6.0 Postage Stamps

sometimes predicated on a process of allowing visitors to direct their

gaze towards sites and heritage that neither the state nor domestic population would wish to emphasise14 should not result

in underestimation of the evident contribution to showcasing.

Though small and ubiquitous, postage stamps are widely recognised and analysed as purveyors of

messages beyond those which are contained within the envelopes and packages to which they

adhere (i.e. Brunn, 2000; Child, 2005; Deans, 2005; Dobson, 2005; Frewer, 2002; Raento & Brunn,

2005; Raento, 2006). The core function of a stamp is as proof of payment for a postal service. This is

a straightforward transaction, which can easily be undertaken without the addition of pictures,

designs or moments of decorative interest. Thus, as Frewer (2002:2) observes ‘when [any] such symbols, pictures and/or additional words are present in the design, it is because the issuing

authority […] has some motivation other than simply to issue a receipt.’ Child augments the notion

that the semiotic potential of stamps is of recognised significance, noting the approximately 600

‘stamp-emitting ‘entities’ or ‘authorities’’ that exist worldwide and the approximately 250,000

stamps of different designs that they have collectively produced over a 150-year period that has

elapsed since the introduction of the penny black. Furthermore, ‘the pace of new designs appears to be increasing’ (Child, 2005:110). Although stamps are perhaps most likely to be viewed regularly by a

domestic audience ‘when outsiders observe a county’s stamps, they can learn something about how the state wishes to be seen and remembered (or imagined) by others (Brunn, 2000:317). In this way,

stamps might even be considered ‘more efficient than straightforward propaganda’ (Raento & Brunn, 2005:160). On the other hand it is interesting to note that while overt political intervention

in arts and arts diplomacy is often viewed as a ‘violation of the ‘arm’s-length’ policy’ which reduces the likelihood of cultural diplomacy ‘produc[ing] positive nation branding’ (Zaugg & Nishimura, 2015:138), the postage stamp arguably presents government with an opportunity to send cultural

and other messages and, yet to avoid some of the accusations of unwelcome manipulation of the

discourse they represent. As Frewer (2002:6) observes stamps – unlike other items – in the realm of

visual communication ‘are unusual in being a government monopoly’. However, in selecting stamps ‘citizens themselves […] send messages about ‘us’, ‘our values and preferences’ and ‘our nation’ to their neighbours and contacts abroad’ (Raento & Brunn, 2005:160), an action which serves to blur the distinction between the cultural diplomacy/cultural relations function of stamps.

14 Thus undermining the some of the reciprocal elements of cultural relations.

Dobson (2002:26) usefully outlines the wide-ranging cultural functions that commemorative postage

stamps fulfil. These include:

Stressing important state and national events

Contributing to international friendship and understanding between nations

Introducing and promoting natural, cultural and commercial themes

Remembering national figures who have contributes to […] scientific and cultural development

Participating in nation and international campaigns

Commemorating historical events of national importance

Moreover, while functional, stamps also appeal to collectors who invest in new issues thus

generating revenue for the state (i.e. Brunn, 2000: 320; Raento & Brunn, 2005:145) in addition to

furthering the circulation of stamps and the penetration of their message (see Frewer, 2002:3).

There are numerous examples of both people’s and politicians’ exploitation of the semiotic power of stamps. Raento outlines the significant role that postage stamps played for nation building in Finland

(2006:604) noting the pride derived from the Finn’s early adoption of the postage stamps which was seen as ‘evidence of innovative thinking and technological progressiveness’ in the country (Raento, 2006:605). Finns also signalled disavowal of Imperial Russia’s increasing encroachment on Finnish society by placing Russian stamps upside down or on the wrong place on the envelope’ (Raento & Brunn, 2005:145). Brunn charts the course taken by newly independent European and Central Asian

states towards a novel visual identity through philatelic channels (2011:19; Brunn, 2000). His

research reveals the cultural confidence projected in Soviet era postage stamp output ‘the 312 Soviet stamps issued from 1989-1991 can be grouped into 16 categories […] stamps illustrating the folk legends and musical instruments of each republic commemorated the diversity that was

important in promoting an all-union Soviet nationalism’ (Brunn, 2011:23), the era of perestroika and glasnost brought forth stamps illustrating global environmental problems, including Lake Baikal, the

Aral Sea, Volga River regions and a commemoration of the Chernobyl disaster (Brunn, 2011:26).

Notably, the numbers of new issues declined sharply in Russia’s first years as an independent state

(ibid, 2011:22). Brunn argues that early post-Soviet issues of stamps narrate Russia’s negotiation of a novel identity as an independent state; stamps produced at this time celebrated this search ‘based on significant historical events, success in international sports, and an appreciation of nature’ (Brunn, 2011:30). Subsequently, more themes were developed, ‘Russian explorers, space accomplishments, the 1992 Summer Olympics in Barcelona, [ever popular] ducks […]a famous opera