ask questions of the key players.

It's not surprising then that many reporters :relied on the torrent of material produced by GlS. Press releases were made available in printed form, on a continuous news feed supplied to news organisations and on a special lnternet home page.

GIS began an lnternet service with two homepages for the Handover, a general information page for the public and a specialist service to journalists which included a search function with access to speeches and press releases. The unit operated 24 hours a day during the Handover, providing updated information within minutes of its release. lnternet team leader Christine Cheung said that graphics had been intentionally simplified to allow quick downloads for impatient reporters: "We found that many of the overseas journalists were tapping into the Website quite often because it had all the 14

British gouernment?"

The press releases were

and not many press noticed the difference

and Exhibition Centre). lnside there was space for about 600 reporters at any one time, as well as providing 160 booths for individual broadcasters.

Accredited journalists were treated to sample bags with polo shirts and hats, tours of the border and briefings by bureaucrats. They were nof however guaranteed access to witness the major events.

Because of the large numbers of journalists seeking

the

handed out afterthe speeches, but the speeches. And as any good speaker would, Lee didn't faithfully read from his draft.

I monitored the coverage of this speech in 10 EnglishJanguage news organisations. Seven quoted from the press release (Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, Rcuters, Time, Neusweek, The Times, and Banghok Posf) while only three quoted solely from the speech (Nat York Times, Associated Press and South China Morning Post). \Arhen I asked about the heavy reliance on the press release, Lee's speechwriter grinned and said: "Basically we use the same tactics. \Àrhen he (Martin Lee) makes a speech, there is a press release. It's handed out on site. And then people can quote from that."

printed

beþre

information as soon as it was available. ln the end, we had almost 190,000 hits on the Website over a three week period.

igitalised photographs were also available on the net site. GIS'team of 26 photographers shot more than 600 rolls of film during that period - that is over 20,000 frames.

The Press and Broadcast Centre provided live television links to all major events. RTHK acted as host broadcaster, heading a consortium which included 200 Staff ffOm the HOng KOng COmmer.ial Stati.ns ATV, TVB

Press and Broadcast Centre Reporters watching a Handover event on wide-screen TV because they cannot cover it in person

and Whad Cable. To aid coverage, 10 outside broadcast units were set up using 103 cameras to cover more than 25 events. The core feed was beamed over a continuous 96 hours to satellites covering 80% of the

globe. The service was free of charge.

V.G. Kulkarni, the former Regional Editor oÍ lhe Far Eastern Economic Reviewobserved: "Once this sotl of

mob journalism gets rolling you can't stop it.

Somebody who just logged onto the Hong Kong Websites or watched it on TV probably could have

written the story from Argentina or Peru or London as well as some of the people who came here and talked to others. I suppose this is inevitable when you have such a jamboree. I Reþorting Hong Kong: Foreign Medict and the Hønd.oaer Curzon Press Ltd.

rsBN 0-7007-1042-6 P8,220 pages, FCC Price: HK$Z3O

l.

Party Chairman Martin Lee Chu-ming".

Some people may ask: So what? The published versions were only slightþ different in wording, and after all, they were from an official statement. And who cares how many times the Governor's car circled? One Asian journalist even said: "Press releases are sometimes more accurate than what has actually been said."

Ibthy Wilhelm, then a reporter for the Associated Press who covered Martin Lee's speech, disagrees. 'A press releases is just a guideline, but it's no substitute for reality. The readers are going to assume that those are the words that actually came out of his mouth. And there isn't going to be any room for explanation on how it's actually different from a press release."

Which brings me to the question: What is reality?

Is it what is officially sanctioned? What is exþected to

THE CORRESPONDENT SEPTEMBER I999

tephen Vines of The Indeþendent stmrned wp the situation: "Mountains of trees throughout the world must have been destroyed for these so called information sheets. But elementary pieces of information such as when is Jiang Zernín arriving, is Li Peng coming, what will the Handover ceremony consist of and the things you needed to do your job, had to be squeezed out and you would get it at the last moment. They criticised us for what might happen. But when you have a set piece like this, what might happen is what is interesting."

But when the events went unexpectedl¡ many of us unintentionally reported press-release reality.

One of the biggest problems, of course, is that. we clo not have the time and resources to check the press release against the delivery which, in turn makes us r'rrlnerable to spin control.

It is perhaps ironic that journalists from socialist countries are under political pressure to quote from press releases, while those from free societies are under commercial and technological pressure to quote from press releases.

Today, press releases are ever more visible in cyberspace. We can log on to websites from Argentina, Peru, or London, and write

official stories about Hong Kong. But

to

write our own stories, our eyes and ears matter even more in the age of the Information

happen? Or is it what actually happens?

For the Governor's departure and Lee's speech,

what was expected to happen entered the historical record, masking what actually happened. And in the end, written record weighs more than spoken accounts.

Let me emphasise that we are not saying that the Handover coverage was just "a press release". We know how hard people worked to get their angle. We also realise that press releases from the GIS often came late during the Hando'r,er period.

Hard at work Which "realìty" is being reported?

TFIE CORRESPONDENT SEPTEIVIBER

1

999

Superhighway.

I

15

FrNaNcn

China's

BYDavido'Rear

To Work hina is facing an enormous unemployment problem, and one that may if not handled - years time. The lead to unrest in a few well problem is that there are more people entering the labour force than being employed.

That increases unemployment (by defìnition) and unemployed people tend to throw rocks (by God!).

In general, Chinese statistics are nasty, horrible, unreliable things that should be taken out and shot.

Still, some of the trends are pretty convincing, so maybe we should just rough them up a bit. A few blows around the head and shoulders should make them talk.

CHINA'S EMPLOYMEI{T PROSPECTS

Ieave the employment numbers alone. (If anyone wants to go out and count the number of people working in China, let me know.)

The 1990 census recorded I,743.3 million people, 644.8 million in the labour force and 639.1 million employed. Since then, the SSB has reported annual unemployment rates, and by subtracting the percent unemployed from the labour force total, we can come up with a reasonable guess (i.e., swift kick to the sensitive parts) as to how many people are working. The unemplo¡.rnent data is widely considered to be grossly understated, but never mind. We don't want to kill off the data just yet.

The chart shows what happens if you apply the ofnicial unemplo;rment hgures to the offìcial labour force figures; the forecast, on the right, is EIU's projection. Two things are clear: First, official employment figures do not correspond to official unemployment figures. No surprises there, sojust break a few

ven if the absolute numbers are totally wrong (now, for the really rough stuff), there is still evidence of a very large and rapidly growing 2000 bunch ofunhappyworkerwannabes. Because

till sticking to SSB data (and bringing out the brass knuckles), the number of people employed grew 4.20Vo per annum, or by 215.48 million jobs over 10 years. Well, maybe. It is true that the economy was growing unbelievable

16

de

rates (literally), and periodic census surveys are fairly consistent. So, let's knock a few teeth out and

fingers. Second, the gap between people wanting jobs (the labour force) and people with jobs is growing, and that brings us back to the prospect for unrest.

According to the State Statistical Bureau (SSB), China's population grew 7.48% per annum in the 1980s, adding 156.28 million people in 10 years; that's about right. The labour force anyone between the ages of 15 and 64 grew by 4.76Vo per annum or 215.8 million people. Given that the population between 1950 to 1970 grew much faster than toda¡ the labour force growth rate also looks about right, too. No need for rough stuff here.

