Housing Futures: The Paradox of the Specious City

HOUSING FUTURES THE PARADOX OF THE SPECIOUS CITY

STUDIO A: SHANGHAI SEMESTER 1 JOURNAL ELLIOT REILLY

1

01

02

03

12-16: Research: Field

24-41: Research: Theory

48-62: Field Case Studies

At the beginning of this journal I aim to provide an overview of our research field and convey my personal take on what I took from the field.

This chapter of the journal reflects on the theoretical study we, Studio A, conducted as a group to further enhance our knowledge on the theorists and architects who we believed were relevant to our project.

A brief insight into our research field, Shanghai and our study trip to London. I explore both cities and their economic background, giving an understanding as to why they look the way they do and operate in the manner in which they have for the past decades.

Through my study of these architects and theorists, I will critically reflect on them at several points during my journal.

C 2

O

N

T

E

N

T

S

章節

04

05

06

63-73: Shanghai Old Town

74-81: Repairing the Fabric

82-99: Repair and Revanchism

Having touched on Shanghai as a Global City. I begin to dive deeper into the existing Old Town Fabric. Asking the questions: Why are families being displaced? Where do they go? How bad are the conditions in which they currently inhabit?

The first of our strategic developments. Consisting of a 3 day long charette project in Shanghai, in collaboration with the students of Tongji University, we explored different approaches in tackling the issues of The Old Town.

As stated in the title of the last chapter, we developed our final strategy around the two main interventions.

I will provide an in depth analysis into both interventions and how we developed our hypothesis.

It is through answering these questions I will attempt to develop an architectural strategy to combat these issues.

3

P R E F A C E 4

前言

What is a Mega city? A Mega city is commonly

It is through the study of these issues that

defined as a City which exceeds 10 million

we, as a studio, will form different strategies

occupants. Shanghai easily meets the

which we will aim to implement into the

conditions of a mega city, with a population of

fabric of the existing Old Town. We will do so

over 26 million and is not showing any signs

through a rigorous process of theoretical

of slowing down. It is estimated that Shanghai

research which will in turn help form our

will reach a peak population of 50 million

individual hypothesis.

by 2050 (World Population Review, 2019). It is as a result of this exponential population growth that Shanghai requires intervention at a massive scale to compensate for the lack of land there is to accommodate the population.

With a land mass of 6.340.5 square kilometres, the city simply cannot continue on the current path it’s on without some form of intervention.

The aim of this studio is to examine Shanghai on both a global scale and local scale, undertake an in-depth analysis into the city’s Old Town and study the geographical, economic and political issues facing the city

5

Shanghai is one of the biggest and fastest

The quiet streets are a reminder of the

growing cities in the world. In its ever-

loss of the traditional pluralistic way of life

changing

market

and the deterioration of communities, the

development projects which tend to promote

neighbouring high-rise buildings showcase

social exclusivity. The rising inequalities

a new way of life: a life of introspection.

landscape

of

new

within city planning is highlighted through the destruction of old mat-like structures of the traditional lilongs in order to create gentrified neighbourhoods

of

gated

apartment

buildings and swanky commercial spaces.

This

exclusion

further Old

and

highlighted

City

in

the

displacement in

the

is

Shanghai

Huangpu

district.

The Old City of Shanghai is the traditional urban core of the modern mega-city. Since 2006 there has been attempts to understand its value through the Protection Plan for the Old City Historical Cultural Scenery Area yet large areas are still under threat of demolition. The low-rise housing schemes - often overcrowded and insanitary

- are

incapable of responding to the growing pressure of the Chinese housing crisis.

6

“does architecture still hold any socially transformative potential or is its role one of market conciliation?”

7

adjective

[spē-sh s]

e

specious

1. superficially plausible, but actually wrong. a specious argument

2. misleading in appearance, especially misleadingly attractive. the music trade gives Golden Oldies a specious appearance of novelty

8

An attempt to explore new ideas of schemes

The solutions specific to our project fall under

for sociable housing and collaborative living,

two core themes which underpin our project.

the themes of the studio are discussed through

The first being one of Revanchism: It is through

the

thoughts

myriad

this intervention we aim to reclaim all that had

of

theorists, urban planners and architects

previously belonged to the residents of the Old

- the likes of Henri Lefebvre, Hannah Ardent,

Town but in recent years, been gentrified and

Rem

Gehl.

repossessed by local authorities. The second being

Through discussions of theorists and theories

one of Repair: Through this point of intervention,

there is an attempt to dissect the prevailing issues

we hope to reinstate the sense of community

as well as the potential solutions to prevent further

that is so rife throughout the Old Town. However

disruption of communities within the Old City.

due to so much of the existing fabric being

Koolhaas,

and

manifestos

Steven

Holl

of

and

a

Jan

demolished, the existing fabric is disappearing.

The aim is to tackle the issue of population growth in a new creative way without creating an imbalance of power and without the unfair displacement of communities. The aim is to create new housing solutions without a complete disintegration of the Old City. The aim is to protect the historical whilst looking into the future, to embrace globalism without disregarding the local.

