Tanghalang Pambansa - A case study of hybrid architecture in the Philippines.

Tanghalang Pambansa / Leandro V. Locsin a case study of hybrid architecture in the Pacific Earl Dan Dela Cruz Baua

SARC 387 | FEB 2021

front cover - photography by Simone Bossi above - front view of the Tanghalang Pambansa

contents

foreword

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introduction

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arkitekturang filipino origins: ephemeral architecture settling above ground under one ROOF nipa, bamboo, capiz

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the birth of the building from intramuros to manila city

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tanghalang pambansa: bipolarities light heavy open closed rigid organic

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conclusion reflection of sources

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works cited image sources

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tanghalang as Propaganda: Edifice Complex

WORD COUNT | 4537

INTRODUCTION

Perhaps one of the greatest examples of Eastern and Western cultural amalgamation is the nation of The Philippines. Millenia ago, Negrito groups and Austronesian seafarers settled in the archipelago and made contact with Chinese and Arabian traders. Following this was centuries of Spanish occupation and American rule thereafter which unified the islands into one nation and introduced Western culture – albeit forcibly in most cases.

The result: a fusion of Asian and Western influences that is an essential part of The Philippines’ creation and identity. This bipolarity of East and West has manifested itself as the Filipino culture of today. It is evident in the nation’s religions, traditions, and in the built environment. A prime example of this is Leandro Locsin’s Tanghalang Pambansa (translates to: National Theatre).

This paper discusses the hybrid condition this pacific architecture. To examine this project as a hybrid building is to examine the Philippines as a hybrid nation. The building draws from a mix of the vernacular, Spanish and American influences that have been present throughout the nation’s history. Its hybrid condition is not only visible in the merging of architectural traditions, but also in the complex cross-cultural and political interactions that have occurred to produce the work.

The structure of this essay will be made up of three main sections. The first part of the paper will provide context to the rest of the essay by introducing the archipelago’s vernacular architecture and its origins. The following section will then discuss the cross-cultural and political interactions that spurred the Tanghalang Pambansa’s creation. Finally, the last section of the paper analyzes the design of the building and how Locsin uses dualities to represent the composite-nature of Filipino culture.

It is the combination of these aspects that makes the Tanghalang Pambansa a prime example of hybrid architecture in the Pacific.

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ARKITEKTURANG FILIPINO With approximately 2,000 occupied islands under the nation now known as The Philippines, the archipelago boasts a diverse range of ethnolinguistic groups in varied geographical settings.

As a result, these groups developed unique cultures, religions and ways of life. Despite their differences, their commonality as nomadic, maritime people experiencing frequent earthquakes, monsoons and high temperatures means that reoccurring themes can be seen in their built environment. Passively ventilated coastal dwellings with raised floors and steep roofs are examples of their common response to the tropical climate.

This section of the essay discusses the origins of the Filipino vernacular as a climatic reaction and a manifestation of the Filipino’s nomadic and collectivist nature. These pre-colonial societal values and resulting architectural features would later materialize and inspire Locsin in his design of the Tanghalang Pambansa.

Origins: Ephemeral Architecture

Many theories have been proposed to explain the origins of the first settlers in The Philippines.

Before Hispanic rule, The Philippines was not a unified nation but instead a group of scattered islands in southeast Asia. One theory by Henry Otley Beyer, founder of the University of The Philippines’ Anthropology Department, sees the early groups of people arriving in waves of migration. Yves Boquet summarizes this in her book (62): “Dawn Man” … around 250.000 BC, then Negritos, via land bridges at the time of ice age lowering sea-levels, ca. 25.000 BC, followed by Indonesian seafarers (3000–1000 BC) … and finally more advanced Malay who brought the iron age culture, irrigation technologies and later Islam.”

In contrast, Filipino anthropologist Felipe Landa Jocano’s theorizes a steady flow of people coming from the north of The Philippines that later settled through Borneo, New Guinea and Australia (Boquet 64). Despite the number of theories and even doubts about the popular “out-of-Taiwan hypothesis”, it is widely accepted that settlement of the islands was roughly 40,000 years ago by hunter-gatherers. Human remains in Palawan’s Tabon Cave dating back to approximately 24,000 years ago (alongside other cave dwellings in Batanes) prove the existence

Although the term ‘Filipino’ was only coined after Spanish and American rule, this section will collectively refer to the original Austronesian and Negrito settlers as Filipino unless otherwise independently referred to. The reason: intermarriages between different aboriginal groups meant that Negrito peoples had strong Austronesian admixture and thus adopted many parts of Austronesian culture and language (Lipson). There are also a number of groups that fall under the terms: Negrito and Austronesian (the Agta, Aeta, Ati and Mamanwa to name a few).

