SREBRENICA TODAY

Šta se događa u SREBRENICI DANAS?

What’s going on in SREBRENICA TODAY?

Dvadeset godina nakon genocida, ovi posteri pokazuju trenutke svakodnevnog života u Srebrenici i njenoj okolini. Uprkos određenim problemima koji i dalje postoje, optimizam se širi na sve strane.

Twenty years after the genocide, these posters show moments of everyday life in the town of Srebrenica and its surroundings. Despite still existing problems, hopes for the future are starting to spread.

SREBRENICA DANAS TODAY je vizualni portret grada i njegovih stanovnika.

is a visual portrait of the town and its residents.

1 Portret Hasib Sejdinović i Marijan Tadić —tekst Erharda Buseka 2 Portret Senad Omerović —tekst Borisa Budena 3 Portret Emir Bektić, Nikola Gagić i Aljo Smailović —tekst Slavenke Drakulić 4 Portret Emin Bektić —tekst Harisa Pašovića 5 Portret Čamka, Kadira, Fatima i Đeneta Bektić —tekst Wolfganga Petritscha 6 Portret Ahmet Ustić —tekst Doraje Eberle 7 Portret Hilda Đozić —tekst Jasmile Žbanić 8 Portret Mladen Kojić —tekst Bojane Pejić

1 Portrait of Hasib Sejdinović and Marijan Tadić —text by Erhard Busek 2 Portrait of Senad Omerović —text by Boris Buden 3 Portrait of Emir Bektić, Nikola Gagić and Aljo Smailović —text by Slavenka Drakulić 4 Portrait of Emin Bektić —text by Haris Pašović 5 Portrait of Čamka, Kadira, Fatima and Đeneta Bektić —text by Wolfgang Petritsch 6 Portrait of Ahmet Ustić —text by Doraja Eberle 7 Portrait of Hilda Đozić —text by Jasmila Žbanić 8 Portrait of Mladen Kojić —text by Bojana Pejić

Smještena između Bosne i Srbije, Drina uvijek izgleda impresivno i grandiozno. A ako uspijete da pronađete put do osamljenog mjesta gdje je Tito uvjerio Međunarodni olimpijski komitet da odobri Jugoslaviji održavanje prvih Olimpijskih igara u Sarajevu 1984. godine, vidjet ćete rijeku kako polako vijuga kroz stoljećima star kanjon. Bez obzira da li gledate u nju odozgo, ili se vozite brodom, Drina predstavlja ogroman potencijal za lokalne zajednice.

Nestled between Bosnia and Serbia, the river Drina always looks impressive and grand.

And if you try to find your way to the secluded place where Tito convinced the International Olympic Committee to grant Yugoslavia the first Olympic Games in Sarajevo in 1984, you will follow the Drina slowly meandering through the age-old canyon. No matter if you look at her down from the top of the canyon like Marijan, or from a boat taking you for a ride like Hasib, the Drina holds a big potential for the local communities.

SREBRENICA DANAS Erhard Busek

Prije puno godina, posjećujući Bosnu, prošao sam kroz Srebrenicu, nesvjestan činjenice da će nekad kasnije to biti ime jednog gradića sa dubokim i važnim evropskim značenjem!

Srebrenica je sinonim za genocid, strašna zlodjela i zasigurno za nedostatak kapaciteta za istinsko pomirenje. Naravno, holandska vlada je dala ostavku, kao rezultat neuspjeha holandskih vojnika da pruže zaštitu građanima Bosne i Hercegovine. Ali to nije dovoljno!

Međunarodni sud pravde u Hagu je presuđivao samo za zločine protiv ljudskih prava i stoga je također kriv zbog svojih prilično ograničenih koraka u pravom smjeru.

Srebrenica znači da moramo čuvati ove događaje u našem pamćenju, ne samo u znak sjećanja na nesretne žrtve, već i da bismo održali sjećanja na strahote snažnim i spriječili da se ikada ponove. Ali ova rečenica predstavlja samo nadu, jer se i u naše vrijeme iznova dešavaju zločini protiv ljudskih bića, čak i više nego prije. Moramo postaviti pitanje šta možemo naučiti iz ovih događaja? Učenje iz istorije zasigurno nije najjači ljudski kapacitet, ali to ne znači da trebamo sve zaboraviti i da ne trebamo ništa učiniti. Naprotiv, moramo čuvati sjećanja živim.

Ovo je apel različitim ljudskim identitetima koji postoje u svijetu.

Apel, na primjer, religijama, crkvama i vjerskim zajednicama, građanskom društvu da se bori protiv takvih nedjela čak i prije nego što se dese, istoričarima da zadrže sjećanje živim, političarima da se ne zadrže samo na riječima već da pripreme odgovarajuće mjere da se izbjegnu slične okrutnosti.

Srebrenica je apel za mir, solidarnost i ljubav prema svim ljudima! Također je potrebno da se ne bude očajno, jer moramo početi iznova i nastaviti se kretati u pravom smjeru.

Na kraju, ali ne i najmanje važno, Srebrenica za mene predstavlja riječ koja znači izazov, jer se ne trebamo moliti samo za nesretne žrtve, već i za one koji su počinili zločine, u smislu oprosta. Isto tako, neophodno je da naredne generacije znaju šta se dogodilo i šta oni moraju učiniti u budućnosti da spriječe takve događaje.

Erhard Busek je austrijski političar.

On je koordinator Inicijative za saradnju u Jugoistočnoj Evropi (SECI) i predsjednik Instituta za Dunavski region i Centralnu Evropu u Beču. Busek je bio specijalni koordinator Pakta za stabilnost Jugoistočne Evrope, posljednja osoba na toj poziciji (2002.–2008.).

On je član Savjetodavnog odbora ERSTE Fondacije.

SREBRENICA TODAY Erhard Busek

Years ago visiting Bosnia, I passed through Srebrenica, unaware of the fact that some time later it would be the name of a village with a deep and important European-wide meaning. Srebrenica is a synonym for genocide, horrible wrongdoings, with no capacity for real reconciliation. Of course, the Dutch government resigned because Dutch troops failed to provide protection for citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina. But that is not enough! The International Court of Justice in The Hague convicted only those who committed crimes against human rights and is therefore also to blame for limited moves in the right direction.

Srebrenica means that we have to keep these events in our memory, not only to commemorate the poor victims, but also to keep the memories of the atrocities vivid to prevent them from ever happening again.

But this sentence can only be an expression of hope because in the present, again and again crimes against human beings are committed, even more than before. We need to raise the question what we can learn from these events. Learning from history is undoubtedly not the strongest human capability, but that does not mean that we should forget everything and do nothing. On the contrary, we have to keep the memory alive.

This is an appeal to different human organisations existing in the world today: Churches and religious communities, as well as civil society must fight such wrongdoings even before they start; historians must keep the memory alive, and politicians must pay not only lip service but prepare adequate measures to avoid similar cruelties.

Srebrenica is an appeal for peace, for solidarity and love to all human beings. It is necessary not to despair, because we have to start again and again, to move in the right direction.

Last but not least, Srebrenica is a word for me that presents a challenge, as we should not only pray for the poor victims but also pray and forgive those who committed the crimes. It is also necessary that future generations know what happened and what they must do to prevent such events.

Erhard Busek is an Austrian politician. He is the coordinator of the South-Eastern Cooperative Initiative (SECI) and Chairman of the Institute for Danube Region and Central Europe in Vienna. Busek served as special coordinator of the Stability Pact for South Eastern Europe, the final person to hold the position (2002–08).

He is member of ERSTE Foundation’s Advisory Board.

Senad started his business with three green houses in 2009. He was the first one in this area who endeavored to do this since the war ended.

Today he produces 100 tons of fruits and vegetables and could do much more. The soil is fertile and water is all around. Investors are showing their interest, but what is missing is qualified personnel, larger areas of undivided land and entrepreneurial spirit.

Senad je započeo posao s tri plastenika 2009. godine, prvi koji se okušao u ovakvom poduhvatu u ovim krajevima od završetka rata.

Danas proizvodi 100 tona voća i povrća i mogao bi učiniti i mnogo više.

Zemljište je dobro, plodno i vode ima svuda oko nas. Investitori pokazuju interes, ali ono što nedostaje je kvalificirano osoblje, veća područja nepodijeljenog zemljišta i poduzetnički duh.

