Pilot Thesis

THE PAST IS NOT PAST: SHARED & DIVIDED Essay 2: Pilot Thesis M.Phil in Architecture & Urban Design

Chris Hamill

“…Look where we've got to. We've come to this crossroads...And we call that crossroads TobairVree. And why do we call it TobairVree? I'll tell you why.Tobair means a well. But what doesVree mean? It's a corruption of Brian…an erosion of Tobair Bhriain. Because 150 years ago there used to be a well there, not at the crossroads, mind you – that would be too simple – but in a field close to the crossroads. And an old man called Brian, whose face was disfigured by an enormous growth, got it into his head that the water in that well was blessed; and every day for seven months he went there and bathed his face in it. But the growth didn't go away; and one morning Brian was found drowned in that well. And ever since that crossroads is known as TobairVree – even though that well has long since dried up.

I know the story because my grandfather told it to me. But ask Doalty – or Maire – or Bridget – even my father – even Manus – why it's called TobairVree; and do you think they'll know? I know they don't know. So the question I put to you, Lieutenant, is this: what do we do with a name like that? Do we scrap TobairVree altogether and call it – what? – The Cross? Crossroads? Or do we keep piety with a man long dead, long forgotten, his name 'eroded' beyond recognition?

Brian Friel - Translations Act 2 Scene 2 Spoken by Owen to Lt.Yolland of the Royal Engineers1

1 Brian Friel, Translations, Act 2 Scene 1 Line 420

THE PAST IS NOT PAST: SHARED & DIVIDED Essay 2: Pilot Thesis A pilot thesis submitted in par tial fulfillment of the requirements for the M.Phil in Architecture & Urban Design 2017-8

Chris Hamill Christ’s College 4951 words

With thanks to: Barbara Campbell-Lange Ingrid Schröder Aram Mooradian

This research project arose primarily from a critical recollection of the author’s upbringing and education within the strictures of a segregated society. The observation that difficult questions regarding institutions, contentious heritage and the legacy of the Troubles are often actively avoided in ‘polite’ society, even between groups typically deemed adversaries was, and is, seen as a limitation to engagement with meaningful reconciliation in the province. At its most basic level, the sheer prominence and visibility of architecture seems to be an effective way of bringing these issues to the fore, however in posing these questions, it also seems right that architecture must also contribute in some way to their resolution.

This pilot thesis is the result of my own work and includes nothing which is the outcome of work done in collaboration except where specifically indicated in the text.

The power of memory is a central theme in Friel’s Translations, and, as Owen implies to the British soldier, it is one divided and contentious. According to McBride, ‘In Ireland…the interpretation of the past has always been at the heart of national conflict.’2 The narratives which can be derived from a troubled history are both the origin and subject of seemingly intractable debate. It must be conceded that the importance of memory, i.e. the common perception of ‘history’, and its ability to be transferred between generations is a key motivating factor in the perpetuation of the enduring territorial division between Unionist and Nationalist communities in Northern Ireland.

The contested nature of heritage, taken here to be ‘that part of the past which we select in the present for contemporary purposes,3 and how these edited meanings are taught or inferred, will be a key research area for this thesis. This will be explored through an examination of the physical and societal legacies of the Troubles and how these might help to mediate contested memories and reframe territorial disputes.

This leads to three key research topics around which this pilot thesis will centre:

The Future of a Divisive Architectural Legacy?

How the physical remains of recent conflicts in Northern Ireland are contested between communities and feature as anchor points for conflicting narratives. This will examine how several past strategies have attempted to deal with this difficult architectural legacy, especially in the period of relative peace which has followed the 1998 Belfast Agreement, and highlight issues which have limited their success. New participatory strategies which address some of these failings and offer the potential to reconstitute symbols of the Troubles as what Clifford refers to as ‘contact zones’4 will be explored.

These proposals will be tested by the ongoing pilot study design work sited within the contentious former HM Prison Armagh.

Unifying a Segregated Education System?

How do educational approaches deal with cultures in contention, and can divisive heritage be incorporated within a model of bi-communal education? Engaging with the body of work which has been produced on the impact of the Troubles and a de-facto segregated educational system on young people through the lens of Chantal Mouffe’s ‘agonistic pluralism’ ,5the project will aim to take a position on the current debate between shared or integrated education as a means of creating spaces for productive debate. Thus the proposal for a ‘dialogical school’ which has, inherent within its physical and organisational structures, spaces for possible agonic exchange becomes the key hypothetical within the design component of the research.

2 Ian McBride, Memory & National Identity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), pp.1-3 cited in Graham Dawson, Making Peace with the Past (Manchester: Manchester University Press 2007), p.7 3 Graham et al., A Geography of Heritage: Power, Culture and Economy (London: Arnold, 2000), p.17 4 James Clifford, Routes:Travel and Translation in the Late Twentieth Century (Cambridge, MA. ; London: Harvard University Press, 1999) pp. 192-3 5 Chantal Mouffe "Deliberative Democracy or Agonistic Pluralism”, Social Research 66(3). (1999) pp. 745–58

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Common Ground within Exclusionar y Patterns of Spatial Use? How urban divisions in smaller Northern Irish towns such as the chosen site, Armagh, manifest themselves in residents’ perceptions of space, despite a lack of the major physical barriers present in larger metropolitan areas. This phenomenon is well understood by locals,6 however it is notably absent from academic discourse about the divided urban fabric of Northern Ireland. By understanding how cognitive geographies feature in the construction and perpetuation of spatial segregation, and how they integrate landmarks, symbols and their associated memories, it is intended that this work will be able to position itself within this little-studied aspect of territorial conflict and make a contribution therein.

