Mestizo Bloom, Rethinking social agency, flourishing in a peripheric heritage coastal desert - Essay

Mestizo bloom Rethinking social agency, flourishing in a peripheric heritage coastal desert

By Constanza Jara Herrera 814533

Contents Reknot hi-story, remake the khipu as a space of resistance Coloniality in the social landscape Shifting colonial land, forging mestizo identity Grassroot self-agency in the periphery, seeing the forgotten Pachacamac, heritage for who? Resignifying values Conclusion Annotated bibliography Reference list List of figures

CONTEMPORARY LANDSCAPE THEORY Jillian Walliss Jela Ivankovic-Wate Master of Landscape Architecture University of Melbourne Melbourne, June 2019

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Abstract This exploration attempts to untangle threads of cultural, social and eco-politic processes to inform how a metropolitan park could act, in local and national scale, as a catalyser for social agency to actively digest colonialism towards new forms of collectiveness and togetherness.

Colonialism, capitalism and patriarchy had been incrusted in the American continent since the arrival of Pizarro in 1492, installing the idea of nation-state with a vertical structure where the majority of the population were subalterns. Social, spatial and environmental injustices have been confined in fruitful lands and peoples.

To shift this critical situation, the remaking of power structures and desires to (re)territorialise meanings (De la cadena & Starn, 2007: 3, McGaw & Pieris, 2015: 21) should be the first aim of new public spaces.

A decolonial attempt through design to learn, unlearn and re-learn (Walsh, 2013: 24) based on a mirroring relationship between people and natural environment. As a way to open new relationships with indigenous knowledge. For this, the new weaving may be led by threads such as reknotting the hi-story as a space of resistance; reconnecting with indigenous roots and changing structures of power; providing space to community self-agency to flourish in a desert; and resignifying the value of heritage.

Latin American cases will provide hints of practices that should be considered for a decolonial design, such as the Moravia hill in Medellín, Colombia, a socio-spatial transformation of urban appropriation and environmental restoration. And a comparative study of Machu Picchu and Tiwanaku, both cultural attractions in the Andean region which seeks to interrogate two type of tourist practices. Reflection that will allow to begin to envisioning new conversations from Coloniality towards a post-colonial er1a.

Top-bottom and bottom-up dynamics towards the boost of self-agency and collectiveness

Decolonial turn to forge identity

Recovering traditinal usages in a contemporary way

‘Messy’ Urbanism Cannibalist Manifesto

Naturescultures

Fig. 2.

Untangling theoretical treads for a decolonial design

Contra o mundo reversivel e as ideas objectivadas. Cadaverizadas. O stop do pensamento que e dynamico. O individuo victima do sistema. Fonte das injusticas classicas. Das injusticas románticas. E o esquecimento das conquistas interiores.

---Down with the reversible world, and against objectified ideas. Cadaverized.

The stop of thought that is dynamic. The individual as victim of the system. Source of classical injustices. Of romantic injustices. And the forgetting of inner conquests.

Oswald Andrade, Cannibalist manifesto, Brazil 1928 (Bari, 1991)

Fig. 3.

Indigenous understanding of water cycle

Fig. 4. Spaces such as the piramid with ramp, were oriented to astronomic events synchronising ceremonial, social and economic events

Fig. 5. Main axes of Pachacamac Sanctuary oriented to stars and constellation movements.

Fig. 6. Huacas are objects, persons or places endowed of vital ethical energy with the ability to talk to who is open to listen (Pinasco, 2018).

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Reknot hi-story, remake the khuipu as a space of resistance In the task of envisioning the future of a sacred site, its original vocation should be honoured supporting a continuum through time. More than for mere nostalgia, as a way to acknowledge and actively use the potency that the place is.

Pachacamac1 Sanctuary was the main ceremonial oracle and pilgrim centre in the Andean world2 situated in the oasis of Lurin Valley within the Peruvian coastal desert. The sanctuary was recognised as a place where the vital cosmic energy was concentrated devoted to the Pachakama deity. Ceremonies had place through huacas (Fig. 6). Sacred relationships that were embedded in the architecture and public spaces in direct relation with the surrounding landscape and the stars (Pinasco, 2018) (Fig. 4,5), in order to register, track and predict different matters, including ecological cycles (Fig. 3) (Ministerio de Cultura, 2012).