From angry farmers to the Falun Gong, these are the threads of a China in disarray. Hong Kong lJniversity of Science and Technology associate professor David Zweig unraveled some of these strands. Mark Clffird reports

the state budget is in pretty ugly shape, and the state-owned enterprises (SOEs) are being told to clean up their act, there isn't a lot of welfare money to go around. The SOEs provide housing, medical care, schools and a host of other services that in most countries would be provided by the private sector, or directþ by the government. As the SOEs lay off unproductive workers (did someone say 40% of the SOE workforce? That's about 40 million peoplel), the number of people both jobless and mad about it is going to soar. Bottom line: if anyone offers you the job of fixing China's unemplo;.nnent problem, don't take it. I Daùd O'Rear is emþloyd, as Rcgional Economist b1 the Economist Intelligence Unit and would pry dearþ for some accurate data on China.

THE CORRESPONDENT SEPTEMBER 1999

an China's infant political institutions handle the rising discontent and dislocation brought about by China in upheaval? Professor David Zweig's answers, based on detailed field research as well as an analysis of dozens of legal cases, isn't encouraging.

As China fitfully lurches towards a market economy, workers, farmers, and their comrades at the bottom of the Chinese power structure increasingly are getting the short end of the stick, particularly in land grabs carried out in the name of development. Zweig, who is author of Freeing China's Farmers: Rural Restructuring in the Rzform Era (M.8. Sharpe, 1997), has made a specialty of studying China's protest movements. Not surprisingl¡ he frnds that discontent is on the rise. With a rnuzzled press and weak courts, local cadres and developers are free to unleash a reign of economic and environmental terror. And they have.

Aided by the media which has often received official - Beijing to help ferret out local encouragement from abuses ordinary citizens are demanding that their - be addressed. \44rile the media can shame complaints

government into action, it cannot force change.

Neither, Zweig concludes, can the courts. Many cases that Zweig studied couldn't be resolved because cadres involved ignored court orders. hina's institutions have done well at suppressing the inevitable protests. But Zweig contends that China's government simplf isn't up to managing the demands of a more active, more politically aware citizenry. "Can China's institutions handle the stress, or

will rural China fall prey to

massive social

unrest, maybe even a large-scale social movement that

could imperil the political system? In essence, will economic development lead to political modernisation

weig contends that the contradictions are likely to

or political decay?"

Zweig isn't in the business of crystal-ball gazing.

sharpen. Despite moralising sermons by Prime

But his talk coincidentally came in the midst of the

Minister Zhu Rongji and other top leaders, corruption at the local level remains the rule

crackdown against ttre Falun Gorzg. While the scattered social unrest in the countryside is worry enough to Beijing, these protests are fragmented, no more cohesive than grains of sand or potatoes in a sack. Falun Gong, notes Zweig, is an altogether different beast. "All

rather than the exception. Officials grab land with an eye to paying paltry compensation in order to make fat profits off development. They continue to impose illegal taxes. Factories spew out pollution, ruining crops and lives.

Yet ordinary Chinese are fìghting back, encouraged in part by a government that is beginning to at least talk about a society ruled by law rather that diktat. Zweíg points to the development of 'rights consciousness,' a sense among ordinary Chinese that their fate in life isn't simply to be stepped on by more powerful people, as "one of the biggest changes in the post-Mao era."

of a sudden you discover there is a guy who

can

lead you to heaven on earth... all of a sudden you discover that there's a unifying ideology out there," says Zweig. "That's enormously threatening" to the Beijing leadership.

The Chinese people are at last standing

up.

Chairman Mao would not have been amused. But it's up to the generation ofJiang ZeminandZhu Rongji to deal with the consequences. I

GinGlG These Dates 0n Youp Gâl'Gnd:ar

Entertainment Committee invites you to start planning ahead Oct. 8: 15 minute Salsa Demonstration Main Bar Nov. 4 Guam Island Fiesta Dec. l5: Quiz Night Nov. 9 & 23: Bridge Night Dec. 7: Bridge Night

Oct. l2: Bridge Night Oct. 26: Bridge Night Please note the

Main Dining Room and

THE, CORRESPONDENT SEPTEMBER 1999

the Verandah

will

close

Dec. 21: Bridge Night Dec. 31: NewYear's Eve Bash

for renouations, October 9th. Pkase

see

þage 9 for details.

17

LuNcrruNES eliminated those intermediary groups . . and

Why is thc

.

Gommun¡st

like to liken it to the way a trout fìsherman handles a trout: fìrst you break the neck then you slit the belly and then you pull off the fìns. All of this goes step by step by step. Think back to the April 25th appearance in Beijing of the Falun Gong... (it) surprised a lot of people, including me, in the way it just suddenly appeared around Zhongnanhai. It seemed at frrst the regime was handling it with kid gloves loaves ofbread were handed out and shoulders were patted...

(Prime Minister) Zhu Rongji said that qi gong is legal and (there's) nothing wrong with what you are doing.

But, at the same time, behind the scenes, Public

Party alraid of

thc Falun Perry Link is Professor of East Asian Studies at Princeton lJniversity and the author of the forthcoming The Uses of Literature: Life in the Socialist Chinese Literary System. He spoke to an FCC Professional Luncheon eing a scholar, I want to back up from the news

for a moment and bring us back to

premodern Chinese society and ask'Whatwas the role of non-go\¡ernmental organisations?' as

we might call them in pre-modern Chinese for about the last five years in academia, academia in America anryay, about so called "civil society". Did pre-modern China have a civil society? society. There has been a big debate

One side of the debate says'yes' (because) the reach of the state and the dynasties was only down to the level of the county magistrate. Below there was a gentry that operated in clan organisations with charitable funds for flood and famine relief and so on a buffer below the It was a kind of state, between the state and the people. a civil society.

The other side of the argument points out that none

of those intermediary organisations were potentiall¡ or actuall¡ in opposition to the state. They were all subject, whenever necessary, to state control, and in that sense weren't a civil society. In other words there was a very sharp line between these intermediary groups whether you're for us or against us, and if you are -against us, then you're so called bandits or rebels.

18

have

(instead), especially in the Maoist period, a sort of "top all the way to grass roots" control mechanism. But the attitudes towards annihilating these kinds of popular religious groups is the same.

Well, groups like the Falun Gong in the past (were) pre-modern rebels and bandits, (their) ideologies usually coloured with the Buddhist or Taoist religion.

Buddha would come to earth and bring about an end to all of the decline that we are seeing around us, the corruption and so on, and bring in a new a shining new society, with peace and wealth for all. (and) I think It's an interesting coincidence - the leader of that it's probably only a coincidence this Falun Gong sect is named Li Hong-zhi. From about the Han (206 B.C. - 220 A. D.) through the Sung period (960-1280), there was a Taoist semi-immortal named Li Hong who was the mythical leader of peasant ideology and rebellions. I think that's a coincidence, but maybe it's not and it just shows how these ideas and concepts can have deep roots in China.