This will be tested within the design component to examine how best to create a public forum which is truly shared, and not merely ‘co-used’.

Acknowledging that these phenomena have, to varying degrees, been the subject of study by others, this pilot will make its contribution to the academic discourse by, where appropriate, identifying and examining common themes between the seemingly separate research areas. It is hoped that this will show these issues are not only interrelated but that an architectural project can and should refer holistically to the observed context.

To date, this has taken the form of a design for a bi-communal school within the shell of a former political prison in the small, but divided town of Armagh This allows each of the three main topics and their overlapping and conflicting areas to be examined collectively.

The remainder of this pilot thesis has been structured around a more detailed exploration of the three research questions identified above, followed by a discussion of how the design aspect has begun to preliminarily address the issues arising from their interplay, and concluding with a review of issues for further development within the project.

6 Carlo Gébler, The Glass Curtain: Inside and Ulster Community (Hamish Hamilton: London,1992)

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Fig. 1. ‘MAP’ of the Pilot Thesis

[.1] CONTENTIOUS HERITAGE

Previous Approaches to Contested Heritage: The Watchtowers & The Prison 'Ruins on the Irish border are still active things, the loose ends of unfinished history, still too meaningful to settle into the background. Knowing this, the army decided to erase the sangars completely; leaving them there might have fuelled resentments for another century.'7

In the years following the 1998 Belfast Agreement and the resultant de-escalation of the violent conflict, British sappers, much like Friel’s Lt.Yolland, were engaged in the complete erasure of one of the Trouble’s most visible architectures: the watchtowers (or sangars8) which guarded the border. Built to surveil the porous frontier areas, the sangars, by their distinctive materiality and hilltop locations, were an ever-visible reminder of the militarised status of the area.

Both a guarantee of safety to outnumbered border Protestants9 and a hated symbol of British occupation, which Nationalists claimed gave South Armagh 'the feel of an open air prison’,10 the watchtowers are emblematic of how architectures in locations of unresolved conflict can be imbued with contradictory associations in local memory. ‘Heritage’ is particularly fraught in Northern Ireland where the civil conflict was seemingly prescient for more contemporary disputes because it ‘ended’ not with victory or defeat, but with de-escalation, and thus there was no singular ‘victor’s narrative’ to be woven.11 Therefore, the ‘goals’ of heritage are simply not agreed upon. For the architect, this poses a dilemma regarding the choice to conserve, or not, historic material which continues to prolong disputes and recall injuries long past.

The British Army was clearly aware of their place within this contested narrative when they demolished the watchtowers. Referred to as ‘a visual shorthand for ‘the Troubles’,12 the decision to physically erase the sangars was symbolic, especially in the context of the Irish landscape, where abandonment and ruination is the typical fate of buildings which have outlived their useful purpose.13 (Fig. 2 & 3 p.7) The eradication of contested sites, prompted by a desire to forget, can be viewed more generally in the context of Dawson’s concept of ‘psychic defence’.14 This explains that the ‘normalisation’ of daily life brought about by an amnesiac response is often an understandable reaction to trauma, even though this denies the ability for past and the present to exist within a dialogical exchange.15 16 'Physically obliterating

7 Carr, The Rule of the Land, p.51 8 Sangar is an Pashto word for defensive walls adopted by the British Army during the period of the Victorian Anglo-Afghan wars. (Source: http://www.dictionary.com/browse/sangar) 9 Dawson, Making Peace with the Past, p.229 10 Garrett Carr,. The Rule of the Land:Walking Ireland’s Border. (London: Faber and Faber, 2017), p.47 11 For example in post-civil war Spain, Julián Esteban-Chapapría (2008) writes of the efforts of the victorious Franco regime to use conservation efforts to return the architectural stock to that which would fit with a conservative and traditional view of Spanish culture and history.

12 Louise Purbrick, BritishWatchtowers (Steidl: Göttingen, 2007), p. 59 13 Niall McCullough & Valerie Mulvin. A Lost Tradition:The Nature of Architecture in Ireland. 2nd ed. (Dublin: Gandon Editions 1989) p.11 14 Dawson, Making Peace with the Past, p.12 15 Ibid, p.72 16 Jenny Edkins, Trauma and the Memory of Politics [electronic Resource]. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), p. 16

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Fig. 2. Sangar, ‘Golf One Zero’, South Armagh Monday 01 August, 2005.

Fig. 3. Even after demolition, the sangars remain conspicuous in local memory.

Fig. 4. The former Maze/Long Kesh Prison Friday 01 January 2010.

Note the distinctive foundations of the ‘H-Blocks’ remain after demolition.

Fig. 5. The former Maze/Long Kesh Prison Tuesday 16 August 2016.

Note even the H-Block foundations have been removed, despite other parts of the same site (right, red outline) being listed.

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sites of painful memories from the landscape of the present can, for many, be psychologically liberating',17 but by denying those whose cultural geographies feature these landmarks the time to scrutinise and analyse, the effects are unlikely to engender productive debate. Of course, the ‘creation of any heritage actively or potentially disinherits or excludes those who do not subscribe to it’.18 Even within communities, views are not homogenous, therefore who is included within the debate, and what weight their voices are given is itself problematic.