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of settlers before the arrival of Negrito groups (~13,000 years ago) and Austronesian groups (~6000 years ago) (Lico; Boquet; Rai). One of the earliest built structures of Negrito groups was the lean-to. For Negrito groups in Northern Luzon such as the Agta people; ephemeral architecture was the answer to a nomadic lifestyle which required temporary structures with little investment in time or effort (Lico; Rai).

figure 1. The lean-to

A lean-to is a simple screen made of locally sourced materials to protect the nomads from the elements before a hunting or gathering trip. These windscreens were often made of bamboo and thatch and could be large enough to accommodate the entire family (Rai). The Agta built leantos along bodies of water in the drier months. During monsoon season, Agta elevated the floor to knee level to improve air circulation and defend against rain and humidity (Lico 6).

With these qualities, the lean-to could be seen as a prototype for the Austronesian mode of building that dominated in The Philippines and throughout The Pacific/South-East Asia. As groups moved towards a less nomadic lifestyle, the lean-to evolved and semi-permanent structures became more common.

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Settling above ground

Travelling groups of people or barangays often settled by rivers and seas that provided sustenance and a mode of transport (Encarnacion-Tan 1192). As a response to their aquatic-based lifestyles, barangays would build houses upon vertical posts, braced with horizontal tie beams. The elevated floor was an effective way to keep pests, mud and water out of the house and in some cases, building on stilts was a way to defend against warring tribes. Houses commonly rested on foundation stones rather than being driven into the ground. By doing this, the houses could be picked up and moved if necessary, as well as providing flexibility to the structure in a seismically active region. In the hotter months, an elevated floor assisted with passive ventilation. A cool air current could rise from the underfloor space and slip through floorboards to drive warm air out of gaps in the roof. The space beneath the floor also provided a space for animals or shaded outdoor work. The elevation of the floor correlated to the barangay’s specific needs. For example, the Badjao, a seafaring people who spent most of their time on their boats, built houses on the beach with floors elevated at least 1.5m above ground to spare them from the high tide (Perez III, Badjao 2.II.7.a). figure 2. Badjao Land Houses

To rest the stilts atop foundation stones and allow for migration is a testament to the Filipino’s nomadic traditions. Raising the structure displayed the Filipino’s intuitive climatic response and would later become one of the most recognizable features of Filipino architecture.

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Under one ROOF

These raised structures were often rectangular, multipurpose dwellings with a distinct roof that came as a result of the Filipino’s collectivist and outdoor nature. These features would later inspire the floating volume of the Tanghalang Pambansa.

Aside from the outdoor kitchen and bathing areas, houses usually had no partitions to divide the space. The early Filipino’s outdoor lifestyle meant that the interior of these houses was scarcely furnished (Oliver). Its main purpose was a place for the entire family to sleep and meet until the children reached a suitable age to build their own houses (Lico). This communal living means the house is essentially, a singular multipurpose room. The result of this is a monolithic form which is often cubic and symmetrical in many planes. Openings are scarce and the house can sometimes appear to be hidden by the roof eaves (Encarnacion-Tan, Ifugao 2.II.7.d).

As further testament to the collectivist nature of the Filipino, some barangays’ exits would lead to a communal porch that connected other houses. Having this intermediate space allowed people to welcome guests from afar and let others know that they were home (Zialcita) as well as creating an area to linger under the roof eaves.

A voluminous roof with large overhangs is a key feature of Filipino and Austronesian architecture.

The steepness of the roof pitch creates a large ceiling space to assist with passive ventilation and protects the home from heavy rain during monsoon seasons. While these overhangs had a functional, climatic purpose, they are also evidence of the Filipino’s outdoor and collectivist way of life. The overhang allows people to gather occupy the sheltered space surrounding the house which Locsin would later mimic.

figure 3. Ifugao house sketch figure 4. Ifugao fale

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A prime example is the Ifugao fale of the Banaue Ifugaos. The fale is a one-room house where the family unit limits their activities to sleeping, eating and performing rituals. Ifugao spend most of their time outdoors tending to the rice terraces and engaging in rice culture (Encarnacion-Tan, Ifugao 2.II.7.d). The thatch roof is shaped like a pyramid creating a symmetrical, monolithic form when viewing the house from above and the front. In this case, the roof eaves are large enough to envelop most of the cubic form of the house (fig 4).