The main collection3 of Khipus4 was discovered in Pachacamac. This is a collection of objects created by the Inkas as a recording system. They encode different type of information and knowledge through knots.

This textile technology used different threads and knot types to encode a cosmovision and a non-linear conceptions of time (Christensen 2002, Penelope 2019, datascope 2019). _______________________ 1 Name that comes from Pacha: time-space and Kamay: vital energy, meaning ‘el que anima el tiempo y el espacio (el todo)’ (the one who animates the world) (Plan de Manejo, 2012) 2 The Sanctuary had become highly relevant in the archeological field for be one of the largest and most significant places alive at early stages of the colony, being part of the registers made by Indigenous and Spanish people. (Plan de Manejo, 2012) 3 Pachacamac is the place where has been discovered more Khipus together, 91 of the 780 founded in the Andean region. The wide diversity of its composition it is referred to the pilgrim vocation of the Sanctuary, being a place that congregated Inka people from different locations under the purpose of paying honours or ask for advice to the deity.

(Urton, 2014) 4 Khipus also called Quipus were the written expression of the Quechua, the Inka language. They are made from threads of wool where each coloured thread represent a category and each knot represents a unit, story or element. Khipus were knotted by Quipucayamocs (master of knotting) to compile information and do accounting. (Urton, 2014)

Fig. 7. Khipus were knotted

by Quipucayamocs (master of knotting) to compile information and do accounting.

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Then, Khipus are an opportunity to be an active element in the process of linking past, present and future of the place, playing a role of (re) territorialisation of beliefs through the ancient practice of Quipumaking, towards a place of ‘becoming’ (Elder, 2017).

The Quipumaking practice has within a philosophy of time, a moment in the space embodying a meaning. A handmade exploration that looks to opening language, aims and new perceptions of time (Díaz 2018).

As is already started with the Sociedad de Mujeres Artesanas (Craft Women Society) and the project “Tejiendo oportunidades en el Santuario de Pachacamac” (Weaving opportunities in the Pachacamac Sanctuary).

The design project may be weaving this type of neighbourhood initiatives that are linking the original vocation of the place with new futures to envision. Historic threads from the Inka legacy could host the fourth wave of Latin American feminist movement5, a decolonial movement that seeks to dismantle the patriarchal values through the rethinking of relations with bodies, the Earth and its ecologies. The Khipu could be the new/old language to raise claims and reconnect with the vital energy of the place. _______________________ 5 In this context the Latinoamerican feminist movement also have handhold to the place with the presence of Acllahuasi, or the house for choosen women, at Pachacamac Sanctuary. A space for women to take care of the links between textile art, agriculture and rituals.

Fig. 8. Distributed from the south of Colombia across the Andean mountain until the center-south of Chile. From its heartland in Cuzco, (Fig 3) the centre of Tawantinsuyu, a geographical reference of the territory divided in four cardinalities, which linked the territory with more than 20.000km of the Inka Road

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Coloniality in the social landscape One of the wounds of Colonialism over colonies is the effort to delete social roots. The forgotten as a political tool that modernisation use to hide social claims. To envision a design, we will have to navigate in the social landscape and understand political movements of Peruvian society as a evolution of four historical epochs6. These epochs are framed in three follow processes of social mixing.

Firstly, the Inka empire execute a process of cultural assimilation over the atomised groups, reaching a major scope as shown in figure 8. The empire had a tributary system over diverse indigenous groups, maintaining a system of mutual agreed trade. This exchange facilitated cultural assimilation, as with Pachacamac culture and many others.

Secondly, with the Spanish arrival on Abya Yala7 (native name for the American continent), began the process of invention and invasion of the continent at all scales (Walsh, 2013). From that process, it is important to outline two concepts that had arose from cultural studies. Colonialism is defined by Maldonado-Torres (2011) as ‘a political and economic relation in which the sovereignty of a nation or a people rests on the power of another nation’, a massive enterprise moved by economic purposes (Verdesio, 2018:93). This sets the origins of a worldwide capitalist society.