If however, the objection to architectural obliteration as a response to contested heritages is the undemocratic fashion in which it is typically executed, then the inconsistent approaches employed in dealing with Northern Ireland’s disused prisons warrant discussion as an example of the difficulties of a dialogical approach.

The site chosen for the design project, the former gaol complex in Armagh has existed since the Famine years19 but, concurrent with the outbreak of the Troubles, it began to house ‘political’ prisoners, including several interred without trial.20 By the time of its closure in 1986, it had become the main women’s prison in Northern Ireland. (Fig. 6 & 7 p.10) Foucault states21 that any prison is a place of difficult memory for societies, where the power of the state is exercised with a minimum of oversight, but in the specific context of Northern Ireland, prisons represent the epitome of contentious heritage. For Republicans, they hold painful but vital memories of abuses rendered upon them by an illegitimate, and in many cases extra-legal,22 authority, whilst Loyalists are more likely to view prisons as a shameful reminder of their denunciation by the very political apparatus they sought to defend, as well as a potent piece of propaganda for their enemies.23 This manifests itself in attitudes towards conservation or obliteration, with Nationalists much more likely to advocate preservation and Unionists, destruction.24 The difficulty local authorities have in dealing with these mutually exclusive attitudes was made manifest in the incongruous response to the Maze25 prison, where several parts of the site were listed but, somewhat inconsistently, many of the famous H-blocks have not only been demolished, but have had their very foundations extracted; their form too distinctive when viewed from above.26 (Fig. 4 & 5)

17 Sara McDowell, “Negotiating places of pain in post-conflict Northern Ireland,” in Places of Pain and Shame: Dealing with ‘difficult heritage’, ed. William Logan & Keir Reeves (Oxon: Routledge, 2009), p.215 18 Brian Graham, “Heritage as knowledge: Capital or culture?” Urban Studies, 39(5–6) 2002, p.1005 19 Great Irish Potato Famine ‘an Gorta Mór’ 1845-52 20 Raymond Murray. Hard Time : Armagh Gaol, 1971-1986 (Cork: Mercier Press, 1998) 21 Michel Foucault, Discipline & Punish:The Birth of the Prison, trans. Alan Sheridan; 2nd edition. (New York: Random House, 1995) pp.231-56 22 Laura Weinstein. "The Significance of the Armagh Dirty Protest." Éire-Ireland 41, no. 3 (2006): p.17.

23 McDowell, Negotiating places of pain, 2009 pp.220-2 24 Ibid 223-5 25 M. K. Flynn, “Decision-making and Contested Heritage in Northern Ireland: The Former Maze Prison/Long Kesh", Irish Political Studies, 26:3, (2011) p.389 26 Aisling O’Beirn & Martin Krenn, TRACES:Transforming Maze/Long Kesh conference [unpublished] 15.03.17

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It has been argued that the unstated intent behind planning policy in Northern Ireland, especially as related to architectural heritage is one of encouraging commercial investment in preference to dealing sensitively with the remnants of the recent conflict.27 A fear of provoking controversy in debates over contested sites has led to a strategic use of inward investment as a proxy for meaningful change and ‘conflict transformation’28 between adversarial groups. The result being that difficult sites are often aggressively redeveloped to the detriment of their historic fabric, or else lie derelict, arguably in order to allow the trauma these buildings evoke to become less raw, but in effect, ensuring their ultimate destruction as the march of time and a wet, Atlantic climate create conditions where stabilisation works become cost-prohibitive after only a short span of years.29 When widespread public interest is aroused and opinions divide along ethno-nationalsit lines, the political parties to whom the ultimate decision falls often fail to make progress, as even commercial redevelopment becomes too contentious.

This may be part of the reason why, despite much initial enthusiasm on the part of local authorities to redevelop its valuable site, current proposals to convert HMP Armagh into a boutique hotel have stalled, with the developer threatening to pull out if agreement and funding cannot be agreed by the end of 2017.30 In the 2006 masterplan for the Maze, those parts of the site which had been preserved were to form part of an ‘International Centre for Conflict Transformation’, which was to have a primarily pedagogical function. The educational intent is certainly consistent with Mouffe’s and Clifford’s theories on the transformative role of debate and when applied to contentious heritage, it is hoped that these spaces might prompt divisive memories to come to the fore as a way of facing up to the past and using it as generator for agonic exchange. Sternfeld expresses the hope that in so doing, exclusionary preconceptions about the role of a ‘memorial site’ can be challenged in the presence of dissenters who are well placed to engage with and help to produce a personal and much more inclusive consideration of the space.31 However, it should be noted that McDowell is extremely critical of the way a pedagogical agenda has been articulated at the Maze. Whilst acknowledging the intent as ‘commendable’, she sees it as being, 'to some extent, sanctimonious…’32 The question of how to make such a centre anything other than a museum, unacceptable in the context due to its uncomfortable proximity to memorial or shrine, is key for the design proposal, to be explored through the potential of participatory programmes.

27 Rita Harkin. “Architectural destruction in Northern Ireland after ‘the Troubles’” in Architecture and Armed Conflict, ed. J.M. Mancini & Keith Bresnahan (New York: Routledge, 2015), pp.155-6 28 Lee Smithey, Unionists, Loyalists, and Conflict Transformation in Northern Ireland (Oxford ; New York: Oxford University Press, 2011) p.8 29 Dawson Stelfox, “Conservation in Practice” in A future for Northern Ireland’s Built Heritage? ed. Sue Christie (Belfast: Northern Ireland Environment Link (NIEL), March 2009) p.10 30 Armaghi 2017 http://armaghi.com/news/armagh-gaol-hotel-millions-secured-this-year-or-project-may-be-scrapped/45265 [accessed 28.03.17] 31 Nora Sternfeld. Memorial Sites as Contact Zones: Cultures of Memory in a Shared/Divided Present [online resource]. Trans. Aileen Derieg. (European Institute for Progressive Cultural Politics. 2011.)