9

SHANGHAI’S ECONOMY 10

Why London? We studied London specifically

will continue and, it stands to reason, based on

in comparison to Shanghai due to their similar

other aspects of Shanghai’s development that

experiences of rapid population growth. We

the chasm will only widen.

will examine how both cities reacted to this

This plutocrification is resulting in vast

growth

architecturally

erasure and displacement of established

Compared with London, Shanghai’s towers are

communities, which capitulate to market

taller, it’s sprawl is greater, its development is

forces which recognise its land as valuable

more extreme. After the Cultural Revolution,

but its social fabric as valueless. These issues

when the post-war generation reached the

are, at their most extreme in the Old Town of

age where they were starting families, the

Shanghai where the traditional urban fabric

Chinese government was too poor to provide

is rapidly disappearing, and the indigenous

adequate housing for its population due to a

population are being relocated into satellite

period of heavy spending. In the late 1970’s

cities far from the urban core.

economically

and

when the planned economy was opened to the market, the government encouraged and assisted private developers in producing mass housing. The monopolisation of the ground and control over development by a small group of wealthy individuals, a by-product of the ground becoming hyper-commodified, has seen the majority of people priced out of the city. This condition we coined The Plutocratic Ground. Much of Shanghai has already found itself subsumed, and all indicators suggest this

11

My aim through this chapter is to introduce the initial field analysis at the scale of the city of Shanghai and at the local scale of the Old Town fabric. The field analysis provides and understanding of the existing conditions of the urban texture of Old Town and the existing programmes. It is through the analysis of the existing conditions of the fabric that will provide me with the information necessary for future development.

As well as the field analysis, I have provided a glossary of the morphological patterns I will introduce later in my journal.

研究方向：理論 RESERACH: FEILD

01

Shanghai’s Past and Expected Growth

The Old Town, which is the traditional urban core of the city is located in Huangpu District, Shanghai, The circular area of a 2km diameter, enclosed by Renmin

Road

and

Zhonghua

Road, houses 180,000 people.

With people experiencing as little as 10m2^2. Located in the heart of Shanghai, the Old Town is the origin of Shanghai’s development from a seaside fishing port to a modern city.

Drawing on our research of morphological patterns involving continuity of fabric (mats), we can make a clear correlation between the mat pattern and a specific form of political economy that involves collective operation and social collaboration.

14

1.01

1.02 MAPS BASE DATA FROM COLLABORATION WITH TONGI UNIVERSITY, SHANGHAI

15

16

1.04

1.03 MAPS BASE DATA FROM COLLABORATION WITH TONGI UNIVERSITY, SHANGHAI

1.05

1.06 MAPS BASE DATA FROM COLLABORATION WITH TONGI UNIVERSITY, SHANGHAI

17

18

1.08

1.07 MAPS BASE DATA FROM COLLABORATION WITH TONGI UNIVERSITY, SHANGHAI

1.09

1.10 MAPS BASE DATA FROM COLLABORATION WITH TONGI UNIVERSITY, SHANGHAI

19

20

GLOSSARY OF TERMS

21

GLOSSARY OF THEORISTS

22

As a continuation of my introduction, Chapter 2 consists of the morphological patterns I have studied over the course of the semester as part of my theoretical research. Alongside these morphological patterns, I studied several architects and theorists linked with these patterns.

This theoretical framework, consisting of existing

knowledge,

definitions

and

my

personal interpretation on existing theoretical assumptions has served as a strong starting point before developing my own strategy.

研究方向：理論 RESEARCH: THEORETICAL

02

taxidermic urbanism Robert Allsop, a Canadian landscape architect defined taxidermic urbanism as “the art of preserving, stuffing and mounting buildings for lifelike effect to simulate an intrinsic social, cultural or commercial vitality.” Taxidermic urbanism can thus be claimed to be the nostalgic preservation of an old ideology or typology with indifference towards the activities within. It creates stagnation within This

the

world

architectural

of

architectural

lobotomy

potential.

performed

on

buildings – both old and new – can be witnessed in Poundbury, an English village built in the 1990s that echoes the artificiality of urban taxidermy.

“the art of preserving, stuffing and mounting buildings for lifelike effect to simulate an intrinsic social, cultural or commercial vitality.”

The village mimics styles of the 1800s Europe but ends up a mere simulacrum. It does not succeed in vitalising the streets, it does not grow from a need nor does it represent the current political or socio-economic state of the world.

It is a rigid imposition of inauthenticity on a potentially vital and bustling town. It emphasises the notion on the artificiality of the modern city.

24

ROBERT ALLSOP

taxidermic urbanism

noun

[tak-si-dur-mic ur-buh-niz-uh m]

1. a nostalgic preservation of an old typology or idea with indifference towards

its socio-political context or the activities within.

25

the grid

Throughout the years, the gridiron plan has turned into a symbol of economic profit and expansion, but above all, it has become a key player in the creation of a man-made world – an intellectual exercise of artificiality that completely disregards the surrounding nature and the topography of the landscape. In 1978, the Dutch architect Rem Koolhaas wrote a retrospective manifesto for Manhattan celebrating the insanity of the structure of the city that never sleeps. In Delirious New York, Koolhaas argues that the aggressive isolation of each city block – and the obliteration of nature as a result of a gridiron plan – turns the landscape into “a dry archipelago.” The artificiality of the city, he claims, is then further enforced with the creation of Central Park. The city of skyscrapers and straight axes becomes a city of introspection.

26

2.01

The origin of the grid plan can be said to be found in the villages of the Indus valley civilisations – located in the area of the modern-day India and Pakistan. They were a natural continuation of the organisational scheme of the agricultural fields. Later, the grid plan was adopted by the Romans for its simple form that also provided a successful tactic to defend the city as well as an easy way to tackle its need for growth.

“the grid is, above all, a conceptual speculation. It implies an intellectual program for the island: in its indifference to topography, to what exists, it claims the superiority of mental construction over REM KOOLHAAS

grid

[grid]

noun

1. architecture. a rectangular system of coordinates used in locating the

principal elements of a plan.