SREBRENICA NAKON KOMEMORACIJE: Ka politici osvete Boris Buden Kad uđete u bivši koncentracioni logor Buchenwald, u blizini Weimara, u Njemačkoj, koji je sada memorijalni kompleks, lijevo od glavne kapije ćete naći relativno skromnu spomen-ploču postavljenu na zemlju i često okruženu vijencima. Na njoj se nalazi tekst na njemačkom jeziku: “Ägypter, Albaner, Algerier, Amerikaner, Andorraner”... koji, preveden na bosanski, kaže: “Egipćani, Albanci, Alžirci, Andorci”, i tako dalje po abecednom redu, do “...Portugalaca, Roma, Rumuna, Rusa, Šveđana, zatvorenika bez državljanstva i drugih nepoznatih zatvorenika.” Dakle, ni jedno ljudsko biće nije ubijeno u Buchenwaldu; samo bezimeni nosioci različitih nacionalnih identiteta, lišeni bilo koje druge ljudske kvalitete i bilo kojeg drugog društvenog odnosa, osim pripadnosti određenoj identitetskoj zajednici. Sve ostalo ne može biti obilježeno i nužno je prepušteno zaboravu.

To, međutim, nije problem ovog konkretnog spomen mjesta, već bilo koje tzv kulture komemoracije. Ona, ukratko rečeno, pamti prošlost samo kao zrcalnu sliku sadašnjice. I pamti je samo kao kulturu, to jest kao kulturu koja pamti a i kulturu koja se pamti. Dakle, u Buchenwaldu pamti i obilježava Egipćane zajedno s Britancima, i jedne i druge apstraktno izjednačene ne samo kao žrtve nacističkog fašizma, već i kao predstavnike dvije jednake kulture, potpuno u skladu sa poznatim sloganom multikulturalizma: svi različiti, svi jednaki.

Međutim, istorijska istina je da su upravo u vrijeme kada je nacistički koncentracioni logor “Buchenwald” bio aktivan, Egipćani bili u duboko nejednakom društvenom odnosu s Britancima. Konkretno, bili su podvrgnuti njihovoj kolonijalnoj vladavini. Ova jednostavna isto-

SREBRENICA AFTER COMMEMORATION: Towards a Politics of Revenge Boris Buden After you have entered the former concentration camp Buchenwald, which is now a memorial complex near Weimar, Germany, on the left from the main gate, you will find a relatively modest memorial plaque set on ground and often surrounded with wreaths. It has a text on it in German: “Ägypter, Albaner, Algerier, Amerikaner, Andorraner,” … which, translated in English, says: “Egyptians, Albanians, Algerians, Andorrans,” and so forth in alphabetic order until “… Portuguese, Roma, Rumanians, Russians, Swedes, stateless and other unknown inmates.” So, not a single human being was killed in Buchenwald; only nameless bearers of different national identities, stripped of any other human quality and any other social relation except of their belonging to a particular identitarian community. All the rest cannot be commemorated and is necessarily left to oblivion.

This is, however, not a problem of this particular memory site but of any so-called culture of commemoration. To put it short, it remembers the past only as a mirror image of its present. And it remembers it only as a culture, that is, as a culture that remembers as well as a culture that is remembered. So in Buchenwald it remembers and commemorates Egyptians along with British, both abstractly equated not only as victims of Nazi-fascism but also as representatives of two equal cultures, entirely in agreement with the famous slogan of multiculturalism: all different, all equal. However, the historical truth is that precisely in the same time when the Nazi concentration camp “Buchenwald” was active, the Egyptians were in a profoundly unequal social relation to the British, concretely they were subjected to their colonial rule.

rijska istina, ili preciznije, istina o istorijskom a samim time i politički kontingentnom društvenom odnosu je ono što uglavnom izmiče svakoj kulturi komemoracije. Uvijek je kulturalno retrospektivna, nikada nije istorijski i politički perspektivna. To je razlog zašto nužno podrazumijeva neku vrstu post-istorijskog zaključenja. Osvrće se na istoriju sa tačke izvan istorije. Drugim riječima, upravlja efektima istorijskih događaja sa tačke koja više nije pod uticajem istorijskih događaja. Za bilo koju politiku sjećanja, koliko god da je inkluzivna, emancipatorski motivirana i demokratski generirana, politika će uvijek ostati samo stvar memorije, odnosno prošlosti.

U tom smislu Srebrenica i kultura komemoracije kojom je ona okružena nije izuzetak. U Srebrenici su ubijeni samo bosanski Muslimani, a ubili su ih samo Srbi. Niti jedno ljudsko biće nije ubijeno i niti jedno ljudsko biće nije počinilo zločin. Retrospektivno, u komemoraciji se ono što se dogodilo javlja kao jedno pitanje između dva identiteta, Srba i Muslimana, koje se savršeno očituje u aktuelnoj političkoj stvarnosti u Bosni i Hercegovini, podijeljenoj u etnički jasno razgraničene političke entitete. Ako je, s jedne strane, aktuelna kultura komemoracije svela veoma složeni politički sukob, nastao iz raspada istorijskog komunizma i jugoslovenske savezne države, na potpuno apstraktan i ne-politički odnos između počinitelja i žrtava, s druge strane je u potpunosti prepoznala opšti politički ishod ovog sukoba. Kultura komemoracije se artikulira u potpunosti u skladu sa političkom paradigmom koja je nastala kao rezultat rata i zločina.

Konačno, ako je cilj komemoracije bio izgraditi na mjestu zločina i na ruševinama rata kulturu koja nikada neće zaboraviti ono što se dogodilo, cilj politike nakon komemoracije je uništiti ono što su postigli kriminal i rat. Samo će se novi politički pokret koji će radikalno – a ukoliko je potrebno i nasilno – baciti rukavicu u lice postojećoj političkoj realnosti u Bosni i Hercegovini prisjetiti onog šta je kultura komemoracije već zaboravila – onih ljudska bića koja više ne vidimo ni u Buchenwaldu ni u Srebrenici.

Boris Buden je pisac, kulturni kritičar i prevoditelj.

Studirao je filozofiju u Zagrebu, a doktorirao teoriju kulture na Humboldt Univerzitetu u Berlinu.

Devedesetih je osnovao i bio je urednik časopisa i izdavačke kuće Arkzin u Zagrebu. Živi u Berlinu.

This simple historical truth, or more precisely, the truth of a historical and with that a politically contingent social relation is what generally eludes every culture of commemoration. It is always culturally retrospective, never historically and politically prospective. This is why it necessarily implies a sort of post-historical closure. It looks back at history from a point beyond history. In other words, it administrates the effects of historical events from a point, which is no longer affected by historical events. For any politics of memory, however inclusive, emancipatory motivated and democratically generated, politics will always stay merely a matter of memory, that is, of past.

In this sense Srebrenica and the culture of commemoration it is surrounded by is not an exception. Only Bosnian Muslims were killed in Srebrenica and only Serbs killed them. Not a single human being was killed and not a single human being perpetrated a crime. In commemoration the event appears retrospectively as a single issue between two identities, Serbs and Muslims, which perfectly translates into the actual political reality of Bosnia and Herzegovina, divided into ethnically clearly demarcated political entities. If, on the one side, the current culture of commemoration has reduced the highly complex political conflict, emerged out of the collapse of historical communism and Yugoslav federal state, to a totally abstract and non-political relation between perpetrators and victims, it has, on the other side, completely recognized general political outcome of this conflict.

The culture of commemoration articulates itself totally in accordance with the political paradigm that was established as the result of war and crime.

Finally, if the goal of commemoration was to build at the scene of the crime and on the ruins of war a culture that will never forget what happened, the goal of a politics after the commemoration is rather to ruin what the crime and war have achieved. Only a new political movement that will radically – and if needed violently – challenge the existing political reality in Bosnia and Herzegovina will remember what culture of commemoration has already forgotten – those human beings we no longer see in Buchenwald and Srebrenica.

Boris Buden is a writer, cultural critic, and translator. He studied philosophy in Zagreb and received his PhD in Cultural Theory from Humboldt University, Berlin. In the 1990s he founded and was editor of the magazine and publishing house Arkzin in Zagreb. He lives in Berlin.

Emir je, u različitim ulogama, dio FK Guber više od 9 godina.

U posljednje dvije godine klub je gotovo postigao svoj cilj, napredak u viši rang takmičenja, toliko željenu drugu ligu. I mada političke i etničke podjele i dalje postoje u mnogim drugim mjestima, Nikola i Aljo čak i ne razumiju ovo pitanje. Oni su prijatelji iz djetinjstva i na terenu FK Gubera sport je jedini jezik.

Emir has, in different roles, been part of the FC Guber for over 9 years. In the last two, the club almost achieved its goal: advancing into higher rank, the so much desired second league. And although political and ethnic divides still exist, Nikola and Aljo do not understand these distinctions. They have been friends since childhood and on the field of the FC Guber, sport is the only language.

“BILO MI JE ŽAO DA UMREM ŽEDAN” Slavenka Drakulić

“I FELT SAD THAT I WAS GOING TO DIE THIRSTY” Slavenka Drakulić

Slavenka Drakulić is a Croatian novelist and non-fiction writer. She has written extensively about the war crimes of the last Yugoslav war, for instance in They Would Never Hurt a Fly: War Criminals on Trial in The Hague (2005).

