The Columbia Companion to Modern Chinese Literature, edited by Kirk A. Denton

The Columbia

Companion to

Modern Chinese Literature edited by

Kirk A. Denton

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1 His t o r ic al O v er v i e w Kirk A. D en t o n

The question of the origins of modern Chinese literature is very much intertwined with politics and politicized definitions of modernity. The conventional view, initially promoted by May Fourth movement literary critics and later propagated by their Marxist inheritors before and after the 1949 revolution, is that modern Chinese literature erupted suddenly in 1918 with the publication of Lu Xun’s 鲁迅 short story “Diary of a Madman” (see “The Madman That Was Ah Q”). The “birth” of this socially and culturally engaged literature was portrayed as an origin leading to the revolutionary literature of the late 1920s and 1930s and the establishment of a class-based literature in Yan’an, the Communist base during the war against Japan, which in turn became the model for literature in the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Since the early 1980s, however, literary historians in China have assailed this canonical May Fourth/Maoist view of the origin of modern Chinese literature and consciously sought to “rewrite literary history” (重写文学史) (see “Modern Chinese Literature as an Institution”), a project that has restored many writers excluded or marginalized from the Maoist canon and has created a far more diverse and heterogeneous picture of literary development. Chinese and Western critics have questioned the narrative of May Fourth as origin and its faith in “enlightenment” and have looked to “alternative modernities” repressed by its hegemonic voice, including late Qing fiction (D. Wang 1997), popular Butterfly fiction (Chow 1991:34–83), and modernism.

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Although any periodization of literary history will whitewash tensions, complexities, and ambiguities, delineating distinct periods is still a useful framework for making sense of the past and understanding how and why literature evolves and changes. At the same time, we should recognize that the very structure one uses to divide literature into periods—and, for that matter, into schools and styles—is never empty of political and ideological motive (see “Modern Chinese Literature as an Institution”). In what follows, I sketch a history of modern Chinese literature that draws from conventional PRC representations while at the same time focusing attention on and questioning the politics of that representation.

Late Qing: Imagining the Nation (1895–1911) Two important and intertwined forces shaped the history of nineteenth-century China: imperialism and internal social disintegration. To a great degree, though of course by no means absolutely, these forces determined the nature of literary production in the late Qing and through the rest of the twentieth century. As the sovereignty of their country was increasingly threatened by Western and Japanese imperialism, particularly economic imperialism, over the course of the nineteenth century, Chinese intellectuals began to look for explanations for their country’s weakness relative to the global powers of the day. Initial responses—such as borrowing Western science and technology in order to increase Chinese “wealth and power”—were grounded in a faith that Western materiality would not destroy the essence of Chinese spiritual and cultural values. With the humiliating defeat by Japan in the Sino-Japanese War (1894– 1895), however, intellectuals began to extend this reflection to the sacrosanct realm of ideas and culture. Was there something inherent in Chinese culture, they asked, that inhibited national strength and prevented China from acting on equal terms with other nations?

For the most part, late Qing intellectuals questioned aspects of tradition from within a traditional set of assumptions; their goal was not to destroy tradition but to invigorate it by stripping it of its negative aspects and renewing it with an infusion of Western ideas. The effect of their labors, however, was often to make tradition appear even less relevant. A good example of someone who sought this revamping of tradition is Kang Youwei 康有为 (1858–1927), whose reinterpretations of Confucian texts transformed Confucius from someone who looked back nostalgically on a lost golden age to a forward-looking, progressive reformer, a transformation that could not have occurred without the influence of Darwinian, evolutionary thought. Tan Sitong 谭嗣同 (1865–1898), another late Qing reformer, sought to place “benevolence” (仁) at the core of the Confucian value system by attacking the ethics of li (礼, the prescriptive ethical guidelines for human relations).

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Central to the dissemination of Western thought in China was, of course, translation. Two translators, Lin Shu 林纾 (1852–1924) and Yan Fu 严复 (1854–1921), stand far above the rest. Yan Fu translated a host of Western works of sociology, economics, and philosophy, including Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations, Montesquieu’s The Spirit of Laws, John Stuart Mill’s On Liberty, and most influential of all, Thomas Huxley’s Evolution and Ethics. As these works were read and discussed by intellectuals in the crisis atmosphere of the late Qing, their ideas were appropriated and shaped into a Chinese discourse of modernity centered on such concepts as evolution, progress, individualism, liberty, law, nation, and national character. Lin Shu’s translations of more than two hundred, mostly Western European, novels were extremely popular in intellectual circles. They seemed to give narrative form to aspects of this discourse of modernity, presenting tales of individualist heroes, for example, and to offer a new, more politically engaged role for fiction in nation building (Hill 2013).

The spread of this discourse of modernity could not have occurred without the rise of a commercial print culture, which blossomed especially after 1905 when the civil service examination system was abolished and intellectuals were forced to search for new careers. Western-style newspapers, literary journals and literary supplements to newspapers, popular magazines, women’s magazines, and the like became national forums for the shaping and dissemination of this discourse of modernity. Key to this new print culture was the figure of Liang Qichao 梁启超 (1873–1929), who founded and edited many newspapers and journals and contributed his own very influential writings to them. These writings introduced to a national Chinese readership knowledge of the West, critiqued aspects of the Chinese tradition and the national psychology it instilled, and promoted political, social, and literary reform. Although professional writers had certainly existed in earlier times (for example, Li Yu 李渔 [1610–1680]), their broad-scale emergence as a class occurred during the late Qing. Writers could potentially live off the proceeds of their writing, though in reality this was seldom the case and most relied on more steady incomes from teaching or jobs as editors in publishing houses.