32 McDowell, Negotiating places of pain, 2009 p.225

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Fig. 6.

HMP Armagh - Derelict First Floor C-Wing

Fig. 7.

HMP Armagh - Derelict Ground Floor B-Wing

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[.2] SEGREGATED EDUCATION

Pedagogical Approaches to Conflict and Culture ‘…young people are not simply passive vessels into which political ideas are poured, but rather…they actively seek to understand their world in the light of lived experience’33

In recent years, the academic literature on ‘peace education’ 34 has been criticised as being overly optimistic in its approach to dealing with enduring division in a so-called ‘post conflict’ environment.35 Taking the position that Northern Ireland is far from being a ‘post-conflict’ society and that, furthermore, conflict could be incorporated within, rather than excised from children’s education, this pilot thesis suggests that integrated or shared education in the province is primarily valuable not merely because it allows for proximity between members of different communities, nor that it negates confrontation,36 but because it generates ‘contact-zones’37 where disputes can occur in a non-violent and potentially productive manner.

The de-facto segregation of education in Northern Ireland between predominantly Protestant ‘controlled’ schools and Catholic governed ‘maintained’ schools has been suggested as both cause and effect of the major societal divisions38 which are observed. Certainly, the segregation of the population at large is seen within the educational sector, with 87% of students from a Roman Catholic background and 79% of their contemporaries from a Protestant background attending a school where their community dominates.39 The traditional view sees education ‘as an institution that reflects the social differences that exist in society, and which are reproduced from generation to generation through socialization[sic]’,40 but more recent explorations have come to see the power of education as a vehicle for societal change.41 At this point, no child starting school would even been born during the most vicious period of the recent conflict which ‘ended’ in 1998. Thus, children’s interpretation of the Troubles42 are solely the result of non-primary narratives. The ‘cultivation’ of these narratives can be viewed in much the same way as the curation of heritage, and suggests that they are closely interrelated, with the education system playing a vital role as a mediator.

33 Tony Gallagher, “After the War Comes Peace? An Examination of the Impact of the Northern Ireland Conflict on Young People.” Journal of Social Issues 60, no. 3 (2004) p.634 34 Gal Levy, “Is there a place for peace education? Political education and citizenship activism in Israeli schools”, Journal of Peace Education, 11:1, 2014 p.102 35 Bernadette Hayes & Ian McAllister “Education as a mechanism for conflict resolution in Northern Ireland”, Oxford Review of Education, 35:4, 2009 p.438 36 Lynn Davies, 2005. “Teaching About War in ‘Stable’ and ‘Conflictual’ Societies.” Paper presented at The International Conference on Citizenship Education in Conflicted Societies, Jerusalem, Haifa, Israel, May 29–June 1. cited in Levy 2014 p.103 37 Clifford, Routes:Travel and Translation in the Late Twentieth Century, pp.192-3 38 Zvi Bekerman & Ifat Maoz, 2005 “Troubles With Identity: Obstacles to Coexistence Education in Conflict Ridden Societies”, Identity, 5:4, p.341 39 www.thedetail.tv [accessed 25.03.16] 40 Bernadette C. Hayes, Ian McAllister & Lizanne Dowds, “Integrated Education, Intergroup Relations, and Political Identities in Northern Ireland”, Social Problems, Vol. 54, Issue 4, 2007, p. 454 41 Norman Richardson & Tony Gallagher, Education for Diversity and Mutual Understanding :The Experience of Northern Ireland; . 1. Oxford ; Bern: Peter Lang, 2011.

42 Siobhán McAlister, Phil Scraton & Deena Haydon “Childhood in transition: growing up in ‘post-conflict’ Northern Ireland”, Children's Geographies, 12:3, 2014, p.304

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The argument for education as a force for positive change in Northern Ireland borrows from the writings of Gordon Allport and his articulation of ‘contact theory’. This theory posits that a critical prerequisite to fight discrimination between disparate groups is that they have a venue and opportunity to interact and exchange ideas as equals.43 Allport suggests that negative stereotypes about an unknown ‘other’ are best challenged by personal44 interactions with a member of the ‘outgroup’.

This intent can be seen in the movement to formally integrated education in Northern Ireland which, since the creation of the first integrated school in 1981,45 has sought to allow students the opportunity to overcome the spatial segregation which otherwise defines their everyday lives.46 Despite being formalised in law’,47 some have claimed that in the nearly two decades since, the move towards formal integration has stalled under pressure from parental and societal preference for exclusionary cultural preservation.48 Recent moves towards the goal of education-based reconciliation have instead focused on the creation of formal partnerships between Catholic and Protestant schools which encourage the sharing of resources and facilities, but also create an expanded possibility for contact through physical proximity. One of the perceived advantages of this system is that it allows the participating schools to retain their particular identities and ethos, which is seen as critical for the retention of their respective community cultures, thus making them more popular with parents who may fear a homogenising intent behind formally integrated schools.4950 It is important to note that critics point to the observed positive impacts of integrated schools on intercommunal relationships,51 and cast doubts over the efficacy of shared education in replicating these successes, as the limited and controlled interactions between students of different backgrounds52 lowers the chances of forming organic friendships, which have long been deemed the best way of combatting ingrained prejudices.53