She is based in Zagreb and Stockholm.

Dvadeset godina je prošlo od masakra u Srebrenici kada je vojska Republike Srpske pod komandom generala Ratka Mladića ušla u zonu zaštićenu od UN vojnika holandskog bataljona, odvojila muškarce od žena, strijeljala jedne a deportirala druge.

Pitam se, je li dvadeset godina puno ili malo vremena? Budući da je odrasla cijela jedna generacija, rođena 1995 , čini mi se da je puno. Tako vjerojatno misle i oni ljudi u Americi ili Njemačkoj koji su pažljivo pratili ratne izvještaje čudeći se da se pokolj dešava u XX stoljeću, usred Europe, a kojima Srebrenica već blijedi iz sjećanja. Novi ratovi zaokupljaju im pažnju, onaj u Siriji, Libiji ili Ukrajini na primjer. Ratova ne nedostaje. Pa i u puno bližim krajevima oni koji su sami preživjeli rat u BIH pokušavaju ga zaboraviti. Jer, kako piše Varlam Šalamov, čovjek živi uz pomoć zaborava. Za poslijeratnu generaciju, Srebrenica je simbol nečeg strašnog i okrutnog, ali nečeg dalekog , što se dogodilo prije njihovog rođenja.

A opet, na svaku godišnjicu čini mi se da je prošlo malo vremena jer su sjećanja onih koji se okupe da oplakuju mrtve još tako živa. Kao da je rat bio jučer, kao da su vojnici jučer odveli od kuće njihove sinove i očeve, dječake, starce, većinom civile…njih više od osam tisuća u mjesta oko Sre-

brenice, u smrt. Ratko Mladić još uvijek nije osuđen. Lista streljanih se nastavlja, iskopane kosti se ponovo pokapaju, ovoga puta s imenom i prezimenom. Žene, koje su živjele strepeći od potvrde konačno doznaju sudbinu svojih i neznaju ni same je li bolje znati ili neznati. I tako rat u njima traje i traje i kao da mu se ne nazire kraja, jer nema ni istine ni pravde bez kojih nema pomirenja.

Nisu u pitanju samo sjećanja, nego nešto što ih muči dublje i bolnije , a to su osjećaji. Njihovi su osjećaji poput ožiljaka koji nikako da zarastu, poput rana koje nikako da se zatvore . Osjećaji ponekad, kad se sjetimo Srebrenica, guše i nas, ljude koji nisu doživjeli tragediju ali je pamte. Meni se to dogodilo kad sam pročitala riječi zaštićenog svjedoka B-1401.

Pamtim da je to bilo na suđenju Slobodanu Miloševiću dok je još bio živ, davne 2003 godine: “ Neki su ih molili da nam daju vode, pa da nas onda ubiju. Bilo mi je žao da umrem žedan. Kada je došao red na mene, izašao sam i vidio redove leševa. Pomislio sam da majka nikada neće znati gdje sam…Imao sam tolike bolove, da sam želio da i mene ubiju.

U jednom trenutku, kraj svoje glave vidio sam čizmu, a onda je vojnik pucao u glavu čovjeku koji je ječao pored mene. “, ispričao je mladić koji je tada , kada je stajao

pred streljačkim vodom, imao samo sedamnaest godina.

Ipak, njegovo svjedočenje ohrabruje. Jer ono na što počinitelji ne računaju je da svaki takav užas, od Srebrenice do Auschwitza, uvijek netko preživi. Preživjeli pričaju, svjedoče, desetljećima traže pravdu jer zločin nikad ne zastarijeva. Možda je najbolji način sjećanja na Srebrenicu da svatko od nas zapamti makar jedno lice iz dokumentarnih filmova o Srebrenici, jednu rečenicu nekog svjedoka ili izbjeglice, ili barem jedno ime žrtve. Ja nikada neću zaboraviti rečenicu “Bilo mi je žao da umrem žedan.” Svjedoka B-1401. Ona je moj mali ožiljak.

Twenty years have passed since the massacre in Srebrenica, when the army of Republika Srpska, under the command of General Ratko Mladić, entered the zone protected by the UN Dutch battalion soldiers, separated the men from the women, shot the former and deported the latter.

I wonder whether twenty years is a lot of time or a little?

Considering that a whole generation, born in 1995, has grown up since then, it seems to me like a lot. That is probably what those people in America or Germany who followed the war reports, amazed that a massacre could be happening in the heart of Europe at the end of the twentieth century, feel, too. Srebrenica must already be fading from their memory. New wars have captured their attention since – Syria, Libya, or Ukraine, for example. There is no shortage of wars.

Even survivors of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina are trying to forget it. Because, as Varlam Shalamov writes, a man survives by forgetting. For the postwar generation, Srebrenica is a symbol of something terrible and cruel, but it happened long ago, before their time.

And yet, on every anniversary, it seems so recent to me because the memories of those who gather to mourn the dead

are still very vivid. As if the war ended only yesterday, as if the soldiers only yesterday took away their sons and fathers, boys, old men, mostly civilians... More than eight thousand were taken to their death in locations around Srebrenica.

Ratko Mladić has not yet been sentenced. The list of the people executed is not yet finished, and the excavated bones are being re-buried, this time at least with their proper names.

The women, who lived in fear of the truth – not even sure anymore whether it was better to know or not to know – finally learned the fate of their loved ones. And so the war inside them goes on and on, as if there is still no end in sight because there is no truth or justice, and without that there is no reconciliation.

But it is not just memories; there is something even deeper and more painful that brings the dead back to the survivors: feelings. Their feelings are like scars that never heal, like wounds that do not close. Even we who have not experienced the tragedy but do remember it, sometimes choke up when we remember Srebrenica.

It happened to me when I read the words of a survivor of the Srebrenica massacre, protected Witness B-1401. I remember it

was at Slobodan Milosevic’s trial back in 2003 when he was still alive: “Some people begged them to give us water first and then kill us. I felt sad that I was going to die thirsty. When it was my turn, I went out and saw rows of corpses.

I thought how my mother would never know where I was ... I was in so much pain that I wanted them to kill me too. At one point, I saw a boot next to my head, and then a soldier shot the man who was groaning next to me in the head,” said the young man who, back then, when he stood before a firing squad, was only seventeen.

Still, his testimony is encouraging. Because, what the perpetrators do not expect is that, from Srebrenica to Auschwitz, someone always survives the horror. Survivors talk, testify, demand justice and go on doing so for decades, because war crimes never grow cold. Therefore, perhaps the best way to remember Srebrenica is for each of us to remember at least one face from the photos of or documentaries about Srebrenica, one sentence spoken by an eye-witness or war refugee, or at least one victim’s name. Personally I will never forget the sentence “I felt sad that I was going to die thirsty” by Witness B-1401. That sentence remains as my own little scar.

Slavenka Drakulić je hrvatska književnica i publicistkinja. Opširno je pisala o ratnim zločinima posljednjeg jugoslovenskog rata, na primjer u Oni ne bi ni mrava zgazili: Ratni zločinci na sudu u Haagu (2005.). Živi i radi u Zagrebu i Stockholmu.

Emin je sreo Sabinu u Drezdenu, gdje je došao kao izbjeglica iz ratom razorene Bosne. Nakon 33 godine rada u njemačkim rudnicima, jedina želja koju je imao bila je da se vrati u svoj rodni grad i živi miran život sa svojom obitelji. Danas, Emin provodi koliko god može vremena napolju, sa svojom suprugom, četiri kćerke i šesnaest konja. Nakon svih godina provedenih pod zemljom, nebo je jedina stvar koju Emin želi vidjeti.

Emin met Sabina in Dresden, where she came as a refugee from war-torn Bosnia. After 33 years of working in German mines, the only wish Emin had was to return to his hometown and live a peaceful life with his family. Today, he spends his time outside as much as he can, with his wife, four daughters and sixteen horses. After all those years of underground, sky is the only thing he wants to see.

NAŠI ŽIVOTI I NAŠE SMRTI Haris Pašović Već 20 godina Amor Mašović – kodirektor Instituta za nestale osobe Bosne i Hercegovine – otkriva masovne grobnice u Bosni i Hercegovini, nastale u toku rata 1992. – 1995. Gospodin Mašović još je od rata predvodio traženje i prvu fazu procesa identifikacije. 2001. godine, na inicijativu predsjednika Billa Clintona, osnovana je Međunarodna komisija za nestale osobe (ICMP). Od tada su gospodin Mašović i ICMP zajedno uradili monumentalan posao. ICMP koristi forenzičke arheološke i antropološke tehnike sa najsavremenijim procesom podudaranja DNK, što je rezultiralo eksponencijalnim porastom u broju i brzini identifikacija. Do sada su identificirani ostaci 23.000 žrtava koje su se vodile kao “nestale osobe” u ovoj zemlji, a oni su pronađeni u više od 700 masovnih grobnica. Za oko 7000 ljudi se i dalje gubi svaki trag.

