CALD 2017 Annual Report: Reinvigorate, Relate, Reclaim

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MESSAGES Abhisit Vejjajiva Kiat Sittheeamorn Jayanthi Devi Balaguru Ivanpal Singh Grewal

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CALD PROJECTS CALD Consultative Meeting on the Liberal Manifesto & Executive Committee Meeting CALD Youth Political Academy (CYPA) CALD in 61st LI Congress: Liberals Adopt Global Manifesto 9th CALD Communications Workshop & Commune Election Observation Mission CALD Women’s Caucus Conference & Workshop CALD Assessment Meeting, Climate Change Workshop, & Executive Committee Meeting

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SPEECHES Liberalism in the Time of Post-Truth Politics by Abhisit Vejjajiva Our Continuing Journey Towards Gender Equality by Ing-wen Tsai A Look at the She-Century by Annette Lu Bringing Up ASEAN by Surin Pitsuwan

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CAUGHT IN THE CROSSHAIRS IN THE FIGHT FOR DEMOCRACY Leila de Lima Kem Sokha Joshua Wong, Nathan Law, and Alex Chow

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Q & A with CALD Women’s Caucus

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Q & A with CALD Youth

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CALD IN THE NEWS

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MEMBER PARTY HIGHLIGHTS Cambodia: Near a Turning Point Philippines: A Letter to New Liberals Singapore: Despite Setbacks, Opposition Still Working Towards Reforms Taiwan: President Tsai attends 2017 year-end press conference

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RESOLUTIONS

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STATEMENT & LETTERS

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BULLETIN When two secretaries general meet A remembrance of the year past Words as weapons New officers for CALD Youth Yes, millennials do know what matters CALD and NLD vow to strengthen relations CALD renews call to stop extrajudicial killings in the Philippines CALD Women’s Caucus visits detained Philippine Senator Young liberals get training skills upgrade Liberal lessons on property and the environment In search of a kinder, gentler, and effective drug policy The problem with populism – and with doing right Women of Southeast Asia, unite!

An Asian take on international justice

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CALD@25

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SPEAKERS & SESSION CHAIRS

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MEMBER PARTY PROFILES

CALD Annual Report 2017

MESSAGES

F R O M T H E C A L D C H A I R P E R S O N

Reversing the ‘Great Leap Backward’

by Abhisit Vejjajiva

ALMOST 25 years ago, when leading Liberals and Democrats around the region decided to establish the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats (CALD), there was optimism about the prospects of democratization in Asia. People power in the Philippines in 1986 and the events of May 1992 in Thailand led many to believe that these countries had seen the last of authoritarianism. Within a few years, liberal and democratic forces were gaining in countries like Indonesia and even in countries where one-party rule had been the norm. Globally, too, the end of the Cold War seemed to have vindicated liberalism and democracy.

In the ensuing quarter of a century, members of CALD worked together in solidarity, helping to advance liberal and democratic causes in the region. Through seminars, workshops, training programmes, exchanges, field trips, and public statements, members shared their experiences, best practices, and supported each other to meet the challenges posed by the often-volatile political situations around the region. These contributions, while often unnoticed, were not insignificant. That the

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organization continues to exist as the only one of its kind in Asia is in itself an achievement. It reflects the fact that liberalism and democracy belong to Asia as much as in other regions. That it now participates and contributes to global platforms, most recently in its contributions to the new Liberal International Manifesto this year, demonstrates its maturity and expanding influence.

Yet all is not well with liberal democracy in Asia, and indeed in many parts of the world. Recent trends and patterns in elections and governance suggest a clear recession, even a reversal in democratic development worldwide, with challenges in the form of authoritarianism and illiberalism fuelled by rising sentiments of nationalism and populism, fed on by fear, anger, and frustration in reaction to rising inequality and threats of terrorism. Brexit, the U.S. presidential elections, and the rise of extremist parties in Europe paint a completely different picture from the triumphs of the free world just over two decades ago.

Here in Asia, when CALD convened its Executive Committee meeting in Bangkok in November,

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we were extremely concerned about the continuing and intensifying dominance of populism, illiberalism, and authoritarianism in many countries in the region. The political situation in Cambodia continues to deteriorate, to the point that the majority of the officials of the main opposition party, now dissolved, had to flee the country, making free and fair elections in 2018 highly unlikely.

In the Philippines, a democratically elected leader continues to subvert democratic principles and processes to consolidate political power in the Office of the President, not to mention the abuses of basic rights in the War on Drugs. Religious extremism and economic protectionism are on the rise in Indonesia, Malaysia, and Myanmar, and these impinge on these countries’ ability to foster good governance and democratic consolidation. The date of Thailand’s elections remains unclear, and there are increasing concerns on the willingness of the military junta to transfer political power to a civilian government. All throughout Asia, human-rights violations are still prevalent, and liberals and democrats are still struggling to combat fake news

and misinformation as they try to address these issues. Moreover, the abuses of rights and threats to democracy are not only coming from old-style dictatorship, but from popularly elected leaders as well.

CALD is concerned that this growing trend would continue to create a space that constricts political participation and weakens civil and political liberties, thus further damaging past democratic gains in the region. We stand against, and shall continue to fight, in a non-violent manner, the threats to democracy that plague the political landscape.

Yet rather than lamenting the state of the world and placing blame on others, we recognize the need for liberals and democrats to re-assess and re-imagine their priorities in order to tackle the pressing issues of the world today, while retaining the fundamental liberal principles and values that ensure social peace and prosperity. Liberals must go back to the heart of the matter, which is to provide a better quality of life for the people. We believe that focusing on the essential needs of the people and efficiently responding to their pressing issues

would pave the way to trustworthy liberal democratic governments.

We believe that liberals and democrats must confront two key factors which have contributed to the decline of liberal democracy.

The first is the global economic system. Concentration of wealth and economic power, often accompanied by corrupt political power, have made ordinary people sceptical, if not lose faith, in the democratic process. The unacceptable degree of inequality, an issue close to the hearts of people and one with no market solution, has led many to shun liberalism, especially when they identify liberals and democrats as standing for excessive free market neo-liberalism. The second is that liberals and democrats, once seen as a force for progress, have, in the eyes of the people, become part of an elite establishment, uncaring, irrelevant, and sometimes even self-serving.

CALD has discussed these issues extensively and believe that we need show what liberalism and democracy can offer by getting back to basics.

We need to demonstrate that we know what the concerns of people are and offer real solutions, not just

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abstract principles and ideology to problems that matter to people.

Indeed, we should demonstrate that when applied effectively, liberalism and democracy actually offer the best chance of success at tackling people’s problems through the process of participation and representation based on faith in the people. Doing so also means we have to truly practice what we preach.

Public trust must be earned by being transparent and effective, as well as being liberal and democratic.

CALD stands by its fundamental belief that liberal and democratic values can provide sustainable, effective remedies to the most pressing issues and concerns confronting the world today, and that people would realize that populist policies and authoritarian solutions do not work and actually make social problems worse. But we need to get back to what we do best: being the force for change and progress. We have no doubt that history would vindicate us in the end, and that the principles of democracy, human rights, a well-managed market economy, and the rule of law are the only pathways to peace, justice, and prosperity.

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MESSAGES

FROM THE CALD SECRETAR Y GENERAL

CALD’s Response to the ‘Three-R’ Challenge

by Kiat Sittheeamorn

WHEN THAILAND’S Democrat Party Leader Abhisit Vejjajiva assumed the chairmanship of CALD in November 2016, he emphasized the need for the party network to reinvigorate liberal values and principles and to relate them to the needs of the general public in order for liberals and democrats to reclaim their place as champions of the people.

One year on, how did CALD respond to such challenge? We have made significant progress in 2017, I must say. In terms of reinvigorating liberal values and principles, CALD was able to contribute significantly to the global liberal debate by holding the CALD Consultative Meeting on the Liberal Manifesto (24-27 February/ Bangkok, Thailand). It was the only regional network that dedicated a meeting for such purpose, and subsequently submitted proposals to Liberal International’s global consultation process – an initiative that was complimented by LI officials for their breadth and depth. These inputs dealt primarily with how liberalism is viewed from an Asian perspective, the issues and problems associated with the ideology, and how it can be made more relevant to the needs of the region. In making such contributions, CALD was able to incorporate the issues and concerns of Asia in what could be considered as the most important liberal document of the 21st century.