Security was beginning in'r'estigations of who are the Falun Gong, who were its leaders, and so on. Then there was the purge within the party where ever)¡ member was made to say (whether they were) a member of Fafun Gong or not. If you say you are you ha'r,e to leave, no nonsense...Then it hit the newspapers and we began to see articles about how the Communist Party had a long glorious tradition of opposing superstition and things like this; (that) Li Hong-zhi and the other leaders of the Falun Gongwere profiteering; (that) many people in the movement had go:ne cràzy or died as a result; and so on...In lateJul¡ as you all know, there were arrests.

Now let me step back again and look at how and why this Falun Gozr,gmovement arose. I think it is important to recognise a basic fact in China this goes all the way back to pre-Confucian times (and) I'm going to really be cavalier at the level I'm generalising. I argue that in Chinese culture, there's a very deep need for what I call a 'public/private ideology'. Private in that certain moral values are to be internalised and public in the sense that once internalised, they (the moral values)

become (a) compass for how to behave and to relate to others in the public world. Others who have internalised the same values mesh in harmon¡ because they have internalised the same values.

Of course, for centuries we called this, roughl¡ Confucianism. In the early twentieth century, when there was a conscious rebellion against Confucianism,

there was a groping from the Twenties through the Forties for rvhat was going to replace this inner set of private, but publicly shared, values. I argue that, for the Fifties a:nryay, socialism became a functional equivalent that frlled that role.

Before the big catastrophes of Mao's experiments,

the Great Leap Forward and the Great Cultural Revolution, I think that ideology was alive and worked

in China. With the Maoist experiments and their failure, disillusion set in so that from the Seventies, the socialist language just became artificial. (It was) still important because you have to manipulate this kind of language in order to get what you want, but nobody believed it as much. But down underneath there is still this thirst in Chinese culture we want -

something to believe in, we want some kind of values to

hold on to.

The money-making of the Eighties and Nineties has been exhilarating in one aspect, but it doesn't solve this

problem of the internal values. In fact, (it) only exacerbates (the problem). So in this sense I was not surprised to see Falun Gong appear. In fact, all through the Eighties and Nineties there have been various sects qi gongthat have appeared... to fill this inner vacuum of values.

We've all noted from the beginning of the Nineties

of

(the) new rise of nationalism. Part of that is another answer to the question "What can we believe in?" other than just money-making. So I see the rise in qi gongand

the Falun Gong in that context.

think it's important to note that the character gong in qi gongis really a euphemism for what we usually translate as religion. The state in China, the a lot of the Communist Party, allows qi gong old cadres themselves participate- in it. There's actually an association of qi gong artists and all of this is legal and above ground. But, if you call the same activity a religion, then itbecomes one of those things that the state feels it needs to repress.There have been several factions and styles of qi gongthat have risen from the Eighties (and all were) repressed, (but) not quite as flamboyantly, as the Falu,n Gong movement is being suppressed now.

-|he Falun

Gong

itself arose in the early Nineties in

a small way and grew, especially through the

ow the dlnasties have always tried to squelch and put down this kind of popular, especially

ideologically or religiously-inspired, movements. The Communist Party of China is no different in that basic attitude, except that it squelches more thoroughly. The communist regime after all is the first in Chinese history to have really TIIE (IORRESPONDENT

SEPTEIvIBER 1999

rur n=vyiylTñcCall

[852] 2572 B22A

on Email info@prnewswine.com.hk Website www.pnnewswine.com.hk

mid-Nineties, based on the books, videotapes, and the of (its) charismatic leader, Li Hong-zhi...I don't know how many of you have seen the falun it's a circle, a wheel. This is...(what)...the leader can grve to every practltroner.

Websites

t's important to note that the relationship here isn't mediated through ministers or bishops or things in other religions, it's a direct relation from the supreme leader right down to the individuaì believer who gets one of these "wheels" implanted were in him or her and it pulls in the cosmic energy from the universe. It turns around and then radiates it back oulwards as you practice your qi gongto a higher level. You rise closer and closer to the level that the leader is at, never, of course, getting there. The effects for a person are physical you start to feel better as you do this. The three-character slogan of Falun Gong (means) inner truth, goodness and forbearance. You make progress metaphysically if you really get to a high level. You can have magic forces working for you. as

it

The supreme leader Li Hong-zhi knows other worlds. FIe's aware that the world that we see is only one and he sees many others. He compares himself to

Buddha and to Jesus, but stands higher than either of those. (He) draws from Buddhism, Taoism and in some ways Christianiry in an eclectic sense. That is, he draws upon other religions to make tlne Falun Gong, but is not eclectic at all in that once the concoction is set, you may

not diverge from it at all.

So I'll tip my hand a little more here. I think the supreme leader Li Hong-zhi is a bit of a flake, even compared to other qi gong leaders. He's changed his birthday officially to that of Buddha's; he insists that his readers read and follow his videos to the letter; (that) they do joint readings in a circle going around, reading passage after passage, but may not interpret. (In this) he exceeds even Mao Zedong, another charismatic leader, who after all wanted you to read his sacred books and then say what they meant for you. Not so (with) Li. You're not supposed to interpret. You simply read and absorb. with that in mind, you'd think that his readings would be somewhat mysterious looking or

thinking and ideology is whether or not he does have an organisation or a political agenda. This is what frightens the Communist Party and it's a relevant question. The answer to the question of course is "No, this is simply a belief in how we have no organisation and morally and has to improve yourself physically nothing to do with politics."

In judging whether that denial is accurate or not, I think it is very important to distinguish between ordinary practitioners and the leadership. I've talked with a number of ordinary practitioners who strike me as utterly sincere in denying that there is anything political about what they are doing...I believe them. On the other hand I'm not sure that it's true.

In fact there is considerable evidence that it's not true. There seem to be at least 10 levels, maybe more, of how well you are developed and thèrefore how high you rank when higher levels of the Falun Gong meet.

Sometimes they're limited to level 10 and above, and so on. When the demonstration at Zhongnanhai appeared on April 25th it seemed to be so unorganised but also organised that it happened.

To me it-is incredible that it could have happened without some kind of communication and organisa-

those demonstrations."

recently he gloated in NewYork over getting his green card, which is something that is hard to imagine

Buddha doing. The big question, of course,

its besinninss.

of his books last week and spent some time reading it and was surprised at how mediocre the Chinese is. It sounds ordinary. It's got Western influences in the grammar and doesn't sound like a mystical Chinese book at all. So I just got the impression of a mind that is way over inflated in what it thinks of itself and at its actual operating level, absorbs things unconsciously that are really quite saw one

mediocre.

Li

20

Hong-zhi is also fairly unBuddhalike

in

that

in

his

collects his prize from golf convenor Julian Walsh; Nelphen Yung teeing off; Peter Wong collects his prize for the most strokes.

Photos by Terry Duckham

o, this was not quite the U.S. Open, but on

June 17th, while some golfers were in Pinehurst, an equally interesting, if some-

in Beijing. Well, I don't think that could have

it true that there is nothing at all political in the movement? So far I don't see a political that is, after the agenda, except defensively - Gong leaders in crackdown some of the Falun New York called up overseas Chinese political dissidents and people like that asking for help...