27

the green archipelago Rem Koolhaas and Oswald Mathias Ungers devised the Green Archipelago under the premise that Berlin was reducing in population during a period of post World War II retrenchment. Koolhaas suggested that it was paramount that urbanity be retained despite the shrinking of the population. His solution was not further construction but rather deconstruction of any part of the city deemed unnecessary and improvement to those which were to be retained.

“an archipelago of architectures in a green lagoon of nature”

A well designed ‘synthetic-nature’ would then be introduced to reclaim the areas left and become ‘an archipelago of architectures amongst a green lagoon of nature,’ intensifying the feeling of manmade metropolis. These green areas, he mused, would allow for a new lifestyle to emerge, that of a ‘metropolitan gypsy’ – someone who would travel in between the ‘islands’ in mobile homes, as part of markets or circuses for years at a time without ever needing to stop - an interesting way of encouraging the collective and breaking down traditional preconceptions of what a city should be.

28

REM KOOLHAAS

29

2.02

melun-sénart Koolhaas further explored the idea of

an

archipelago in architecture in his Melun

deconstruction.

Sénart proposal – part of a competition

much to be an archipelago of growth, of

for a new city on the outskirts of Paris.

construction.

archipelago

of

retrenchment,

of

Melun Senart was very

The site as it existed, was purely countryside, free of any building work, the brief allowed the architect to do as he pleased.

Koolhaas stated ‘The site of Melun Sénart, the last of the Villes Nouvelles that encircle Paris, is too beautiful to imagine a new city there with innocence and impunity.”

He realised that poor urban development was inevitable within areas of the city and merely accepted this fact. He maintained the notion however, that it was possible to save areas of untainted countryside by cutting deliberate swathes of green through the city fabric. By setting aside set areas in which no construction could ever take place you could preserve the beauty which was here before, whilst also accommodating for the rising population

30

2.04

Where Koolhaas’ vision for Berlin was

2.03

which demanded a new town be created.

“The built is now fundamentally suspect. The unbuilt is green, ecological, popular. If the built, le plein, is now out of control, subject to permanent political and financial turmoil. The same is not yet true of the unbuilt; nothingness may be the last subject of plausible certainties.”

REM KOOLHAAS

31

Image by Author, representing the conditions of a Hybrid building

33

2.06

2.05

Image by Author, representing the conditions of a Social Condenser

34

35

2.08

2.07

36 2.08

37

2.09

2.1

理論：合成 THEORY: SYNTHESIS

39

2.10

40 2.11

41

2.12

fig. 2.13, Cedric Price, Fun Palace, 1964

42

演講感言 LECTURE REFLECTIONS

AR41001

RECLAIMING TECTONICS: LECTURE #2 INFRASTRUCTURE by Andy Stoane: WEEK 3, 3rd OCTOBER The idea of infrastructure is essential in

combination of mass consumption and

a new way of economic thinking. Keynes

architecture, especially in the planning

mass production. As Andy Stoane states

believed that aggregate demand was the

and organisation of cities. I aim to reflect

in his lecture, architecture embarked

key to a steady economy.

on this particular lecture and draw from it,

on a similar socio-political mission as a

key points and ideologies that influenced

result of this infrastructure based around

His policy followed the rule, that as long

my strategic decisions.

mass production. However, not long after,

as a governments aggregate demand was

during the 1930’s the great depression hit

used towards large scale, state funded

What is infrastructure? Infrastructure is

America and did not take long to impact

programmes, unemployment levels would

defined as the basic, underlying framework

the rest of the world. This was by far

drop.

or features of a system or organisation. In

the worst economic decline of the 20th

terms of architecture, this framework can

Century and as a result, heavy industry

This new way of thinking re-ignited the

be defined as the elements used in the

and mass production took the biggest hit

role of architecture in society and brought

construction of a building or rather the

during this disaster.

about what can be regarded as the last social age of architecture. However, this

components put in place to organise a city.

44

Although many countries and cities were

was brought to an end in 1968. Keynesian

It was during the early-20th Century, Henry

still struggling, even up until the beginning

economics became obsolite as a new, neo-

Ford introduced the first mass production

of World War 2, a new post-depression era

liberal economical way of thinking (the

line of motor vehicles. The introduction

was introduced by John Maynard Keynes.

market took control of everything) was

of Fordism instilled a new sense of

He completely altered the economic

introduced by Thatcher in the U.K. and

economic growth into society due to a

thinking of the time and brought forward

Regan in the U.S.A.

Unfortunately, housing was unable to adopt the same idea as Fordism. Although with Le Corbusier attempting to design modular housing in the 1920’s, based on the same mode of production pioneered

by Henry Ford, mass production housing never caught on in the same way. Likewise with the car, Corbusier designed the Citrohan House in an attempt to provide better living conditions for families post World War 1 but at the same time, create an efficient mode of housing that was affordable and could easily be repeated.

Le Corbuiser viewed industrialisation and technology in the same way Ford did and this is exactly what he was trying to portray fig. 2.14, The first production line of Ford Motor Vehicles, 1st Dec. 1913

in the design of the Citrohan House.

45

HOUSING: A MASS PRODUCED ‘PRODUCT’ Along with Le Corbusier, there were

Corb and Fuller were trying to incorporate

Golden Lane Estate was a direct response

other post-war architects keen to provide

the same means of production into the

to the destruction caused in that area of

mass produced, affordable housing in an

housing market, society was still unable

London during the War. Based on Corb’s

attempt to solve the housing crisis. One

to accept the house as a ‘product’ in the

model of housing, Golden Lane Estate and

being, Buckminster Fuller. Known for his

same way as a car. Unlike a car, housing

many other housing developments like

technological driven designs, Fuller, like

was still craft based and without readily

it, were the last of their kind to exist as

Corbusier, wanted to design an affordable

available materials, housing could not be

the Keynesian era of economics came to

product that could be leased to families

mass produced. As well as the lacking

an end and a new era was introduced by

in the same way a car could. His most

technological advances pre-World War 1.