Furthermore, CALD spearheaded the organization of Regional Liberal Networks

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Meeting (17-21 May/Andorra) during the 70th Anniversary Congress of LI. The strong presence of CALD, which was also asked to organize a number of side-events, ensured that Asian voices were heard during the global liberal gathering. It also provided a valuable opportunity to interact with other liberal party networks such as the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE), Africa Liberal Network (ALN), Red Liberal de America Latina (RELIAL) and the Arab Liberal Federation (ALF) on the most crucial issues confronting liberals and democrats.

CALD officials also made courtesy visits to the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (24-26 January/ Jakarta, Indonesia) and National League for Democracy (12-14 June/Naypyitaw, Myanmar) to strengthen liberal ties and commitment to liberal values. Moreover, they took part in events that discussed the issues of drug policy (11-15 October/ Atlanta, USA), ASEAN women (7-9 November/Quezon City, Philippines), and international justice (29-30 November/Hague, The Netherlands).

As regards relating liberal and democratic values to the needs of the people, the workshops organized

by CALD in 2017 were conceptualized with the goal of making the participants appreciate the importance of communicating and relating effectively to civil society and the general public. The CALD Youth

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Political Academy (23-27 March/Hong Kong), for example, combined inspiring speeches done through TED-style talk or talk-show format and workshop activities that included role-playing, mock press conference, and one-on-one sessions with start-up companies.

The Academy was also opened to participation from those outside the CALD Youth network, who had to go to compete with applicants from across the globe.

The participation of these non-CALD Youth members greatly enhanced the discussions as most of them come from non-partisan, civil society backgrounds.

The other CALD workshop in 2017 was the 9th Communications Workshop (1-5 June/Phnom Penh, Cambodia), and it dealt with strategic political communication, fake news and message crafting. The workshop activity for message crafting was particularly interesting – a redactive debate – where participants were asked to formulate their arguments on a specific issue under time pressure. It proved to be an effective method as it forced the participants to craft an effective argument and deliver it on the spot – a situation that every politician should be familiar with.

In the side-events organized by CALD in the 61st LI Congress, it also employed a TED-Style talk and fishbowl conversation, both of which were well-received even though they were relatively new

introductions to the LI programme.

The informality and inclusivity of these methods appear to account for their popular appeal – a realization that could be instructive for liberals and democrats in this day and age of declining popular support for liberal politics.

Finally, the efforts of CALD in reclaiming the distinction of liberals and democrats as champions of the people were increasingly recognized by the media as evidenced by the extensive coverage of its events. The Consultative Meeting on the Liberal Manifesto, for one, was covered by both the Philippine and Malaysian media. In the Philippines, articles were published by the GMA broadcast network and Business World.

In Malaysia, a participant published an article about the event in The Star.

The CALD Women’s Caucus Conference and Workshop (10-14 August/Taipei & Taichung, Taiwan) was covered extensively by the Taiwanese media primarily due to the attendance of Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen and former Taiwanese Vice President Annette Lu. Articles were published in Taipei Times, Taiwan Today, Focus Taiwan, Taiwan News, and a number of Taiwanese local newspapers.

Furthermore, the subsequent CALD Women’s Caucus Delegation Visit to embattled Philippine Senator Leila de Lima (30-31 August/Manila, Philippines)

was covered by all the major media outlets in the Philippines, as well as by the Hong Kong and Thai media. In the Philippines, the event was covered by the ABS-CBN, GMA Network, Philippine Daily Inquirer, Philippine Star, Rappler, Manila Bulletin, Interaksyon, The Daily Tribune and Radio Mindanao Network.

In Hong Kong, an article about the visit could be found in the South China Morning Post; while in Thailand, an article was published in The Nation.

Apart from these well-published events, CALD also served as a co-organizer of a UN Committee on Narcotic Drugs side-event (16 March/Vienna, Austria), and an article about the gathering where CALD was mentioned appeared in Rappler, one of the most credible and widely read online news site in the Philippines.

Rappler similarly covered the Manila visit of CALD Chairperson Abhisit Vejjajiva (17-19 October/Manila, Philippines) where he spoke about “Liberal Democracy in the Time of Post-Truth Politics”.

written in time for CALD’s 24th founding anniversary last 10 December, was also extensively published in Bangkok Post, Taipei Times, Rappler, and Singapore’s The Online Citizen/The Independent.

As CALD marches into its silver anniversary, we shall endeavor to advance and consolidate liberal democracy in the Asian region and beyond. Our resolve is strong, our determination is unwavering. Dark clouds of populism, authoritarianism and illiberalism were still evident in 2017, but many pin their hope on CALD to be the silver lining of the coming year. Together, we can make the difference and reclaim our place as champions of the people.

CALD capped the successful year with the CALD Assessment Meeting/Workshop (4-6 November/Bangkok, Thailand) to take stock of CALD strengths, as well as its limitations, in line with the network’s 25th anniversary celebrations in 2018. In line with this, CALD Chairperson Abhisit Vejjajiva’s opinion piece, “Liberals and Democrats must fight back to reclaim their place in Asian politics”, which was

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MESSAGES

FROM THE CALD WOMEN’S CAUCUS CHAIRPERSON

Breaking Barriers for Asian Women

by Jayanthi Devi Balaguru I COME from a small town in Penang, a northern state in Malaysia. My father worked in the railways and my mother was a homemaker. I studied law and then joined politics, eventually rising to the party-leadership rank. I will be contesting for a Parliament seat in the next general election, which must be held before August 2018. I am a daughter, a mother, a wife, a lawyer, and a politician.

And I may soon become a Member of Parliament. While mine is considered a success story, the truth remains that both the ruling and opposition political parties in Malaysia only have around 17 percent of female representation.

Malaysia is ranked 156th out of 190 countries in terms of women’s representation in Parliament, according to the Inter-Parliamentary Union. The number of women elected to the Malaysian Parliament ranged from 1.9 percent in 1955 to 11.3 percent in 2008. Currently, only 10.8 percent of parliamentarians are women, and the federal cabinet has only three female ministers.

Women’s representation in party leadership, according to their websites, is highest within the opposition National Justice Party (PKR) at 26.7 percent, followed by the ruling Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS) at 21.4 percent, the opposition Democratic Action Party (DAP) at 12.5 percent, and ruling United Malays National Organization (UMNO) at 12.3 percent.

The lowest spot, with only five percent of women in its highest governing committee, goes to Parti Gerakan, of which I am a member. As I mentioned earlier, I

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am a lucky exception. Many people believe we can boost gender equality in Malaysia because women can go to university, can work, and can vote in the elections.

These are important, but there is much more that needs to be done to close the gender-equality gap in the country.

Malaysia is a signatory to the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), which obliges it to set up temporary special measures to accelerate and increase the participation of women in decision-making positions. Evidence suggests empowering women leads to a more efficient use of country’s human capital and that reducing the gender gap enhances economic growth and development, which is why the implementation of this Convention is so important.

The under-representation of women in elected office isn’t unique to Malaysia. It is a challenge for democratization around the globe. Parliaments, in particular, are designed to represent all sectors of society. Yet nearly all of the world’s Parliaments are dominated by men.

The Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats organized the Liberal International’s (LI) Women’s Workshop and CALD General Assembly in October 2005. With the theme “Advancing Women in Politics: the Role of Political Parties”, a first in the history of CALD, the workshop provided the platform and opportunity for women leaders to discuss women’s roles and involvement in the advancement of parties.

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The focus of the workshop was also on how to overcome the challenges and constraints women face given complex political environments, and how to find and sustain support within their political parties.

To promote women’s political participation in Asia, CALD and LI could work with individual political parties and lobby for meaningful female representation in the legislatures and cabinets, because women’s empowerment requires policy and legislative reform. This could be done by implementing a voluntary quota list at the party level for internal and external elections, and the fastest strategy would be for CALD and LI to lobby for the enactment of a post-election provision which allows for women-only additional seats (WOAS) at the state assembly.

More political parties across Asia must come forward to break cultural and traditional barriers to welcome women into their party folds, and more importantly, to field them in both party and general elections. Before this can be done, however, there must be a campaign to educate the electorate about the significance of women’s participation in politics so that they can question the position of political parties on this issue before casting their votes.

Power at the hands of the people to effect this change coupled with political will by governments across Asia would certainly set the motion in place.

FROM THE CALD YOUTH CHAIRPERSON

Standing Up to Challenges

by Ivanpal Singh Grewal

FIRST OF ALL, allow me to wish everyone of you a happy new year. As we embark on a new journey in 2018, it is important to take stock of the challenging year before.

2017 was an eventful year with many political and social changes taking place. Indeed, despite initial setbacks for the liberal cause, the win of Emanuel Macron in France and the defeat of the far-right parties in Netherlands and Germany provided us with a much-needed fillip.