Another piece of evidence for the possible organisation and political colouring of the movement, and another reason why the communist government probably fears (it), is that (the movement) itself resembles (an) established...(a) popular political/ religious/subversive organisation all at once. It resembles, in fact, the communist movement itself in

I

Clockwise from top left: All smiles from Terry Duckham as he

I think it is useful to recall how the movement got into trouble in China. It first was the object of a critical article by a man at the Academy of Sciences in Beijing...After it appeared, Falun Gong people surrounded the newspaper office in their very nonviolent sort of way, but were sent away by the police...

Word spread and there were other sit-ins and protests in several other cities in China, all before it happened happened without organisation and the organisation of the movement in Beijing itself seems to me highly suspect. That is, Li said that he had nothing to do with that because he ¡vas in Australia at the time. A few days later the communist officials in Beijing publicised his entry and exit permit showing that he had been in Beijing at the time he said he was in Australia. (Li) then changed his mind and said, "Oh no, I was in Beijing, I admit it, but had nothing to do with the organisation of

I

THE CORRESPONDENT

SF,PTF,MRF,R I 999

tinst Ma¡oF

ByJulian Walsh

tron.

s

rmpressrve.

Duckham Wins His

what less talented, group of 24 players and made a substitute their way to Kau Sai Chau to play the South Course.

The sun was mercifully not quite as herce as it had been in the preceding days, though it was still on the warm side. Peter Wong had the distinct advantage of not having to clear immigration for this game and hence was able to get to the course on time. Apart from his driving, short game and putting he played a great game. But in an act of selfless humility, he decided to retire to the bar at the turn thereby leaving his partners to soldier on without him, but at a considerably faster

Three players shared fìrst place on a commendable 35 Stableford points. Dave Allison hit a gross 83 for the best gross score of the day followed closely by Mike Smith who shared the same points with a gross score of 85. Surprise of the day however was Terry Duckham who hit an all time best of 101 and equalled the other two on 35 points. Paul Strahan got close on 34 points.

The longest drives went to Kieran O'Mullan

and

Martin Stocks. Noel Smyth and Mike Smith got nearest the pin.

As always, the people at Kau Sai Chau were very accommodating and made sure everything rvent smoothly. We returned to Queen's Pier in a wellstocked junk a bit more relaxing than the land route. I

pace.

M.prnewswire.com.hk n(

TYEYUÐ1îv7'R=HOTVG I<OTVG

Call [852) 2572 8228 or Email i nfo@prnewswi re.com.hk

The Fenby Saga The last total solar

^)

eclipse of the millennium made landfall in Cornwall at 11:11 hours on

T T

is probably fair to say that tlne South China Morning Post, Hong Kong's premier newspaper and one of the region's best, had its share of behind-thescene problems. Nevertheless, the paper provided a platform for all of Hong Kong's political factions and at times was hard-hitting in its criticism.

The latest controversy concerns its former editor, now editorial consultant and columnist,Jonathan Fenby, who left the SCMP's helm recentþ after a four-year stint. The controversy can best be summed up by asking whether Mr. Fenby walked or was pushed?

Kenneth Jackson

watched the event

from Dartmoor hat's eet, then, ees eet?" With that summation, the last total eclipse of the millennium ended after 40 seconds under an overcast sky

on Dartmoor for a young woman from

Manchester with two cranky kids. "I kood 'ave stayed at 'ome an' seen ninely percent ov it. I'm absolutely gutted."

It was one opinion. But for the thousands of other people whose cars lined the 83213 to Princeton for miles, who scrambled over the rocky tors and among the sheep and ponies for the best views of. . . of clouds. . . it was surely a minority opinion. Because even without the sun, even without the Bailey's Beads, the "wedding ring" effect, the chromosphere, "eet" was a show. And if, like me, and my Devonian wife, you'd only travelled an hour from North Devon, without kids, it was well

worth the trouble.

True, the thick cloud cover blocked out all sightings of the sun except a momentary apparition of a partial eclipse which the crowd must have willed out of the gloom. From our hilltop perch it was like sitting under a grey galactic wok. But the minutes leading up to totality and the blackout itself stunned everyone, even silencing our gutted friend's children for an instant.

Most sungazers had waited for hours. Some had camped. By 10 o'clock, they had no hope of seeing the sun as thicker clouds moved in from the Atlantic.

"Which way are we supposed to be looking?" someone

"I dunno, which way are the

telescopes

pointed?" was the helpful reply.

Without being able to watch the moon's path across the sun, rve had to wait for twilight to know totality was approaching. The twilight came imperceptibly at first; but darkened rapidly over about 10 minutes. It gotvery

22

manoeuvring created an atmosphere where selÊcensorship became a bigger problem than overt censorship.

It

August 11th.

asked.

It is no secret that the past few years have been very trying for editors of Hong Kong's newspapers and magazines as proprietors tried to position their properties in the light of the change of sovereignty. It is also no secret that this

cold. There was, however, still plenty of light until precisely 11:13 a.m., when, just as the experts explained, the western horizon went black. At first it was just a thin black streak against the edge of the moor. Then,

suddenly, the blackness rushed east over our heads as if

the light had been rolled up like a giant celestial carpet. I was abruptly reminded of some verses of scripture: "In the Beginning was the Word." And the Word was, Crikey, Sylvia look at that! "...and a darkness was upon the Deep..."

In the distant south, below us, the street lights of Plymouth switched on to outline the city and to illuminate the edge of the English mainland.

Throughout the moor, hundreds of cameras flashed in a futile attempt to photograph, I dare say what. For a few seconds it seemed there was no sound but the brisk blackened wind over the grass. s

L

/l l{

soon

not taking sides in this argument. Rather, because of the stature of both the publication and Mr. Fenby, we present four articles and two responses that have been published in Hong Kong, Britain and the U.S. on the subject. The readers can come to their own coñclusion.

The Corresþondent is

The ltlla$,saere and Me: My Ufe as a lloffi llong Editon massaue life ByJonathan Fenby The

Rzþrint

I

I

e d.

with

þ ermi s si onfrom

and me: my

as a Hong Kong editor

The Indepe nde nt

ast

the

Iwe I

inv

follow-up to

a campaign we have been running for a local businessman held in jail without charge in

China. There were editorials to write on prisons

as

and the Balkans.

aid of ac

we were

\h.,rir.,.'

more seconds, the whole cloud cover turned a pale luminous colour of silver. It was a colour of sky I have previously seen only in advance of vast tornado fronts crossing the American plains. Then 'dawn' broke. The natural dappled light of a cloudy English day resumed its rightful place to spontaneous applause and cheering across the moor.

It took a few more minutes before people talked again. Then little by little, they began to shift themselves off the rocks and tramp back to the road to start their long motorcade up the moor lanes.

And then, that was eet. I THE CORRESPONDENT SEPTEMBER 1999

But for me, as I drove home at night along the harbour, it wasn't really that routine. After four years, this was to be last my last day as editor of the South China Morning Post and the end of an extraordinary period in my life as-a journalist.

Since Hong Kong's return to China on 1.fuly 1997,

I had found myself editing an independent

pro-democracy newspaper in the last major country on earth to be ruled by a Communist parry where the media are just a part of the political apparatus.

On the 10th anniversary of the Tiananmen Square massacre this summer, the only references in the Mainland press were to the patriotism of the army. The Postran an eight-column picture of the candlelitvigit in THE CORRESPONDENT SEPTEMBER 1999

Hong Kong across the top half of the front page under the headline "Tiananmen light undimmed." An editorial and a column from me argued that the massacre must not be consigned to the baggage of history as Hong Kong's chief executive had suggested.