Margaret Thatcher with the introduction of the Right to Buy policy, which gave

prominent example being the Dymaxion

46

House, designed in the late 1920’s, however

It was not until after World War 2, when

council tenants the opportunity to buy

it was not built until 1945. “The word

more

and

their house from their local authority. As

“Dymaxion” was coined by combining

materials were available, housing was able

a result, many developments originally

parts of three of Bucky’s favorite words:

to respond directly to the urgent need

provided by the local authorities became

DY

and

of a post-war generation of families. This

run down and abandoned due to a lack of

ION (tension). The house used tension

came in the form of Le Corbusier’s Unite

government intervention. It was this exact

suspension from a central column or mast,

D’Habitation, Marseille, built between 1947-

moment that brought to an end the last

sold for the price of a Cadillac, and could be

1952 as well as many housing developments

Social Age of Architecture.

shipped worldwide in its own metal tube.”

in the U.K.

(J. Baldwin) Unfortunately, neither Corb’s

example from this keynesian era is Golden

It was this end of Social urgency in

Citrohan House or Fuller’s Dymaxion

Lane Estate, London. Built during the

architecture that brought about a new

House took to the market in the same way

1950’s-60’s, when social housing was at

era of architecture, one that has since not

Ford’s automobile did. But why? Although,

the top of the agenda for the country,

promoted the same sense of community.

(dynamic),

MAX

(maximum),

advanced

technologies

particularly in London. One

It is the task of this studio to bring this sense of collectivity and community back into the heavily gentrified Shanghai Old Town. I will proceed to explore strategies in order to do so and explore different ways in which they can be implemented into the existing Old Town fabric. One through points of Repair throughout the fabric and one through points of Revanchism.

fig. 2.16, Buckminster Fuller, Dymaxion House, 1945

fig. 2.15, Le Corbusier, Citrohan House, 1929

47

Zhongyuan Liangwan City Shanghai Case Study

48

In order to explore the existing economic and political conditions of Shanghai, I studied Zhongyuan Liangwan City. (one of many housing developments as a direct response to the Chinese housing market) Exploring the factors contributing to the development of Zhongyuan Liangwan gave me an insight into the successful attributes and not so successful qualities of the development.

In comparison, London, although a completely different city in many ways, experienced similar growth to that of Shanghai. I will explore how each reacted to this unprecedented population growth.

案例分析 CASE STUDY: SHANGHAI

03

As part of our collaboration with the University

Although the severe lack of housing required

of Tongji, we travelled to Shanghai and spent

immediate action, there was not enough available

nine days in the city carrying out an in depth

space due to the mass density (mostly confined

study on our chosen field. Although having

within the old Li Long housing) and therefore

studied the Old Town as a solitary identity

as a result thousands of families were displaced

within the wider context of Shanghai, we

from the city centre to the suburbs.

under took several case studies of existing developments throughout the city.

Shanghai reflects the rapid growth of not only the city, but China’s economical and political growth over the last 40 years. It is as a direct result of the liberalisation and globalisation of the free market that broke down the barriers of an existing communist China. It was during the 1970’s the Chinese government encouraged private enterprises to invest in real estate to tackle the huge housing gap at that time.

3.01 Zhongyuan Liangwan City 3.02

3.03 Zhongyuan Liangwan public space

50

3.01

Old Town goverment intervention

ZHONGYUAN LIANGWAN Developed between 1999-2004, Zhongyuan Liangwan City is a prime example of government intervention in Shanghai. The development was in a direct response to the immense housing glut China was facing at the time.

Being a mass housing project, providing 20,000 homes within a dense field of tower blocks, the project was orientated around giving a sense of community for those who lived there. This sense of community was thought to have been achieved through the provision of green/activity space.

Although the green landscapes give a sense of beauty to the area, there is no physical connection between the tower block and the green space below. The main road running through the development creates a divide between public and private. Therefore the sense of community can not be fully achieved.

It is only through the direct relationship between the public and private, that any sense 3.02

of community can be achieved.

51

Similar to Zhongyuan Liangwan, Sanlin City is a product of the liberalisation and globalisation of the free market within the Chinese government during the 1970’s.

Rather than high rise blocks, Sanlin was developed at a smaller scale, with the aim of encouraging interaction between residents. These residents being those who would have been moved there as a result of the gentrification throughout the city at the time.

Although Sanlin promoted the idea of community living through the mix of residential and public, green space, its success was minimal and the lasting effect of this was apparent during our visit.

My first thoughts upon arrival were mixed. When viewing the community from outside, it seemed very secluded and private. (the opposite of what it was intended to do) However, when walking through the development, it was clear there had been an attempt to provide the residents with mixed use programmes exercise equipment. It was, in my opinion, as a result of there programmes that the development lacked in a sense of ‘community’. The same sense of community 52

3.03

including: a community hall, communal gardens and

SANLIN CITY still rife throughout the Old Town. The atavistic nature of this settlement is reminiscent

3.03 Sanlin City, Communal Loggia and Green Space 3.04 Sanlin City, Public Route 3.05

of a traditional soviet social condenser, where those living there are forced into a specific way of life without any real sense of collectivity. The same collectiveness that comes naturally to the residents living in the existing Old Town fabric.