Interconnected with these events in the intellectual and print spheres were important developments in literature. Even within the dominant Tongcheng 桐城 and Wenxuan 文选 schools, which advocated traditional styles of classical prose, important changes were occurring. The Tongcheng school of prose, of which the translators Yan Fu and Lin Shu were a part, sought to revive traditional values through a restoration of “ancient-style prose” (古文) modeled on the prose masters of the Tang and Song dynasties. When Lin Shu translated Western novels into Chinese, he did so not in the vernacular but in ancient style. He did this to make the Western novel respectable to his literati peers, but also because he wanted to reinvigorate the ancient style with the dynamism that the Western novel seemed to offer. Ultimately, readers were far more interested

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in the exotic content of the novels than the prose style into which they were translated (Huters 1987, 1988). Moreover, as Michael Hill (2013) argues, Lin Shu’s prose incorporates many modern lexical terms and in that sense is not nearly as purely “ancient” as it is often made out to be. The Wenxuan school promoted a highly ornate parallel prose as the embodiment of an indigenous national culture and as a revolutionary stance against the Qing, a foreign dynasty. Outside these traditional literary schools, more profound changes were taking place. A “poetry revolution” (诗界革命) led by Liang Qichao and Huang Zunxian 黄遵宪 proposed reinvigorating classical poetry by incorporating Western terms, folk motifs, vernacular language, and new themes. In prose, Liang was instrumental in developing a style called “new style prose” (新文体), a blend of classical syntax, vernacular language, and foreign loanwords, that would exert an important influence on the formation of a modern vernacular language in the May Fourth period.

Liang Qichao’s most influential contribution to literature was his promotion of fiction as an instrument of national reform (see “The Uses of Fiction”). With its particular power of immersing the reader in its world, Liang believed that fiction could “renovate” morality, politics, social customs, learning and arts, and the human mind itself (Denton 1996:74). In seeing fiction as a vehicle for moral and social transformation, Liang was both traditional and modern. His modernity lies in promoting fiction—traditionally a genre on the low end of the literary hierarchy—for the serious moral and political purposes conventionally ascribed to poetry and prose. Following Liang’s call for a new “political” novel was an unprecedented boom in fiction writing (see “Late Qing Fiction”). Thousands of novels in many styles and on a wide variety of themes were produced in the final decade of the Qing: sentimental love stories, detective novels, satires of corruption, science fiction, allegories about China, political novels (Yeh 2015), and so on. Strikingly different from the premodern novel in terms of its focus on contemporary society, these novels also bear some of the structural properties of their premodern progenitors, although some scholars argue that they also experimented with narrative modes and plot structures borrowed from the Western novel (Doleželová-Velingerová 1980). Of course, the novels produced during this period were tremendously varied in form and content; some embodied Liang’s call for a new political novel, but many were far more concerned with entertaining and titillating.

Broadly speaking, the late Qing was a transitional period in which there was a gradual move away from traditional concepts of wen (文)—writing in a wide variety of prose genres and poetic forms performed by literati not for profit but for their own moral self-cultivation or that of civilization as a whole—to a modern, Western-influenced concept of wenxue (文学)—a belletristic view of literature as a field distinguished from other areas of society and limited to the genres of fiction, poetry, and drama (Huters 1987).

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May Fourth: Iconoclasm and the Discourse of Modernity (1915–1925) The meaning of “May Fourth” and its relation to the formation of literary modernity is so contested as to provoke at least one scholar (Hockx 1999) to question its validity as a category for understanding literature of the early Republic. But May Fourth is still a necessary tool with which to discuss literary modernity in China. The term derives from the May Fourth Incident of 1919, when in response to the humiliating stipulations of the Treaty of Versailles, which would have ceded control to Japan parcels of Chinese territory in Shandong Province, thousands of university students in Beijing marched to Tiananmen Square in protest. The term “May Fourth” is also used to describe a broader cultural movement, sometimes also called the New Culture movement (新文化运动), that was both different from and closely related to the anti-imperialist nationalism expressed in the student demonstrations and nationwide patriotic movement that followed.

The May Fourth cultural movement deepened and enhanced the discourse of modernity conceived by late Qing intellectuals such as Liang Qichao and Yan Fu. Antitraditionalism, democracy, science, enlightenment, individualism, evolution, nation, and revolution, a hodgepodge of sometimes conflicting concepts derived from a range of Western cultural-historical periods, were the rhetorical tools with which these intellectuals attempted to pry themselves and their compatriots free from what Lu Xun would refer to as the “iron house” (铁屋) of tradition. Central to this discourse was iconoclasm, a totalistic attack on tradition.

Wu Yu 吴虞 (1871–1949), Lu Xun (1881–1936), Chen Duxiu 陈独秀 (1880–1942), Gao Yihan 高一涵 (1885–1968), Yi Baisha 易白沙 (1886–1921), and other Westernized intellectuals focused their iconoclasm on the Confucian ethical system (礼教), which they saw as deadeningly hierarchical and oppressively authoritarian. Lost in the constricting web of Confucian social relations was the individual; liberating the individual would unleash a new dynamic force that would serve society and the nation well. Key to May Fourth iconoclasm was the question of language. Denying the significant vernacularization that had already occurred in the final years of the Qing, May Fourth intellectuals like Hu Shi 胡适 and Chen Duxiu (in Denton 1996) made grand appeals for an end to the hegemony of the classical language—the very bearer of tradition—and for the adoption, in all forms of writing, of a modern vernacular language. Because it was closer to what people actually spoke, these language reformers tell us, the vernacular could better portray social and emotional realities and serve as the new national language (see “Language and Literary Form”).

The literary production that emerged following these calls for reform was highly diverse and heterogeneous. Poets were among the first to respond (see “Form and Reform”). Working against the powerful force of a long and glorious

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poetic tradition that favored highly structured forms, Hu Shi, Zhou Zuoren 周作人 (1885–1967), Xu Yunuo 徐玉诺 (1893–1958), Xu Zhimo 徐志摩 (1897– 1931), Bing Xin 冰心 (1900–1998), Yu Pingbo 俞平伯 (1899–1990), and Guo Moruo 郭沫若 (1892–1978), for example, experimented with the vernacular in free-verse forms (Hockx 1994). In fiction, some writers wrote in a style they labeled “realism,” exposing a reality that traditional ideology concealed as a way of demystifying the naturalness of that ideology’s worldview. Lu Xun’s fiction, especially his first collection of stories, Call to Arms (呐喊), is often seen in this light. Others painted themselves in the romantic mode of literature as self-expression; Yu Dafu 郁达夫, in fiction, and Guo Moruo, in poetry, became the icons of this romantic position. The romantic and realist positions—and the Creation Society (创造社) and Literary Association (文学研究会) that promoted them, respectively—were not nearly so at odds as conventionally thought; more often than not, the romantic and realist ethos coexisted within individual writers or across the boundaries set by polemical debates between literary societies. Still other writers in the May Fourth period placed emphasis not so much on writing about reality or expressing the self as on developing language, style, and form—the aesthetics of the literary text. All writers in this early period were experimenting with the new national literary language—a hybrid of premodern vernacular, Liang Qichao’s “new style,” Western and Japanese grammatical forms, foreign loanwords, and remnants of classical Chinese.