Samo u Srebrenici, više od 7000 je identificirano a više od 1000 ih još uvijek nedostaje.

Za sve to vrijeme, dok je radio svoj mučni posao, gospodin Mašović je održavao najviše etičke standarde i zadržao fokus isključivo na žrtvama i njihovim porodicama. U vrlo osjetljivoj zemlji kakva je Bosna i Hercegovina, gdje se često sitnice mogu iskoristiti za podgrijavanje sukoba između različitih etničkih grupa, gospodin Mašović je uspio u tome da pronađene kosti žrtava u skrivenim masovnim grobnicama ne postanu moćno oružje u rukama političara, niti u rukama devastiranih porodica. Rukovao je svim nalazima i iskopinama sa maksimalnom osjetljivošću i uvijek, ali uvijek, je sačuvao dramatične nalaze u perspektivi ljudskog dostojanstva, uz najdublje razumijevanje ljudskosti, mimo politike i etničkih sukoba. Izbjegavajući da bude u centru pažnje, a ipak održavajući svoje tiho i mudro prisustvo u javnosti, gospodin Mašović je najodgovorniji za potpuno odsustvo osvete u poslijeratnoj Bosni i Hercegovini. Ovakav njegov stav je bio važniji za izbjegavanje

nasilnog odgovora na genocid nad bosanskim muslimanima nakon rata, od bilo kakvih političke, vjerske, građanske ili kulturološke logike.

Ogroman broj masovnih grobnica i više hiljada posmrtnih ostataka žrtava svakodnevno proizvode vijesti u Bosni i Hercegovini u posljednjih 20 godina. Gospodin Mašović je uvijek bio u svom punom kapacitetu: na lokacijama masovnih grobnica gdje porodice često dolaze tokom mučnih iskopavanja; u svojim javnim nastupima; u razgovorima sa porodicama žrtava čiji posmrtni ostaci još nisu pronađeni (godinama nakon što je počinjen zločin); u svojoj odgovornosti glavnog istražitelja i jednog od direktora Instituta za nestale osobe. Pronalaženjem posmrtnih ostataka nestalih osoba u masovnim grobnicama, gospodin Mašović istovremeno otkriva počinjene ratne zločine. Gospodin Mašović je svojim životom i djelom dokazao da čovjek može napraviti monumentalna postignuća u stvaranju Mira time što je smiren, dosljedan i beskompromisan u svojoj predanosti poslu.

Svojom dubokom predanošću, gospodin Amor Mašović i ICMP, kojeg trenutno vodi gđa Kathryne Bomberger, generalna direktorica, postigli su izvanredne rezultate. Oni obavljaju svoj zahtjevni posao uz intimno i metafizičko razumijevanje važnosti života i smrti svakog pojedinca i njegovog/njenog prava i dužnosti na dostojanstven život i dostojanstvenu smrt.

Haris Pašović je pozorišni i filmski redatelj. On je umjetnički direktor East West Centra i redovni profesor režije na Akademiji scenskih umjetnosti u Sarajevu. Njegovi radovi uključuju “Nadu”, multimedijalni projekat vizuelne umjetnosti o nestalim osobama iz Srebrenice koji je premijerno prikazan na festivalu d’Avignon 2015.

OUR LIVES AND OUR DEATHS Haris Pašović For 20 years, Amor Mašović – co-director of the Missing Persons’ Institute of Bosnia and Herzegovina – has been uncovering the massgraves in Bosnia and Herzegovina made during the war in 1992–95.

Mr. Mašović led the search and the first phase of the identification process since the war. In 2001, after the initiative of President Bill Clinton, the International Commission on Missing Persons (ICMP) was established. Since then Mr. Mašović and the ICMP have done a monumental work together. ICMP has been using the forensic archaeological and anthropological techniques with a state-of-the-art process of DNA matching and it has resulted in an exponential rise in the number and speed of identifications. The remains of the 23.000 victims counted as “missing persons” in this country found in more than 700 massgraves have been identified so far. About 7000 are still unaccounted for. In Srebrenica alone, more than 7000 have been identified and more than 1000 have been still missing.

During all this time while he has done his painful job, Mr. Mašović has maintained the highest ethical standards and kept the focus on the victims and their families only. In the highly sensitive country of Bosnia and Herzegovina where often the little things can be used to fuel the conflicts among the different ethnic groups, Mr. Mašović has succeeded that the findings of the bones of the victims in the hidden mass-graves have not become a powerful weapon in the hands of the politicians nor in the hands of devastated families. He has handled all the findings and excavations with the utmost sensitivity and always but always he has kept the dramatic findings in the perspective of human dignity and with the deepest understanding of humanity beyond politics and ethnic conflicts. By avoiding the spotlight and yet keeping his quiet and wise presence in the public, Mr. Mašović is the most respon-

sible for a complete absence of revenge in the post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina. His attitude has been more important to avoiding the violent response to the genocide against the Bosnian Muslims in the aftermath of the war than any political, religious, civic and cultural rational.

The massive numbers of the mass-graves and many thousands of the remains of the victims have produced the news on the daily basis in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the last 20 years. Mr. Mašović has always been in his best capacity: at the mass-grave sites where the families often come during the painful excavation; in his public appearances; in his conversations with the families of the victims whose remains have not been found yet (years after the crime was committed); in his accountability as the chief investigator and co-director of the Missing Persons’ Institute. By finding the remains of the missing persons in the mass-graves, Mr. Mašović is pointing at the war-crimes at the same time. Mr. Mašović has proved with his life and his work that one can make a monumental achievement in creating peace by being consistent and uncompromising in his/her own hard work.

In their profound commitment Mr. Amor Mašović and the ICMP currently led by Kathryne Bomberger, Director-General, have achieved extraordinary results. They’ve been performing their hard work with the intimate and metaphysical understanding of the importance of life and death of each single individual and his/her right and duty to have a dignified life and a dignified death.

Haris Pašović is a theatre and film director. He is artistic leader of the East West Centre and tenured Professor of Directing at the Academy of Performing Arts in Sarajevo. His work includes “Hope,” a visual art multimedia about the Srebrenica missing persons premiered at the Festival d’Avignon 2015.

Čamka je rođena u Njemačkoj, prije nego što su njeni roditelji Emin i Sabina odlučili da se vrate i počnu novi život u brdima oko Srebrenice. Kadira, Fatima i Đeneta su uslijedile nakon nje, što čini ovo domaćinstvo pretežno ženskim, što nije lako ako živite životom izoliranim kao što je njihov. Međutim, težak život sa mnogim dnevnim obavezama i 16 konja o kojima se brinu nije ostavio traga na njihovim ocjenama i sve četiri su odlične učenice. I ne bi mijenjale svoje konje ni za šta.

Čamka was born in Germany before her parents decided to return and start a new life in the hills surrounding Srebrenica.

The daughters Kadira, Fatima and Đeneta followed and made this household a predominantly female one. Life is isolated and not always easy. Yet the daily chores and 16 horses to take care of do not leave a mark on their grades and they are all straight A students.

And they would never exchange their horses for anything.

MOJA SREBRENICA Wolfgang Petritsch

Razmišljajući o četrdeset godina u diplomatiji, ništa nije ostavilo veći utisak na moj život od Srebrenice. Očigledno, nisam jedini. Porodice i rodbina ubijenih i, posebno, preživjeli, nikada neće moći da se vrate “normalnom” životu.

Postoje “prije” i “poslije”, podjela u životima svih.

Njihovi životi i naši životi su zauvijek označeni ovim jedinstveno gnusnim zločinom iz jula 1995. godine; sramotom za cijeli ljudski rod, koju nikada ne smijemo zaboraviti.

Dvadeset godina nakon stratišta u ovoj “Zaštićenoj zoni UN-a”, šok i nerazumljivost ovog najgoreg masovnog ubistva od Drugog svjetskog rata u Evropi su još uvijek vrlo prisutni.

Prije petnaestak godina – između 1999. i 2002. godine – bio sam najviši predstavnik civilne vlasti međunarodne zajednice u Bosni i Hercegovini, sa zadatkom provođenja Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma. Zadaci OHR-a – Ureda visokog predstavnika – su bili intenzivni, hitni i mnogobrojni. Prioritet dnevnog reda je bila fizička obnova ratom opustošene zemlje, čisti opstanak stanovništva u godinama neposredno nakon rata, povratak dva miliona izbjeglica i interno raseljenih.

Dotad neviđena predanost od strane međunarodne zajednice je bila jasno vidljiva.

“Stranci”, poput posebnog tima OHR-a, koji je blisko surađivao sa SFOR-om, OSCE-om, EU i Vijećem Evrope, zajedno sa agencijama UN-a i pojedinim državama i nezamjenjivim nevladinim organizacijama i privatnim inicijativama, su radili sve što je bilo moguće da bi garantirali opstanak živima.