Closer to home, my party will be heading for a general election and so will other CALD members. I wish all of them, including my own party, the very best.

I have to state my shock at the treatment of our Cambodian colleagues from the Cambodian National Rescue Party by the Hun Sen government, and I pray for their strength, solidarity, and fortitude in these trying times.

I believe the Youth are the biggest investors in the future and that we should have a larger say in shaping the future.

The challenges to liberals and democrats in Asia continue unabated, but this should also strengthen our resolve to further our aims and objectives with renewed and increased vigour.

In summation, I look forward to an active and productive year ahead and wish all of you the very best.

I also aim to keep my promise of visiting each CALD member country after the general elections in Malaysia are completed.

As for the activities, we will be organizing a number of activities this year centred on youth advocacy, climate change, public speaking, and organization skills, as these are critical areas that require our attention.

I will also continue working with the International Federation for Liberal Youth (IFLRY) to build smart and strategic partnerships to leverage on IFLRY’s vast network.

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CALD Projects

CALD Consultative Meeting on the Liberal Manifesto & Executive Committee Meeting

CALD Youth Political Academy (CYPA)

CALD in 61st LI Congress: Liberals Adopt Global Manifesto 18-21 May | Andorra

23-27 March | Hong Kong

24-27 February | Bangkok, Thailand

CALD began the year by organizing a meeting to come up with a consolidated Asian liberal position as its input for the Liberal Manifesto 2017, a key document that would reflect the global state of liberalism in the 21st century.

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As CALD’s first leadership academy for Asia’s youth, the event focused on the theme “The 3Is of Leadership: Imagine, Inspire, Innovate”, with the aim of training CALD Youth members on the essential elements of leadership, particularly strategic visioning, effective communication, and innovative and change management.

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While CALD joined other liberals from all over the globe to celebrate the 70th anniversary of the Liberal International (LI) in Andorra, it also organized sideline events such as a TEDstyle talk on “Liberalism in the time of Post-Truth Politics”, and sessions on “How to Make Liberals Win Again” and “How to be Popular without being Populist”.

9th CALD Communications Workshop & Commune Election Observation Mission

CALD Women’s Caucus Conference & Workshop

CALD Assessment Meeting, Climate Change Workshop & Executive Committee Meeting 3-6 November | Bangkok, Thailand

10-14 August | Taipei & Taichung, Taiwan

1-5 June | Phnom Penh, Cambodia

The 9th installment of the CALD communications series, the workshop focused on the theme “Dealing with the Media: Common Rules, Different Contexts”. It aimed to train participants on the fundamental rules of handling the media that would be applicable across all contexts, as well as to discuss on the increasing use of deception in social media and how this can be detected and addressed.

With the theme “Women Empowering Wo m e n : Experiences Across Asia,” the event highlighted the achievements of women in various fields – politics, economics, media, civil society, and business. This gathering of Asian women leaders served as a forum to discuss the pertinent issues and problems confronting women in the 21st century.

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This three-event gathering had participants first tackling climate finance via a workshop before moving to executive matters and then further on to discussing the strengths and weaknesses, and opportunities and constraints of CALD as a network of liberal and democratic parties in Asia. With the theme “CALD@25: Taking Stock, Setting Directions”, Council members assessed the Council’s current standing and its future directions in order for the organization to remain true to its commitment of advancing a society based on personal liberty and responsibility, social justice, the rule of law, and free-market economy.

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PROJECTS

Official group photo of CALD delegates working on the Asian perspecitve and input for the Liberal Manifesto 2017

CALD Consultative Meeting on the Liberal Manifesto & Executive Committee Meeting 24-27 February | Bangkok, Thailand WITH LIBERAL ideas under siege in many parts of the world and liberals everywhere steadily losing ground, CALD resolved to have its first major activity for the year focused on putting together a collective Asian liberal position as its contribution to the Liberal Manifesto 2017.

In May, Liberal International (LI) was scheduled to formally acclaim the Manifesto, a document marking the historic culmination of the global reflection on the state of liberalism in the 21st century. CALD had previously

had exchanges of ideas with the LI leadership regarding the Manifesto, and now it was ready to study the second draft that had been put in circulation for final comments and reactions.

Abhisit Vejjajiva delivering his keynote

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CALD delegates discuss social injustice, inequality and other issues that contribute to the rise of illiberalism

In late February thus, leaders of nine CALD member parties gathered in Bangkok to identify the key issues and problems confronted by Asian liberals in contemporary times, and then to critically examine latest draft of the 2017 LI Manifesto in light of these issues and problems. Acting as session chairpersons for the two main days of the meeting, which had the theme “Liberalism in the 21st Century: An Asian Perspective”, were Bulgan Bayasgalant, head of CALD Youth and member of Mongolia’s Civil Will Green Party, and CALD Secretary General Kiat Sittheeamorn of Thailand’s Democrat Party.

On Day One, delegates discussed Asian liberal concerns and challenges – among them the arrest of a Liberal

Party senator in the Philippines, elections in Indonesia and Hong Kong, and amendments to the political-party law in Cambodia – – before tackling what Asian liberals could contribute to the Manifesto. By the next day, the delegates were ready to craft and finalise CALD’s inputs to the Liberal document.

By the meeting’s end, CALD was ready to propose that the Manifesto tackle the issues of inequalities and social injustice, which are relevant to Asians and have contributed to the rise of illiberalism. In addition, CALD passed a resolution expressing alarm on the “creeping authoritarianism” in the Philippines, as well as issued a statement condemning the use

PA R T I C I PA N T S CALD Secretariat Arlegue, Celito Zamora, Paolo Cambodia National Rescue Party Chhay, Son Seng, Mardi Civil Will-Green Party, Mongolia Bayasgalant, Bulgan Erdenechimeg, Erka Democrat Party, Thailand Dhnadirek, Rachada Sittheeamorn, Kiat Vejjajiva, Abhisit Democratic Party of Hong Kong Sin, Chung-Kai Democratic Progressive Party, Taiwan Chen, Yu-Jung

Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom Bannach, Katrin Herzog, Siegfried Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle Setiawan, Hanjaya Liberal Party, Philippines Defensor, Arthur Nation Awakening Party, Indonesia Kurnaiwan, Tommy Wafiroh, Nihayatul Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia Balaguru, Jayanthi Grewal, Ivanpal Singapore Democratic Party Mallek, Sidek Sajahan, Mansura Tan, John

Present during the meeting are leaders from the Democrat Party led by former Thai Prime Minister and CALD founder Chuan Leekpai

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CALD Consultative Meeting on the Liberal Manifesto

CALD Chairperson Abhisit Vejjajiva leads Asian liberals in contributing to the global Liberal Manifesto

of authority to weaken the political opposition in Cambodia.

Commented CALD Chairperson and former Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva: “We collectively recognized that the wave of discontent that led to the rise of populist leaders and the growing support for illiberal and authoritarian policies are partly a result of the failure to genuinely listen to the issues that matter to the people, and to adequately respond to their needs. As liberals and democrats, we always work for policies that truly

cater to the interest of the people, but must strive to serve the people’s needs better so that we can effectively fight the populists and authoritarian leaders who have been exploiting fears and insecurities and peddling simplistic solutions to complex problems.”

“Liberals and democrats must reinvigorate our principles and values, and relate them to the needs of the people today,” he also said. “By doing so, we can rightfully reclaim our place as the true champions of the people.”

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Passed resolution on the Philippines and issued statement on Cambodia as part of its efforts to tackle new rising threats to freedom

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Finalized CALD input to the Liberal Manifesto 2017 and submitted to the Liberal International for review and consideration

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Finalized the themes and dates of CALD 2017 events

Liberal women at the forefront of the fight for freedom and democracy

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PROJECTS

CALD Youth delegates prepare for the leadership training

CALD Youth Political Academy 23-27 March | Hong Kong IT’S OFTEN been said that today’s youth are tomorrow’s hope, but young people in Asia and elsewhere are demonstrating that they can already take on significant roles in society right now. In the 2016 Hong Kong legislative polls, for example, many of the Umbrella Movement’s young leaders were elected, proof of the voters’ confidence in their abilities and skills. In business and technology, millennials are also at the forefront, their innovations helping drive economies ever forward.