Nipa, bamboo and seashells

A defining quality of the early Filipino is their ability to build from locally available materials.

The Filipino’s selection and use of raw materials gives these structures a sense of ruggedness and imperfection. In Locsin’s choice of materiality, he also finds a way to represent this resourcefulness.

Two main distinctions can be made between highland and lowland structures due to climate differences. To combat colder temperatures, highland dwellings tend to be more enclosed and sealed. In contrast, lowland dwellings appear visually lighter and more open (Oliver).

These can be attributed to the materials the structures are built from. Lighter houses are made with materials such as plant fibers (commonly nipa), bamboo and timber. Highland houses are generally made of stone and timber with little to no openings. Capiz shells were often used in lowland dwellings for windows and doors because of their translucent nature that allowed light to enter the home. Construction methods utilized joinery techniques and plant fiber lashings rather than glue and nails to hold the structure together. This method of construction meant that house components could be replaced after decay or damage from natural disasters as well as disassembly for transport purposes (Lico; Oliver).

In the design of the Tanghalang Pambansa, Locsin shows tension with the juxtaposing traits of enclosed and visual lightness. He experiments with the construction and makes subtle hints to the materials of the past.

The evolution from ephemeral to permanent structures combined with barangay cultural values has materialized as the vernacular architecture of pre-colonial Philippines. Leandro Locsin had a deep understanding of the outdoor, collectivist and resourceful nature of the Filipino that inspired this architecture (Lico 481). Consequently, his design of the Tanghalang Pambansa is able to reflect the Filipino vernacular at an abstract level. It is these ideas in conjunction with the complex colonial and political factors that would inspire Locsin and the creation of the Tanghalang Pambansa.

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THE BIRTH OF THE TANGHALANG PAMBANSA

The Tanghalang Pambansa would not exist in its current location or exist at all if not for the political significance of its site in Manila and the motives of the Marcos’ administration.

The Spanish settlement and development of Manilla set up the site of Manila Bay as an important place of power. Hence, when the Marcos regime wanted to push their nationalist views and showcase national pride, they commissioned the design of Locsin’s Tanghalang Pambansa on the historical and politically important site. This section of the paper discusses these colonial and political factors that motivated the construction of the Tanghalang Pambansa and therefore contribute to its hybrid condition.

Intramuros to Metro Manila

Spanish contact with the archipelago had first been made in 1521 and consequent voyages to scout the islands followed. It was in 1565 though, where permanent occupation of the Spaniards and colonization of the islands began. It was the Spaniards’ political development of Manila Bay that would later make it the ideal spot for a building such as the Tanghalang Pambansa.

Miguel Lopez de Legazpi was given instruction by King Philip II to establish a permanent base for the expansion of the Spanish Empire. Legazpi decided to settle on the island of Luzon (highlighted in red, fig 5), a region known for its rich agriculture in the hopes that it would provide the colonizers with an abundance of food.

It was a Muslim settlement on Luzon known as Maynilad (now, Manila) that Legazpi deemed suitable due to its connection to the South China Sea and therefore ability to harbor Chinese traders. The original Spanish settlement in Manila was called Intramuros, (“within the walls”) a walled-off fortification which housed and protected the Spanish colonizers. It was here that they established their political center. The strategic location of Manila allowed Spanish forces to extend their authority throughout Luzon and the other islands over their 330-year occupation.

The growing importance of the city meant the growth of Intramuros and eventually, the walled city included the urban features of a typical figure 5 - a map highlighting Luzon

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Spanish ciudad such as a central plaza, markets, a cathedral and most importantly, civic buildings.

These buildings were key for colonial administration and included the residence of the GovernorGeneral (the highest rank in the archipelago) and Casa de Ayuntamiento (a large building containing administrative offices). And so, the settlement in Manila rose to become the center of colonial power in The Philippines. Just as the city within the walls developed, as did the areas outside. Urbanization occurred in the suburbs surrounding the walls and the port of Manila played an essential role for over 200 years in the Galleon Trade which enabled exchange of knowledge and goods between the East and West. The resulting political, economic and industrial growth of Manila under the Spaniards laid the groundwork for the city to be later determined the capital of The Philippines. As a city with political importance and an established trading port, Manila Bay was the perfect site to showcase national pride to the world in the form of a building.