The result is the imposition of a rule not only over present and future times of a dominated society, but also destroying their past (Fanon, 1963: 41). In contrast, Coloniality corresponds to the patterns of power produced by colonialism (Maldonado-Torres, 2011), extending its limits to current times. It is no possible to refer to post-colonialism if the power structure has not changed. _______________________ 6 Starting from (1) atomised groups in 1500 BCE to the Inka expansion; (2) the Inka peak with a state of 6 to 13 million population before the Spanish arrival; (3) the colonial epoch; and (4) formation of Peruvian nation until current times.

7 Abya Yala means flourished land in Kuna language.

Fig. 9. Extractivism as a way of progress is crossing the continent, destroying peoples and environments.

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Thirdly, despite the fact that Peru declares its independence from the Spanish crown in 1821, Coloniality has been the way of maintaining extractivist practices and dependence on Western values until current times (Fig.9). As many countries in Latin America, Peru is conceived of as underdeveloped because of the Western’s modernisation (Kapoor, 2002: 648). Firstly, by Europe. Then, by United States through the shock doctrine (Klein, 2007). Nevertheless, political movements have emerged in different stages as a motion to reshape its responsibility over social claims (Berverley, 2011), including cases such as the subaltern turn8, the ‘Pink tide’9 and the politics of Buen Vivir (Good Life10). Even though the movement is currently in ebb under Trump’s administration, its social bases remain for new meaningful forms of decentralising power (Rojas, 2017: 80). This will leed design projects towards a new way of doing politics allowing the digestion of the ‘modernisation’11, questioning values, practices and identities under a new type of governance that recognise its origins and values, in this case in Pachacamac or in any other design project in the global south. _______________________ 8 Latin American Subaltern Studies Group raise the movement to question the (im)possible articulation between social movements and the nation-state in the 1990.

This subalternist turn set a cultural and politic frame starting from the abandon of the teleology of modernity and progress (Acosta, 2016: 31,37; Latin American Subaltern Studies Group, 1993).

9 A left-wing political movement post 9/11 while United States shift its attention over middle East, it weak the neoliberal pressure in Latin America.

10 From the everyday micropolitics, communitarian feminist movement raised the Politics of Buen Vivir, across Latin American governments, as a proposal to retake indigenous precepts to balance human and non-human life, a change of paradigm to tackle the modern-Western-hegemonic knowledge. These politics are not referred to the classic notion of wellbeing, but attempting to re-establish values beyond materialistic terms, replacing terms such as reciprocity instead liberalism, complement instead of competence, the reproduction of life over the capital and the strength of collectiveness (Rebelion, 2019, Sanchez, 2011: 34, Varea & Zaragocin, 2017: 5 11 Refer to the Anthropophagus movement raised by Andrade (1928) in the Cannibalist Manifesto (Bari, 1991).

THE END OF COLONIALISM DOES NOT MEAN THE END OF THE COLONIALITY. COLONIALITY AND MODERNITY ARE TWO SIDES OF THE SAME COIN, BOTH LINKED TO THE CREATION OF CAPITALISM. NATION-STATES EXPANDED COLONIALITY THOUGH ALL PLACES OF THE WORLD WHERE COLONIALISM DID NOT GET IN COLONIAL EPOCHS.

Fig. 10.

Shifting colonial land, forging mestizo identity New public space designs should be thought of as space to host the collective transformative process of internal decolonisation12, a physical platform to leave the teleology of the progress and begin to give a place to the conflictive fact of being mestizo, to then, be able to create new types of hybrid collectiveness.

Cultural identity13 is impacting in the way space and relationships are conceived, being articulated by shared collective memories (Montecinos, 1997). In Peru, as most parts of Latin America, class, race and gender divisions have emerged since colonial times (Wilson, 1994). Despite the fact that technically most of Peruvian are considered Mestizo14, which is a person of mixed blood between Indigenous, European and/or African, not all of them have that self-recognition due to the impossibility of see their own Indigenous roots by the veil of modernity15, especially in lowland, where is located the Pachacamac Sanctuary.