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Democracy fighter Emily Lau talks about engaging people in a powerful and effective way

Such developments inspired CALD Youth to harness the transformational energy of the youth and make it not only stronger, but also shareable. And so for three days in late March, CALD Youth held what it hoped would be the start of a regular training event for youth leaders in Asia. Appropriately enough, CALD Youth chose Hong

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PROJECTS

The delegates of the 1st CALD Youth Political Academy

PA R T I C I PA N T S CALD Secretariat Banico, Francis Rafael Panday, Francis Miguel Salonga, Jorgia Antoinette Cambodia National Rescue Party Delux, Teng Soksan, Hing Center for Euro-Atlantic Studies Petkovic, Andja

Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom Reinartz, Armin Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle Fajri, Muhammad Yogi Wibhawa, Egi Gunadhi International Federation of Liberal Youth Kastermans, Pauline JuLis Schroeder, Ria

Civil Will-Green Party, Mongolia Bayasgalant, Bulgan

Liberal Democratic League, Ukraine Kharytonov, Arthur

Democrat Party, Thailand Neokul, Nattapat Sittheeamorn, Kiat Somchai, Boontida Vikitsreth, Prom Wipoosiri, Chanvit

Liberal Party, Philippines Cruz, Stephen Roy Peredo, Xavier

Democratic Party of Hong Kong Cheng, Vincent Chi-fung, Teddy Hui Hin, Au Nok Ip, Nelson Lai, Alfred Lau, Emily Lee, Martin Lo, Kin-Hei Ng, Sui Hong Shum, Dan Sin, Chung-Kai Tsoi, Christopher Wong, Jayden Yuen, Ramon

Nation Awakening Party, Indonesia Akbar, Mohammad Reza Hafiz

Democratic Progressive Party, Taiwan Chen, Yu-Jung Yuan, Jeniffer

TEDx Ulaanbaatar Zorig, Baljmaa

Demosisto Law, Nathan Wong, Joshua

McCann WorldGroup Philippines Trillana, Katrina

Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia Grewal, Ivanpal Poh, Wong Kah

Kong as the site of the first edition of the CALD Youth Political Academy.

Organized in cooperation with the members of the Democratic Party of Hong Kong (DPHK), and with the support of the Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom (FNF), the CALD Political Youth Academy 2017 had the theme “The 3Is of Leadership: Imagine, Inspire, Innovate”. In a nutshell, it hoped to assist the participants in broadening their imagination, developing inspiration from successful youth leaders, and acquiring innovative solutions to the current debates in their respective fields or disciplines.

Indeed, in the end, the two dozen or so youth participants not only got an update on the political developments in Hong Kong and got a chance to upgrade their communication skills, they were even able to meet some of Hong Kong’s young heads of start-ups, courtesy of FNF’s Global Innovation Hub Office.

The Academy’s very first “class” began with a welcome dinner with CALD Youth Chairperson Bulgan Bayasgalant and CALD Secretary General Kiat Sittheeamorn acting as hosts. Also giving the participants a taste of what to expect was CALD individual member Sin Chung-Kai of DPHK, who briefed them on Hong Kong’s current political landscape.

The next day was devoted to sessions on political activism and strategic visioning, with the goal being to have the participants learn from the experiences of veterans and see how they can apply the lessons to become influential leaders. Bulgan and International Federation of Liberal Youth (IFLRY) President Pauline Kastermans acted as hosts in Session One and then facilitated Session Two. Session One also had as panelists DPHK Founding Chairman Martin Lee, Hong Kong MP Nathan Law of Demosisto, CALD Secretary General Kiat, and Demosisto

Sandy a Institute Alfath, Diovio Singapore Democratic Party Lin, Kenneth

University of London Kingston, Thomas

Distinguished youth leaders and liberal icons in one of the main sessions

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REINVIGORATE. RELATE. RECLAIM. CALD :2017

CALD Youth Political Academy

Delegates engage with young startup CEOs on innovation and success

Secretary General Joshua Wong, all of whom shared their experiences in the political battlefield. Lee remarked at one point, “How can we say to any country in the world that it is not ready for democracy? How can we say that we are entitled to democracy and not you? Let the people of every country decide for themselves.”

The focus for Day Two meanwhile was communication or how the participants could effectively translate their ideas, platforms, and values to the people, and what real challenges they may face while implementing their visions. As former DPHK Chairperson and former Hong Kong lawmaker Emily Lau noted in her TED Talk at the session, “Engaging the people directly is the most important thing for a politician. When one stands to speak, even before you open your mouth, you should be like a magnet attracting the attention of all the people in the room.

You can do it by your persona and by

preparation. You need to prepare what you will say… and you need to speak from the heart.”

The third day had participants taking a field trip to meet some youthful bosses of Hong Kong startup companies, including Elliot Leung, founder and CEO of Gaifong; Lawrence Hui, CEO of Sanuker; The Wave Collaboration Strategist Silas Ho; and ByTheWay CEO Albert Lui. Capping up the Academy 2017 activities was a world café on community-building, smart and innovative development, and attracting investors and inventors, with FNF Global Innovation Hub Head of Office Armin Reinartz as facilitator.

When asked on what he hoped the participants could bring back from the inaugural CYPA, Joshua Wong, the most well-known among the youth leaders of the Umbrella Movement, said, “Here in Hong Kong, while we were not able to achieve democracy through the Umbrella Movement, we

still continue the struggle. I hope that the youth participants to this meeting are inspired by the spirit of the Umbrella Movement and continue to fight for the future of our generation.”

RESULTS 1.

Attended by winners from the first ever CALD Youth Political Academy open call for participation

2.

Implemented “The 3Is of Leadership: Imagine, Inspire and Innovate” programme for the global youth leaders

3.

Strengthened partnership and cooperation with youth from the various democratic movements in Hong Kong

4.

Implemented the reporting system for CALD attendees

5.

Observed and witnessed the Hong Kong Chief Executive Elections

Youth leaders together with former DPHK Chairperson Emily Lau

CALD 2017

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PROJECTS

The global liberal family during the signing of the Liberal Manifesto 2017

CALD IN 61st LI CONGRESS

Liberals Adopt Global Manifesto 18-21 May | Andorra IT HADN’T been the best of times for quite a while for liberals and democrats everywhere, but the bracing air of Andorra – high up in the Pyrenees – was enough to put CALD and its Liberal International friends in a celebratory mood. Indeed, around 200 liberals from 56 countries across the globe had converged in the tiny European principality in mid-May to mark the 70th Founding Anniversary Congress of Liberal International — a milestone highlighted by the adoption of Liberal Manifesto 2017 — and for three days they alternated between toasting to liberal values and ideals and assessing how to make these work some more for the greater public.

CALD leaders Sam Rainsy and Abhisit Vejjajiva enjoying a talk over ice cream

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REINVIGORATE. RELATE. RECLAIM.

CALD leaders with World Cafe Session hosts from Ireland, Argentina, and Cote d’Ivoire

Dinner hosted at the New Parliament of Andorra

The Asian liberal selfie

CALD of course was not only part of the merrymaking, but was also instrumental in the liberal rethinking that took place in the Pyrenees. Apart from its extensive involvement in drafting the Manifesto, CALD also organized fringe sessions during the Congress, with the support of the Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom, the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE) Party, the Africa Liberal Network (ALN), the Red Liberal de America Latina (RELIAL), and the Arab Liberal Foundation (ALF).

On 18 May, CALD spearheaded a coordination

The Asian liberals, represented by CALD Chairperson Abhisit Vejjajiva, sign the Liberal Manifesto

Delegates talk about “How to make liberals win again?”

meeting among representatives of regional liberal networks on key political and administrative issues confronting their respective regions and organizations.

The meeting, which was also attended by delegates from the International Network of Liberal Women (INLW) and International Federation of the Liberal Youth (IFLRY), along with those from other organizations and parties, recognized that liberals worldwide are facing difficulties in connecting to the general public; it then came up with recommendations on how to address them. There were also proposals for regional networks to enhance their

relations further by regular teleconferencing, online workshops, and using the LI website as repository of information.

The next day commenced with “Making the Most of the Congress – Session for New Participants”, during which CALD Executive Director Celito Arlegue shared his experiences on the benefits that could be derived from the Congress.

Afterwards, the CALD delegation attended the plenary session and various side-meetings, among them the FNF-organized panel “Liberals Opposing Populist Autocrats” and workshop

CALD 2017

PA R T I C I PA N T S CALD Secretariat Arlegue, Celito Zamora, Paolo Cambodia National Rescue Party Sam, Rainsy Tioulong, Saumura Democrat Party, Thailand Sittheeamorn, Kiat Vejjajiva, Abhisit Democratic Progressive Party, Taiwan Lo, Chih-Cheng Yang, Maysing Yuan, Jeniffer Liberal Party, Philippines Sato, Josephine Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia Balaguru, Jayanthi Singapore Democratic Party Go, Jaslyn

17

CALD in 61st LI Congress: Liberals Adopt Global Manifesto

Outside the New Parliament of Andorra and the old Casa de la Vall

“Spreading the Liberal Message Online in Times of Populism”.

on “How to be Popular without being a Populist”.