Mrtvi – više od stotinu hiljada mrtvih – jednostavno nisu bili prioritet u tim ranim godinama.

Kakva strašna dilema za nas, koji smo željeli i pomoći preživjelima i riješiti sudbine nestalih i ubijenih.

Wolfgang Petritsch je bio specijalni izaslanik EU za Kosovo (1998.-1999.), glavni pregovarač EU na mirovnim pregovorima o Kosovu u Rambujeu i Parizu, a zatim Visoki predstavnik za Bosnu i Hercegovinu (1999.-2002.).

Trenutno je predsjednik austrijskog ogranka Fondacije „Marshal Plan“.

MY SREBRENICA Wolfgang Petritsch

Tek oko četiri godine nakon završetka rata je svakodnevni život nekako počeo da se “normalizira”. Došlo je vrijeme da se okrenemo žrtvama genocida u Srebrenici. Izazov je bio pronaći za njih, zajedno sa njihovim najmilijima, određenu lokaciju, mjesto ukopa, i sagraditi memorijalni objekat za žrtve, tako da bi preživjeli i buduće generacije imali dostojanstveno mjesto za molitvu i sjećanje.

Kao i sa tolikim brojem drugih zadataka koje je međunarodna zajednica morala da obavi u Bosni i Hercegovini, za memorijalni centar u

Reflecting on forty years in diplomacy, nothing has left a greater impression on my life than Srebrenica. Obviously, I am not the only one.

Families and relatives of those murdered, the survivors in particular, will never be able to return to a “normal” life.

There is a “before” and an “after”, a divide in everybody’s life.

Their lives, our lives, are forever marked by the exceptionally heinous crime of July 1995; a shame for all of humankind, never to be forgotten.

Twenty years after the killing fields in this “UN Safe Area”, the shock and incomprehensibility of the worst mass murder since World War II in Europe are still very much alive.

Some fifteen years earlier – between 1999 and 2002 – I was the International Community’s top civilian authority in Bosnia and Herzegovina, charged with the implementation of the Dayton Peace Accords. The tasks of OHR – the Office of the High Representative – were overpowering, urgent and manifold. Top on the agenda was the physical reconstruction of the war-ravaged country, the sheer survival of its population in the immediate post-war years, the return of two million refugees and internally displaced.

An unprecedented commitment on the part of the International Community was clearly visible.

“Internationals” like the dedicated OHR team, closely cooperating with SFOR, OSCE, EU and the Council of Europe, along with UN agencies and individual states and the indispensable NGOs and private initiatives were doing whatever possible to guarantee the sheer survival of the living.

The dead – more than one-hundred thousand – did simply not have a priority in those early years.

What a terrible dilemma for us, who wanted to both help the survivors and resolve the fate of the missing and the dead.

Wolfgang Petritsch was the EU’s Special Envoy for Kosovo (1998-99), EU chief negotiator at the Kosovo peace talks in Rambouillet and Paris, and then High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina (1999-2002). He is currently President of the Austrian Marshall Plan Foundation.

It was about four years after the end of the war when everyday life began to somehow “normalise”. The time had arrived to turn to the victims of the Srebrenica genocide. The challenge was to determine for them and with their beloved ones a specific site, a burial ground, and to create a memorial for the victims, so survivors and future generations would have a solemn place to pray and to remember.

As with so many tasks that the International Community had to perform in Bosnia and

Srebrenici nije bilo presedana u Evropi nakon 1945. godine na koji smo se mogli ugledati. Kako se nositi sa sjećanjem na ovaj genocid? Kako ne onemogućiti zauvijek pomirenje između žrtava i počinitelja? Gdje pokopati žrtve, rasute u masovnim grobnicama širom zemlje, od kojih se mnogima još uvijek gubi svaki trag? Bio je to u mnogočemu detektivski posao pronalaženja grobnica i identificiranja žrtava uz pomoć analize DNK. Međunarodna komisija za nestale osobe (ICMP) i Institut za nestale osobe su i do današnjeg dana pioniri u složenom i delikatnom procesu identifikacije posmrtnih ostataka, cilj kojeg je pružanje osjećaja zaključenja pogođenim porodicama.

Sve ovo nisu bili uobičajeni predmeti izučavani na Diplomatskim akademijama; nije bilo referentnih udžbenika. Bilo je to, stoga, vrlo specifično bosansko iskustvo, jedinstveno emocionalno za sve uključene. Sjećam se kako sam bio napet i kako sam pokušavao da suzbijem emocije pri susretima na kojima smo razgovarali o lokacijama za ukop sa udruženjima žrtava kao što su “Pokret Majke enklava Srebrenice i Žepe”, “Žene Srebrenice” ili “Majke enklava Srebrenice i Podrinje”. Bio sam svjestan da će ove odluke odrediti mjesto genocida u budućnosti Bosne i Hercegovine. Ovo je mjesto da odam počast pomenutim neumornim preživjelima, kao i mojim najbližim savjetnicima – pomenuću Amru Čelebić, Nadu Zukić i Nidžaru Beganović – i lokalnim vlastima općine Srebrenica.

Njihova predanost, odlučnost i izdržljivost je bila odlučujuća.

Tu definitivno nije bilo nikakvih diplomatskih rutina.

Ubrzo sam riješio da će moje odluke biti vođene samo željama preživjelih. Nikakvo politiziranje, nikakva uska sigurnosna razmatranja koja promovira NATO, čak ni odlučno protivljenje zvaničnika Republike Srpske koji su u to vrijeme negirali bilo kakvu odgovornost i ozbiljno protestovali na svaki korak koji smo učinili, nisu mogli uticati na mene. Nakon što je pronađen zajednički dogovor, brzo sam prešao na pretvaranje želja preživjelih u stvarnost.

Povodom 5. godišnjice genocida, u Potočarima je otkriven memorijalni kamen. Obavezao sam predsjednika RS-a da lično garantira nepovredivost lokaliteta. Policija bosanskih Srba je dobila zadatak da štiti kamen sjećanja na bošnjačke žrtve.

25. oktobra 2000. godine, u Sarajevu sam predstavio “Odluku o lokaciji groblja i spomenika

žrtvama Srebrenice”. Komad zemlje uz cestu Srebrenica-Bratunac je određen “za groblje i zvaničnu lokaciju za podizanje spomenika za sva vremena.”

Objavljivanjem u Službenom glasniku entiteta Republike Srpske Odluka je postala zakon, što je bio važan korak u vrijeme ponovnog jačanja međuetničkih tenzija.

Ova odluka prekretnica je 10. maja 2001. godine propraćena osnivanjem Fondacije SrebrenicaPotočari (kasnije inkorporirane u Zakon o Centru za spomen obilježje i mezarje).

Cilj sljedeće odluke je bio da sačuva dostojanstvo mjesta: moj ured je stavio veto na buduću privatizaciju fabrike akumulatora, koja se nalazi odmah preko puta odabranog lokaliteta groblja.

Već tada je odlučeno da će fabrika postati muzej.

To je mjesto gdje su, pred zbunjenim očima mirovnih – kakva cinična riječ – snaga UN-a hiljade žena, muškaraca i djece potražili utočište – obećano “sigurno utočište” – prije nego što su doživjeli svoju sudbinu.

Pod nadzorom mog ureda, te odluke su postavile pravni i administrativni temelj za uspostavu cjelokupnog Memorijalnog kompleksa Potočari, kakvog ga znamo danas.

Naravno, početna sredstva su bila od ključnog značaja: 13. maja 2002. godine, obratio sam se donatorskoj konferenciji za Regionalni program oporavka Srebrenice pod pokroviteljstvom UN-a u New Yorku i pozvao zemlje članice da doprinesu finansiranju Memorijala Srebrenica-Potočari. Samo godinu dana kasnije bivši američki predsjednik Bill Clinton je zvanično otvorio spomen-obilježje.

Prisustvo gospodina Klintona na ovogodišnjoj 20. godišnjici komemoracije potvrđuje značaj Srebrenice kao univerzalnog lokaliteta sjećanja.

Tada sam podsjetio javnost da će pravi spomenik žrtvama ovog genocida biti povratak raseljenih i izbjeglih u njihove domove. Značaj za državu Bosnu i Hercegovinu će biti politički i ekonomski napredak.

Na kraju krajeva, ako Bosna i Hercegovina želi za sebe evropsku budućnost, onda će Srebrenica morati postati sastavni dio pomirenja i istine.

Nažalost, dvadeset godina kasnije, to još uvijek nije slučaj. Bosni i Hercegovini je potrebna naša kontinuirana posvećenost!

Herzegovina, for the Srebrenica memorial there were no precedents in post-1945 Europe that we could turn to. How to deal with the remembrance of this genocide? How not to preclude forever a reconciliation between victims and perpetrators? Where to bury the victims, scattered in mass graves around the country, many still unaccounted? It was in many ways a detective’s work to find those graves and then to identify the victims with the help of DNA analysis.