Sanlin City, Shared Garden Space for

3.05

3.04

Residential Block

53

Situated in the souther portion of the former French Concession, you can find Tianzifang. Traditionally named Laotiandi by local residents. ‘Lao’ meaning Old; hence, its name translates into English as ‘Old World’.

(G . Bracken, 2013) Consisting mainly of mainly old warehouses and factories, the area now accommodates a number of arts and crafts and creative spaces. As well as these facilities, Tianzifang also has a number of restaurants and cafés available for residents and tourists.

This

mix

of

programmes

creates

an

inviting

environment, different to that of its neighbouring development, Xiantiandi. Although only a few blocks away, Xiantiandi offers a totally different experience.

Orientated around a designer-led redevelopment, it appeals to a higher market. Whereas, Tianzifang, being a ‘bottom up’ development, seems to focus more on the creative arts.

Compared to most of the developments we visited positive act of gentrification has taken place. Rather

54

3.06

during our time, I consider Tianzifang one where a

TIANZIFANG than completely displacing an existing population, Tianzifang has attempted to focus on creating an environment where the locals can benefit from the new programmes.

However, has a result of increasing land prices (due to an increase in GDP) local businesses are having to move out of Tianzifang and set up elsewhere as they are no longer able to afford their rent. It is this issue that is crucial to the development of our own strategy for the Shanghai Old Town.

How to we generate a GDP within the Old Town but at the same time, keep rent prices low enough for local residents?

It is this question I hope to answer through our strategic development in semester 1 and our further tectonic

3.07

and spacial exploration in semester 2.

55

Alexandra Road, London Neave Brown, 1968

56

案例分析 4.01

CASE STUDY: LONDON

3.1

POST WAR LONDON, 1945-1980 58

As a complement to our field studies,

housing and can be regarded as the last

gramme which incentivized private home

we spent 4 days in London examining

‘social age’ of architecture. This was not

ownership. This meant that the public

multiple case studies of existing Mat and

‘welfarist’ provision, as it might be seen

housing projects originally provided by

Hybrid housing developments from the

from today’s perspective, but simply an

the state, were transferred to the market

twentieth century. Built to ameliorate

understanding of the importance of good

for knock-down prices, and then once

the impoverished housing conditions

housing to a population and its political

privatised continually escalated in price

resulting from London’s rapid growth

economy. This housing was in most cases

due to rising demand from an exponen-

during the industrial revolution and into

provided by local councils through public

tially growing population and the ability

the twentieth century, these seminal

spending

Furthermore,

to profit through multiple ownership. It is

projects provided various models of what

there appeared to be an understanding of

this which has led to the modern housing

might be described as social housing.

the importance of the role of architectural

crisis.

[note – actually at certain times in the

design in this societal complexion. Thus,

20th C – the 1920s and the 1950s/60s in

in the typology of the avant-garde social

Through studying this ‘social’ architec-

particular - the economy was extremely

housing projects of this era we can often

ture, perhaps we can propose housing

strong and living standards were very

see a sense of community and civic pride

strategies for Shanghai which might avoid

high]

resulting from both the uniqueness of

complete capitulation to the market, and

these environments and from the way

might instead equitably absorb new pop-

they foster collective life.

ulations, within an imperative for a sense

As a result of the downturn of the economy

programmes.

of community and collective living.

after World War 1, huge emphasis was put on providing social and council housing

In the 1980’s council housing provision in

throughout the U.K. The architecture of

the U.K. was completely abandoned under

the time reflects the demand for mass

Margaret Thatcher’s ‘right to buy’ pro-

“this long run is a misleading guide to current affairs. In the long run we are all dead. Economists set themselves too easy, too useless a task if in tempestuous seasons they can only tell us that when the storm is long past the ocean is flat again.”

John Maynard Keynes, A Tract on Monetary Reform, 1923

59

has experienced exponential growth over the past 30-40 years, London experienced a similar rate of growth but over a longer period of time. The population of London grew exponentially between the 1800’s and the 1900’s. It was towards the end of the 1960’s when Neave Brown designed Alexandra Road (Fig. 4.01 and 4.02) and although 60 years later, it is still regarded as one of the strongest precedents to reflect the last ‘Social Age’ of architecture.

Similar to the housing developments in Shanghai (Fig. 3.01), Brown’s main focus was to provide mass housing within a dense Hybrid of multi programmes ranging from retail, education and public services.

ALEXANDRA ROAD, LONDON (1972-1978)

In comparison to the growth of Shanghai, which

61

“build low, to fill the site, to geometrically define open space, to integrate. And return to housing the traditional quality of continuous background stuff, anonymous, cellular, repetitive, that has always been its virtue.”

Neave Brown, 1970’s

62

At this point in the journal I dive deeper into the urban context of the Old Town at a micro scale exploring the different typological conditions within the fabric. Exploring the fast-growing economy around the Old Town and the ways in which the residents are affected.

I will look specifically at the current house prices within the Old Town and how residents are being displaced from their homes due to inflated property prices.

上海老城 SHANGHAI OLD TOWN

04

64

5.01

Situated within the dense, mega city fabric of Shanghai, sits the city’s Old Town. Although suffocated by the overwhelming global scale of the city, the Old Town holds its own local identity. It is through this conversion between the global and Local scales that brings to light a compelling dialogue of big versus small.

Having spent over a week in the city we were able to experience the compelling juxtaposition between the traditional language of the Old Town and the modern, fast growing city around it.