Consequently, to overcome Coloniality, social transformation must pass through processes of cultural digestion (Bari, 1991) and decolonisation of practices (Cusiquanqui, 2012: 101) to be arose in different fronts, voices and fields, replacing homogeneity with heterogeneity. (Bueno & Caesar 1998: 111; Anzaldua 2005: 42, 181). As designers, we must encourage open spaces for a Mestizo bloom, giving place to the active transformation and creative conflict of Mestizo, allowing to seek threads to understand and (re)integrate white and black parts within. Therefore, spaces need to be designed not only to be led by visual senses, which is the main sense

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where racism is applied, but for stimulating another senses to promote safe affective dialogue and allowing to reweave memories and imagine new narratives. These will become a base for the Mestizo flourishment.

What is more, in the hard conception of the huacho16, who is a child raised by a single mother, a series of collaborative nets, mostly of women, have been created to support the growth of huachos in a type of family where women is the anchor (Montecinos, 1997:46-57). Consequently, to envision a structural social transformation a new sequence of spaces at different scales and scopes may need to be focused not only to strengthen the collaborative nets of women but also to promote encounters with men, in order to incorporate them in conversations. Commonly these spaces have been allocated in childcares and centre of mothers, but to embrace the integration, new spaces will need to shift towards different civic uses with both unprogrammed and programmed flexible open spaces, to host from main gathering spaces to more intimate and trusting spaces, facilitating the bloom of new types of togetherness and new tribalism (Keating, 2015: 85).

Pachacamac design may adopt these new bases to forge a subaltern identity under the micro-politic ideas of the anti-heroe, claiming to leave the hope of waiting a rescuer, instead, calling new narratives of situated knowledge based in collective performance and re-imagination of political, social, cultural, ecological and spiritual landscapes (Wiame, 2018: 526).

_______________________ 12 Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui (2010) refers to the internal colonialism as the major and deepest issue that Mestizo is facing for have been replaced their indigenous values for Western ones, then, inner decolonialism is the key to shift the situation.

13 Identity understood as an ontologic experience forged over generations reflecting society’s structures of power (Montecinos, 1997).

14 Mestizo is conceived under different nuances across Latin America. In the Andean region is closer to cholo and Ch’ixi, all used to refer to this group of second-class citizenship than are mixed. (Cusiquanqui, 2012: 100).

15 Indigenous origins has been neglected and replaced by Western values, being reflected in structures of exploitation, neo-slavery and capital dynamics, perpetuating the Coloniality (Quijano 2014: 757).

16 Huacho is the child of a single raped indigenous mother while the Spanish father remains comfortably unknown. Repeated social pattern in Latin American society since early colony, impacting on gender and race/ethnic divisions until current times.

(Montecinos, 1997; Wilson, 1994)

Fig. 11. Peripherical barriadas in Lima

LIMA

PACIFIC OCEAN

LURIN RIVER

AGRICULTURAL LAND

Fig. 12. Pachacamac located in the southern fringe of the metropolitan Lima at 31 km from the capital centre.

DESERT

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Grassroot self-agency in the periphery, seeing the forgotten.

Considering existing social forces and turning the sights where people activation has place, should be a primary aim formulating the design approach. These forces will become the engine of the design, where designers are guiding a process made by and thought for the users.

Nowadays, the 450 ha of the ruins of Pachacamac Sanctuary are located in the fringe of metropolitan Lima (Fig. 12). This fringe was created by a massive process of rural expulsion, lived by most of Latin American rural areas in the second half of the twentieth century, producing large areas of land occupation in the peripheric rings of Lima (Rodrigue, Riofrio & Welsh, 1971: 101). Barriadas (urban marginal settlements), are created by a ‘Illegal’17 process of invasion, occupation and self-construction, responding to the need of having a place to live (Calderón Cockburn 2003, Rodriguez, Riofrio & Welsh, 1971). This situation generated on one side, unseen settlements without any basic infrastructure. While on the other side, a dense and tied network of grassroot associations based on the claim of basic social rights (Josep, Castellanos, Perey & Aliaga, 2008).

In this type of settlements, inhabitant’s tacit agreements are shaping the way space is used in an apparent spontaneous order. Everyday negotiations are arranging opportunities to overcome rhizomatic situations. (Hou, 2016) Thus, cities are building homes, as happened in the Moravia Hill in the 1977, an space in the old periphery of Medellin, which was an opportunity for many families to become the recycling culture its way of subsistence, and the landfill its place to live. Seven years later, the landfill was closed becoming a hill of 35 meters height. At that time, the neighbourhood was overcrowded with 17.000 inhabitants, plus 700 living in the landfill hill. With the pass of the time the situation have become more extreme.