The International Commission on Missing Persons (ICPM) and its Missing Persons’ Institute are to this day the pioneers in the complex and delicate process of identifying human remains; helping to bring a sense of closure to grief-stricken families.

On 25th October, 2000 in Sarajevo, I presented the “Decision on the location of the cemetery and a monument for the victims of Srebrenica”. A piece of land, along the road Srebrenica-Bratunac was designated “for all time coming as a cemetery and solemn place for the construction of a memorial”.

With the publication in the Official Gazette of the Entity Republika Srpska, the decision became law in an important step at a time of resurging interethnic tensions.

All of this was not one of the usual subjects taught at Diplomatic Academies; there were no textbooks to refer to. It was thus a very specific Bosnian experience, uniquely emotional for all involved.

I remember how tense I was and how I tried to suppress my emotions when meeting with victims’ associations like the “The Movement of Mothers of the Enclaves of Srebrenica and Žepa,” the “Women of Srebrenca” or the “Mothers of Srebrenica and Podrinje” to discuss locations of burying grounds.

I was acutely aware that our decisions would determine how the genocide will be placed in Bosnia’s future.

A further decision was intended to preserve the dignity of the place: The imminent privatisation of the battery factory, right across from the designated cemetery, was vetoed by my office.

Already then the factory was designated to become a museum. It is the site where under the clueless eyes of UN peacekeepers – what a cynical word – thousands of women, men and children had sought refuge – the promised “Safe Haven” – before they met their fate.

This is the place to pay homage to those indefatigable survivors, along with my closest advisers – Amra Čelebić, Nada Zukić and Nidžara Beganović to name a few – and the local authorities of Srebrenica municipality. Their commitment, firmness and endurance were decisive.

There was certainly no diplomatic routine involved.

I soon decided for myself that in my decisions I would only be guided by the survivors’ wishes.

No politicking, no narrow security considerations put forward by NATO, nor the stern opposition by Republika Srpska officials who at that time denied any responsibility and severely protested any of our steps, could influence me. After common agreement was found, I swiftly moved to turn the survivors’ wishes into reality.

On the occasion of the fifth anniversary of the genocide, a marker stone at Potočari was unveiled.

I committed the RS Entity President to personally guarantee the inviolability of the site. Bosnian Serb police was charged with protecting the stone commemorating Bosnian victims.

This landmark decision was followed on 10th May, 2001 by the establishment of the SrebrenicaPotočari Foundation (later enshrined in the law on the Center for the Memorial and Cemetery).

Supervised by my office, these decisions laid the legal and administrative ground for the establishment of the entire Potočari Memorial complex as we know it today.

Clearly, initial funding was crucial: On 13th May, 2002 I addressed a UN sponsored donor conference for the Srebrenica Regional Recovery Programme in New York and urged member states to contribute to the financing of the SrebrenicaPotočari Memorial. Only a year later former US President Bill Clinton officially inaugurated the memorial. Mr. Clinton’s presence at this year’s 20th anniversary commemoration attests to the importance of Srebrenica as a universal location of remembrance.

Back then I reminded the public that the real monument to the victims of this genocide will be the return of the displaced and refugees to their homes. The significance for the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina will be political and economic progress.

Ultimately, if Bosnia and Herzegovina wishes for itself a European future, then Srebrenica will have to become an integral part of reconciliation and truth.

Sadly, twenty years after, this is still not the case.

Bosnia needs our continued commitment!

Banja Guber je bila glavna turistička atrakcija u Srebrenici prije posljednjeg rata. Njenih 48 ljekovitih voda je privlačilo posjetitelje iz svih krajeva bivše Jugoslavije, pa čak i izvan njenih granica. Danas, spor oko prava na koncesiju i dalje drži taj potencijal netaknutim. Ahmet se nada da će banja dovesti više klijenata njegovom frizerskom salonu, i još više bajkera koji će se pridružiti njegovom popularnom klubu “Argentum”.

Guber spa was the main tourist attraction in Srebrenica before the last war. Its 48 healing waters brought visitors from all over Ex-Yugoslavia and even beyond its borders. Today, the dispute over the concession rights still keeps the spa’s potential untouched. For Ahmet it would bring more clients to his barber shop, and more bikers would join his cool “Argentum” club.

ŠTA SREBRENICA ZNAČI ZA MENE DANAS? Doraja Eberle

Postoje ljudi koji su u stanju da oproste i zaborave.

Ali oni naglašavaju da se njihov oprost ne smije zanemariti.

Doraja Eberle

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Uništenja Obnove

Tišine Muzike

Nepovjerenja Povjerenja

Doraja Eberle je socijalna radnica i bivša austrijska političarka. 1992. godine je osnovala privatnu humanitarnu organizaciju Bauern helfen Bauern za pomoć žrtvama ratova na Balkanu da se vrate u svoje domove.

Ona je predsjednica Savjetodavnog odbora ERSTE Fondacije.

WHAT DOES SREBRENICA MEAN TO ME TODAY?

1995. 2015. OD

Laži Istine

Oni koji su toliko ludi da vjeruju da mogu promijeniti svijet su zaista oni koji to i čine.

Zahvalna sam da pripadam tim luđacima. Činjenje me je učinilo skromnom i malom.

1995 2015

FROM TO

War Peace

Ignorance

Death Life

Heartlessness Mercy

Escape Return

Emptiness Wealth

Fear Courage

Cowardice Bravery

Grief Joy

Darkness Light

Despair Comfort

Despondency Hope

Captivity Freedom

Humiliation Dignity

Misery Happiness

Impiousness Faith

Terror Security

Revenge Reconciliation

Hate Love

Arrogance Humility

Perpetrator Culprit

Oblivion Remebrance

Victim Witness

Greed Gratitude

Past Future

Chaos Order

Crime Justice

Weapons Instruments

Destruction Reconstruction

Silence Music

Bespomoćnosti Oslonca

There are people who are able to forgive and forget.

But they emphasize that their forgiveness must not be neglected.

Responsibility

Distrust Trust Doraja Eberle is a social worker and former Austrian politician. In 1992, she founded the private relief organisation “Bauern helfen Bauern” enabling victims of the Balkan wars to return to their homes. She is chairwoman of ERSTE Foundation’s Advisory Board.

Helplessness Hold Lie Truth

Those who are so mad to believe they can change the world are indeed those who are doing it.

I am grateful to belong to these madmen.

The doing has made me humble and small.

Hilda does not play drums, but she loves music and what music brings to this small town. She works at the House of Good Tunes that hosts Superar, an initiative inviting young people to experience the importance and beauty of making music together. Through music and friendship they improve their key life skills: self-confidence, respect, discipline, a sense of community, and a sense of responsibility.

Hilda ne svira bubnjeve, ali voli muziku i ono što muziku dovodi u ovaj gradić. Ona radi u Kući dobrih tonova koja je domaćin Superaru, inicijativi koja omogućuje mladim ljudima da iskuse značaj i ljepotu zajedničkog stvaranja muzike. Kroz muziku i prijateljstvo jačaju svoje ključne životne vještine: samopouzdanje, poštovanje, disciplinu, osjećaj zajedništva, i osjećaj odgovornosti.

SLIČICE ZA SMIJEH Jasmila Žbanić

Djeca Srebrenice, brižljivo dotjerana, u veselom prostoru nove muzičke škole, ukrašene balonima i dječijim crtežima, pjevaju himnu Bosne i Hercegovine: “na,na,na,na,na, na, na”.

Tu su zajedno u istom horu djeca i unuci zaraćenika i unesrećenika.

Curice su se našminkale želeći izgledati starije i sličnije pjevačicama s TVa. One mlađe, na licu imaju zvjezdice i šljokice.

Roditelji se tiskaju da ih što bolje slikaju i vide. “Na, na, na”.

Naša himna nema texta*.

Za one što ne znaju šta se u Srebrenici desilo, a u publici nema takvih, sumnjivo bi možda jedino bilo jedino to: na, na, na. na, na, na, na, na, umjesto riječi himne.

Dječak Ranko vodi program. Najavljuje slijedeću kompoziciju: “‘Besame Mucho’ na klarinetu svira Ranko Milosavljević”.

Zastane na trenutak.

Uh, pa to sam ja !, kaže Ranko.

Publika se smije.

Igra je upalila: oslobađajuće je zaboraviti svoje ime.

•

Neću doći jer pokvarim raspoloženje drugim ljudima.

Nikome nećeš pokvariti raspoloženje. Svi će se dobro zabavljati. Festival je. Ljeto.

Sarajevo.

Kad me ljudi vide, onda pomisle na Srebrenicu i pokvarim zabavu.

Pa ti nisi samo Srebrenica.