May Fourth writers, in all their variety, shared a disdain for entertainment fiction, which was extremely popular at the time and which they deprecatingly labeled “Mandarin Ducks and Butterflies” (鸳鸯蝴蝶派) fiction. Butterfly fiction came in many forms, including knight-errant novels (see “Martial Arts Fiction and Jin Yong”), detective fiction, comedic satires, and sentimental love stories. Even as they denounced the didactic tradition of “literature conveys the Way” (文以载道), May Fourth writers asserted their own serious high-mindedness by positioning themselves apart from popular writers—and their commercialism and cultural entrepreneurship—with whom they competed for an urban readership (Hockx 1998). They also differed from the Butterfly writers in terms of language and literary form: whereas the latter retained some of the narrative and rhetorical forms of premodern fiction, the former developed a highly Westernized, or Japanized, prose style and experimented with the narrative modes, poetic forms, and dramatic styles of the modern West (Gunn 1991).

As Michel Hockx discusses in his essay (see “Literary Communities and the Production of Literature”), literary societies (and their journals) were important phenomena of the early twentieth century (see also Hockx 2003; Denton and Hockx 2008). These journals offered a stable venue for publication of members’ writings and were forums for manifestos and polemics that declared to the literary world a society’s position. Societies debated among themselves, sometimes vociferously and with venom, as they vied for positions within the literary field.

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Another important phenomenon of this period was the “emergence” of women writers (see “Reconsidering the Origins of Modern Chinese Women’s Writing”). Although Dorothy Ko (1994), Susan Mann (1997), and others have shown us that women writers were active in the late imperial period—a fact that undermines received views, largely created by the May Fourth movement itself, that women had been completely silenced by a patriarchal tradition—it is nonetheless true that women writers emerged on the May Fourth literary scene to a much greater degree and in a much more public way than ever before. Not surprisingly, this first generation of modern women writers were from the economic and social elite, daughters of wealthy families whose parents allowed them access to Western-style education. Bing Xin, Chen Hengzhe 陈衡哲 (1893–1976), Lu Yin 庐隐 (1898–1934), and Ling Shuhua 凌叔华 (1900–1990) are among the most significant. Unlike their male counterparts, they tended to write about love and domestic life, perhaps because they felt excluded from the new male discourse of modernity or because they consciously struggled against its patriarchal implications.

Literary Diversification in the 1920s and 1930s: Leftist Literature, Modernism, and Nativism Although the degree to which writers adhered to the leftist revolutionary cause has been dramatically overemphasized by Marxist literary historians, it is true that many May Fourth writers and a new generation of younger writers willingly embraced a political role for literature by the 1920s and into the 1930s. This turn to the left has everything to do with political and historical circumstances: the success of the revolutionary Northern Expedition (which united much of Chinese territory in 1928 after years of warlord domination), the rise of Japanese imperialism after 1931, and Guomindang (GMD) fascism and its inattention to social problems. This leftward swing in literature began with a critique of the May Fourth movement by such leftists as Qu Qiubai 瞿秋白 (1899–1935), who perceptively attacked the May Fourth writers for their elitism, particularly their use of Westernized language and literary forms, which Qu labeled “Western eight-legged essays” (洋八股), referring to the abstruse and formulaic essay of the late imperial examination system. Qu promoted the use of street vernacular and favored popular performance arts that would be more accessible to the masses and hence more effective as tools of social change (see “Language and Literary Form”). Some of these radical critics went so far as to attack Lu Xun, widely regarded as the father of modern literature and the embodiment of May Fourth enlightenment values, as no longer in sync with the times. Qian Xingcun 钱杏邨 (1900–1977), for example, claimed that the “age of Ah Q” (the protagonist in a Lu Xun novella) was “bygone” (Denton 1996: 276–288) and that

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what China needed was not the gloomy and difficult moods of Lu Xun’s prose poems in Wild Grass (野草, 1927) but a more positive and optimistic literature that pointed to a bright revolutionary future.

The critics promoting “revolutionary literature”— written about the masses and in their interests—and the writers they addressed were mostly from bourgeois or gentry backgrounds. According to the logic of Marxist determinism, bourgeois writers could not but write in the interest of their own class, a predicament critics circumvented by claiming that bourgeois writers could “transcend” or “sublate” their class backgrounds by entering into and experiencing the lives of the lower classes. Many of the debates that arose in the leftist camp in the 1930s centered on this question of what role the bourgeois writer could have in the production of a revolutionary literature (Denton 1996: 48–49).

Attempting to end the rhetorical battles in the leftist literary world, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) established the League of Left-Wing Writers (左翼作家联盟; 1930–1936), which promoted Marxist literary theory and published leftist literature in its many official journals. Not surprisingly, the literary practice of left-leaning writers was an imperfect realization of Marxist theoretical prescriptions. The generally engaged nature of this writing can be seen in the dominance of the literary modes of realism and satire. Writers such as Mao Dun 茅盾, who had since the May Fourth period promoted “naturalism,” wrote realistic novels and short stories about, for instance, the economic hardship of peasants or the inner workings of capitalism in Shanghai. Zhang Tianyi 张天翼 (1906–1985) and Wu Zuxiang 吴组缃 (1908–1994) offered satirical portraits of a decadent gentry class. Romantic writers of the Creation Society, who were the most histrionic in their “conversions” to the revolutionary cause, publicly decried their former individualism, only to continue to uphold a romantic view of the power of literature to contribute to the revolutionary movement and to transform the world. The modern spoken drama (话 剧) (see “Performing the Nation”), a new form that developed in the 1910s and 1920s against a powerful operatic tradition, came into its own in the 1930s, particularly in the hands of Cao Yu 曹禺 (1910–1966), and was largely associated with the leftist movement.

Leftist literature was, of course, only one element of the literary field in the late 1920s and 1930s. Butterfly fiction continued to be highly popular. Writers like Zhang Henshui 张恨水 reached a readership unimaginable to most of the progressive writers, the one exception being Ba Jin 巴金, whose novel Family (家, 1933) reached a wide readership, although precisely because it contains many tropes from the Butterfly tradition. A small group of writers associated with the journal Les Contemporains (现代) promoted and wrote literary works that were self-consciously at odds with those demanded by the proponents of revolutionary literature. These writers have been referred to as the New Sensationists (新感觉派), after the Japanese modernist school (the Shinkankakuha) that one of its members, Liu Na’ou 刘呐鸥 (1900–1939), followed while in

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Japan. Modernist tendencies were also very strong in poetry. Dai Wangshu 戴 望舒 (1905–1950), who was connected with Les Contemporains, and Li Jinfa 李 金发 (1900–1976), for example, experimented with symbolist modes of poetry.