43 Gordon Allport, The Nature of Prejudice; Introduction by Kenneth Clark ; Foreword by Thomas Pettigrew. 25th Anniversary ed. (Reading, Mass.: Perseus, 1992) p.41 44 Loader & Hughes also point out the problem of focusing too heavily on individual interactions as a means of conflict resolution, noting the literature which suggests that these do not necessarily scale up uniformly to the level of societal constructs Rebecca Loader & Joanne Hughes, “Joining together or pushing apart? Building relationships and exploring difference through shared education in Northern Ireland”, Cambridge Journal of Education, 47:1, 2017, p.121) 45 Creation of Lagan College by the group, ‘All Children Together’ (ACT) http://www.nicie.org/about-us/nicie/the-history-of-nicie/ [accessed 25.03.16] 46 Jennifer Hamilton et al. Segregated Lives : Social Division, Sectarianism and Everyday Life in Northern Ireland (Belfast: Institute for Conflict Research, 2008) p.8 47 United Kingdom Northern Ireland Office, The Belfast Agreement, 1998, Strand 3, United Kingdom Legislation, Part 13 48 Gallagher et al., Integrated education in Northern Ireland: Participation, profile and performance. (Coleraine, Northern Ireland: University of Ulster, UNESCO Centre, 2003) cited in Tony Gallagher, "After the War Comes Peace? An Examination of the Impact of the Northern Ireland Conflict on Young People." Journal of Social Issues 60, no. 3 (2004) p.631 49 Loader & Hughes, “Joining together or pushing apart?” p.119 50 Shared school campuses also allow for their member schools to remain academically selective, whereas formally integrated schools with their stated agenda of being open to all find this difficult to justify. Thus there is some suggestion that parents, especially from higher income backgrounds privilege statistics on educational outcome for their children over the goal of integration. This may partially explain why surveys consistently show a much higher level of support for integrated education than is borne out by actual enrolment in schools of this type. Allan McCully, interview by Chris Hamill, 23.02.17 51 Hayes & McAllister “Education as a mechanism for conflict resolution in Northern Ireland”, p. 448 52 This also includes variations in social, economic, religious backgrounds.

53 Michalinos Zembylas “Derrida, Foucault and critical pedagogies of friendship in conflict-troubled societies”, Discourse: Studies in the Cultural Politics of Education, 36:1, 2015, p.13

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Fig. 8.

Northern Ireland Education Statistics * Source: www.thedetail.tv ** Source: Department for Infrastructure, ‘Publication of

method of travel to/from school by pupils in Northern Ireland 2015/2016’ 2017 [acessed online from: www.infrastructure-ni.gov.uk]

*** Source: Jennifer Hamilton et al. Segregated Lives, p.54

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Fig. 9.

Map of Archdiocese of Armagh showing primary to post-primary feeding Note the exclusive nature of the feeding patterns - pupils at Protestant primary schools almost exclusively continue to protestant secondary schools and the same is true of students from a Catholic background.

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Furthermore, opponents claim this system focuses too heavily on harmonious interactions and does not allow for a positive outcome from dissent.54 By viewing Allport’s intent through the writings of Chantal Mouffe, it is possible to see how an ongoing series of confrontational interactions can provide a mechanism for dialogue and potential generation of adversarial friendships across societal divisions.

Mouffe suggests that repeated, low intensity conflicts can help to diffuse deeper fissures between oppositional groups because they allow for differences to be recognised as constantly in flux, not static and insurmountable.55 However, Mouffe’s theory is based around the democratic model of politics, not education, traditionally a much more didactic set of interactions. Thus a critical problem of engagement arises when seeking to apply a theory of agonism to an educational model. Simply put, according to Mouffe, to view an enemy (to be ignored or removed) as an adversary (to be competed against), there must be an appetite to grapple with contentious issues on the part of the individual.

However, in a recent study on shared schools, it was found that, ‘[p]upils spoke most frequently of feelings of awkwardness in relation to addressing difference, and preferred to avoid such subjects’.56 Other studies have found similar attitudes amongst teachers at formally integrated schools.57 This self-censorship poses a conundrum for any proponent of mixed education as a means of resolving differences, agonistically or otherwise. Since both conflict and contact theories have as prerequisites a need for meaningful dialogue between peer groups,58 Donnelly’s observation of a ’…‘conversational code’ that precludes the discussion of politically or culturally sensitive issues’59 offers both a critique of past models of integration and a suggestion of how it might be improved in the future.

While these changes lie within the realms of educational theory, the observation that bringing disparate groups together physically is insufficient to establish meaningful discussion, echoes the observed segregation of nominally shared spaces in Northern Ireland and has critical implications for the design of public spaces in divided societies which are often ‘co-used’ by various community groups, rather than being effectively shared.60 The design aspect of this research has attempted to experiment with degrees of prescriptiveness within the architecture as a way of ameliorating of this problem. Whilst it is certainly the case that participation in uncomfortable debate cannot be forced if a positive result is to be expected, the designer of the venue has a powerful opportunity to influence the degree to which people feel comfortable with dialogue. On the other hand, by means such as the selective incorporation of historic fabric within these ‘dialogical spaces’ the architect can to some extent ensure that those occupying and using the space are confronted with the more uncomfortable aspects of their recent past, which at the very least might make them more difficult to ignore.