Tanghalang as Propaganda: Marcos’ Edifice Complex

After 330 years of Spanish rule, 50 years under the Americans and 5 years under the Japanese in WWII, the fight for independence was finally won in 1946. This newly found independence would later manifest itself as political agenda that tried to reject the occupied Philippines of the past and return to a pre-colonial culture. In the presidency of Ferdinand Marcos (1965-1986) he and his wife, Imelda Marcos used these nationalist ideas as propaganda as a means of strengthening their control over The Philippines and gaining public support. The Tanghalang Pambansa was built to support their motives.

The Marcos administration’s principal agenda was to push ideas of national rebirth and cultural rejuvenation that they would later use to justify their imposition of martial law and essentially, full control of the country. By promoting nationalist ideals, Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos formed narratives of a Great Malayan Nation under a Great Leader, even drawing parallels between Filipino creation mythology and themselves (Lico, 453). The promise of national rebirth drew public support and Marcos’ first term saw great development in education and agriculture which only reinforced his ‘greatness as Filipino Leader’. Imelda Marcos, who led the cultural front of this nationalist movement, used art and architecture as a tool to push their narrative of a pre-colonial Philippines. There was a resurrection of indigenous pre-Hispanic architectural motifs such as the Bahay Kubo or Nipa Hut (a vernacular Filipino house). Unsurprisingly, she commissioned both Francisco Mañosa and Leandro Locsin, architects known to incorporated vernacular principles in their work, to design buildings for the Cultural Centre of The Philippines Complex (CCP Complex).

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Lico summarizes the significance of the CCP Complex site (452): “The reclaimed land of CCP was a site that conveyed state power, modern progress, national identity and most of all, the aesthetics of development” The Tanghalang Pambansa was the first building in the Cultural Complex of The Philippines and its brutalist, monolithic design is a prime example of Imelda Marcos’ edifice complex: a term that describes her use of public funding to erect buildings as political propaganda (Lico, Edifice Complex: Power, Myth, and Marcos State Architecture).

The Western influence of the Tanghalang Pambansa is seen in the complex historical and political interactions that caused its creation. The long occupation of the Spanish and Americans would later fuel a nationalist dictatorship which resulted in the building’s construction. Its effectiveness as a piece of nationalist propaganda is largely thanks to the Spanish establishment of Manila as the country’s seat of power. The hybrid condition of the Tanghalang Pambansa is seen in a blend of these western influences and Locsin’s poetic representation of traditional Filipino architecture.

TANGHALANG PAMBANSA: BIPOLARITIES IN THE PHYSICAL

Locsin believes that Philippine Architecture is “the product of two great streams of culture, the oriental and the occidental… to produce a new object of profound harmony.” (Leandro V. Locsin) Perhaps it was the Filipino education (in a time where architects mostly studied abroad) combined with an upbringing in culturally rich Silay City (Paredes-Santillan) that formed the foundation for his architectural style which is often labeled as “neo-vernacular”.

His understanding of his country’s mixed culture allowed him to capture the essence of the Philippines in his work. He does this through the use of bipolarities. Unlike other modern-Filipino architects who represented the vernacular in very literal ways, Locsin does it in a more abstract manner. Dualities such as heavy-light, closed-open and rigid-organic are all reoccurring themes in his work that relate back to the hybrid condition of The Philippines. The following section of the essay will discuss the form, materials and spatial planning of the Tanghalang Pambansa in the context of the present dualities.

Because technical drawings such as plans and sections are scarce and difficult to find, the visual analysis of the architectural is limited to written sources and photographs of the building found online.

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Light/Heavy - the floating effect

The juxtaposition of light and heavy draws from the combination of vernacular and Spanish forms. The most obvious display of this is the 12-meter high, travertine façade. Its monolithic and rectangular appearance pays homage to the elevated cubic houses of the aboriginal Filipino people. Though unlike the stilt foundation of the Ifugao House or Bahay Kubo (fig 6), the building does not convey a sense of lightness on the lower storey. Instead, the floating mass is held up by enormous concave cantilevers made of concrete. The visual heaviness of the ground floor is better related to the bahay na bato (fig 7), which is the colonial evolution of the indigenous bahay kubo.