Two years ago, if you read the foreign press and listened to the democrats here you wouldn't have believed that any of this could happen. The air was hear,y with fearful forecasts. The Posl became the particular target. For some, the die have been cast. "On the whole", wrote the editor of a short-lived rival newspaper who is now The Indeþendent's correspondent, "it (the Post) has been neutralised, which is good enough for China's purposes."

23

hired a consultant from Mainland China before the Handover, the British and American press ran Big Brother headlines. The fact that he had no influence was not noted then or subsequentþ What grated personally was that colleagues, who I had counted as friends of mine, were happy to portray me as somebody ready to work under a political commissar.

Politicians in the pro-democracy camp picked up the refrain. When I responded, I was told I protested too much and was insecure. Eventually, the reality of what actually appeared in the paper forced some critics to change tack: the new mantra fromJonathan Mirsky, formerly of The Times, was that I had been "shamed" into behaving decently by their criticism.

As a journalist, I could appreciate that there was a version of the Hong Kong story which was so simple as to be irresistible. The place was done for after Chris Patten and Prince Charles sailed off on the royal yacht.

For that to be true, the media had to be done for. And for that to be true, tTl'e Post, the most high-profile paper in town for the international community, had to be hen the chairman of the

Post

done for.

Anything less would be a distinct deviation from the script, so damn the facts. I am still told that I have banned the term "massacre" to describe Tiananmen.

In fact, the very opposite was true, and the library database for the paper shows that we used the "M" word well over 100 times ayean By 1998, Anson Chan, the second ranking figure in the new administration, was voicing a different concern. She said that I was so anxious to prove my professional credentials that tlte Post had become far more critical of the new government than it had been of the previous administration.

Certainly, exercising editorial independence became part of the assertion of the liberties promised to Hong Kong. Just as I believed it important to run columns by pro-democracy politicians after they had been deprived of their seats in the legislature. I wasn't perfect and certainly acted wrongly on the odd occasion. But if press freedom is still there for the taking, our general approach had to be to grab as much of it as we could.

As some officials recognised this actually served their purp a free press is one of its best arguments to show that the concept of "One Countr¡ Two Systems" for China and Hong Kong is working. But now the administration seems to have decided that

Æ

enough is enough. The immediate cause for offrcial concern is our criticism of its decision to ask China's parliament to interpret the Hong Kong constitution after it had lost a landmark immigration case.

We have broken a string of scoops, some of them distinctly unwelcome for the government and the Posú has just been named the best Englishlanguage paper in Asia by a regional publisher's association. But you don't have to look too hard to spot clouds on the horizon. Last month in an unprecedented statement on Hong Kong, a central government official said that

news media here "should explain government policies". On the rule of law, he accused "some newspapers" of causing all the controversy. I wonder who he had in mind.

I was told indirectþ that offrcials in Peking thought my column on the Tiananmen anniveisary had "gone too far". Commenting on my departure, a local official told The New York Times that the Posú "ought to recognise its responsibility as the paper people outside Hong Kong read to learn about things there". In Januar¡ I was informed that the owners of the paper, who run a major Asian conglomerate with big investments in Hong Kong and the mainland, had decided not to renew my contract when it expired in May. I was asked, however, to stay on until the end of the year. But when a successor was lined up in the off,rce opposite mine I reckoned that it was better to step down right away. ome pro-democracy politicians see this as part of a shift in the political wind in Hong Kong. But

Owen Jonathan, chief executive of the South China Morning Post, put it more simply. "Editors

do come and go," he told The New York Times. As always the only way to judge is by what appears each day and my successor, who is lrorn The Wall Street Journal, is on record as saying that the editorial stance on legal issues and Hong Kong's autonomy will be maintained.

Having been part of such an unusual professional set-up, and having had such a unique personal experience, there was more than a twinge of regret in my heart as I drove along the harbour expressway on Saturday night towards the glittering lights of Central Hong Kong, Count Basie swinging out of the car's CD player. But it is not a complete divorce: 12 hours late¡ I was sitting down at home to write my Monday column for the leader page. It used to be called "Letter from the Editor". Only the title needed changing. I

Fpee-$poken EËlton W,on't Be Back

By Mark Landler

Rzþrinted uith þermission from The NewYork Times

I

aleck would pipe up, "Are you coming back?"

24

Mr. Fenby is off at the end of this week, but this time the joke might catch in people's throats. After more

than four years of editing Hong Kong's leading a tense period during Englishlanguage newspaper - reverted to Chinese which this former British colony THE CORRESPONDENT SEPTEMBER 1999

Hong Kong lournal

A Free-Sp oken Editar Won' t Be B ack

BY MÀRK LÀNDLER

of

highosL

HoNc KoNc, Juty2s_ tt had b€a rming gag in the ncasrmrû -nÌ€

cwe

South Cùlna Mornhg

pñ!

Wh6ever tkpåper'soußpoken Brirßh €ditor, Jonlùd Fenby, tôld hit Eralf he wæ le¿vjng lorh ón vacnrlon, smesm¿tr Jleck rvould plF uÈ 'Âre you cornhg bÀck?" ¡lr, Fenby is o¡fat thecndol thts weçk, but thts t¡mc thc ¡oke mieh! cqlch ln pæple's throats AfÞr more th$ four yeårs ol edithg Hong KonB's leadltg English lmg(Ue nq$spaper Friod duñng - â rensc lvhi4h l¡is fonncr Brûrsh (alony re. ver!ed lo Chrnese rule - Mr. FÊnby h4s_beënhilded his wallhB paperslike llcelS(reet, uslomarilyd¡s-

@rd

' I slrongly suspect t¡is is molivâþ ed by his

wmlhgtobemcrei¡d5

pendd LhM t¡eo\hcrs are willhß b be," sâ¡d MargarotNB, o prùde mocrâcy hemberol lhe Hong Kong Legislature, "4s ¡whole, ncßpapcrs havebeømesteadily more pro gov' ernmslslnce the hMdover " ñ{r l{uok,lvhose compùyoMs It IeÈenl oflhe shâres o[Îhe Posl, de-

ïhe poper'sharsh stm@ Mgered theßovemm€nl, which look the high. ly uiùsualslcp of d¡spatch¡ng its losp€åklo No 2ollici¡L Nl( Fê¡by. ^nsnChd, Atthd8h a spokcsn,il sa¡dthe tsovernmen!çodd ncver try to büllY lhc paper, onesenlor olticial said TlÞ P6l"oughl(o rmfiuêils rc. sponsrbillty I the paperPeople@! slde Holg Kong read to lcÂrn abo[l

The Posf was almost alone in opposing that move. In an editorial published the day after Beijing overturned the ruling, Mr. Fenby wrote that Hong Kong had eroded the rule of law -by the bedrock of its commercial success politicising itsjudiciary and humiliating its highest court.