Much ink has been spilled on the question of whether these Chinese modernists constitute true modernism. One scholar (Lee 1990) argues that modernism, at least as it was formulated in Western Europe and America, could not develop fully in China because of the radically different historical circumstances: “cultural modernity” arose in the West as a critique of “historical modernity” (capitalism, science, progress, civilization, and the like); in China, however, culture was usurped by the cause of bringing about historical modernity. Although others have sought to decenter the study of modernism away from Western Europe and the United States to allow it to include alternative forms, this view is nonetheless valuable in delineating how and why literature was made to serve the cause of nation building in China.

The 1930s also gave rise to writers like Shen Congwen 沈从文 (1902–1988) and Feng Wenbing 冯文炳 (1901–1967), whose works depict life in rural areas in a lyrical and nostalgic mode. These works are void of the political jargon and the heroic revolutionary themes being promoted by leftist critics; instead, their language exudes a folk quality, even as it is studiously modern, and their plots have the universal appeal of primitive themes. Literary historians have often depicted Shen as a “nativist” writer whose work consistently recounts his native region, West Hunan. But Shen also wrote romantic short stories (in the manner of Yu Dafu) and more explicitly modernist fiction. In any case, his body of work resisted, sometimes quite self-consciously, the literary prescriptions emanating from the leftist camp, which is one of the reasons it is so popular today.

With the historical pressures of the war against Japan and the increasingly strident calls for social realism from the revolutionary camp, these various attempts to steer literature away from politics faded, but did not disappear, by the late 1930s.

War Period: Literature and National Salvation (1937–1945) The war period, during most of which China was divided into three distinct political regions (the Communist-controlled area around Yan’an in the northwest, the Japanese-occupied coast, and the GMD-held southwest), has been seriously misrepresented in literary histories. Marxist literary historians in the PRC have often portrayed the war period as one of great homogeneity: writers happily abandoned their personal motivations for writing and devoted themselves and their pens to the political cause of national salvation. They arrived at this view by emphasizing the theory and practice in Yan’an and ignoring or underemphasizing work produced in the GMD-held areas and in territory

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under Japanese control. When one takes all three areas into consideration, however, the Chinese literary scene during the war appears quite heterogeneous. Yet, at the same time, the war period also marked a shift toward cultural homogenization: realism, romanticism, modernism, regionalism, and popular literature seemed to be making their “last stands” against the tide of revolutionary and national salvation literature (Anderson 1989). The May Fourth notion of the writer as the voice of “critical consciousness,” an ideal embodied in the figure of Lu Xun, also came under assault during the war, especially in Yan’an during the Rectification Campaign (整风运动).

In the early years of the war, writers caught up in the euphoria of resistance devoted themselves to propaganda work. The All China League of Resistance Writers (and its many local branches)—an umbrella organization established in Wuhan in 1938 to unite cultural workers from all political persuasions—directed this promotion of anti-Japanese propaganda work. Writers were encouraged to produce works that were readily accessible to a mass audience (see “Language and Literary Form”). This meant using “national forms” (民族形式) or “old forms” (旧形式)—literary, oral, and visual forms that had indigenous roots and were appealing to a rural as well as urban audience. These forms included story­ telling, ballads, New Year’s prints, local opera, and Peking drum singing. New forms such as “street plays” (街头剧), short propaganda dramas performed in villages around the country, were also developed; the most famous was Put Down Your Whip (放下你的鞭子, 1936). The war was also a period in which the modern spoken drama flourished and came to maturity (see “Performing the Nation”).

That writers willingly engaged in propaganda work is not to say that there was no debate in literary circles during the war, or that literary practice was homogeneous. In the face of what they saw as a degrading retreat from the May Fourth ideal of a modern, cosmopolitan literature, some critics such as Hu Feng 胡风 (1902–1985) denounced “national forms.” Other voices (Shen Congwen and Liang Shiqiu 梁实秋) even criticized as destructive the usurpation of culture by politics and political figures. By the early 1940s, moreover, the national literary scene became increasingly heterogeneous. In GMDcontrolled areas, realism and romanticism returned as writers shifted their attentions away from the war (which had stalemated by this time) and the external enemy toward social and cultural issues. Writers such as Sha Ting 沙汀 (1904– 1992) wrote fiction that exposed the social problems under GMD rule. Lu Ling 路翎 (1923–1994) wrote in a radically subjective style about the psychological effects of oppression on the individual.

In Beijing and Shanghai, the Japanese occupiers sought to stem political dissent and largely succeeded. Although historical costume dramas were occasionally used allegorically to promote resistance, popular-entertainment fiction and escape were the rule of the day. This is not to say that there were no serious writers. Eileen Chang’s 张爱玲 (1921–1995) Romances (传奇, 1943), a collection

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of short stories, is among the most sophisticated and important works of modern Chinese literature. Although the war does not, for the most part, figure directly in them and Chang seems to be self-consciously reacting against the heroic historical narratives that dominated the literary scene outside Shanghai, her fiction nonetheless reveals in subtle ways how history imprints itself on the psyche. Shi Tuo 师陀 (1910–1988) wrote lyrical essays and experimental fiction that further belie the stereotype of war literature as uniformly propagandistic.

Costume dramas—plays with historical settings—were popular in occupied Shanghai, but other playwrights, such as Yang Jiang 杨绛, wrote contemporary comedies that satirized intellectual pretension and social climbing.

In Yan’an, CCP cultural policy promoted “national defense literature” (国防文学) and the use of “national forms.” Urban, bourgeois writers like Ding Ling 丁玲, who had idealistically made their way to Yan’an to participate in the revolution, found life there far from the promise they had held for it and experienced difficulty abandoning May Fourth notions of the role of literature. With CCP backing, in the spring of 1942 they began to publish essays and short stories that exposed problems in Yan’an society: party privilege, the unequal place of women, thought reform of intellectuals, absence of freedom of speech, and the like. Mao Zedong, who had since 1935 been head of the CCP but whose political position was not completely secure, was surprised by the depth and extent of the criticism that he himself had unleashed. He decided to hold a conference for cultural workers, at the end of which he gave two speeches, collectively called the “Yan’an Talks,” that summed up party cultural policy: literature is subservient to political interests, and writers should write for and about the masses of workers, peasants, and soldiers. Even as he invoked his name in the Talks, Mao countered everything Lu Xun stood for: intellectual autonomy and the critical consciousness of the writer. The Talks are significant for setting the draconian national cultural policy after the establishment of the PRC in 1949.