On the last day, May 20, CALD led in organizing a number of sessions, including a TED-style talk by CALD Chairperson Abhisit Vejjajiva on “Liberalism in the Time of Post-Truth Politics”; a plenary discussion on the Liberal Manifesto with the heads of all regional liberal networks; a world café on “How to Make Liberals Win Again”; and a fishbowl conversation

“Liberal values are universal values and belong to people of the world, in every corner of the world”, said Khun Abhisit. “So it is a great pleasure for me, on behalf of the Democrat Party of Thailand and of CALD, not only to sign, but also to have participated in the drafting of the Liberal Manifesto, which should bind us in our fight for liberal values in the future.”

RESULTS 1.

Signed the 2017 Liberal Manifesto

2.

Provided input and approved the World Today resolutions

3.

Organized fringe meetings on addressing threats to freedom

4.

Forged future cooperation with regional liberal networks

Abhisit Vajjajiva talks about “Liberalism in the Time of Post-Truth Politics”

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REINVIGORATE. RELATE. RECLAIM.

PROJECTS

CNRP supporters in the campaign trail

9th CALD Communications Workshop & Commune Election Observation Mission 1-5 June | Phnom Penh, Cambodia IN AN ideal democratic setting, the media are expected to operate freely and fairly in fulfilling its societal function as a watchdog. The reality, however, suggests that the media, even in mature democracies, can be manipulated or corrupted by the government and other vested interests. In non-democratic countries, the media can be nothing but government mouthpieces and instruments of indoctrination.

CALD delegates at a big CNRP rally in Phnom Penh

CALD 2017

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PROJECTS

Participants cluster ideas on establishing identities, message delivery and engaging the target audience

Distinguished speakers from Cambodia

Given these limitations of traditional media, some had hailed the rise of social media as alternative source of information.

But the prominence of “fake news” in the social media discourse today has somehow institutionalized misinformation, which has had profound implications on governance and societal relations.

Phnom Penh, Cambodia on 1-5 June, and which had the theme “Dealing with the Media: Common Rules, Different Contexts”. But with workshop coinciding with the 4 June Cambodian commune elections, members of the CALD delegation also took the opportunity to learn about the local elections in the mainland Southeast Asian state.

Considering the different contexts where media operate, not to mention the changing social media milieu, are there common rules that should guide political parties in their engagement with media practitioners and the general public? How should they adopt their strategies in order to overcome the constraints in their respective political contexts? How can they communicate better, using traditional and social media, in an era of “post-truth” politics?

The Cambodia National Rescue Party played the perfect host during the welcome dinner on 1 June. The official programme then commenced the next day with a forum on Cambodian elections. The current political and electoral context was discussed, as well as the constraints and strategies of opposition parties. A representative from Committee for Free and Fair Elections in Cambodia (COMFREL) also shared the election watchdog’s pre-election assessment, particularly in relation to the performance of National Election Committee (NEC), amendments to the law on political

These were the general questions addressed in the 9th CALD Communications Workshop that was held in

parties, and voter registration. In the afternoon, the delegation witnessed the big rallies marking the end of commune election campaign period.

The communications workshop itself began on 3 June, with sessions on strategic political communications and message crafting. Facilitated by Jan Mikael Co of the Philippines, the sessions tackled the importance of establishing and adhering to a brand, as well as the construction of structured, accessible, and effective tactical media responses.

LI Communication and Political Projects Adviser William Townsend also offered inputs on the global liberal network’s best practices in communication. More specifically, Townsend highlighted the importance of creating an identity, engaging a target audience, and establishing a reputation for more effective message delivery.

The workshop continued on 4 June with a session on

“Political Communications in the Age of Impatience”.

Essentially, the session discussed the current state of liberalism and liberal political parties today, to what extent social media contributed to this state, and what could be done about it. Observed Co: “We are, perhaps, seeing the dawn of an age of impatience. The speed with which frustrations are articulated and can coagulate far outpaces the capacity of existing systems to address them.”

Given this changing context, liberals have to adapt and respond accordingly – with political communication being an important tool.

Wrapping up the workshop cum observation-mission activities were a trip to the Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum, a briefing in the COMFREL office on the conduct of the elections, and a visit to the CNRP headquarters, where the delegation was greeted by Party President Kem Sokha.

PA R T I C I PA N T S CALD Secretariat Arlegue, Celito Banico, Francis Rafael Panday, Francis Miguel

Civil Will-Green Party, Mongolia Rentsendorj, Lkhagvadulam

Cambodia National Rescue Party Chhay, Son Seng, Mardi

Democrat Party, Thailand Chitsuthipakorn, Songkarn Sakdapat, Naksit Sittheeamorn, Kiat

Democratic Party of Hong Kong Tsoi, Christopher Democratic Progressive Party, Taiwan Lin, Christian Lu, En-Kuang Facilitator Co, Jan Mikael

Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom (Cambodia) Khim, Sophanna

Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom (Indonesia) Suryani, Sinta

Nation Awakening Party, Indonesia Kholim, Nur Nayoan, Dwight George

Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom (East & Southeast Asia) Herzog, Siegfried

Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle Kanti, Janis

Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia Loh, Kit Mun

Liberal International Townsend, William

Singapore Democratic Party Salim, Jufri Tan, Matthew Yuqian, Zhang

Liberal Party, Philippines Davila, Jan Rev

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REINVIGORATE. RELATE. RECLAIM.

9th CALD Communications Workshop & Commune Election Observation Mission

Official group of photo of the delegates with the CALD Secretary General

While the CNRP head had some good news to share, he also had an appeal to make.

“Based on [preliminary] results that we took seats from the ruling party in large numbers, it shows that the CNRP has received another big achievement in grabbing victory for leading the communes,” Kem Sokha said. “Once again, I would

like to call on our compatriots, as well CNRP activists, to continue the march with the CNRP towards grabbing victory and attaining our goal for positive change in the upcoming 2018 national election.”

RESULTS

1.

Provided ideas to improve CALD members’communication and media strategies

2.

Extended support and solidarity to the Cambodia National Rescue Party during the commune elections

3.

Engaged with the Committee for Free and Fair Elections to discuss election status in Cambodia

4.

Visited and engaged in a dialogue with Hon. Kem Sokha, MP and CNRP President, before he was arrested LP Philippines member and workshop facilitator Jan Mikael Co

CALD delegates with opposition leader Kem Sokha at the CNRP Headquarters

CALD 2017

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PROJECTS

Taiwan President Tsai Ing-wen ‘s keynote address

CALD Women’s Caucus Conference & Workshop 10-14 August 2017 | Taipei and Taichung, Taiwan TRAFFICKING OF women, gender-based violence, political marginalization, and gender discrimination are only a few of the continuing problems confronting many countries in Asia. And yet at the same time, Asia also hosts some notable success stories in closing the gender gap and empowering women.

Taiwan is one of such stories – which is why it was the perfect site for the CALD Women’s Caucus Conference and Workshop that was held in mid-August. Jointly organized by CALD and the Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan,

with support from FNF, the two-day conference took on the theme “Women Empowering Women: Experiences Across Asia” and attracted some 200 participants from all over the world.

Official group photo with Taiwan President Tsai Ing-wen

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REINVIGORATE. RELATE. RECLAIM.

Member of Parliament and former CALD Secretary General Bi-khim Hsiao talks about gender-awareness in Asia

Kicking off the activities in Taipei was a welcome dinner and cultural show courtesy of the DPP on 10 August. Then it was an immediate plunge into serious business the next day, with no less than Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen and former Vice President Annette Lu gracing the conference’s opening ceremony, along with guest speakers Taiwanese MP Lo Chih-cheng (DPP), Thailand’s Democrat Party Deputy Leader Dr. Kalaya Sophonpanich, International Network of Liberal Women (INLW) President Margaret de Vos van Steenwijk, INLW Vice President Maysing Yang, and FNF Philippines

Country Director Wolfgang Heinze.

After a brief coffee break, the conference proper began with Session One, which tackled the general state of women in Taiwan, the Philippines, and Malaysia and how this compares with global and regional trends. Sessions Two and Three took place in the afternoon, with the former discussing the role of the media in addressing the issues of women and the latter addressing how women can make a difference in civil society organizations and local government units. A gala dinner again hosted by the DPP capped Day One.