Gas emanations, land slipping and fires put the 7.000 inhabitants in risk (Sanin, 2009). As a response for this physical and biological _______________________ 17 Process of occupation through a non-mercantilist mode of land acquisition, over a non-inhabited space. Then, is the interrogation of the illegality of being displaced and occupy a vacant space.

Fig. 13. Flat Moravia in 1964, the beginning of a landfill mound

Fig. 14. Moravial Hill stablished as an spontaneous neighbourhood

Moravial Hill after the 2005 intervention

Fig. 15. Gardens of Moravia

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risk condition, in 2005, the council execute a program to relocate the residents and become the hill into a communitarian park including community gardens, buffer strips and constructed wetlands to treat the toxicity (Cuesta, Flecha, Gallegos, Montolla, Morato & Viade, 2011). It is noticeable the management18 done by led institutions to include resident voices, boosting an active and cohesive community.

Moreover, homes are building cities under the spontaneous model of selfbuilt progressive housing spread out through all Latin America19, which is a construction re-adapted by the tenants according to their own needs (Saez, Garcia & Roch, 2010: 77).

These cases are an example of how social agency built and rebuilt spaces and its urban environment. Starting with initiatives of grassroot associations, which with later support of institutions, have been able to boost their skills and knowledge, achieving an acknowledgement not from solidarity in the sense of ‘people who lack’, but from the support for ‘people who have’. Therefore, Pachacamac design could opt for a similar permeable fabric between top-bottom and bottom-up approach and efforts may be focused on reading and mapping different expressions of self-agency, expressions founded not only in houses but also medical assistance, employment, water, electricity, transport and childcares.

Then, this should be reflected on conceiving a new type of space, to create an active space raised, used and signified by its neighbours with financial and technical support of institutions (Berney, 2010). _______________________ 18 In relocating the residents, which could result as a new displacement for a community already displaced, was positevely validated by the community as an act of dignity, where the attention given by liders allows to maintain the historical link of the relocated residents with the place.

19 Barriadas, villas, campamentos, favelas are different expressions of this type of settlements, as is shown in the Brazilian movie “City of God” by Meirelles and Lund.

Tiwanaku Machu Picchu

Fig. 17. Tiwanaku hosting photo-tourists

Fig. 18. Group of tourist after hiking experience at Machu Picchu

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Pachacamac, heritage for who? Resignifying values An indigenous sanctuary in the metropolitan fringe, heritage for who?

The Sanctuary acts as a stoppage for spontaneous urban growth of the metropolis, being an interface towards rural land uses. In this hotspot appears the paradox of uses: an illegal landfill deposit by neighbours and a touristic node by national cultural institutions and NGOs. To deal with the impacts of this ecological and economic situation, the new design should be framed in a management model to conciliate both sides.

Revaluing the outsider visit through the shift from instant to experience tourism, and at the same time, integrating the adjacent neighbourhoods in a new social weaving, becoming the place a living ruin.

In a global touristic context, a broken link appears between cultural economy and the everyday economy. Practices associated to cultural tourism have place, varying in terms of the aim of traveling such as the speed of consuming, changing identities and uses of places, and beneficiaries of the profit. Since a place is disturbed, an economic interdependence between culture and tourism begin, where the second acts a catalyser of the first. On one side transnational and translocal relationships are offering new dynamics of recreation supported by multinational-corporations, reshaping geographies of power. Meanwhile, underprivileged groups are being displaced formulating new hybridities in unseen spaces (Terkenli, 2006). To obtain queues of an alternative option, it results interesting to compare two local cases20 of tourism: the ruins of Tiwanaku (Instant tourism) and the ruins of Machu Picchu (experience tourism).

In the Andean region of Bolivia are the Tiwanaku ruins, one of the most important spiritual and political centres in the pre-Inka epoch.