Although often skipped over in literary histories, the brief period after the war and before the establishment of the PRC was highly active and saw the appearance of many excellent full-length novels, including Qian Zhongshu’s 钱钟书 (1910–1998) satirical Fortress Besieged (围城, 1946), although film and drama were perhaps the most important cultural forms.

Early Postrevolutionary Period: Revolutionary Romanticism (1949–1966) After the revolution, the CCP began to impose systematically the dictates of the Yan’an Talks. Although many writers enthusiastically embraced the cultural policy of the new regime, others balked at abjuring their roles as cultural critics.

The party attempted to impose literary uniformity in two primary ways: institutions and cultural campaigns. The publishing industry was nationalized and

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journals were brought under state control. Writers were organized into the Chinese Writers Association (中国作家协会), which “served the complementary functions of providing the party with a means of monitoring and controlling creative writing and of establishing a clear-cut ladder of success for writers within the socialist literary system” (Link 2000: 119). The pluralist literary field of the Republican period—with its privately owned journals and publishing houses, competing literary societies, and stylistic heterogeneity—was effectively destroyed. Censorship (see “Literary Communities and the Production of Literature”) was exerted by not approving manuscripts for publication, but more often than not writers internalized party guidelines (as best they could interpret them in the ever-changing political climate). When writers crossed the line, public criticism could follow. The 1950s, even before the radical excess of the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution, were dotted with periodic campaigns against wayward writers and intellectuals (for example, the campaign against the Hu Feng clique in 1955). The effect of these campaigns was to break down intellectuals’ lingering sense of autonomy and critical consciousness and instill a notion of what the party would and would not tolerate.

Even under such effective means of control, the literary products of the first “seventeen years” of the PRC, as they are often called on the mainland, were not just uniform political propaganda. There were moments of relaxation in cultural policy, such as the Hundred Flowers (1956–1957), when writers were encouraged to write about problems in the new socialist society. This they did with a forthrightness that Mao, who launched the movement in 1956, could never have foreseen. After just a few short months, the CCP reversed its policy and attacked the very writers and intellectuals it had encouraged to speak out.

At least one hundred thousand writers and intellectuals were targeted during the subsequent Anti-Rightist Campaign (1957–1958), the most virulent cultural campaign to date and a harbinger of the radicalism and anti-intellectualism of the Cultural Revolution to come.

In terms of literary production, writers were expected to follow the “worker, peasant, soldier” formula established by Mao in his Yan’an Talks. Socialist realism and then “revolutionary realism combined with revolutionary romanticism” were the prescribed literary models. Although much of the resulting literary practice was dull and uninspiring, readers sincerely enjoyed and were moved by some of the better works. Novels such as Yang Mo’s 杨沫 Song of Youth (青春之歌, 1958), Zhou Erfu’s 周而复 Morning in Shanghai (上海的早 晨, 1958), Qu Bo’s 曲波 Tracks in the Snowy Forest (林海雪原, 1957), Liu Qing’s 柳青 The Builders (创业史, 1959), and Luo Guangbin 罗广斌 and Yang Yiyan’s 杨益言 Red Crag (红岩, 1961) were extremely popular with readers for varying reasons, including sentimental description of love and revolution (Song), sense of adventure (Tracks), heroic sacrifice (Red Crag), and optimism for building a new society (The Builders), themes that derive in part from the popular literary tradition (Link 2000: 210–248). Poetry—much of it narrative—was promoted by

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the state, as was traditional-style operatic theater, but neither gained the wide audience enjoyed by fiction.

Cultural Revolution: Class Struggle (1966–1976) Although the core of Mao Zedong’s motivation for launching the Cultural Revolution in 1966 was bald politics—he had lost control of the vast CCP bureaucracy to the more pragmatic wing of the party leadership—there was also a sincere desire to radically revamp a culture that had, Mao felt, become complacently mired in bourgeois values. The Cultural Revolution was an attempt to destroy remnants of both the feudal culture of China’s past and Western bourgeois culture. The campaign attacking the “four olds”—ideas, culture, customs, and habits—carried out sometimes by marauding Red Guards burning library books or destroying temples, was one element of this revamping of culture. Many writers associated with the May Fourth tradition were attacked, sometimes physically, and their works were disparaged. Lu Xun, poster boy for the leftists, was one of the few Republican era intellectuals to escape critique during the radicalism of the Cultural Revolution. During this time, educational and cultural institutions were mostly closed. Swept up in the political fervor of the times or simply trying to survive, most writers stopped writing. Those who did write and publish generally belonged to a younger generation. They churned out short stories, essays, and reportage that praised the Cultural Revolution and supported its class-struggle ideology. Hao Ran 浩然 is the best known of the Cultural Revolution novelists, and his Bright and Sunny Days (艳阳天, 1965) and The Golden Road (金光大道, 1972–1974) exemplify the Cultural Revolution aesthetics of heroism and class struggle (King 2013).

By far the most important form of cultural production in the Cultural Revolution was the model theater (样板戏): Peking operas (for example, Taking Tiger Mountain by Strategy [智取威虎山] and The Red Lantern [红灯记]) and ballets (such as The White-Haired Girl [白毛女] and Red Detachment of Women [红色娘子军]) designed to embody the class-struggle values of the radical leftist position. The model theater was the domain of Jiang Qing 江青, Mao Zedong’s wife; through it, she supported Maoism, exerted herself in the cultural and political fields, and, some scholars argue, propounded a feminist agenda through strong revolutionary heroines. Stylized and propagandistic as they are, with their colorful costumes and set designs, songs, dance, and acrobatics, these plays were genuinely enjoyed by audiences. As Mittler (2012) argues, the propagandistic culture of the Cultural Revolution is not as anomalous as critics make out: it is part of a “continuous” history that dates back to at least the late Qing.