Video presentation on the case of embattled Philippine Senator and Liberal Party member Leila de Lima shown before the plenary

PA R T I C I PA N T S CALD Secretariat Arlegue, Celito Banico, Francis Rafael Casem, Micah Duarte, Adrian Frias, Audrie Semeona Panday, Francis Miguel Zamora, Paolo Cambodia National Rescue Party Ang, Kun Lum Seng, Janet Teav, Thara Democrat Party, Thailand Phanwichatikul, Pimrapee Somchai, Boontida Sophonpanich, Kalaya

Chiu, Yi-Ruei Fu, Kuan-Jen Kang, Yu-Ling Liu, Ting-Wen Lo, Chih-Cheng Lo, Elise Lo, Jing-Shan Lu, Demy Lu, Jack En-Kuang Nian, Ting-Siuan Tsai, Shu-Ching Wu, Ada Wu, Shina Yang, Maysing Yang, Pei-Yu Yuan, Jeniffer Facilitator / Speaker Bagas, Jonas de Vela, Tesa

Democratic Party of Hong Kong Chu, Beatrice King, Cheng Lai Lau, Emily

Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom (Philippines) Heinze, Wolfgang Sanchez, Pauline

Democratic Progressive Party, Taiwan Chan, Wen-Ju Chang, Ching-Yun Chang, Jenny Chang, Jo-Mei Chen, Claire Chen, Yu-Jung

Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom (East & Southeast Asia) Salao, Minerva Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle

Janis, Kanti Margaretha, Emmy International Network of Liberal Women de Vos van Steenwijk, Margaret Liberal International Kirjas, Emil Liberal Party, Philippines Garchitorena, Victoria Guce, Czarina Sato, Josephine Nation Awakening Party, Indonesia Attaymini, Rahman S.Psi, Sawitri Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia Balaguru, Jayanthi Fong, Grace Foon, Wong Oi Ha, Lee Siew Ilias, Azmar Binti Koon, Ng Seow Tan, Cash Singapore Democratic Party Akbar, Surayah Sajahan, Mansura Former Taiwan Vice President Annette Lu and Jayanthi Devi Balaguru

CALD 2017

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CALD Women’s Caucus Conference & Workshop

Balaguru presents a token to MP Chih-cheng Lo and President of the Legislative Yuan Su Chia-chyuan

Day Two of the conference was no less intense, with Session Four taking up how women, despite their marginalization, can still empower other marginalized communities, such as the LGBTIQ. This was followed by a special session on the Swedish International Liberal Centre’s (SILC) “Report on Gender Policy in Political Parties”.

Session Five, meanwhile, analysed the contributions of women in the economy, as well as the opportunities and constraints they face in expanding economic opportunities.

CALD Wo m e n’s Caucus Chairperson Jayanthi Devi Balaguru synthesised the lessons learned at the conference’s closing ceremony. She also appealed to CALD member-parties that still lack a gender-equality law in their respective countries to ensure the passage of one, as well as the establishment of a regional mechanism to ensure compliance. In addition, she

declared the support of the Women’s Caucus for the globalization of the Istanbul Convention, a 2011 agreement initiated by the Council of Europe to prevent and combat violence against women and domestic violence.

“The United Nations (UN) should consider holding the Fifth World Conference on Women – it has been long overdue,” Balaguru also said. “By using our wide network in the Asian region and beyond, we can be an important player in making this global women’s vision a reality.”

The next day, 13 August, saw the delegates motoring to Taichung City for the half-day Basic Gender Mainstreaming Workshop. By the afternoon, the delegates were rewarded for their hard work with a tour of the city, followed by a farewell dinner at the Tempus Hotel.

Women leaders from Cambodia, Malaysia, The Philippines, and Taiwan

RESULTS 1.

Attended by around 200 local and international participants

2.

Forged stronger ties among liberal women leaders in Asia

3.

Strengthened partnership and cooperation with the administration of Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen

4.

Generated significant media exposure in both print and broadcast media

5.

Passed a CALD resolution expressing grave concern on the escalating tensions between United States and North Korea

6.

Passed a CALD resolution expressing strong concern on the continuing detention of Philippine Senator Leila de Lima

7.

Organized a follow-up activity to show support for Philippine Senator Leila de Lima

CALD woman leaders during the welcome dinner

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REINVIGORATE. RELATE. RECLAIM.

PROJECTS

Official CALD Group Photo

CALD Assessment Meeting, Climate Change Workshop & Executive Committee Meeting 3-6 November | Bangkok, Thailand FOR MOST people, “three in one” would refer to instant coffee with cream and sugar. For CALD, however, it means getting three things done at one go.

That’s exactly what it pulled off with its trip to Bangkok in early November, when it held a climate-change workshop, then an executive committee meeting, and then another workshop assessing its first quarter of a century as a regional alliance of liberals and democrats. And while everything moved at a fast clip during its brief visit to the Thai capital, CALD

still ended up accomplishing a lot.

Its climate-change workshop, which took the whole morning of 4 November, had the theme “Climate Finance: Financing and Promoting Green Innovations”. Among its objectives were for the participants to discuss opportunities offered by climate finance, and how CALD can Workshop facilitator Mardi Mapa-Suplido

CALD 2017

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PROJECTS

Abhisit Vejjajiva and Kiat Sittheeamorn with the CALD Secretariat and LP Philippines delegates

tap it to promote green innovation and advance its climate-change advocacies; identify possible issues and constraints in promoting green designs in public infrastructure and in preparing climate finance applications; and strategize how CALD can sustain and broaden its climate-change programmes in the coming years.

Session One, which was on “Climate Change: Challenges and Opportunities for Asia”, had presentations by Robert Dobias, former senior advisor and head of the Asian Development Bank’s climate-change coordination programme, and Francis Ron de Guzman, climate-change expert from the International Studies Department

of De La Salle University in Manila.

This was then followed by an open forum.

Session Two had the participants assessing CALD’s climate-change programmes from 2011 to 2018 and then crafting proposals on moving forward.

From the proposals, three priority areas were identified: (1) Engage ASEAN, the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Assembly, and other regional bodies in CALD’s climate-change advocacies; (2) Incorporate site visits/field work in CALD climate-change events; and (3) Widen the network by having climate-change training modules for member-parties.

Remarked CALD Chairperson Abhisit Vejjajiva: “Climate change is an issue that could define whether we are liberals and democrats – an issue where I think people know where we stand. But what they are looking for is whether we can change our principles into concrete plans of action that would actually deliver. This could also be the message where we could garner support from the wider public.”

The CALD Executive Committee then convened in the afternoon to discuss the outcomes of previous activities. It also outlined the network’s events for 2018, when CALD would be marking its 25th founding anniversary.

PA R T I C I PA N T S CALD Secretariat Arlegue, Celito Coronel, John Joseph Frias, Audrie Semeona Gomez, Dominique Palang, Corazon Panday, Francis Miguel Zamora, Paolo Cambodia National Rescue Party Seng, Mardi Civil Will-Green Party, Mongolia Nyamdavaa, Monsor Democrat Party, Thailand Dhnadirek, Rachada Neokul, Nattapat Keeratiparadorn, Kendo Sittheeamorn, Kiat Somchai, Boontida Sophonpanich, Kalaya Vejjajiva, Abhisit Vikitsreth, Prom Democratic Party of Hong Kong Sin, Chung-Kai Democratic Progressive Party, Taiwan Lu, En-Kuang Facilitiator Mapa-Suplido, Mardi Delegates discuss the challenges and future direction of CALD

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REINVIGORATE. RELATE. RECLAIM.

Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom (East & Southeast Asia) Herzog, Siegfried Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom (Myanmar) Naing, Hninwint Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom (Thailand) Dusadeeisariyakul, Pimrapaat Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle Blegur, Magdalena Setiawan, Hanjaya Liberal Party, Philippines Abaya, Francis Gerald Limkaichong, Jocelyn Nation Awakening Party, Indonesia Zidni, Ervi Siti Zahroh Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia Balaguru, Jayanthi Grewal, Ivanpal Singapore Democratic Party Juan, Chee Soon Sajahan, Mansura

CALD Assessment Meeting, Climate Change Workshop & Executive Committee Meeting

Members of Parliament from the Philippines with the CALD leadership

Delegates from Indonesia with the CALD leadership

“The challenge for liberal democrats is not just with communications, it is not just about fake news, and it is not just about not explaining ourselves well enough,” commented Khun Abhisit.

“We cannot just say that the populists, nationalists, and authoritarians are wrong… We need to understand why they have been successful electorally and also address the issues that are in the minds of their supporters.”

“Liberals and democrats can do best when we are a force for change – when we are a force for progress,” he added.