The archeological site has become an important touristic point for its proximity to the capital and to the Titikaka lake (the major water space in Bolivia). In the 2000, the 70ha site was recognised by World Heritage

by UNESCO and is currently managed by an archaeological research centre with around 90% of the ruins underground by lack of resources (BolivianExpress, 2019, CIAAAT, 2015). While there is an interest for maintaining a flux of tourist to boost the local economy, the ruins mainly _______________________ 20 Cases are main Indigenous complex in the Andean region linked with Pachacamac Sanctuary by the Qhapac Ñan (Andean road system)

attract daily tourists for short periods of time, which is reflected in the amount of hospitality and accommodation infrastructure offered in the town. In this case, photo tourism takes place, where the value of the experience is through fast consumer acts, reducing the quantity and quality of interaction with locals.

Meanwhile in the Andean region of Peru are the ruins of Machu Picchu, located within an intricate topography in a mountain forest at four hours of the provincial capital of Cuzco. The 32,592ha Inkan sanctuary was listed as a world heritage site by UNESCO in 1983, including a series of buildings settled in the abrupt land formation. Not only the distance, but also the complex geography of the area, affects on the accessibility of the place offering a slow-speed experience to arrive to the ruins, which usually is an opportunity for hiking, camping and exchange with local people (Denomande, 2019) and it is also recognised with pride for local people, creating a civic envolvement in indigenous matters (Geographyfieldwork, 2019).

This comparison becomes relevant to question the approach that the Pachacamac design might have in integrating locals and visitors. One one side, take a stape away from the photo tourism and the fast comsumtion of “indigenous” souveniers, which are one more example of capitalising culture. On the other side, it is the reference of the experience tourism as an example to follow with care. Despite it could easily act as cataliser to forge a symbiotic relationship between the locals and international visitors, it need to be conceived with active participation of neighbours.

Sharing from a place of re-territorialised beliefs, decolonised practices and permeated social agency towards a new cultural anti-capitalist economy. Otherwise, the initial paradox will be perpetuated with the two main actors alienated.

From there, Pachacamac Sanctuary has the potential to be more than the ruin itself, rather the experience of visiting the fringe, the potential of a “living ruin” which more than reproduce antiquity, it is an attempt to re-weave a new mestizo culture, embodying and displaying the arid ecology of the site. In this, the integration of Traditional Ecological Knowledge is a key to approach non-linear dynamics for the emergence of naturecultures (Haraway & Wolfe, 2016), spiritual politics for planetary life relations (Keating, 2008: xiv) and new narratives-actions-spaces for co-belonging.

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Fig. 19. Northern entry to Pachacamac.

Interface with residential neighbourhood.

Re-knotting landscape The re-thinking of a metropolitan park as a catalyser of for social and ecological agency is a challenge for new designs. In this case, the question about the relevance of integrating decolonial precepts and which could be their effects, pretended to outline a new type of collectivity considering different levels and actors. This exploration is following on cultural, social and political concepts raised by De la Cadena, Quijano, Cusicanqui, Terkenli and Anzaldua, among others. And from there, supporting a decolonial theory in context of Indigenity (which is not exclusive to indigenous) (De la Cardena & Starn, 2007: 7). Main aspects reviewed were the re-knotting of narratives and the re-territoralisation of meanings using the potency of the place; forging mestizo identity through open spaces for decolonial practices and active digestion of modernity; and permeating the agency of grassroot associations for a new cultural landscape that is able to display the ecology that surrounds them. Further research could continue expanding each of the threads displayed here, especially in terms of socio-political discussions, design explorations and its post-occupation. The contribution of this paper is to question intertwined relationships between space, post colonialism and Indigenity, in the Peruvian context, and envision new dynamics of cobelonging.

Annotated bibliography Andrade, O. (1928). Manifiesto Antropofago. Revista de Antropofagia Vol. 1, No 1. Retrieved from https://revlat.wordpress.com/tag/ antropofagia/ The Manifiesto Antropofago criticises the cultural construct after colonisation in Brazil. In a radical tone, Andrade used the analogy of the cannibalism to states two perspectives of the process. Firstly, the perception of the coloniser that considers native people as inferior, savages, eating between each other. Secondly, is the debate of who eats who. Colonised rejects being colonised, eating the coloniser as a way of resistance, and at the same time, the coloniser is eating the native culture through imperialism. Polarised elements such as civilisation/barbarism are extrapolated to reveal how Brazilian culture was forged as an original culture.