54 Loader & Hughes, “Joining together or pushing apart?” p.121 55 Mouffe "Deliberative Democracy or Agonistic Pluralism”, p.757 56 Loader & Hughes, “Joining together or pushing apart?” p.125 57 Caitlin Donnelly, “What price harmony? Teachers’ methods of delivering an ethos of tolerance and respect for diversity in an integrated school in Northern Ireland”, Educational Research, 46:1 2004, p.3 58 Jennifer Hamilton et al. Segregated Lives, p.29 59 Ibid p.14 60 Roulston & Young, “Divided we Stand?” p.253

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[.3] AMBIGUOUS TERRITORY

Ambiguous Territor y and Spatial Segregation in Rural Nor thern Ireland ‘You can’t see it…[and] you don’t find out about it until you walk into it - bang! - and break your nose.’61

Divisions in Northern Ireland are not always clearly defined, particularly for territorial outsiders.62 A body of work already exists on the spatial impacts of segregation, and its effects on young people in particular.63 This has mainly concerned itself with the urban effects on the capital city of Belfast, but given that only one third of Northern Irish residents call a city of over 50,000 people home,64 this pilot thesis has identified an underdeveloped space within the literature regarding the spatial and cognitive impacts of segregated societies in small towns such as Armagh, the site for the pilot study.

In Belfast, the relatively mixed demographic makeup of the city as a whole belies an urban fabric which is comprised of comparatively homogenous enclaves of Protestant and Catholic majority communities.65 Where these communities abut, tension often leads to intermittent but continued violence. Such areas have been defined as ‘interfaces’66 and are often marked by major physical barriers - the so-called ‘Peace Walls’. (Fig. 10 p.20) In most cases, this restricted access leads to exclusionary patterns of spatial use, with clearly defined enclaves functioning as totally separate entities, featuring a duplication of services and public spaces.67 Within these zones, territory is visibly appropriated through the use of identifiable markers, such as significant historic buildings, bonfires, murals, flags, painted kerb-stones and political posters.68 This visual clarity is observed only in the major population centres, but the effects of segregation are no less pronounced in rural areas.69 A small, but notable body of work has been carried out in recent years calling attention to the different nature of segregated space in the rural hinterland of the province, however, smaller settlements have received little attention within the academic literature.7071

61 Gébler, The Glass Curtain, p.54 62 Jennifer Hamilton, John Bell and Ulf Hansson, “Segregation and sectarianism: Impact on everyday life” Shared Space, (6), 2008, p.47 63 Montserrat Fargas-Malet and Karola Dillenburger, “Children Drawing Their Own Conclusions: Children’s Perceptions of a “Postconflict” Society” Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology, Vol. 20, No. 2, 2014 135–149 64 Stephen Roulston, Ulf Hansson, Sally Cook & Paul McKenzie “If you are not one of them you feel out of place: understanding divisions in a Northern Irish town”, Children's Geographies, 2016 65 Liam O'Dowd, and Komarova Milena. "Three Narratives in Search of a City: Researching Belfast's 'post-conflict' Transitions." City 17, no.

4 (2013): p.533 66 John Bell et al., Beyond Belfast: Contested Spaces in Urban, Rural and Cross Border Settings (Belfast: Northern Ireland Community Relations Council, 2010). p.13 67 Hamilton et al. Segregated Lives, p.151 68 Ibid, p.8 69 Rosemary Harris, Prejudice and Tolerance in Ulster: A Study of Neighbours and Strangers in a Boarder Community (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1972) 70 It is important to note that most small towns and villages are not absent the symbolic markers of division mentioned above, merely that they lack the clear lines of separation between communities and that due to the economic imperative of low population density, services are more often shared though not necessarily in a co-operative or collaborative manner.

71 Bell et al., Beyond Belfast

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Whether referred to as ‘rural interfaces’,72 ’fuzzy frontiers’73 or, ‘The Glass Curtain,’74 rural thresholds differ from their urban counterparts in that exclusive territories are often surrounded by ‘buffer-zones’ of ambiguous spatial ownership. (Fig. 11) Despite the lack of clear definition, the predominant ‘zero-sum’75 view which divides territory between ‘familiar space which is “ours” and an unfamiliar space beyond “ours” which is “theirs,”’76 can be understood through the concept of ‘mental maps’77 which suggests that each individual in a conflicted society constructs a unique cognitive territory based on perceptions of safety and access.

Crucially, Hamilton et al. state that, ‘mental maps are in part learned from practice and experience…’78 which highlights two significant points. Firstly, the fact that these maps are learned means that they must be a feature of childhood development79 and therefore must feature in any examination of ‘education’ within divided societies. Secondly, the fact that they are cognitive constructs means that they can exist and perpetuate division in spaces which appear homogenous.

These issues are to some extent addressed by Roulston et al.8081, through the use of GPS tracking of students from Nationalist and Unionist communities in smaller Northern Irish towns. In Coleraine and Armagh, it was evident that the effect of having separate schools serving their respective communities was to produce divergent patterns of movement through the town, centred on their respective school buildings. Whilst this leads to lack of contact,82 it could also be seen to support an argument for spatially integrated schooling as a way of creating shared spaces by forming some degree of common ground within children’s cognitive geographies.

However, Roulston et al. also found areas of the town which were used by pupils from both communities but disputed that this indicated any meaningful degree of interaction, stating that while these spaces, ‘are apparently open to both communities, they are in fact often used by both but at separate times.