Mostly in the form of hand-copied manuscripts, works of popular fiction circulated among friends throughout the Cultural Revolution. That people

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would take the serious risk of being caught with these “dregs” of bourgeois culture attests to the powerful appeal of literature as pure entertainment (Link 2000: 193–197). Similarly, elite poetry also thrived underground during the later years of the Cultural Revolution (see “Misty Poetry”).

Post-Mao: The Return of Modernity (1977–1989) The death of Mao, the end of the Cultural Revolution, and the subsequent liberalization of party cultural policy unleashed a flowering of Chinese literature that has often been compared to the May Fourth movement. The parallels are striking. Like the May Fourth writers, who portrayed themselves as emerging from the shackles of a deadening Confucian tradition, post-Mao writers saw themselves as struggling against the legacy of an equally oppressive Maoist system. Early post-Mao writers, like their May Fourth counterparts, discovered and experimented with romantic self-expression, modernist literary styles, critical realism, and the avant-garde; they did so at least in part to pry themselves from the Maoist discourse and its ideological constraints. Just as May Fourth writers saw a need to develop a new vernacular language free of traditional ideology, so too did post-Mao writers attempt to develop a language untainted by Maoism.

As in the May Fourth movement, women writers (the most famous of whom is Wang Anyi 王安忆) reemerged on a large scale in the post-Mao period.

The development of post-Mao literature has often been seen in terms of literary movements: Misty poetry (modernist-style poetry that was intensely personal and lyrical in contrast to the highly politicized narrative poetry that dominated the Maoist era), scar literature (fiction that depicted the psychological wounds suffered during the Cultural Revolution), roots-seeking literature (fiction that sought a return to China’s indigenous cultures, though often marginalized ones, in reaction to a century of rupturing iconoclasm), and the avant-garde (postmodern fiction that questions modernity’s basic discourse of self, progress, realism, and enlightenment in a language self-consciously denuded of Maoist tropes). Of course, not all writing produced in the 1980s fit neatly into these movements, and some literary genres were more closely associated with movements than others. As a whole, the development from movement to movement shows an intensification of criticism of the socialist system: whereas scar literature in the late 1970s and early 1980s was superficial in its treatment of the Cultural Revolution, often laying blame with the Gang of Four and falling back on the stereotypical representation of characters seen in Cultural Revolution writing, by the late 1980s the avant-garde, with its radical formal and linguistic experiments, questioned the values at the heart of socialist ideology. This gradual radicalization in the cultural sphere contributed to the 1989 protest movement.

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Another significant phenomenon in the 1980s was the arrival on the mainland of Taiwan and Hong Kong commercial culture (film, pop music, television programs, and fiction). Qiong Yao 琼瑶 and San Mao 三毛—women writers of popular romance—led the way in the Taiwan literary invasion. Their novels and shorts stories were extremely popular on the mainland and helped usher in the commercialization of cultural production of the 1990s. Similarly, the liberalization led to the rediscovery of Republican era writers who had been banned during the Mao era, most notably Eileen Chang and Shen Congwen.

Post-Tiananmen: The Rise of Consumer Culture (1989–) The violent crackdown on the 1989 Tiananmen movement was followed by what Barmé (1999) describes as a “soft” cultural suppression. Wang Meng 王蒙 (b. 1934), an important writer of fiction in the 1980s who had risen in the cultural bureaucracy to become minister of culture, was removed from his post and, eventually, criticized for allowing cultural pluralism to flourish during his tenure. Conservative cultural figures crawled out of the woodwork and began to call for a return to the socialist culture that the late 1980s had so effectively erased. Some writers involved in the 1989 movement were arrested; others fled the country. Exile literature, or a literature of the PRC diaspora, emerged at this time: Today (今天), an underground journal associated with the Democracy Wall movement of 1978–1979, was resurrected abroad and became the leading venue for the publication of exile writing. Exiles also published in journals and newspapers in Hong Kong and Taiwan.

But by far the most significant phenomenon of the 1990s cultural scene was the commodification of culture (see “Commercialization of Literature in the Post-Mao Era”). Because of market reforms and the influx of capital from Taiwan and Hong Kong, PRC cultural institutions (journals, publishing houses, film studios, and the like) were forced to turn a profit and compete in the cultural marketplace. Some writers responded by popularizing their work. The literary figure who best embodies this commercialization is the novelist and scriptwriter Wang Shuo 王朔 (b. 1958). Credited with establishing pizi wenxue 痞子文学 or liumang wenxue 流氓文学 (punk literature), fiction about hooligans, punks, the laid-off, and the disenfranchised, Wang Shuo both made use of popular fiction forms and tapped into a social discontent that made him extremely popular with young readers, as well as with intellectuals. This is not to say that all writers succumbed to commercialization and gave in to popular culture. To the contrary, some poets have created a cult of poetry, an elite bastion from the relentless onslaught of commercial culture (Yeh 1996). Poets like Xi Chuan 西川 (b. 1963), for example, position themselves as purveyors of pure art against the stench of the popular (van Crevel 1999: 2008). Gao Xingjian 高行健

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(b. 1940), who worked mostly in experimental theater until 1987, when he relocated to Paris, has over the years upheld a staunchly humanist view of literature as the voice of the individual and a vaguely Daoist-inspired belief that the artist should retreat from politics. In 2000, Gao became the first Chinese-language writer to win the Nobel Prize in Literature. Still other writers, such as Su Tong 苏童 (b. 1963) and Yu Hua 余华 (b. 1960), have attempted to negotiate a position somewhere between the avant-garde and the popular (Xu 2000). The protagonist in Jia Pingwa’s 贾平凹 (b. 1952) controversial novel City in Ruins (废都, 1993), notorious for its explicit description of sex, is emblematic of intellectuals’ struggle to find a new role in the rapidly changing society of 1990s China.

The 1990s also saw a return to realist fiction that both reflected and responded to the new market economy. Liu Heng 刘恒 (b. 1954), He Dun 何顿 (b. 1958), Chen Ran 陈染 (b. 1962), Qiu Huadong 邱华栋 (b. 1969), and others have created a new urban fiction that attempts to describe realistically the problems of living and coping in the freewheeling capitalism of postsocialist China, a stark change from the largely rural orientation of much socialist era writing.

Other writers are more assertive in their social and political critique. Foremost among them is Yan Lianke 阎连科, whose “mythorealist” novels, such as Dream of Ding Village (丁庄梦) and Lenin’s Kisses (受活), satirize the excesses of the market economy and its invasive exploitation of the poor and disenfranchised.