In a post-colonial context, this text founded the anthropophagic movement framed in the Brazilian modernist movement, allowing to visualise the emergence of a cultural identity through the digested blend between traditional country’s roots and forces of modernisation, to overcome the capitalist and patriarchal Western values.

Cusicanqui, S. R. (2012). Ch’ixinakax utxiwa: A Reflection on the Practices and Discourses of Decolonization.

South Atlantic Quarterly, 111(1), 95–109. https://doi. org/10.1215/00382876-1472612 Exploration about decolonising practices under the critique of multiculturalism and the neoliberal power strctuctures. Internal decolonialism is presented as a potential way to reframe narratives of subalterns and indigenous people under the Oral tradition and new political networks.

Hou, J. & Chalana, M. (2016). Untangling the ‘Messy’ Asian City. In Messy Urbanism: Understanding the “other” Cities of Asia. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1-21.

Messy Urbanism is understood as a provocation and resistance of urban informality presented mainly in the Global South. A rhizomatic form, loose space that interplays and layering, shaping the politics of the other-

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ing, led by the agency and actions without prescribed order nor hierarchy.

This text will provide a reference on how economy is supported by several layers with different degrees of formality. In context of rapid urban growth and led by the otherness. The subaltern without passport is recognised as a new type of citizens, questioning the voice in the urban governance of the voiceless.

Terkenli, T. & D’Hauteserre, A. (2006). Landscapes of a new cultural economy of space. The Netherlands: Springer.

This book is a collection of essays that discuss postmodern socio-spatial transformations under the concept of ‘cultural economy’, process of cultural renegotiation and reinterpretation of relationships explicitly represented in cultural landscapes through different scales and mechanisms.

The authors question a new sense of place in an era of blurred global distances and diffuse public-private boundaries, reframing the realm of leisure in a context where visual media and rapid exchange of symbolic goods prevails.

Transnational and translocal relationships are investigated through new dynamics of recreation, tourism and public life supported by multinational-corporations, reshaping geographies of power. Meanwhile disadvantaged groups are displaced formulating new hybridities in urban areas.

De la Cadena, M. & Starn, O. (2007). Indigenous experience today. USA: Berg Publishers.

Compilation of essays that situate the state of Indigenous peoples in different context around the world. The editors set a clear frame to understand an heterogeneous group of people that could be only defined by what is not consider indigenous, which will vary in all contexts. Then indigenous and settler definition go together.

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Cuadernos de Literatura, 20(39), 28. https://doi.org/10.11144/ Javeriana.cl20-39.ppdl Bary, L. (1991). Oswald de Andrade’s ‘Cannibalist Manifesto’. Latin American Literary Review, 19(38), 35–37.

Berney, R. (2010). Lerning from Bogota: how municipal experts transformed public space. Journal of Urban Design, vol 15, no 4, 539558.

Beverley, J. (2012). Latinamericanism After 9/1. USA: Duke University Press BolivianExpress. (2019). The ruins of Tiwanaku. Retrieved from www.bolivianexpress.org/blog/posts/the-ruins-of-tiwanaku accessed 15 April, 2019.

Bueno, E, & Caesar, T. (1999). Imagination Beyond Nation: Latin American Popular Culture. USA: University of Pittsburgh Press. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt5hjp98 Calderon Cockburn, J. (2003). Los barrios marginales de Lima, 1961-200. Ciudad y territorio: Estudios territoriales No 136-137, pp 375-389.

CIAAAT. (2015). Plan de Manejo. Centro Espiritual y Politico de la cultura Tiwanaku 2015-2020. Retrived from https://whc.unesco. org/document/134969. Accessed 15 April 2019.

Christensen, A. (2002). Then Incan Quipus. Synthese, vol 133, No 1/2, pp 159-172.

Cuesta, O., Flecha, O., Gallegos, A., Montoya, J., Morato, J., & Viadé, D. (2011). Moravia como Ejemplo de Transformación de Áreas Urbanas Degradadas: Tecnologías Apropiadas para la Restauración Integral de Cuencas Hidrográficas. Nova, 9(15), 41. https://doi.org/10.22490/24629448.488 Cusicanqui, S. R. (2012). Ch’ixinakax utxiwa: A Reflection on the Practices and Discourses of Decolonization. South Atlantic

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Quarterly, 111(1), 95–109. https://doi.org/10.1215/00382876-1472612 Datascope (2019). MDA-Quipu. Retrieved from http://datascope. be/MultiVarAnalPage/MDA-Quipu.html De la Cadena, M. & Starn, O. (2007). Indigenous experience today.