The first Spanish buildings in the Philippines were built in the local tradition of nipa and bamboo.

After a series of fires, they chose to adapt stone as the primary building material although these structures would later fall due to seismic activity in the Philippines. The solution was a hybrid of a heavy, stone lower floor and a light, timber upper. This was an effective response to the climate and a lighter top meant greater stability during earthquakes. While the bahay kubo still existed, the shift to the Spanish indoor mode of life made the bahay na bato another archetype for Filipino houses.

Locsin recreates this model through his abstract representation of light and heavy. The floating mass with its great overhangs and setback concrete supports gives it the impression of being light enough to not need supports on its edges. This perception of lightness against the enclosed, heavy appearance of the façade is Locsin’s way of representing the highland houses and lowland houses of the aboriginal people and also the significant transition to the bahay na bato as a symbol for urban living in the Philippines.

figure 6 - the bahay kubo figure 7 - the bahay na bato

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Open/Closed - Planning

The collectivist nature of the Filipino is evident in the spatial planning of the Tanghalang Pambansa. The layout of the building and the resulting movement of people through the spaces, greatly resembles the traditional one-room, multipurpose house.

The main point of entry for the Tanghalang Pambansa is in the upper storey, accessible by the vehicular ramp and then up a small set of stairs. The upwards procession to enter the building is reminiscent of an entry into a traditional house where the importance is given to the upper floors (Santillan). In the houses of the Ifugao, the immense size of the overhang envelops the entrance and is the door is in line (if not higher) than the level of the eaves. From the front at street level, you can see an abstract representation of this (fig 8). The rising vehicular ramp works together with the cantilevered mass to create a false impression of an entrance into the roof. The huge overhangs of the building cause the entrance plane to be set farther back and less visible, thus adding to the effect of an upwards entrance into the floating mass. In reality, the entrance does not lead into the floating mass but instead a full height atrium below it (fig 9). Functions of the atrium include connecting the adjacent spaces and floors, a crush space for the theatres and gallery, and a place for communal gathering. This spatial organization and the upwards procession into the atrium is Locsin’s way of mirroring the traditional entrance into a raised, multipurpose hut.

figure 8 (left) street level figure 9 (right) double height atrium

The duality of open-closed also symbolizes the Filipino’s shift from their original outdoor way of life to the western-introduced indoor mode of living. As mentioned previously, the Tanghalang lacks the effect of visual lightness and transparency of a traditional hut. The enclosed nature of the Tanghalang Pambansa is partly due to the functional requirements of housing a gallery and multiple theatres. But it also shows the accepted theatrical practice being an indoor activity which was introduced over centuries of Western Influence. As a comparison, the Tanghalang Pambansa differs from the openness of another coastal theatre by Locsin called the Tanghalang Maria Makiling (fig 10). This theatre holds outdoor performances and relates more closely to the outdoor nature of the early-Filipino.

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figure 10 - Tanghalang Maria Makiling

This intermediate space under the cantilevered volume is Locsin’s way of abstractly representing the departure from the aboriginal Filipino’s outdoor way of life. The image (fig 11) of people overlooking Manila Bay resembles the traditional coastal house where people would have loitered under the large overhanging eaves in pre-colonial times.

figure 11 - the intermediate space under the overhang

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Rigid/Organic - Materiality

The duality of rigid-organic is expressed in the materiality of the project. The processed stone strengthens the formal gestures of the design while the organic textures pay homage to the resourcefulness of the indigenous people and make subtle hints to their building materials.

For the façade, travertine was a suitable material because of its consistent color therefore making it difficult to distinguish individual blocks from afar. Its properties also mean it can be carved into geometric, identically shaped tiles giving the overall surface of the facade an even finish.

Using travertine reinforced the monolithic and rectangular appearance of the volume which strengthens the comparison to the cubic native huts. It also creates the brutalist appearance that is characteristic of Imelda Marcos’ Edifice Complex.

figure 12 and 13 - contrasting smooth and organic textures

In contrast, the cantilevers supporting the mass have a rough and unrefined texture. To achieve this, crushed seashells from the coastal site were added to the concrete mix. Gathering seashells is reminiscent of the resourceful Filipino who used unprocessed materials to construct their dwelling, often giving their structure a sense of irregularity.

Locsin abstractly represents this imperfection by incorporating seashells into the concrete to give it a more organic rugged texture – an effect made stronger against the contrasting clean-cut travertine.