The papers harsh stance angered the government, which took the highly unusual step of dishuc " ùlr Fenbysâid, "ftere's [ecn a patching its No. 2 official, Anson Chan, to speak to slfongêf resclion b thèile\{s' icialdom, frcn bus! lrcm At a tense time membersol h6s circles, from Mr. Fenby. eslåblishnrenl, ilrdr at ily lime time in Hong srnæ(hehddover " Although a spokesman said the government lrcm múldd Pressure Kong, a voice is vcll. Earlicr lhis noilnd¡B would never try to bully the pape¡ one senior grcup ¡sÊf,ior ch¡o6e allic¡al l¡sm silenced. d ¡oûm¡lists v¡silLlS tciihg official said the Post "ought to recognise its "sonc pmple, hcludhg bss6 dld lrl¡, F€nby, smnewspÀærs, h¿ve nót¡Îplù refilsed reclhd b omment oI reNn rcN ildca(sed all lhecontroversY-" ncwhls contr¿ct, from vaguc responsibility as the paper people outside Hong ot€n Mr. Pcnby's depùtrc, d It ùe flrs since LhefiMd. strted sWßestlons lhilt cxhú, newsprper's olerlhat flÂhlild of¿iclålhÂd Lâlkcdþ chd8e Kong read to learn about things here." rrhm sald¡l PN ecùtive F pioprlc¡"- dalay"B @vera€e in -^nbY,lis¡s Mr. Fenby said, "There's been a much stronger rule Mr. Fenby has been handed his walking papers. reaction to the newspaper from ofhcialdom, from Hong- Kong is not like Fleet Street where editors are business circles, from members of the establishment, customarily dismissed in a blunt telephone call from than at any time since the Handover." the publisher.

Pressure from Mainland China is mounting as well.

Earlier this month a senior Chinese official told a r. Fenb¡ 56, said his bosses did not explain group of Hong Kong journalists visiting Beijing that "some people, including some newspapers, have why they refused to renew his contract, aside from vague suggestions that they wanted a fuelled the row and caused all the controversy." It was change. He has not even talked to the proprithe first time since the Handover that a Mainland eto¡ Robert Kuok, a Malaysian billionaire who bought offrcial had criticised news coverage in Hong Kong. control of the Posf from Rupert Murdoch in 1993.

And to Mr. Fenb¡ it was an unmistakable sign that "There may be changes I'm not privy to," said Mr. Beljing has the Post in its cross hairs.

Fenby, a garrulous man who knows the vagaries of For all the heat, Mr. Fenby said he had not been newspapering from stints at The Indeþend,ent, The asked by Mr. Kuok or the newspaper's executive to tone Guardian and The Obseruer in Britain. "But obviousl¡ down the Post's coverage of the immigration issue. At the owners wanted people they could feel more other times in the last four years, however, Mr. Fenby comfortable with." said he had to fend off efforts by Mr. Kuok's deputies to The murky circumstances of Mr. Fenby's exit have influence coverage. prompted a rash of speculation that he is a victim of Shortly before the Handove¡ Mr. Fenby said, he Hong Kong's tightening political atmosphere. Under received a directive to refer to the 1989 military crackthe Mr. Fenby, tine South China Morning Post has been down in Tiananmen Square as an "incident" - a rather than sharply critical of the Hong Kong government word customarily used by Beijing "massacre." He briefly considered resigning over the most recentþ its decision to ask China to overrule an immigration ruling by the territory's highest court. issue. But he then decided to leave it up to his reporters "I strongly suspect this is motivated by his wanting to to decide which word to use.

"The word 'massacre' disappeared from the paper be more independent than the owners are willing to be," said Margaret Ng, a pro-democracy member of the for a couple of months, and I still perceive that the Hong Kong legislature." As a whole, newspapers have editors are sensitive about using it in headlines," said become steadily more pro-government since the Gren Manuel, an investigative reporter.

LhUrgs

much paper,

of f

lhe

Ch¡nÂis morrlh,

as

told a

l¿phooecall

56, såid hls v/hy (hey aslde theY He hüs not evcn

Hong KoDg ¿hd

lu€led lhe

to

lhc

ä

the

.l0nal

the

toa

dld ch¡ef

was

Limê

a

Hong an

Handover."

Mr. Kuok, whose company owns 34Vo of the shares

of the Posô declined to comment on the reason for Mr. Fenby's departure, as did Owen Jonathan, the newspaper's chief executive. But Mr. Jonathan said it was not related to the Postt news coverage, adding, "Editors do come, and they do go."

Although Hong Kong still has more than a dozen daily newspapers, which engage in roisterous competition, they tend to fall in line behind the government on the most critical issues, such as overturning the immigration ruling, which would have given over 1 million Mainland Chinese the right to live here.

THE CORRESPONDENT SEPTEIvIBER

I

999

bout the same time, Mr. Kuok brought in a prominent Chinese journalist, Feng Xiliang, one of the founders of China's offìcial Englishlanguage paper, China Daiþ. Reporters promptly

dubbed him the "political commissar." Again, Mr. Fenby contemplated leaving. But instead he decided to marginalise Mr. Feng, who ended up with little influence and is now rarely seen in the newsroom. By the middle of last year, though, it was Mr. Fenby who was in danger of being shunted to the sidelines.

Mr. Kuok brought in Robert Keatle¡ a longtime 25

PnrsnnNT's CoruuN editor at The Wall Street Journal, ostensibly to bring "a touch of The Wall Street Journat' by encouraging more analytical reporting, as Mr. Keatley puts it. Mr. Fenby wondered whether the paper was laying the ground work for his departure.

Those fears proved warranted. In Ma¡ Mr. Keatley was named to replace LETTERS TO THE BDITOR Mr. Fenby at An least for the- time

INTERN,4l'IONÀL

ln Hong l(ong, an Independent Btlitor Is ÉIaniled His Walking Papers

Keatle¡ 64,

inc York Tim€s

Mr. said

l '/n //¡,rs Krrs, oil r¡- doìn8 so. W€ hoF lo buìld on rhae ¿.pcil¡t.ilr E¿ilo¡ Is lloil¿el Hìs mrnyrrcngrhslyulkút, Pet.^, Arg.2). AtM¡ik Ro9RTKEATI-EY. Lrndlcr, the Times corcspondcnl, ltoneKong w¡s ¡nlormcd. lonrth,r Fenby\ kn rte wilt?t tr prilot ol nÊ stuilt ,,. Jir.iìi i¡. i",ì u,à í"i""¿. ".

Ií¿tùrtR Poil Chilà nor hûs;n:nú besun. üue ro p6trt\i

the paper was searching for a more long-term replacement.

Letter to the editor An Editor's Response

pressure from ilnyo¡e sbouLrnylhins Neirher hx. M. Feoby\ rulc ¡ rhc prper erdcdi h¿ *ill h¡rc ¡mporcnt

I

Several reporters said Mr. Kuok would like to put a Chinese journalist in the top job. Mr. Jonathan said race was not a factor though it would be an advantage if the new editor spoke Chinese.

For his part, Mr. Keatley denied that Mr. Fenby had been pushed out because of political

in resþonse to your article about the South China Morning Post, repriltted from lå¿ New York Times ("In Hong Kong, an Indeþendent am writing

Editor Is Handed His Walking Paþers," Aug. 2). As Marh Landler, The Times correspondent, was informed, Jonathan Fenby's tenure as editor of thePost did not end, nor has mine

begun, due to þolitical þressure frorn an)one about anything.