“We are suffering either from being complacent or for being seen as part of the establishment.”

The following day had CALD turning its attention to preparations for its 25th founding anniversary in 2018. With the theme, “CALD @ 25: Taking Stock, Setting Direction”, the workshop aimed to take stock of the Council’s achievements in the past, assess its current standing, and set its future direction as the foremost network of liberal and democratic parties in Asia.

The workshop, which was ably facilitated by Mardi Mapa-Suplido, began with inputs from CALD officials and the Secretariat. Dr. Chee Soon Juan, secretary general of the Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) and former CALD chairperson, emphasized CALD’s success compared to other attempts to ideologically organize political parties in Asia. But he observed as well, “There is much bigger potential in CALD than what it presently has….We should take the rare opportunity presented by the silver anniversary to rethink where we are at this stage and where we want to be in the next 25 years.”

Delegates assess the current political terrain and how liberals actually work

John Joseph Coronel and Celito Arlegue, former and current CALD executive director respectively, shared their thoughts on the early years of CALD, its successes and challenges, as well as possibilities for the future.

Reflecting on the rise of populism, illiberalism, and authoritarianism in the region, Arlegue said, “So where do we go from here? I think before we can respond to this question, we really need to take a hard look on ourselves, and really assess what worked, and more importantly, what went wrong.”

The delegates were then asked to come up with their own assessment of the strengths and weaknesses of the network using a metacard exercise focusing on four areas: (1) vision, mission, brand, and values; (2) messages and communication; (3) programmes, advocacies, and activities; and (4) organizations and relationships. From this assessment, proposals were advanced and prioritized on how to make CALD more effective, influential, financially viable, and politically potent.

CALD 2017

“We are opening up much more – we are being more candid and frank about our shortcomings while appreciating the successes and the good work that we do,” said Khun Abhisit. “I think that this is very important and if we can carry this spirit on, we will be able to successfully chart CALD’s direction in the next 25 years.”

RESULTS 1.

Finalized the 2018 CALD events and started preparations for CALD’s 25th Anniversary celebration

2.

Highlighted six priority directions and work plans for CALD for 2018-2020

3.

Discussed and identified CALD’s strengths and weaknesses, successes and challenges, as well as the possible initiatives that could help CALD move forward

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SPEECHES

Liberalism in the Time of Post-Truth Politics

by Abhisit Vejjajiva, CALD Chairperson TED-style talk given at the 61st Liberal International Congress, Andorra, on 20 May WE ARE here at Liberal International for two to three days to discuss the challenges that liberals and liberalism face today, ranging from populism, autocracy, extremism to terrorism. What I’d like to do this morning is to give you a perspective on where we stand as liberals, the challenges we face, and offer what I see as appropriate responses so that we can carry our liberal values into the future.

You will notice that the title “Liberalism in the Time of PostTruth Politics” is inspired by a novel – Love in the Time of Cholera

by Colombian writer Gabriel Garcia Marquez, a modern literary classic.

The point that I would like to make would relate to some of the features of the book.

Many of us here have been fighting for liberal values in our respective countries. I myself have spent 25 years as a politician, although my involvement in politics probably goes back for almost 40 years. I have had my ups and downs, too. There have been times when we felt that we have made significant changes, achievements, and progress. In Thailand for instance, in 1997, we thought we had one of the best and progressive constitutions in the world. Since then, it has been a downhill journey and the country has been stuck in a political crisis for almost two decades.

So one of my aims today is to still encourage and inspire, and claim that liberalism will still triumph over post-truth politics in the same way that in that novel, love persisted and triumphed despite everything else.

But like in that book, where love was compounded with diseases, liberalism today has been painted by our opponents as some kind of a societal disease. We have seen a number of

28

distortions about the concepts that we felt had already been well-understood by our electorate, by our people, even by the world.

Let’s just see some examples of the kind of things that we are facing.

Look at Jacob Zuma’s concept now of democracy: “We have more rights here because we are a majority; you have fewer rights because you are a minority.” That is absolutely not what a democracy is. Move to Latin America and there Hugo Chavez had equated the free market and capitalism with the way of the devil and exploitation, saying, “If you want to look at things through the eyes of Jesus Christ — who I think was the first socialist — only socialism can create a genuine society.” What about human rights? Go to Asia and the President of the Philippines says this about his war on drugs: “I don’t care what human rights guys say. I have a duty to preserve a generation.

I don’t give a sh*t. I have to strike fear because the enemies of the state are out there to destroy the children.” Even here in Europe, a French presidential candidate said that we have to support Vladimir Putin to stop the immigration simply because the country could not afford it. In the United States, President Donald Trump, talking about opinion polls, said, “Any negative polls are fake news just like CNN, ABC, NBC polls.” There we also continue to see the tension between the President and the media.

We need to work out why we are where we are today and what kinds of responses are needed. I should say that over the last couple of days, I have listened to many of our colleagues as they shared their experiences, and I do have a few concerns. First, many among us

think that this year has gone better than last year; citing the election results in the Netherlands, France, and also some encouraging trends.

But I would remind all of us that even what we deem as success today has been measured against a very low bar. If anybody told me five years ago that a French National Front candidate would get 35 percent of the votes, I would not see that as progress. If anybody said that political campaigning and political dialogue, even in the Netherlands where liberals won, need to shift to accommodate the populist rhetoric, I would not see that as progress. I don’t ask us to be pessimistic. We have every right to be optimistic, but we have no right to be complacent today. w

w

w

A “post-truth” world The opening line of the novel is said to be one of the greatest opening line in the book according to The Daily Telegraph (not fake news!): “It was inevitable: the scent of bitter almonds always reminded him of the fate of unrequited love.” That line has so much emotional appeal.

As liberals, we need to work out how we can appeal emotionally to the electorate in the same way that the populists and our opponents have succeeded. And we have to do so now in what we call a “posttruth” world. Post-truth was “word of the year” according to the Oxford Dictionary last year. It defines it as “relating to or denoting circumstances in which objective facts are less influential in shaping public opinion than appeals to emotion and personal belief”. But the idea of post-truth, even post-truth in politics, goes back a long way. To give you an example, in another novel, 1984, a passage reads, “War is Peace;

REINVIGORATE. RELATE. RECLAIM.

Freedom is Slavery; Ignorance is Strength.” The same book also mentions that “reality doesn’t exist outside; reality exists inside our minds”. That is the concept of posttruth that we are talking about.

We see plenty of examples of post-truth. It could be from something very obvious and shocking like comparing pictures of two different U.S. Presidential Inaugurations, one in 2009, the other in 2017. If you think that there are more people at the 2009 Inauguration, there is nothing wrong with you. But if you think there are more people at the 2017 Inauguration, congratulations!

You, too, could be President of the United States! In Venezuela, we may see empty supermarket shelves or an economic crisis; their President sees “a reduction of excessive consumption”. During the Brexit referendum, a very powerful message to the electorate painted on a bus claimed that if only Britain could leave the European Union, they could save £350 million and invest in their health service. It persuaded a lot of people to vote for Brexit, but it just happened not to be true. We see photos upon photos of victims of the war on drugs in the Philippines, but the country’s President explains that these are nothing out of the ordinary, and that a conspiracy of people, senators, and congressmen tries to paint every death as a result of the anti-drug war.

But post-truth for me is only a symptom of our problems. Our response to deal with the political situation cannot be only about post-truth or fake news. We have to realize where we have failed in carrying out our liberal traditions.

For my country, I go back to this picture, which shows a result of the 1997 financial crisis. The man

“

We need to work out why we are where we are today and what kinds of responses are needed. ” on the right was an executive at a finance company, but after the crisis all he could do was sell sandwiches.

It was during that time that we, a liberal-democratic government, went in and had to implement a very difficult programme to turn the country around. We succeeded but the people had to go through severe hardships. We had to make a lot of hard decisions in implementing an IMF programme. As the economy became sound and despite a clear recovery, the verdict of the electorate was to let a populist autocrat take over— and who has since dominated Thai politics and has led the country to the crisis that we are in: a cycle of corruption, protests, coups, elections, protests, coups, etc.

Yesterday we learned from so many regions where we see similar trends and combinations of factors.

We learned from our Hungarian colleague that every year, there’s a new enemy that the populists paint for the people. Well, for Thailand at a time, it was the IMF. The government cared only about bankers. It was a government that just helped the rich and ignored the poor. So, the people elected Thaksin Shinawatra. Thailand is not alone. We just had a former U.S. President leaving office with a very strong approval rating after giving the whole country an improved healthcare system that its people have long deserved. He was succeeded by Trump.