Doživio sam to sto puta : Ljudi se vesele, a onda me ugledaju …ja sam neprijatnost.

Pa neka si, neka nauče da imaš pravo da se i raduješ i smiješ. Dođi molim te.

Zabava je počela. Među gostima nema Hasana.

• Ove godine grupa iz Srebrenice je otputovala u Holandiju na obilježavanje dana Holokausta. Ramiza je izgubila muža, oca, brata, djeda, trojicu dajdži, Muška dva djeteta, muža, svekra, djevera, šest amidžića, amidžu, Nura maloljetnog sina, muža, svekra i šesnaest članova familije, Fatima troje djece…

Isak fan Spiir, dertah jaar Isak Abraham fan Spiir, tvej-en-dertah jaar Izaak Spiir, dri-en-zejfentah jaar Jakob Spiir, dertah jaar Teško izgovaraju. Jezik odlazi na drugu stranu, dva slova ne mogu da se spoje.

Muška se krišom počne smijati. Žene, od kojih neke imaju samo osnovnu školu, do prije rata nikada nisu putovale dalje od svog sela, ne govore ni jedan stranih jezik, čitaju holandski koji im izgleda kao izlokani makadam, u koji propadaju.

Iz njih problija znoj. Situacija je ozbiljna i napeta, ali riječi ih škakiljaju.

Pokušavaju prigušiti smijeh što izlazi odnekud i trese tijelo. Ne smiju jedna drugu pogledati da ne explodiraju. Neugodno im je. U svakom ovom imenu vide i svoje djete, muža, oca, brata. Ali suze im kapaju od smijeha, pokušavaju da se na glasu ništa ne osjeti, a smijeh nezaustavljivo probija.

2.maj.2015

Posjećuju Westerbork Memorijal.

Dođi na zabavu, govorim Hasanu.

Organizator ih moli da u sklopu obiljažavanja, kako se to tamo radi, pročitaju imena žrtava i godine.

Nisam ti ja za zabave.

Žene uzimaju spisak imena i lome jezik:

Daj Hasane, dođi, nagovaram ga.

Hasan je preživio Srebrenički genocid.

To je bilo prije 20 godina.

Ina Spiir, zejfen jaar Isaak Spiir, aht en zejfentah jaar Isaak fan Spiir, zejfentin jaar

Jasmila Žbanić je međunarodno priznata bosanska režiserka. Njen film Grbavica je 2006. godine osvojio Zlatnog medvjeda na 56. Berlinskom filmskom festivalu. Njeni ostali filmovi uključuju: Na putu (2010.), Za one koji ne mogu da govore (2013.), Otok ljubavi (2013.). Živi i radi u Sarajevu.

IMAGES FOR A LAUGH Jasmila Žbanić

Isaak fan Spiir, fiir jaar * zbog nemogućnosti političkog dogovora među nacionalnim strankama koje su na vlasti, ni jedan predloženi text himne nije usvojen. Nakon rata, bosanskohercegovačka himna, zbog toga nema texta.

In the cheerful space of the new music school, festooned with balloons and drawings, the children of Srebrenica, all neatly dressed, sing the anthem of Bosnia and Herzegovina: “la, la, la, la, la, la, la”.

There, singing together in the same choir, are the children and grandchildren of both the belligerents and the beleaguered.

The girls have put on make-up, trying to look older and like the singers they see on TV. The younger ones have sprinkled stars and glitter on their faces. Parents are jostling about, trying to take as good a picture as possible and to get a better look.

“La, la, la, la”.

Our national anthem has no lyrics*.

For those who do not know what happened in Srebrenica, and there are no such people in the audience, perhaps the only suspicious thing might be the “la, la, la, la, la, la, la, la”, instead of the words of the anthem.

A boy named Ranko hosts the program.

He announces the following composition: “Besame Mucho, played by Ranko Milosavljević on the clarinet.” He pauses for a moment.

“Oh, that would be me!” says Ranko.

The audience laughs.

The trick worked: it is liberating to forget one’s own name.

• Come to the party, I tell Hasan.

I’m not into parties.

Jasmila Žbanić is an internationally distinguished Bosnian film maker. Her film Grbavica won the 2006 Golden Bear at the 56th Berlin Film Festival. Other films include: On the Path (2010), For Those Who Can Tell No Tales (2013), Love Island (2013). She is based in Sarajevo.

* Because the national parties in power were unable to reach a political agreement, none of the proposed lyrics for the national anthem were adopted. As a result, since the war the anthem of Bosnia and Herzegovina has had no lyrics.

Isaak Elias fan Spiir, dri-en-dertah jaar Isak fan Spiir, aht-en-dertah jaar

Come on, Hasan, come, I say encouragingly. Hasan survived the Srebrenica genocide. That was 20 years ago.

No, I won’t come, I’d spoil the mood.

You won’t spoil anybody’s mood.

Everybody will have a good time. It’s the Festival. Summer. Sarajevo.

When people see me, they think of Srebrenica and I spoil the fun.

But you’re not just Srebrenica.

I’ve experienced it a hundred times: people are having fun, and then they see me... I make them feel awkward.

Isaac Speer, achtenzeventig jaar Isaac van Speer, zeventien jaar Isaac van Speer, vier jaar Isaac Elias van Speer, drieendertig jaar Isaac van Speer, achtendertig jaar Isaac van Speer, dertig jaar Isaac Abraham van Speer, tweeendertig jaar Izaac Speer, drieen-zeventig jaar Jakob Speer, dertig jaar

So what? Let them learn that you have a right to enjoy and laugh. Come, please come.

They have trouble with the pronunciation.

Their tongues slip to the side, they cannot put two letters together.

The party has started. Hasan is not there.

Muška starts laughing secretly.

• This year a group from Srebrenica travelled to the Netherlands to mark Holocaust Memorial Day. Ramiza lost her husband, father, brother, grandfather, three uncles; Muška lost two children, a husband, father-in-law, brother-in-law, six nephews, an uncle; Nura lost her underage son, husband, father-in-law and sixteen family members; Fatima lost her three children...

They visit the Westerbork Memorial Center.

As part of the commemoration, the organizer asks them, the way they do it there, to read out the names of the victims and their age.

The women take the list of names and stumble over the words: Ina Speer, zeven jaar

The women, some of whom have only finished grade school, who before the war had never travelled beyond their village, who do not speak any foreign language, read the Dutch and to them it looks like a macadam road full of ruts just waiting to trip them up. They break out in a sweat. The situation is somber, tense, but the words are ticklish.

They try to stifle the laughter that is shaking their bodies. They do not dare to look at one another or they will explode.

They are embarrassed. In each name they see their own child, husband, father, brother. But they are almost crying with laughter. They try for it not to show in their voices, but the laughter keeps breaking through.

2 May 2015

Teško je odrastati u gradu u kojem radi samo jedan kafić, gdje nema kina, plesnog kluba, ili drugih mjesta za druženje.

Radeći svuda pomalo, Mladen pokušava da angažira mlade ljude i nađe način kako da provedu svoje vrijeme i zainteresira ih za pozitivne aktivnosti, od akcija u klubu mladih, umjetničkih takmičenja, do intervjua o Srebrenici danas.

It is hard to grow up in a town where there is only one café, no cinema, no dancing club, or any other place to hang out. Working here, there and everywhere, Mladen tries to engage young people and find ways to occupy their time and interest them in positive activities. These include events at the youth club, art competitions, and interviews about Srebrenica today.

11/7 I POSLIJE Bojana Pejić Prije sam bila pravnica. Danas sam žrtva.

— Adisa Bašić, Zanimanje Dvadeset godina nakon 11. jula 1995., kako ćemo se sjetiti “Srebrenice”? Da li postoji neka neutralna pozicija s koje se sjećamo?

Iz koje pozicije se ja sjećam 11/7? Iz pozicije građanke Savezne Republike Jugoslavije (koja se 1995. sastojala od Srbije i Crne Gore), koja ne može da se ne sjeti kako su u prvim godinama postjugoslavenskih ratova srpski vojnici koji su se vratili sa hrvatskog i bosanskog fronta izvještavali beogradsku patriotsku štampu da su najbolje stvari u ratu bile “pucanje i tucanje”. Ako ću se sjećati “Srebrenice” kao građanka sadašnje srpske države, onda moram reći da, bez obzira na činjenicu da određen broj srpskih intelektualaca još uvijek čeka “srpskog Willy Brandta”, niko od bivših i sadašnjih srpskih predsjednika nije priznao istinu da srpske (para)vojne snage koje su 11/7 počinile masakr više od 8.000 muslimanskih muških građana Bosne i Hercegovine, to ni u kom slučaju nisu nazvali genocidom. Svaki pokušaj izvinjenja završi (srpskom) tvrdnjom da su “sve strane” uključene u ratove patile, što se svodi na značenje da smo “mi” “svi” bili žrtve “drugih”.