4.01 Traditional Chinese Li Long, Photographed by author 4.02 Old Town Roofscape, Photographed by author 4.03 Gentrification within existing fabric, Photographed by author 4.04 Condition of existing fabric at street level, Photographed by author 4.05 Effects of large scale displacement, Photographed by author

65

4.03

4.02

Rich Historical Fabric

66

Gentrification

4.05

4.04

Decaying Fabric

DISPLACEMENT

67

4.05

Example of gentrification within Old Town fabric

紳士化 GENTRIFICATION

4.1

been part of a large gentrification project which has seen huge pieces of the fabric repossessed by local authorities. This government intervention is rife throughout the fabric and without any form of intervention, the last piece of the original urban core of Shanghai will cease to exist. Gentrification is defined as: a positive feedback cycle where the more that the buildings and functions of a neighbourhood move up-market, the more attractive it becomes and Dovey, 2016) Although gentrification can be viewed as the process of improving a run down, slum type

4.07

this stimulates the market for more of the same. (K.

area, the consequences on the families displaced as a result of this ‘improvement’ can be devastating. It is this displacement which is occurring throughout the entire Old Town.

One way in which the local authorities are implementing this large gentrification project is through, what we have termed, Taxidermic Urbanism. This describes the nostalgic preservation of an old typology or idea with indifference towards its socio-political context or the activities within. An example of this in the Old Town exists in the form of the Yu-Yuan Garden, located at the

4.08

4.1 YU-YUAN GARDENS 70

Unfortunately, the original Old Town fabric has

North end of the Old Town. (see fig. 4.08) In order to re-create a

traditional

typology,

local

authorities have erased the old fabric in this area and put in its place new buildings, disguised as traditional Chinese dwellings.

This simulacrum of a traditional typology is a representation of the Taxidermic Urbanism taking place within the Old Town. As evident in fig. 4.09, the Yu-Yuan garden has become a tourist hot spot, providing a combination of both a ‘traditional’ looking typolgy and up-market retailers in order to attract a younger demographic to the Old Town.

This also generates a GDP within money

towards

government

4.09

the Old Town, generating more interventions.

71

Having experienced both the quality of life in the central business district of Shanghai and that of the Old Town, the difference is unprecedented and the speed at which the city is expanding around the Old Town will soon enough bring complete erasure to the fabric. Unfortunately for the residents of the Old Town, the Chinese economy has invested millions into the production of towers in the city in order to provide housing for an exponentially growing population. It is as a result of this Plutocrification, that leads to the displacement of thousands of families and rising property prices in the city. In an attempt to displace residents out of the Old Town and into the suburbs, the property prices within the Old Town are inflated forcing families to sell the value of their home [see figure 5.06] and take however much they can get and relocate to the suburbs. This displacement is a direct response to the governments incentive to attract a younger demographic into the city centre, however this is at the expense of the 4.06

families who currently live within the Old Town.

Property prices Old Town, Shanghai, Photographed by author

72

“RENT ZHEING JIA STREET, SECOND FLOOR 18M2 AIR CONDITIONING AND T.V.

”

2800 RMB/PER MONTH

“RENT QING WEN ROAD, LONGMEN SQUARE, SECOND FLOOR 45M2 BED, FURNITURE, A.C., INDEPENDENT BATHROOM AND BALCONY

“

5500 RMB/PER MONTH

73

74 6.01

Shanghai is very much a city of two halves; the global and the local. The bustling, soulful traditional old town, a place which embodies the spirit of the people of Shanghai, and the often insipid globalised city, a necessity for accommodating the vast number of people Shanghai has attracted. Unfortunately, the global commonly comes in the way of tower blocks and skyscrapers, these offer little in the way of social interaction and community, often times coming at the expense of these things with the erasure of old fabric. One of our goals was to bridge the gap between these, so that the global might offer the quality of the local - positive generic intervention.

Through our analysis of the old town of Shanghai we discovered that it was almost something of a naturally occurring hybrid. A vast array of activities all operate in the narrow streets and open dwellings, from washing to gambling to selling freshly cooked food. The old fabric leads to successful community interaction.

However, the old town lacks the ability to accommodate large scale programmes such as supermarkets, hospitals, sporting facilities etc. We wanted to introduce these facilities to improve the way of life in the old town without detracting from it’s rich culture in a way that blended with the old town and increased density.

修理織物 REPAIRING THE FABRIC

05

KEY STRATEGIC MOVES

Identify the road as a key component in the division of the old town.

76

Occupy these areas .

Lift the road to allow programmes

w large scale public s underneath

5.02

Repair the fabric of the old town.

Bridge the scale between the local and the global.

77

We decided on a simple modular system. The modules would consist of 6 units. Although all 6 units could be residential, they can be re-arranged to allow for different mixed programmes ie. public sanitary facilities, communal gardens or void, to allow for a source of natural light to the spaces below. This offers a diverse and ever-changing landscape for the residents, giving them the opportunity to change and adapt to what suits them.

5.03

05 REPAIRING THE FABRIC 78

MODULAR CONSTRUCTION

5.05

5.04

broken fabric

repaired fabric

79

During

the

early

development,

we

stages

of

proposed

a basic section exploring the tectonics, geometry and spacial qualities of our structure.

Through this section we have attempted to bridge the division currently cause by the main road through the Old Town and introduce a pedestrian zone instead. Rather than the road existing at ground level, we have elevated the road 10 metres above ground level to alleviate the

pressures

of

the

busy

traffic and give new connection between the North and South of the Old Town.

Consisting

of

the

modular

components (detailed on page 76) we adopted a terraced form, to allow for a gradual connection to the existing fabric.

80

6.06 MEGA STRUCTURE SHORT SECTION 1:200

81

82 7.01

At this point in the journal I dive deeper into the urban context of the Old Town at a micro scale exploring the different typological conditions within the fabric. Exploring the fast-growing economy around the Old Town and the ways in which the residents are affected.