One of the most significant developments in recent literature on the mainland (and also in Taiwan and to a lesser extent Hong Kong) has been the emergence of Internet literature (Inwood 2014; Hockx 2015). China has arguably the most active and creative literary presence on the Internet of any nation. The Internet is both a vehicle for elite avant-garde poets to disseminate their work and argue over poetics and the meaning of poetry in an age of “mind, mayhem and money,” as van Crevel (2008) puts it, and for the proliferation of popular-genre fiction, including such distinctive genres as time travel fiction and grave robbery fiction, as well as romance (Feng 2013) and science fiction.

Writers like Han Han 韩寒 and Guo Jingming 郭敬明 (see “Commercialization of Literature in the Post-Mao Era”) have first gained immense readerships online and then translated that capital into the more conventional world of print publication.

The granting of the Nobel Prize in Literature to Mo Yan 莫言 in 2012— greeted with glee by most in China and with scorn by some in the West who derided the writer as a CCP toady—reflects a new boon for contemporary Chinese literature outside China, where it has always had trouble reaching an audience through translation. Penguin has launched a translation series that is both reprinting Republican era fiction (for example, Lao She’s 老舍 Cat Country [猫城记]) and introducing the work of younger writers (Sheng Keyi’s 盛可以 Northern Girls [北妹]), and new translation journals such as Pathlight have been established to disseminate the work of young up-and-coming writers.

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Taiwan Literature in Taiwan and Hong Kong developed along paths independent of, but not disconnected from, that of the mainland. Unlike the mainland, Taiwan and Hong Kong were colonies, the former of Japan and the latter of Britain.

Taiwan (with Korea) was given over to Japanese control under treaty terms following the defeat in the 1894–1895 Sino-Japanese War. It remained under Japanese occupation until the end of World War II. Under the influence of the May Fourth movement and literary developments on the mainland, “new literature” emerged in Taiwan around 1924 and developed as a form of Chinese and Taiwanese nationalist resistance to Japanese colonialism. This first generation of modern writers, represented by Lai He 赖和 (1894–1943), was more Chinese than Taiwanese in its cultural consciousness (Chang 1999: 269). The next generation, having been educated primarily in Japanese, was more culturally hybrid. Many wrote in Japanese. Kominka (皇民化) literature, or literature written by Chinese in Japanese during the war years (1937–1945), has been conventionally treated very unkindly by Taiwan literary historians, who have equated it with political or cultural collaboration. Recently, however, some have begun to find in these texts subtle forms of agency and resistance to colonial oppression (Chang 1997). The colonial government banned Chineselanguage publications outright during World War II. Not long after the Japanese left Taiwan, the Nationalists, defeated by the CCP in the civil war on the mainland, retreated there. Many Taiwanese view this as yet another colonial occupation, especially after the GMD brutally suppressed a Taiwanese protest movement on February 28, 1947, which ushered in a period of four decades of martial law and the suppression of intellectual dissent. Those writers who had matured under Japanese colonialism and could write only in Japanese were now banned from writing in the language of the former colonizers, and it was only in the 1960s that Taiwanese writers would emerge in force on the literary scene. Not surprisingly, in the 1950s, mainlanders, writers who had come to Taiwan with the GMD, dominated. Because of GMD censorship, writers in Taiwan no longer had access to the leftist literary tradition of the previous three decades and had only the more lyrical strand of May Fourth writing (Xu Zhimo, Zhu Ziqing 朱自清, and others) as indigenous literary models. The GMD actively promoted anti-Communist literature and tolerated popular romances, which dominated the literary scene. T. A. Hsia upheld realism in the pages of the journal he edited, Literary Review (文学 杂志, 1956–1960), but had difficulty attracting works for publication, as well as readers. In the politically repressive environment of the 1950s and 1960s, writers turned for inspiration to the West and to a particularly aesthetic form of Western modernism. The leading journal in the promotion of modernism was Modern Literature (现代文学, 1960–1973), founded by students of T. A. Hsia: Bai Xianyong 白先勇 (b. 1937), Wang Wenxing 王文兴 (b. 1939), Ouyang Zi

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欧阳子 (b. 1939), and Chen Ruoxi 陈若曦 (b. 1938). The journal systematically introduced Western modernist writing and promoted experimentation in literary form (see “Cold War Fiction from Taiwan and the Modernists”). Nationalist critics attacked this modernism as empty imitation of the West. In defense of the modernist position, Wang Wenxing wrote: If someone would say that this Chinese effort to experiment with modernism betrays a mentality of adulating foreign things, we cannot tolerate [this charge]. Are Chinese not permitted to create new forms? . . . In the opinion of some people, Chinese cannot write psychological or symbolist fiction or novels of fantasy, nor should they experiment with surrealism or accept existentialism. These people are like fathers who forbid their children’s activities—no ball-playing, no running, no singing, no riding bicycles, no listening to radios—all because of one reason: that they are foreign things. Dear reader, if you meet such a father, please give him some good advice. (in Faurot 1980: 16)

The criticism of modernist literature was in some sense a natural reaction to the Westernization of literature, but it was also the product of an abrupt shift in global politics. Nations around the world, including the United States, were beginning to recognize the government on the mainland as the sole legitimate “China,” leaving Taiwan in a state of diplomatic limbo. This contributed to the Taiwanese nationalist movement, which in turn gave rise to a “nativist” (乡土) literature that was realist in its focus on rural Taiwan society and that attempted to capture in language and form a Taiwanese consciousness. The 1970s literary scene was dominated by such nativist writers as Huang Chunming 黄春明 (b. 1935), Wang Zhenhe 王祯和 (b. 1940), and Chen Yingzhen 陈映真 (b. 1937), though it should be stressed that the politics and literary styles of these writers varied greatly.

The lifting of martial law in 1987 and the remarkable democratization of Taiwan political life that followed has led to a heterogeneous literary scene. As in post-Mao China and contemporary Hong Kong, recent writing in Taiwan has become so varied as to undermine any attempts to impose on it neat literary categories. This heterogeneity has much to do with capitalism and the global commercialization of culture, as well as with a more general postmodern or postcolonial decentering of culture. Tied to an ever-changing and volatile market, writers have had to find a niche that makes them identifiable and marketable. Some writers, such as Li Yongping 李永平, have gone the avant-garde route taken by the likes of Su Tong, Ge Fei 格非, and Yu Hua on the mainland.