Neithu has Mr Fenby's role at the paper ended; he uill haue imþortant writing and other assignments for the comþany

considerations. And he pledged to maintain the Posúi editorial stance on legal issues and Hong Kong's auton-

throughout the year Mr Fenby made many fine contributions to thePost in his years as editor, and he has not yetfinished,

omy'

doing so. We hoþe to build on these many strengths.

"I do come out of The Wall StreetJournal," he said. "It stands for human rights and the rule of law" I

Robert Keatlel

The Chin:sse Pness is Re,a| Battlefl'eld

Reþrinted with þermission from the Apple Daily

In an article written for The Indeþendent ín London he hints that he had to go because

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hen newspaper owners decide that they no longer require the services of their editors it is, I suppose, understandable that some departing editors seek a high-minded matter of principle to explain why they are going.

Jonathan Fenby, who hasjust been replaced as the editor of the South China Morning Post, appears to be keen to tell people overseas that the termination of his contract was "part of a shift in the political wind in Hong Kong."

26

he had been a staunch defender of freedom, implying, but not saying, that as editor of the Post, he had gone further than other editors

in pursuing a

courageous independent editorial line. Overseas audiences quite like È to hear tales of courageous editors battling for press freedom in Hong Kong.

IJnfortunately those of us who live here and are regular readers of local newspapers find it hard to see things in this heroic light.

There may well be a battle for press freedom in Hong Kong, but I would strongly --question whether Mr. Fenby was leading it.

The real battleground lies within the Chinese media, read by the majority of the population and most carefully scrutinised by the nerly people who run the government and object to even the most modest criticism.

That is why reporters of the Apple Daily are routinely barred from covering Chinese official events, while other reporters can do so at any time. That is why the sycophants who seek to curry favour with Beijing are so worried about RTHK and want it reduced to a ! g

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4${ry5È-=< dAEKg+ts Ê*<+*ë45*$E<È=FE %Ê-=SÊ {rÈ*t+!=: (È_s:i=) $ÈHq+=fgl:SF -58Ëeå+ sa+Ð-{!s4E =c$\{l<r= SEqSiAq=¿g gs*SsJ < ËÞ1:E!!1=:ã eÈ! Ë S1+Flã qg8 fr+EÃ+eê<-t<+É =95! lÊ=ògEÈÈe---?=-=kÈÊ Ë5ÈäËúgÁ-L I êg{Sq F:aì <5=g =+ *+ÐÈsg:*qÞE:=\d È=sÞ3 E¡:==gË?<Èr= å<> 5ã+ar+54;i *-r-

guishing betr'r,een legitimate criticism and commentary which it believes undermines the state. Editors come and go, the big issues remain. I

lr

should be aware of this. Indeed there is even

some advantage to the administration

in having a more critical voice in the papers accessible to the overseas community, as a way of proving that Hong Kong is a truly free Letters society. Mr. Fenby boasted to readers of The to Asian Wall Street Journal reprinl of Apple Indeþendent about how his paper had run a Daily arlicle Editor the front-page story on the tenth anniversary rally commemorating the Tiananmen Square massacre.

Letter to the Ed,itor lVould-be Competitor Very fev, iJ atry, oi you readeß will Maþe he did not see the coverage given to this event Would-be Competitor h¿ye seen my añjcle of a month ago in the IndeDendenl of London which was the subin the Apple Daily, nor indeed in most of the other ject oi a commetrtary piece you ran by Stephen Vines 0o Sept 1, "Who's Battling Chinese-language newspapers with the usual excepVery few if any, of your lor HoûgKong's Press FÌeedom?" could I conect the spray 0[ peEonalized distotions tion of the two dull Beijing-controlled dailies. He readers uill haue seen m) by tle iomer edjtor ol lthe deiuct Hong Kotrg newspaperl the Eastem Express? urticle of a month ago in proudly states that tlne South China Morning Post used I lvas asked by the Itrdependenl lo uite about my iour yeârs as edilor of the South the word massacre to describe the events ofJune 4th the Independent o/ Dost- not.

Chin" 'qelal [,onr]on uhich uas the over 100 times in ayear.

Ifjournalistic independence could be reduced to an subject of a commentary piece )ou ran fu Stepehn Vines on Sept. 1, "Who's Battling for Hong Kong's Press arithmetic formula, life would be far more simple than Freedom?" So could I correct the sþray of personalised it is. The fact of the matter is that the great changes taking place in Hong Kong occur in complex ways. distortions by the former editor of the defunct Hong Kong The job of the media is to make sense of these changes newsþaþe.r, The Eastern Express ? and provide commentary on them. The Post, under I was asked 4, thelndependent to urite about my four Mr. Fenby's editorship, has done an excellent job of )ears &s editor of the South China Morning Post, not about actions undermine the government's which the general þress scene in Hong Kong. Hence the absence of covering more a rather rule of law.

It has performed any mention of the Chinese-language þress. the job the enormous in explaining I did not im,pþ that I "gone further than other editors in inadequate Kong's Hong in are undermining changes policy which þursuing an indeþendent editorial line." I did not reþ to mry highly it has been free-market economy and departure as being "þart of a shifi in the þolitical wind in traditional the changing in coming to terms with Hong Kong." These uords were clearly sourced to prounimpressive 'Singaporisation' a is leading to political scenery which democracy þoliticians and uere followed by a statement from life. of political theSCMP mangement. role under Posúwill a vigorous I did not 'boast" that thePost had run a front-þage story perform \Alhether the to however, diffìcult not known.

It is, on the l)th anniuersary of the Tiananmen massaue. I simþly its new editor is excellevel of editorial has reached a comþared the Mainland þress and the couerage giuen by the argue that it course, if to maintain.

Of be hard subject of my article, thePost. I did not "þroud\" state that lence which will as a martlr to be taken seriously really wants thePost had used the word "nùassacre" to describeJune 4 more Mr. Fenby to stop he have in Hong Kong, will 100 freedom than times in a groundless nature of allegations that I for press 'consultancy services' a salary for providing had banned M-word the accepting from the þaþer he implies, terminated who, the very people Pride, boasting, The former editor of Posô self-aggrandisement: to the independently he was too because f/¿¿ Post's short-liaed. uould-be comþetitor has a magical his services ability to conjure uþ things that there.

I just wouldn't aren't minded. real struggle in Hong is a very there want readers yorn to be misled.

Meanwhile Kong to maintain a free press in the face of newspaper owners with big-business interests in China and in the Jonathan Fenby So

By Stephen Vines

r:+rinTtxÞ

face of a government which has a hard time distin-

sector of the local media. Obviously newspapers written in English are more accessible to the international community, but the heartland of the Hong Kong media is and will remain in the Chinese medium.

I

being.

propaganda machine. They fear that people will draw their own conclusions from its independent coverage.