I will look specifically at the current house prices within the Old Town and how residents are being displaced from their homes due to inflated property prices.

維修和翻 REPAIR AND REVANCHISM

06

Repair and Revanchism: A Manifesto for the Old Town of Shanghai Elliot Reilly, Mishell Parodi and Calum Ramsay

Any plan for the future of Shanghai old town should be one of repair and revanchism.

Currently much of the old fabric is seen as disposable. These areas are run down and lacking in sanitary facilities and public spaces. There are areas which have been destroyed and replaced with high-rise towers already. And there is Fuxing Road which separates and divides the old town.

The strategy outlined in this manifesto is about the relationship between small and big – avoiding friction between the two, as exists in Shanghai and every global city currently – the big takes priority over the small and the small suffers. The strategy makes a clear distinction between the two; big happens in one place and small happens in another. There is an in-between world – the megastructure – takes all the facilities that we can’t fit in the big or the small. ‘Social facilities’ – hospitals and schools etc. The following points set out a clear urban design strategy and rule for future development.

megastructure, however, displacement should be as minimal as possible as the indigenous population will be forced from the city, should they not be provided alternative accommodation.

These facilities and improved quality of life should increase the value of properties, making it harder for people to be displaced in the future without adequate compensation.

The first operation is one of repair. It should be to identify naturally formed enclaves of low rise, dense fabric and group them into large enclaves consisting of 3 or 4 smaller enclaves. This will make distribution of services possible. Each large enclave should share a small park. Each small park should contain mixed use facilities and communal spaces. Where there are already advantageous empty spaces, these shall become occupied by the small parks. In enclaves which do not have adequate empty space, erasure shall occur to create some at no more than 5% of the total area of the enclave. Where possible use brownfield sites. The residents who are displaced will be given housing in the 84

6.02

1.

2.

The following 2 points will be revanchist in nature. The first of these is to reclaim the area where Fuxing Road has been constructed so that it may be utilised by the community of the old town, re-uniting the two halves. Traffic will still need to travel this route, and naturally, it makes sense to excavate and lower the road underground.

should be given in the form of reduced rent costs. When sold they will be purchased by the government at the equivalent rate of purchase dependant on inflation.

On this area a megastructure should be constructed, running the full length of the old town. Something which is almost the inverse of Alexandra Road, a series of tiered sky-streets overlooking the old town. Allowing for each resident to have a relationship to the street as a social space is important, although it will perform differently to the existing fabric it will still offer a communal space, otherwise missing in large, dense housing solutions.

The residential units within the megastructure shall be government owned and rented out at a cost dependant on the wealth of the average income within the old town, with the option to buy should it become financially feasible.

To ensure residential units are maintained properly, incentive

6.03

The megastructure will be a hybrid in nature, containing dense residential living and large-scale public programmes such as health care and educational, sporting facilities and technological and enterprising centres.

There should not be any commercial units within this megastructure as this may compromise the success of the local shops around the old town.

Bringing these programmes to the old town will create jobs and attract a younger demographic and people who will use the existing facilities around the old town, generating GDP and increasing the wealth of the residents.

䔀崀

䤀嘀 䰀唀匀

嬀䔀堀䌀

3.

The second point of revanchism within the Old Town, we propose to implement in the areas surrounding the existing tower blocks.

Having been taken from the old town and turned into an area of exclusivity, we aim to re-invent the negative space and give back to the community of the Old Town in the form of a Big Park. Any future development within the Big Park will be constrained to designated zones and will be no less than 20 storeys high. Not unlike the Corbusian model of ‘The Radiant City’, we propose that any new towers constructed within the Big Park must give back at least 10 meters back to void to allow the park to flow under each tower. Where the Big Park meets the Fuxing Hybrid, it will run directly under the hybrid in order to allow it to maintain its validity as a symbolic form.

85

repair

[ri-pair]

noun, plural repair

1. restore (something damaged, faulty or worn) to a good condition

2. make good (damage)

86

revanchsim

[ruh-van-chist, vahn-shist]

noun, plural revanchism

1. a policy of seeking to retaliate, especially to recover lost territory

87

06 REPAIR AND REVANCHISM

88

180,000 Old Town residents

2

kilometer Fuxing Road

2

halves of a divided community

89

SMALL PARK [REPAIR] As set out in the rules within our manifesto, we propose to provide a scale of repair throughout the Old Town in areas where we deem to be in a lacking in proper infrastructure i.e. Sanitary facilities, kitchen/dining areas and open, green spaces to allow for a positive relationship between the new facilities, whilst keeping the natural sense of community in tact in what could be described as an ‘accidental mat’ integrated into the existing context of Shanghai.

7.02

We then proceeded to select areas within the Old Town enclaves, which we recognized has areas requiring immediate intervention. Each area was selected on the premise that it would be providing a service to a new, larger group of enclaves. This new ‘Big Enclave’ would then, within it, have its own small park including services that do not already exist.

90

91

92

GREEN SPACE

SITE

HYPOTHETICAL SMALL PARK [CONDITION]

93

INTERACTION

ACCESS

BIG PARK [REVANCHISM] New developments within the Old Town consist mainly of high-rise buildings.

The residential tower blocks become gated communities exclusive to the most affluent. These mega-enclaves of exclusivity not only destroy the collective life characteristic of the low-rise dense typology, but they also divide the original residents from the new ones. Our Revanchist proposal is to de-gate these exclusive enclaves and give the groundspace back to the original communities in the form of a big park that extends over six tower communities. In order to do this the towers must give up a height of at least 10m which then would be altered to consists only of columns, allowing the park to run freely underneath. In this void space, bridges and causeways can be constructed. On these bridges small scale programme can be implemented that provides for the tower residents as well as the rest of the communities in the Old Town.