Popular culture found its way into elite literature in the works of women writers such as Qiong Yao (b. 1938) and San Mao (1943–1991), whose romances were widely read in the 1980s and 1990s. Indeed, one characteristic of recent writing in Taiwan (and on the mainland) is the breakdown of clear distinctions between

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elite and popular literature. Others like Zhang Xiguo 张系国 have used satire to draw attention to problems in Taiwan’s urban society. Although serious literature in Taiwan, as everywhere, faces the challenge of a marketplace dominated by popular, commercial culture, in its heterogeneity Taiwan literature has perhaps never been healthier.

Much Taiwan literature in the post-martial law era has sought to restore memories repressed by the Nationalist regime, most notably the February 28 (1947) Incident and the White Terror of the 1950s and 1960s. Rather than “counter” Nationalist era memory with a new monolithic memory, however, some writers have tended to problematize memory itself, stressing the difficult relationship between the present and the past and the inadequacy of writing to recapture the past (Braester 2007). Issues of identity—what it means to be Taiwanese—recur in post–martial law fiction and are often intertwined with questions of historical memory. The lifting of martial law has also led to the unleashing of voices of repressed social groups and the emergence of a selfconscious queer literature (see “Homoeroticism in Modern Chinese Literature”), aboriginal literature, and feminist fiction (for example, Li Ang 李昂 [b. 1952]).

Hong Kong Hong Kong’s cultural development, like Taiwan’s, is inseparable from its colonial history and from its close proximity to the mainland. The British were colonial overlords of Hong Kong from the end of the Opium War (1839–1842) until 1997, when it “returned” to the mainland to much media fanfare. Unlike the Japanese in Taiwan, the British took a laissez-faire approach to the production of culture in Hong Kong (Tay 1995). Although some writers and editors were influenced by the new literature being produced on the mainland in the 1920s and 1930s and attempted to develop this realist, engaged literature in Hong Kong (the journal Red Beans [红豆, 1933] being its most important forum), writers who identified with tradition and traditional literary forms dominated the literary scene. This traditionalism was perhaps a product of the colonial environment: writers resisted the colonial government by asserting their Chineseness through upholding and recreating their literary tradition, but in its apolitical stance it was inherently conservative.

Over the years, Hong Kong has been greatly influenced by writers who came from either Taiwan or the mainland. An influx of writers from the mainland during the war against Japan and again during the civil war stirred up the literary scene, and Hong Kong became a hotbed of modern, often leftist, literature.

Some critics argue that this period marks the real birth of Hong Kong modern literature, but this reflects a mainland-centric perspective. Many of these mainland writers stayed only temporarily, and Hong Kong did not figure substantially in their works. Others, such as Liu Yichang 刘以鬯 (b. 1918), an émigré from

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the mainland, and Yu Kwang-chung 余光中 (b. 1928), from Taiwan, integrated Hong Kong settings and issues of Hong Kong identity into their writing, and they have consequently been adopted as Hong Kong writers. The postwar period also saw the rise of martial arts fiction, whose most famous exemplar is the prolific Jin Yong 金庸.

Hong Kong’s cultural scene flourished with the city’s development as a major global metropolis in the 1970s. By the 1980s, new writing, much of it vaguely modernist in its experimentation with form, proliferated. Writers were beginning to concern themselves with issues of Hong Kong identity—what it means to live in a space that is neither Chinese nor British and is on the “margins” of the nation-state (see “Hong Kong Voices”). A Hong Kong-oriented literature developed further, ironically, following the 1984 agreement to return Hong Kong to the mainland in 1997. Writers such as Xi Xi 西西 (b. 1938), Dung Kai-cheung 董启章 (b. 1967), and Leung Ping-kwan 梁秉钧 (1949–2013) selfconsciously wrote about Hong Kong in their works. Leung’s poetry collection A City at the End of Time (1992) beautifully conveys a sense of Hong Kong’s spatial marginality—between the mainland and Taiwan—and its cultural hybridity—Chinese, colonial, British, cosmopolitan. “We need a fresh angle, / nothing added, nothing taken away, / always at the edge of things and between places,” wrote Leung, expressing Hong Kong’s search for identity in the postcolonial period. In some sense, Hong Kong’s marginal status as a “city at the end of time” can be taken as a metaphor for the postmodern condition itself, a condition Hong Kong shares with both China and Taiwan. The outpouring of commemorations when Leung died in 2013 belies the myth that Hong Kongers care only about money, as does a movement to push the Hong Kong government to build a museum dedicated to the literature of Hong Kong.

The extent to which the “return” of Hong Kong to the mainland has affected the cultural sphere remains uncertain, but clearly a difficult transition is under way that involves negotiating between local interests and the mainland market.

Events of 2013 and 2014 suggest that Hong Kongers generally will not stand silent as mainland shoppers, mainland culture, and mainland politics engulf their city. Indeed, writers have been active in local politics, in particular in struggles to preserve the historical heritage of Hong Kong’s colonial past. Hong Kong writers are also reimagining Hong Kong identity in terms of their relations to the culture of the mainland, the British colonial past, and the culture of the rest of the world. Perhaps the larger threat to Hong Kong literature comes from the economic sphere and its neoliberal ideology of the market.

The Sinophone and the Global One of the most important trends in the study of modern Chinese literature to emerge in the past decade has been a move away from the nation-state as the

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principal lens through which to understand and appreciate literary developments.

Shu-mei Shih (Shih, Tsai, and Bernards 2011) has led the way in emphasizing language—the “Sinophone” (see “Sinophone Literature”)—as a new critical paradigm; others (Tsu and Wang 2010) have adopted the term “global Chinese literature” to stress the transnational nature of Chinese-language literary production and consumption. Such scholarship has drawn attention to writers working in Chinese who either live outside the mainland, Hong Kong, or Taiwan or who in their lives and in their works cross over national boundaries. Scholars have introduced the work of Malaysian writers writing in Chinese (Groppe 2013), for example, or applied a Sinophone or transnational framework to earlier writers, such as Lao She, Eileen Chang, and Lin Yutang 林语堂, who lived multicultural, transnational lives and embodied that experience in their writing. Though some have argued for the continuing importance of the nation-state (and its particular history and particular culture) as a lens for understanding Chinese-language literary development, the Sinophone/global offers a promising new critical framework that helps situate that literature in the larger context of the global flow of culture.

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