Alternatively, both communities can use it simultaneously, but without ‘sharing’ taking place.’83

72 Peter Osborne, Interfaces in Rural Areas: A Scoping Paper for the Community Relations Council and Rural Community Network (Belfast: Rubicon Consulting, 2009) 73 Hastings Donnan, Fuzzy Frontiers:The Rural Interface in South Armagh. Mapping Frontiers, Plotting Pathways Working Paper No.26. 2006.

74 Gébler, The Glass Curtain 75 Gallagher, A. M.. “Political discourse in a divided society”. In A. Guelke (ed.), New perspectives on the Northern Ireland conflict (Aldershot, UK: Avebury. 1994) pp.28-45 76 Edward Said, Orientalism, (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1978.) p.54 77 Hamilton et al. Segregated Lives, p.147 78 Ibid 79 Madeleine Leonard,. "Parochial Geographies: Growing up in Divided Belfast." Childhood: A Global Journal of Child Research 17, no. 3 (2010): 329-42.

80 Stephen Roulston. & Orna Young, “GPS tracking of some Northern Ireland students – patterns of shared and separated space: divided we stand?”, International Research in Geographical and Environmental Education, 22:3, 2013 pp. 241-25 81 Roulston et al., “If you are not one of them you feel out of place: understanding divisions in a Northern Irish town”, Children's Geographies, 2016 82 Madeleine Leonard "Parochial Geographies: Growing up in Divided Belfast." Childhood: A Global Journal of Child Research, 17, no. 3 (2010): p.333 83 Roulston et al., “If you are not one of them you feel out of place” p.2

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Fig. 10.

Clearly defined territory in urban situations Erected to prevent inter-communal violence, the so-called ‘Peace Walls’ also serve as clear sign of territorial division between Protestants and Catholics Even without the physical barriers, territory is also clearly marked by flags, murals, posters, bonfires etc. making it clearly legible to outsiders with a limited situational knowledge. .

Fig. 11.

Ambiguous spatial posession in rural situations Whilst divisions may be just as strong outside of major cities, a lack of clear definition between ‘territories’ in rural and small town settings requires a much more context specific knowledge to navigate. The observed ability of space to be segregated cognatively as well as physically poses a challenge to the design of any ‘shared space.’ How can these spaces resist this kind of mental subdivision?

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It has been seen that segregation in sub-urban areas is at least as much a cognitive construct as it is a physical feature of the built landscape, and that it has resulted in a perpetuation of division.84 Observation of this issue is a critical first step, but it must be conceded that it is incredibly difficult to reverse.85 The design work hopes to examine whether there are more participatory programmes or spatial arrangements which would encourage the users of public spaces to view them as ‘safe zones’ where conflict need not be avoided and where agonistic debate is viewed as both productive and necessary.

Fig. 12.

First steps towards designing spaces which encourage interaction This diagram highlights some of the initial moves tested in the design proposal as an experiment to try to create a ‘contact zone’ within a historic building which, informed by the controlled circulation of the former prison, could in some way persuade occupants to view it as a space for meaningful dialogue.

84 Bell et al., Beyond Belfast 85 Harris, Prejudice and Tolerance in Ulster, p.46

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Fig. 13.

Roulston et al. GPS tracking data of Armagh students overlaid onto map of Armagh Catholic pupils (red) and Protestant pupils (blue) are seen to have exclusionary spatial geographies centred on their respective schools. Major roads are shared, although cars offer a minimal contact potential and buses, even when shared, may not offer sufficient opportunity for dialogue (Fig. 8. p.4)

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(Above) Fig. 14.

Children play on Crimean War cannon, the Mall, Armagh town centre.

(Opposite) Fig. 15.

What would Armagh look like if it contained the spatial ownership markers present in other Northern Irish towns? (St Patrick’s Anglican Cathedral - background) Red collaged items highlight the fact that, due to a preponderance of listed fabric, Armagh lacks most of the usual visual cues which infer territorial possession. It is however still one of the most segregated towns in Northern Ireland.

ARMAGH The chosen site for the design work is the former HM Prison Armagh. Armagh is a small county town in proximity to the border with the Republic of Ireland and the ecclesiastical capital of the whole island for both Catholic and Anglican churches. The border area of South Armagh also witnessed the third highest incidence of fatalities during the thirty years of the Troubles.86 Despite being identified as featuring ‘high levels of segregation’,87 Armagh is a prominent example of territorial ambiguity in small towns. Indeed, this is perhaps compounded in Armagh by it containing,‘the greatest concentration of listed buildings anywhere in Ulster,’88 meaning that its centre is remarkably free from the murals and colour coding which commonly define community possession.

86 Dawson, Making Peace with the Past p.10 87 Michael Poole and Paul Doherty. Ethnic Residential Segregation in Northern Ireland. (Coleraine: University of Ulster. 1996) pp.240-1 Table 9.1 88 Primrose Wilson, editorial to The Buildings of Armagh, by Robert McKinstry et al. (Belfast: Ulster Architectural Heritage Society, 1992), ix

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Design Response: The pilot study has begun to combine and test the issues of contentious heritage, inclusive education and ambiguously defined territory through an architectural proposal.

The preliminary design is to suggest a non-commercial alternative to the redevelopment of the former Armagh Gaol into a high-end hotel by proposing its conversion into a ‘bi-communal school’ which is informed by the impacts of spatial use observed within both the ‘shared’ and ‘integrated’ educational models.