Within the interior, Locsin makes subtle hints to the traditional building materials of his ancestors.

The chandeliers that hang from the foyer are made of the same capiz shells that were used as windowpanes in both indigenous dwellings and the bahay na bato. A species of Philippine mahogany was also used for the stage floor as a hint to the native timber used for vernacular structures.

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CONCLUSION

So, the question arises: does The Philippines’ mixed origins as a nation mean that all buildings post-Hispanic rule are examples of hybrid architecture? The Tanghalang Pambansa certainly answers this question with a yes. Its hybrid condition is solely thanks to the blend of historical, political and cross-cultural factors that occurred in The Philippines’ history to produce it.

In a 1958 article published by Danny Villanueva, he begins to dissect the meaning of the term “Filipino Architecture”. His view on the matter is that “Filipino Architecture” is a term referring to “a reflection and expression of culture, which arises from human beings’ interaction with their environment, with their history, and among themselves.” (Perez III 9) In saying this, the building’s hybrid condition is exactly what makes it “Filipino Architecture”.

Through its creation and architectural design, Locsin is able to abstractly represent the complex history of the nation and the societal values and individuality of the Filipino. Perhaps the true way of representing The Philippines in architecture is not to literally use bamboo and recreate the bahay kubo form (as many have) but to materialize into the built environment a deep understanding of the Filipino culture that has risen from millennia of influences from across the globe.

REFLECTION OF SOURCES

The sources used throughout this case study were varied but, in some cases limited. Available sources included books from the University Library which was later impacted by renovations at the school. Other sources were drawn from the web. There was little information regarding the building itself and visual imagery was scarce.

Nevertheless, the two books by Gerard Lico and Winand Klassen were informative and formed a good foundation for this essay. In Lico’s case, I sensed bias against the Marcos’ administration which could be seen in both books Arkitekturang Filipino and Edifice Complex. His in-depth writing on Filipino Architecture as a whole though was extremely helpful as an overall summary and just like most of my sources, came from an academic standpoint. Many of the sources were published by Universities which indicates that their motive would not have been for much other purpose than academia (as opposed to propaganda of any sort).

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BIBLIOGRAPHY / WORKS CITED ABS-CBN News. Matanglawin: Kuya Kim goes to Banaue to see the Bale House of Ifugao. Banaue, 15 October 2017. Video.

Boquet, Yves. The Philippine Archipelago. Dijon, France: Springer International Publishing AG, 2017.

Cabalfin, Edison G. “ Bahay Kubo as Iconography: Representing the Vernacular and the Nation in Philippine Post-War Architectures.” The Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, Australia and New Zealand (2020): 44-67.

Encarnacion-Tan, Rosario. “Ifugao 2.II.7.d.” Oliver, Paul. Encyclopaedia of Vernacular Architecture.

Cambridge University Press, 1991. 1196-1198.

Encarnacion-Tan, Rosario. “Philippines 2.II.7.” Oliver, Paul. Encyclopaedia of Vernacular Architecture.

Cambridge University Press, 1991. 1192.

Klassen, Winand. Architecture in The Philippines: Filipino Building in a Cross-Cultural Context (Revised Edition). Cebu: University of San Carlos Press, 2010.

“Leandro V. Locsin.” n.d. National Commission For Culture and The Arts. 18 January 2021. <http://gwhsstg02.i.gov.ph/~s2govnccaph/about-culture-and-arts/culture-profile/national-artists-of-thephilippines/leandro-v-locsin/>.

Lico, Gerard. Arkitekturang Filipino: A History of Architecture and Urbanism in the Philippines. Quezon City: The University of the Philippines Press, 2008.

—. Edifice Complex: Power, Myth, and Marcos State Architecture. Quezon City, Manila: Ateneo De Manila University Press, 2003.

Lipson, Mark. “Reconstructing Austronesian population history in Island Southeast Asia.” August 2014.

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Ogura, Nobuyuki. “Modern Architecture in the Philippines and the Quest for Filipino Style.” Journal of Asian Architecture and Building Engineering (2002): 233-238.

Oliver, Paul. “2.II.7 Philippines.” Oliver, Paul. The Encyclopedia of vernacular architecture of the world. Vol. 2. Cambridge University Press, 1997. 3 vols. 1191-1209.

Paredes-Santillan, Caryn. “A Study on Bipolarity in the Architecture of Leandro V. Locsin.” Journal of Asian Architecture and Building Engineering (2009): 1-8.