Having been an editor of an English-language newspaper in Hong Kong, I can sa¡ without being rude to Mr. Fenby, that we come from the minority

THE CORRTSPONDENT SEPTEMBER 1999

THE CORRESPONDENT SEPTEMBER 1999

27

Mnnrn

AnouNu Tnn FCC

MüFü,och'$ $hadow OueF the SEMP ByJonathan

Mirsþ

Reþrinted ruith þermission.þom the Apple Dally

he news thatJonathan Fenb¡ editor of ùte South China Morning Post, has been sacked, is gloomy news indeed for Hong Kong's press. I hardly know Mr. Fenb¡ who has had many otherjobs in

journalism and have only his article in the London Indeþend,ent newspaper for an account of what happened, together with a substantial article in the New York Times, which is careful about facts. \44:rat has happened, if true, is bad for Hong Kong's reputation as a centre for press freedom in East Asia and, as Mr. Fenby notes, the only place in China where

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Russell Cawthorne's farewell The Club's very own film magnate is heading Down Under to join his family in Melbourne (L-F) Photographers Ray Cranbourne and Bob Davis with Russell, he of the dazzling smile

Quiz Night Popular as ever. This time first place was taken by Hong Kong Mensa, Simon Clannell accepted the prizes from convenor Wendy Richardson

papers can criticise the government, both local and in

Beijing. Mr Fenby observes that unlike Mainland papers which ignoredJune 4th this year, his paper ran a big picture of the Hong Kong vigil and criticised (Chief Executive) Tung Chee-hwa's recommendation that Tiananmen be consigned to history. His paper was not the only one which took such a stand, but it took it.

Nor is his paper the only one which stands up for liberty and justice in Hong Kong, but it has stood.

The train of events leading up to the Fenby dismissal is an unhappy one. \Mhat alarms me the most is the alle-

gation by Mr. Fenby that Chief Secretary Anson Chan, whom I like and admire, said of him "I was so anxious to prove my professional credentials that the Posl had become far more critical of the new government than it had been of the previous administration." I hope Mrs Chan will refute this charge because what she is alleged to have said is not true: the Posl's columnists regularly attacked the Patten government and so did its editorials.

Almost as alarming is the remark by a central government official that the Hong Kong media "should explain government policies, "and accusing some papers of causing controversy over the issue of the rule of law. A local official told The Nau Yorh Times that the Post "ought to recognise its responsibilities as the paper people outside Hong Kong read to learn about things here."

These warnings remind me of fwo things. Mao used

to

say,

and the Communist Party still maintains, that

newspapers should be the mouthpieces of the Party, "engineers of the soul," and should avoid fairness and

criticism; instead papers should draw distinctions

sold it because it made Beijing angry decided after I had written for the paper for almost -four years that it

should cease its criticism of China, both in its news articles and in its comments. With a few exceptions this happened. Mr. Murdoch also broke his contract with (former governor) Chris Patten to publish East and West, explicitly because he disagreed with Mr. Patten's views on China. The Times failed to report this news for almost a week after its rivals in London has splashed it all over their front pages. Last year, President Jiang congratulated Mr. Murdoch on his papers' "objectivity" in covering China, and Mr. Murdoch, in turn, told Mr. Jiang that for years he had approved all, yes all, Chinese policies.

æ

London calling Peter Berry dines with former club steward (we didn't have managers in those days) Alexi Wedderburn.

Live music at Bert's Mike Flagg's Grits and Gravy, with William Tang on harmonica, packed the Club's jazzbar.

Jonathan, said

on Mr. Fenby's departure,

"Editors come and go.

So they do. I urge Hong Kong's alert mediawatchers to watch the Post. If it continues to report and comment as before, Mr. Fenby's departure will be only a personal disaster. If it becomes a Beijing-poodle, not matter how subtle, the disaster will be Hong Kong's. A good start would be for Mrs Chan to deny Mr. Fenby's allegation and to say publicly that under his editorship tJae South China Morning Post did Hong Kong proud.

She should do this because on her trips abroad Mrs Chan never misses a chance to say that Hong Kong's unfettered and unfetterable press is a sign that 'One Country-Two Systems' really works. I Postscript

last April, were not reported until last month (July) when the authorities threw the switch and the campaign began to smear what must be one of the gentlest movements in Chinese history.

The other thing I am reminded of is the effect of Rupert Murdoch on The Times of London, of which I was East Asia editor for five years until 1997. Mr. Murdoch who used to own the Postand admitted he

Jonathan Mirsky adds: Since writing this, I have heard from ex-members of the SCMP staff that during Mr. Fenby's editorship there were struggles about how to write about China, in which it is alleged that Mr. Fenby sometimes bowed to pressure from management.

He vigorously denies this. It is also alleged that he has accepted a consultancy pa)./ment from the management whose treatment of him he deplores.

-

o o

o now Hong Kong appears to have lost an independent editor to what might be called Maoism/ Murdochism. The Posl's Chief Executive, Owen

between "bright" and "dark. "The off,rcial line should always be "bright." This explains why Tiananmen was invisible in the Mainland media and why the arrests of the Falun Gong's thousands of believers, which began

28

T

THE CORRESPONDENT SEPTEMBER 1999

Avriel and Michael Gerber's farewell The Red Lips Brigade (top)had a special 'good-bye' lunch for Avriel as the couple are off to France

THE CORRESPONDENT SEPTEMBER I999

Scandinavian Crayfish Bash Full house time was had by all.

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and a good

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INFORMATION Ph

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Editorial Features, Advefiising, Corporate and Commercial Photography throughout S.E. Asia and the Pacific

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THE CORRESPONDENT SEPTEMBER 1999

31

FCC Facns

A lnonthXy portrait of

FCC lrreplæceables

THE

2OOO

FCC DIARIES

The 2000 FCC range of executive diaries is now at "Club" prices. Each has been specially produced with a wealth of important information, in either black imported bonded leather or calf skin for wallets. All feature a discreet logo and your name, if requested Avoid disappointment and order early as stocks are limited. Orders will be available for collection in December. Allow three weeks for personalising with your name or initials.

Ted Thomas

Fax to: 2868-4092 E-mail: fcc@fcchk.org

The Foreign Correspondents' Club No. 2 Lower Albert Road, Hong Kong I wish to order 2000 FCC Diaries: Items Price Ouantitv FCC Desk Diary lüi320 FCC Compact Diary ffz+0

Yes,

bUU ,t,ocket L,lary FCC Address Book FCC Calf Skin Wallet Plus Name/Initials

A. The Desk Diary. 58 weeks in popular week-to-view format; international

public holidays; world

Arthur Hacker

Member since:

was a boy soprano.

Same as Sean Connery,i.e. the age of consent.

Age: Profession:

Nationality: Least likely to say: Most likely to say:

Troubleshooter to the stars.

Adoptive Cockney with a touch of Irish.

Your round I think.

When are Associate Members going to have a proper say in running this Club?

atlas.

HK$320.00

B. The FCC Compact Desk Diary. The new convenient size of 164 x 210 mm popular week-to-view diary; international publicholidays; general information. HK$240.00 C. The FCC Pocket Diary. 58 weeks in

information.

HK$

E. The FCC Calf Skin Wallet. Ideal the Pocket Diary.

Photographed by Ray Cranbourne 32

chart.

THE CORRESPONDENT SEPTEMBER 1999

$2+o

$45

t Maximum 24 letters, including space(s) Unless specified, all letters will be in capital letters.

bill

my accounl

Name 80.00

D. The FCC Address Book. Handy pocket size with international IDD codes and

world time

8t)

$90

z

Please

the popularrveek-to-view format; international public holidays; general

s

Total

Account

No._

Please calì

Sisnature fax to

or E-mail to

HK$

90.00

for HK$240.00

when units are available to be collected at the club office Please note personalised orders will be ready in the third week of December.

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