Ili da se sjetim 11/7 iz feminističke pozicije i ponovim da su postjugoslovenski ratovi, uopšteno govoreći, bili rodno određeni podu­ hvati. Ali, da li postoji jedinstvena feministička pozicija? Feministički aktivisti i teoretičari (i domaći i strani) su posvetili manje pažnje masakru bošnjačkih muškaraca u Srebrenici 1995. u odnosu na pitanje “nemoćnih silovanih Bosanki”, što je oko 1993. podijelilo feminističke krugove u dva suprostavljena tabora: jedan je pozivao na “nacionalistički feminizam”, insistirajući na etničkom porijeklu žrtava, naglašavajući činjenicu da su većina žena žrtava bile bošnjakinje i muslimanke (silovane od strane srpske vojske); drugu poziciju su zagovarale feministkinje i feminističke grupe prvenstveno iz Zagreba koje su tvrdile da su silovanje i nasilje nad ženama zločin protiv čovječnosti.

7/11 AND AFTER Bojana Pejić I used to be a lawyer. Today, I’m a victim.

— Adisa Bašić, Occupation Twenty years after 11 July 1995, how are we to remember “Srebrenica”? Is there any neutral location from which we remember? From which position am I remembering 7/11? From a position of a citizen of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (consisting in 1995 of Serbia and Montenegro), who cannot but remember that in the first years of post-Yugoslav warfare, Serbian soldiers who came back from the Croatian and Bosnian fronts reported to the Belgrade patriotic press that the best things in the war were “shooting and fucking” (pucanje i tucanje). Am I to remember “Srebrenica” as a citizen of the current Serbian state, then, I must say that in spite of the fact that a number of Serbian intellectuals are still waiting for a “Serbian Willy Brandt”, none of Serbian former and current presidents acknowledged the truth that Serbian (para-)military forces who on 7/11 performed the massacre of more than 8.000 Muslim male citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina, stopped short in calling it genocide. Any attempt to apologize end up with the (Serbian) claim that “all sides” involved in the wars suffered, which come to mean “we” were “all” victims of “others.”

Or should I remember 7/11 from a feminist positioning and reiterate that post-Yugoslav wars, as wars in general, were gendered endeavors. But is there a unison feminist location? Feminist activists and theoreticians (both local and foreign) paid less attention to the Srebrenica massacre of Bosniak men in 1995 than to the issue of “powerless raped Bosnian women,” which around 1993 divided feminist circles into two opposed camps: one called for “nationalist feminism” insisting on the victims ethnic origin, stressing the fact that the majority of the female victims were Bosniak and Muslim (raped by the Serb armies); the other position was spoken by those feminists and feminist groups primarily from Zagreb who asserted that the rape and violence against women is a crime against humanity.

Ono čega se ja sjećam u posljednjih dvadeset godina nakon “Srebrenice” je da je svaki nacionalistički/etnički obuhvat u nastajanju u Bosni i Hercegovini formuliran i službeno proveden kao diskurs žrtve. Ovaj diskurs je usko povezan, čak i uslovljen, politikom pamćenja. Glavna vizuelizacija žrtve, koja je prikazivana – i još se uvijek prikazuje – u bosansko-hercegovačkim, bošnjačkim i stranim medijima je prikaz bezimene i obezglašene “Žene Srebrenice” – preživjela, raseljena osoba, beskućnica i izbjeglica – koja nosi bijelu maramu, što ukazuje da je ona u žalosti. Ova slika, čak i ako upućuje na seoski ambijent, je bez sumnje snažna. Problem je u tome da ova (medijska) slika depersonalizira i generalizira uspomene žena koje su preživjele rat, gdje je svaka od njih imala lična i različita sjećanja o svojim gubicima: o muškim članovima porodice masakriranim u Srebrenici čija tijela još nisu identificirana, o nemogućnosti da ožale pokojnika na grobu, o domovima kojih više nema, o svojim predratnim životima i poslije­ ratnim traumama.

Danas se određen broj umjetnica i umjetnika koje žive i rade u okviru (dejtonskih) granica Bosne i Hercegovine – filmskih stvaralaca, vizuelnih umjetnika i pjesnika – zajedno s manjim brojem bosanskih učenjaka bavi konstituiranjem svojeg poslijeratnog društva, oslanjajući se na repolitizirani diskurs, fokusirajući se na individualna, lična svjedočenja i razrađujući ratnu prošlost: oni u svojim radovima nude alternativne oblike žalosti – uspostavljajući “politiku nade” (Damir Arsenijević).

Ove politizirane umjetničke i teorijske geste zaista predstavljaju izazov politici komemoracije koordiniranoj od strane države koja se održavala i ponovo će se održati u memorijalnom centru Potočari, 11. jula 2015. U svom izvanrednom članku “Nova istorija smrti” (2007.), Mark Jarzombek napominje: “Inicijalno, alternativni jezik komemoracije je stvoren u suprotnosti s naporima države, ali to definitivno više nije uvijek slučaj... Država je danas zainteresirana za teme traume, prepoznavši političke prednosti statusa žrtve. A to, naravno, omogućava metafizici da dopuže natrag na svoje uobičajeno mjesto.”

Berlin, april 2015.

Bojana Pejić je povjesničarka umjetnosti, kustosica i književnica. Njene izložbe i publikacije uključuju: Poslije zida – Umjetnost i kultura u postkomunističkoj Evropi (1999.), 49.. Oktobarski salon u Beogradu (2008.), Provjera roda. Ženskost i muškost u umjetnosti Istočne Evrope (2009.).

Bojana živi i radi u Berlinu od 1991. godine.

What I could remember over the last twenty years after “Srebrenica” is that every nationalist/ethnic account emerging in Bosnia and Herzegovina has been formulated and officially carried out as the discourse of victimhood. This discourse is tightly linked to, even conditioned by the politics of remembering. The major visualisation of the victim, which run – and still runs – in Bosnian-Herzegovian, Bosniak and foreign media is the representation of nameless and voiceless “Srebrenica woman” – survivor, displaced person, homeless, and refugee – wearing white headscarves, indicating that she is in mourning. This image, even if it points to the rural setting, is powerful, no doubt. The problem is that this (media) image de-individualises and generalises the memories of women who survived the war, each of them having personal and different memory about her losses: about male family members massacred in Srebrenica whose bodies are not yet identified, about inability to mourn on the grave of the deceased, about absent homes, about their pre-war lives and post-war traumas.

Today, a number of (female) artists living and working within the borders of (Dayton-made) Bosnia and Herzegovina – filmmakers, visual artists, and poets – along with a smaller number of Bosnian scholars are engaged in constituting their post-war society relying on a re-politicized imagination, focusing on the individual, personal witnessing and working out of the war's past: they are offering in their works alternative forms of mourning – establishing a “politics of hope” (Damir Arsenijević).

These politicised artistic and theoretical gestures do indeed challenge the state-coordinated politics of commemorations that took and will take place in the Memorial in Potočari on 11 July 2015.

In his outstanding article “The New History of Death” (2007), Mark Jarzombek remarks: “Initially, the alternative language of commemoration was created in opposition to the efforts of the state, but this is certainly no longer always the case… The state nowadays is interested in themes of trauma, having recognised the political advantages of victimhood. And this, of course, allows metaphysics to crawl back Bojana Pejić is an art historian, curator and into its accustomed place.”

Berlin, April 2015.

writer. Exhibitions and publications include: After the Wall — Art and Culture in PostCommunist Europe (1999), 49th October Salon Belgrade (2008), Gender Check. Femininity and Masculinity in the Art of Eastern Europe (2009).

Bojana is based in Berlin since 1991.

Izdavač / Publisher ERSTE Foundation

Concept / Koncept Christiane Erharter, Dejan Petrović

Fotografije / Photographs Dejan Petrović

Dizajn / Design Ajdin Bašić

Tekstovi / Texts Boris Buden, Erhard Busek, Slavenka Drakulić, Doraja Eberle, Haris Pašović, Bojana Pejić, Wolfgang Petritsch, Jasmila Žbanić

Prevod / Translations Sanja Knežević, Christina Pribičević Zorić

Urednica / Editor Christiane Erharter

Naklada / Circulation 5000 © 2015 ERSTE Foundation

DANAS SREBRENICA TODAY Inicijativa ERSTE Fondacije

Initiated by ERSTE Foundation

Povodom obilježavanja 20. komemoracije genocida u Srebrenici i potpisivanja Dejtonskog mirovnog sporazuma

On the occasion of the commemoration of the 20th anniversary of the Srebrenica genocide and the signing of the Dayton Agreement

Podržana od strane Doraje Eberle

Endorsed by Doraja Eberle

U suradnji sa Fondacijom “Bauern helfen Bauern” – Bratunac

In cooperation with Fondacija “Bauern helfen Bauern” – Bratunac