94

95

THE FUXING HYBRID [REVANCHISM] The Fuxing hybrid is revanchist in nature. Having identified the road as a key divider of the old town we propose that it be moved underground. This allows the road to be reclaimed and given back to the public. By doing this there is a link formed between the two broken sides of the old town, repairing the fabric whilst providing dense housing to deal with the demand for affordable housing.

The old town is currently unable to accommodate large scale public programme such as hospitals, schools, art galleries etc. We saw this as an opportunity to enhance the lives of both the residents of the old town and the new residents by providing these things in the core of the Hybrid .

We hope that providing these things will entice a new, younger generation into the area as there will be job opportunities and facilities. This would assist in developing a GDP and economy of the old town.

We felt it important that the relationship the residents of the old town have to the street was maintained as this is where the majority of social interaction occurred.

To achieve this we created a series of tiered linear public zones, ensuring 96

every flat has a direct relationship to one.

In doing so, we were able to merge the gap in scales between the big and small.

KEY STRATEGIC MOVES:

PUBLIC Vs PRIVATE

97

98

99

Betsky, A., 1995. Building Sex: Men, Women, Architecture and the Construction of Sexuality. New York: William Morrow & Co. Koolhaas, R., 1997. Delirious New York: A Retroactive Manifesto for Manhattan. The Monacelli Press.

Koolhaas, R., 2004. Content. Taschen.

Marx, K. and Engels, F., 1888. The Communist Manifesto Keynes, J.M., 1936. The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money Koolhaas, R. and Mathias, O., 1977. The City in the City. Berlin: A Green Archipelago Banham, R., 1976. Megastructure: Urban Futures of the Recent Past Hopkins, O., 2017. Lost Futures: The Disappearing Architecture of Post-War Britain Swenarton, M., 2017. Cook’s Camden: The Making of Modern Housing Lefebvre, H., 1974. The Production of Space Arendt, H., 1958. The Human Condition Burdett, R. and Sudjuc, D., 2007. The Endless City Dovey, K. 2016. Urban Design Thinking. A Conceptual Toolkit

B I B L I O G R A P H Y 102

參考書目

Municipal Dreams in Housing, 2013 [online] https://municipaldreams.wordpress.com/2013/06/18/the-alexandra-road-estate-camden-a-magical-moment-for-english-housing/ [Accessed 20th November 2019] The Chinese Economy at a Glance, 2016 [online] https://ig.ft.com/sites/numbers/economies/china/ [Accessed 8th December 2019] Gibbons, A., Utopia London [online] http://writingcities.com/tag/neave-brown/ [Accessed 13th December 2019] Allsop, R., 2016. Are we killing Yonge Street? [Online.] <https://nowtoronto.com/news/are-we-killing-yonge-street/#.V341gu1dyKw.facebook> [Accessed 18 September 2019] London, C., 2018. The Telegraph [online] https://www.telegraph.co.uk/travel/galleries/historical-photographer-winners-2018/alexandra-road-estate/ [Accessed 13th December 2019] Cost of Living in Shanghai [online] https://www.numbeo.com/cost-of-living/in/Shanghai [Accessed 28th November] Architectuul, 2019 [online] http://architectuul.com/architect/neave-brown [Accessed 4th December 2019]

103

2.03. Rem Koolhaas, The City in the City: A Green Archipelago[book].

2.04. Rem Koolhaas, The City in the City: A Green Archipelago[book].

2.05. Chamberlin Powell and Bon, The Barbican Centre [online]. Available at: https://cdn.shortpixel.ai/client/q_glossy,ret_img/https://www.littlescandinavian. com/wp-content/uploads/2016/06/Barbican_centre.jpg 2.07. Aldo Rossi, Mote Amiata [online]. Available at: https://live.staticflickr.com/23 64/2126301315_9ab230622a_b.jpg

4.02. Neave Brown, Alexandra Road, London [online]. Available at: https://www. architectsjournal.co.uk/pictures/420x280fitpad[31]/6/1/2/3015612_Photo_credit_ Janet_Jack_29_whole_site_1992.jpg 4.03. Neave Brown, Alexandra Road, London, 1970 [online]. Available at: https:// municipaldreams.files.wordpress.com/2013/06/rowley-way.jpeg

Any images not referenced were taken by Author or created through group analysis

2.08. Aldo Rossi, Mote Amiata [online]. Available at: http://2.bp.blogspot.com/EJXY3rmteJs/VQBmqQ0S1jI/AAAAAAAAAdE/pHlSLnjFgf0/s1600/KfOtjdlg_ gallaratese-aymonino-rossi.jpg 2.13. Cedric Price, Fun Palace, 1964 [online]. Available at: https://www.iconeye. com/images/2014/05/icon095-iotm-cedric-main.jpg 2.14. Henry Ford, First production line of Ford Motor Vehicles [online]. Available at: https://essentracontent.com/assets/uploads/images/Dr-Wilson-v2.jpg 2.15. Le Corbusier, Citrohan House, 1929 [online]. Available at: https://www. iainclaridge.co.uk/blog/wp-content/uploads/0610/le_corbusier.jpg 4.01. Neave Brown, Alexandra Road, London [online]. Available at: https:// ssl.c.photoshelter.com/img-get/I0000x68meLksRjc/s/1200/I0000x68meLksRjc.jpg

I M A G E 104

C R E D I T S

圖片積分

105