USA: Berg Publishers.

Denomades. (2019). Como llegar a Machu Picchu desde Cusco.

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Figure List Fig. 1. Front Cover: Theoretical khipu exploration without labels made by the author.

Fig. 2. Theoretical khipu exploration with labels made by the author.

Fig. 3. Pinasco Carella, A. (2018). Oráculos, peregrinos y calendarios en el Santuario de Pachacamac. Pluriversidad, 1(1), 155–175. https://doi. org/10.31381/pluriversidad.v1i1.1677 Fig 4. (15) (PDF) Cultura en Red 4. (2019). Retrieved from ResearchGate website: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/331682392_Cultura_en_Red_4/figures?lo=1 Fig. 5. arqueoastronomia (2019). Retrieved from http://www.urp.edu.pe/ arqueoastronomia/ Fig. 6. Vallejo, A. A. (2011). El calendario prehispanico de Phelipe Lazaro Guaman Poma en el espacio-tiempo. (1508 – 1644). 38. Runa Yachachiy, Revista eletronica virtual. Retrieved from http://www.alberdi.de/caldalfincgpa.pdf Fig 7. Quipu Stock Photos & Quipu Stock Images - Alamy. (2019). Retrieved from https://www.alamy.com/stock-photo/quipu.html Fig 8. Drawing by the author.

Fig. 9. Collage by the author based on:

- Aguas Libres Lago Villarrica (2019). Retrieved from https://www.facebook.com/aguaslibresvillarrica/photos /a.286644878410963/533884740353641/?type=3&theater

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Advances in Applied Biodiversity Science (Vol. 7, pp. 4–99). https://doi. org/10.1896/978-1-934151-07-5.4

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Fig. 10. Collage based on: Andrew Jackson. (2019). Oil Sands Development and Canada’s Economic Future. Retrieved from https://www.broadbentinstitute.ca/andrew_ajackson/oil_sands_development_and_canada_s_economic_future Fig. 11. Limapolis 2016. (2019). Retrieved from Arquitectura PUCP website: http://arquitectura.pucp.edu.pe/actividades/eventos/limapolis-2016/ Fig. 12. Lima on Google Earth. (2019). Retrieved from Google Earth software.

Fig.13. Mapa centro de Medellin. (2019). Retrieved https://www.centrodemedellin.co/ArticulosView.aspx?id=306&type=A&idArt=307 Fig. 14. Cuesta, O., Flecha , O., Gallegos, A., Montoya, J. I., Morato, J., & Viadé, D. (2011). Moravia como Ejemplo de Transformación de Áreas Urbanas Degradadas: Tecnologías Apropiadas para la Restauración Integral de Cuencas Hidrográficas. Nova, 9(15), 41. https://doi. org/10.22490/24629448.488 Fig. 15. pr0-etica. (2019). Premian proyecto que convierte un basurero en jardín, el Proyecto Morro de Moravia | Pro-Ética. Retrieved from http:// www.pro-etica.org/desarrollo-sustentable/premian-proyecto-que-convierte-un-basurero-en-jardin-el-proyecto-morro-de-moravia/ Fig. 16. Drawing made by the author Fig. 17. Atrapalo.com. (2019). Visita Tiwanaku, una ciudad arqueológica que te dejará sin habla 17% dto (La Paz). Retrieved https://www.atrapalo. com/actividades/visita-tiwanaku-una-ciudad-arqueologica-que-te-dejara-sin-habla_e4820999/ Fig. 18. Cusco: Machu Picchu tendrá dos nuevos circuitos turísticos | Foto 1 de 3 | Perú | Peru21. (2019). Retrieved from https://peru21.pe/peru/cusco-machu-picchu-tendra-dos-nuevos-circuitos-turisticos-475183 Fig. 19. Back cover: Coordinadora Defensa Río Loa (2019). Retrieved from https://www.facebook.com/coordinadora.loa/photos /a.1556254208025959/2193036341014406/?type=3&theater