Despite being a prominent piece of contentious architectural heritage, it is hypothesised that the building’s historic function rendered it inaccessible, except to those who had direct dealings with the judicial system. This places it outside of the zero-sum construction of spatial ownership mentioned previously, and offers the possibility for it to become, not a neutral space - this would be antithetical to an agonistic intention - but one which is truly shared.

The clearly bounded nature of the prison site itself has been explored as a means of partially clarifying territorial ambiguity in Armagh and creating a new type of ‘interface’89 which can shed some of the negative connotations of threshold conditions elsewhere in Northern Ireland. Taking inspiration from what the Conflict in Cities research group has termed ‘thick walls’90, the project has attempted to create bounded space which is not simply exclusionary, but which instead actively attempts to present those entering into it with potential agonic exchanges through the use of carefully designed entrance sequences.

The design aspect has also taken cues from the interior layout of the prison and its use of carefully restricted circulation, in order to control the flow of people through the space in the attempt to create situations where agonic conflicts may arise throughout the school day. This positive approach to debate is both symbolically and programatically implemented by the installation of a debating chamber at the heart of the complex.

The proposition was informed by the work of Postiglione et al.,91 and their programme-based approach to contentious heritages, emphasising participation and dialogue both within the buildings and also the design process itself. This lead to the suggestion that the shell of the former prison could be used as an active ‘participant’ of sorts in a variety of pedagogical functions which could encourage engagement with the wider conflict. Whether this omnipresence of historically significant fabric will be enough to counteract the previously identified ‘participation gap’ and create active ‘contact zones’ remains to be seen, and more research within the literature and the design work will be required on this topic.92 It has been deemed important however that the intervention within the fabric must be sufficiently robust in both programmatic and material terms to counteract any claims of memorialisation or ‘museumification’.93 Rather, the approach adopted should be seen as firmly rooted in the Irish tradition of the palimpsest94 where, in the purest sense, the past is appropriated for its resources.

89 Bell et al. define an interfaces as, ‘…physical barriers and security structures, which have become the site of persistent and recurrent acts of violence.’ (p.16) but note that this definition does not adequately address contact conditions in rural settings.

90 Wendy Pullan, "A One-sided Wall." Index on Censorship 33, no. 3 (2004) p.80 91 The REcall project based at the Politecnico di Milano was an attempt to research difficult heritages by creative industries groups so as to arrive at more participatory forms of museology which go beyond ‘simple’ commemoration and promote engagement with conflicted issues in the past.

92 Of interest will be the ongoing TRACES project which uses artistic participatory programmes in response to the stalled Maze/Long Kesh masterplan as a way of confronting contested heritages.

93 Robert Shannan Peckham. Rethinking Heritage: Cultures and Politics in Europe. (London ; New York: I. B. Tauris, 2003.) p.4 94 Niall McCullough. Palimpsest: Change in the Irish Building Tradition. Dublin: Anne Street Press, 1994.

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Fig. 16. Entrance market which experiments with the use of an ‘agonistic venue’ as a threshold condition.

Fig. 17. A debating chamber sits at the heart of the complex providing a venue for meaningful discourse.

Fig. 18. The design has begun to test the degree to which the existing spatial configuration of a prison can be reconfigured as a learning environment.

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Fig. 19. Plan of the existing prison. Note the hierarchy of clearly bounded spaces and the restricted circulation paths.

Fig. 20. Plan of the initial proposal for a bi-communal school within HMP Armagh. Circulation paths (grey) are designed to create ‘contact zones’ outside of pinch-points.

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Conclusions and Moving For ward: Nearly twenty years after the Belfast Agreement, Northern Ireland is still a divided society and shows a worrying tendency towards remaining so. The recent vote to take the UK out of the EU poses a challenge to the present, uneasy peace and makes the failure to heal division doubly worrying as the spectre of a return to violence is never far. With many of the buildings which bore witness to the Troubles now on the brink of dereliction and collapse, and noting that previous strategies have struggled to effectively deal with this difficult legacy, it seems that new ways of looking at this issue are warranted. By examining the broader theme of failure to engage with the discomfort of recent memory, it is intended that the project can use the immediacy of this particular architectural problem as a vehicle to explore broader issues related to community reconciliation in Northern Ireland. This is not a misdirected attempted to use architecture to solve all of the problems which blight a divided society, but rather an attempt to engage architectural preservation more fully with the communities whose cultural heritage it seeks to protect.

The wounds which have been opened since the 1960s are still raw. In many cases, they still exist within living memory. By placing its focus on young people and the interpretations they draw from the past, the project quite deliberately situates itself at a distance from the trauma of the Troubles.

The time taken for memories to fade and for mortal enemies to become mere adversaries is perhaps much longer than any policy maker or parent would care to admit. It is perhaps more on the order of architectural time. That this project basis itself around the need for urgent action to safeguard the decaying remnants of the conflict for future use should not imply a denial of the importance of temporality nor that the proposals presented are permanent solutions.

Rather, it is hoped that the project can gently encourage a particular view of space which seeks to promote conflict and debate as a way of challenging stereotypes and building collaborative networks across divides. Following Mouffe’s theory on the benefits of seeing conflicts as constantly in flux, and in much the same way as this pilot thesis represents a point in a continuing body of work, the proposed design should be seen as an ongoing project, which seeks to suggest new ways of approaching the encountered problems, rather than proposing definitive solutions.

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