Perez III, Rodrigo D. “Badjao 2.II.7.a.” Oliver, Paul. Encyclopaedia of Vernacular Architecture. Cambridge University Press, 1991. 1194.

Perez III, Rodrigo D. “Foreword.” Lico, Gerard. Arkitekturang Filipino. Quezon City: The University of the Philippines Press, 2008. 9-10.

Rai, Navin K. Living in a Lean-To: Philippine Negrito Foragers in Transition. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, University of Michigan Museum of Anthropological Archaeology, 1990.

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Santner, Kathryn. “Philippines art and architecture under Spanish Colonial Rule (1565–1898).” 26 March 2018. Grove Art Online. 17 January 2021.

Zialcita, Fernando N. “Tagalog (Metro Manila) 2.II.7.m.” Oliver, Paul. Encyclopaedia of Vernacular Architecture. Cambridge University Press, 1991. 1205-1206.

IMAGE SOURCES Front Cover and Page 2 images Bossi, Simone. Divisare, March 24 2017, https://divisare.com/projects/340652-leandro-loc sin-simone-bossi-tanghalang-pambansa, Accessed 1 February 2021 Figure One - The Aeta Lean-to Jordana y Morera, Ramón. “Geographic and natural-historical sketch of the Philippine archipelago.” Flickr.

Fondo Antiguo de la Biblioteca, https://www.flickr.com/photos/fdctsevilla/3817431370/. Accessed 1 February 2021.

Figure Two - Badjao Land Houses “Traditional Badjai Houses.” Serve, Sue Hargrove, October 17 2015, https://www.serve.ie/empowering-the-badjao-tribe-through-the-badjao-integrated-community-empowerment-project/. Accessed 1 February 2021.

Figure Three - Ifugao House Sketch Lico, Gerard. Arkitekturang Filipino: A History of Architecture and Urbanism in the Philippines. page 43, Quezon City: The University of the Philippines Press, 2008.

Figure Four - Ifugao fale Dela Cruz, Mary Jane. “Ifugao terraces, Philippines.” Flickr, FAO-GIAHS, January 1 1980, https:// www.flickr.com/photos/giahs/7739594422/?epik=dj0yJnU9V0d6eTYxWUd0YmNRNzJfNzJQRDB6YUFPemZ0Q2FGUUYmcD0wJm49cnJ5SVo4bUhTSW00eXJHd1BOMHFPdyZ0PUFBQUFBR0FTQzhn, Accessed 1st of February 2021.

Figure Five - Luzon “Luzon Island Red”, Wikipedia, 27 July 2011 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Luzon#/media/File:Luzon_Island_ Red.png, Accessed 1 February 2021.

Figure Six - Bahay Kubo “Bahay Kubo”, Balay.ph, https://balay.ph/guide-building-bahay-kubo/, Guardian Witness via Samal Bahay Kubo, Accessed 1 February 2021 Figure Seven - Bahay na Bato “Bahay na Bato”, Wikipedia, 13 May 2014, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bahay_na_bato#/media/File:Rizal_ Shrine,_Laguna.jpg, Accessed 1 February 2021.

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Figure Eight - Street Level Pinterest, https://ar.pinterest.com/pin/165507355029275197/, Accessed 1 February 2021 Figure Nine - Atrium Jean-Claude Girard, l’oeuvre de leandro v. locsin (1928-1994), architecte a la recherche de l’identite elusive de l’architecture philippine du second apres-guerre, école polytechnique fédérale de lausanne, page 521, 2018 Figure Ten - Tanghalang Maria Makiling “Photograph of the National Arts Center auditorium, Los Banos, Laguna, Philippines.”, Wikipedia, 4 May 2018, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Arts_Center#/media/File:2018-05-05-National_Arts_Center-Los_Banos.jpg, Accessed 1 February 2021 Figure Eleven - Intermediate Space Jean-Claude Girard, l’oeuvre de leandro v. locsin (1928-1994), architecte a la recherche de l’identite elusive de l’architecture philippine du second apres-guerre, école polytechnique fédérale de lausanne , page 523, 2018 Figure Twelve and Thirteen - Textures Bossi, Simone. Divisare, March 24 2017, https://divisare.com/projects/340652-leandro-locsin-simone-bossi-tanghalang-pambansa, Accessed 1 February 2021

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