In the Philippines, former President Benigno Aquino III mana ge d the

country from what used to be called the “sick man” to “strong man” of Asia – reduced poverty, had much better credit ratings for the economy, and yet we had a lesson in “How to govern successfully and fail in the end”, a topic recently discussed at a recent CALD meeting. Because the current Philippine leader is a product of that government. I went through exactly the same experience: turning the economy around from the Lehman crisis, only to lose in the subsequent elections to Thaksin Shinawatra’s sister, who won by using a very strong populist platform of raising rice prices and the minimum wage — in some cases, by 100 percent! w

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When explanations don’t cut it It would be tempting to conclude that we just have to explain ourselves better. Well, let me tell you a true story. After the financial crisis, I was campaigning in a market in Bangkok, distributing leaflets, shaking hands—the usual things that we do. A woman came up to us and she said, “I’m not voting for you.” So being the very good, tolerant, patient, and a kind-hearted liberal, I invited her to have coffee. She looked very hostile and one by one, I addressed her grievances, explaining to her why we made such and such

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Liberalism in the Time of Post-Truth Politics

...we need to make that emotional connection to show that we as liberals do care and that we have liberal solutions to the people’s problems.

If we succeed, we can hope to reclaim our rightful place as champions of the people.” decisions, why they were necessary and good for the country, and so on.

This went on for about 15 minutes.

She also listened very patiently and then at the end of it, she got up and said, “Yes, you are right. That’s why we hate you guys. You’re so rational.

We’re not voting for you.” And then she left. I say this because yesterday, in one of the sessions, I heard many of us saying voters are being manipulated or voters are being misinformed; that is not necessarily the case. The first thing we have to do is respect the voters. We have to respect the electorate. They are not so misinformed or so misguided as many of us tend to think. Yes, they may have the impression now that politeness or correctness is weakness, or that rationality is uncaring, but the point is, somehow, we have failed to connect with the voters.

Even today, when we talk about the failures of the populist programmes, notably in Thailand concerning the rice situation, it is not that the farmers don’t realize that the scheme somehow is wrong or that there is corruption, but what they say is, at least they got something out of it. We — talking about the corruption in the programme — do not relate to them.

These farmers are not irrational or unreasonable. They are deciding on what they think is best for their future. We must therefore recognize their grievances to understand the rise of populism and post-truth. In particular, in the age of information and the prevalence of social media especially among the younger generations, the people want to see results. Quick results. But in their eyes liberalism is not about results; it is all about process. We are always very concerned with doing things properly, through justifiable means, respecting people’s rights, allowing participation, and so on. But as for the bottom line, they cannot see.

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If they cannot see results while we attach importance (as we should) to process, they see that as just delays, indecision, and slow or inefficient management.

Because the younger generation often grew up without seeing things in ideological terms, they think politics is simply about management and delivering results. The challenge for us is to recognize the reality of how voters feel these days and how we can still uphold our beliefs and relate to them what we can do for them. Otherwise, we become irrelevant. Or worse, many people will see us as just self-serving. The biggest concern I have is that liberals have now been labelled as part of the establishment: self-serving, concerned about elitist issues, and actually not dealing with poverty, inequality, issues that really matter to people’s lives. We need to change that and we need to talk the talk and walk the walk. w

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Refresh and recommit Frankly speaking, many of us — liberal parties, liberal regimes, liberal parliaments — have also been involved in corruption and have also not been true to our principles. That is why it is so easy for our opponents to say, “All politicians are the same: whether they are liberal or conservative, they are self-serving, they are corrupt.” And if they, the populists, are also corrupt, at least some of the benefits go to the people. That is the message that we are hearing over and over again. We have to prove that we are different, that we are true to our principles. We have to refresh or reinvigorate. It’s therefore great and timely that we have the New Manifesto because this is our chance to recommit and communicate our message to the people. And if we can do this in a way that makes us a progressive force rather than part

of the establishment, we will be heading in the right direction.

Indeed, if you look at recent liberal success stories in elections like Justin Trudeau, Barack Obama, and Emmanuel Macron, you should notice that they have all projected themselves as agents of change or as outsiders. Trudeau was in third place when elections started.

Obama captured the imagination and aspirations of people when he ran on a platform of hope and change. In the case of Macron, we have to remind ourselves that the mainstream parties were the ones taken out of the equation right from the start. He became the only choice against Marine Le Pen and ran on a pro-European and reform agenda. So we need to make liberals a progressive force once again.

More than that, we need to relate. The other worry I had yesterday when we talked a lot about how we must offer and communicate liberal beliefs and values: This is not enough. We also need to offer liberal solutions to the problems— solutions to poverty, solutions to inequality, solutions to the drugs problem. Yes, they will be based on our beliefs and values. But what the voters care about are the solutions.

I don’t pretend to know that this is the right recipe for success, but I am convinced that without relevant solutions, we would not stand a chance.

I will also share with you some of the encouraging signs that I’ve had over the last couple of years. After the coup, one of the good things that have happened is that I have been able to travel up and down the country, especially to places where I couldn’t go before because Thaksin supporters would stir up people to use violence, preventing us from campaigning and talking to people. I have been talking to

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farmers and when I talk to them, it’s clear that they are not excited to hear about how the other party’s scheme is corrupt, but they are keen to engage with us liberals about our solution to the rice price problem, a solution that is sustainable and would not disrupt the market, one that wouldn’t have to be changed or revoked, or go through endless cycles of intervention and corruption. They pay attention to what we are offering them. Many say they will give us a chance. Much more important than that, by engaging them on issues that actually matter to them, they begin to think, “Yes. Liberals do care, Democrats do care.”

Actually, in the last election, when I went to the Northeast, which is a stronghold of our opponents, and tried to sell our policies, I got another classic response: “Yes, your policies are better. But we just don’t like you. We’re voting for the other side.” Somehow, as I have said, listening and rationality are not enough. We have to make that emotional connection that we really do care and that we will put them at the centre and at the forefront. I have also made many trips to politically hostile areas whenever there are natural disasters (floods etc.) to help provide relief. The feedback that I have from my candidates in those areas is that people there are now much more willing to listen to us. The truth is that we need to make that emotional connection to show that we as liberals do care and that we have liberal solutions to the people’s problems. If we succeed, we can hope to reclaim our rightful place as champions of the people.

After 25 years of struggle and fight, I still believe, just as I did 25 years ago, that liberalism and democracy will triumph over post-truth politics, autocrats, and populists.

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Our Continuing Journey Towards Gender Equality

by Tsai Ing-wen, President of Taiwan

Keynote speech delivered at the 2017 CALD Women’s Caucus Conference in Taipei, Taiwan on 11 August

“... we will continue to utilize the CALD platform to strengthen our collaboration.”

WE ARE very pleased to be hosting the CALD Women’s Caucus Conference for the first time. The Democratic Progressive Party is honoured to collaborate with CALD to showcase women’s contributions to Taiwan’s democratization.

Since Taiwan lifted martial law 30 years ago, the collective efforts of Taiwanese people have helped ensure women’s rights and increase their political participation. Taiwan’s journey towards women’s empowerment shows that promoting gender equality reinforces democratic and progressive values.

As such, I want to thank the speakers from Taiwan. With your unshakable commitment to the promotion of equal rights for women,

you are an indispensable driving force for Taiwan’s democratization.

To fully realize gender equality in our society, we must break the grip of traditional norms, and give every woman the right to choose her role in society, and a chance to pursue her aspirations.

Over the past year, we have been taking steadfast steps to achieve this goal.

To begin with, our Legislature has passed amendments requiring companies with over 100 employees to provide childcare and nursing facilities.

To create a gender-friendly society, we have taken steps to establish better long-term care systems that

will reduce caregiving burdens on women. We also want to help women who are starting their own businesses by relaxing restrictions on entrepreneurship loans.

Finally, the Legislative Yuan’s Gender Equality Committee is also taking action to ensure that the idea of gender equality will inform all of our policies.

Taiwan is not alone on this journey to women’s empowerment.

As one of the CALD founding members, the continued support from all member partiers have empowered us along the way.

And we will continue to utilize the CALD platform to strengthen our collaboration.

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In addition, I am delighted to share with you that during last year’s APEC Economic Leaders’ Meeting, Taiwan and the United States announced the establishment of the APEC Women and the Economy Sub-Fund.

Indeed, we have a long journey ahead of us to gender equality and women’s empowerment. This is why it is encouraging to be here with you all, as it is the commitment and devotion to these issues that brought all of us here today.

I am certain that your insight will shed new light on the future direction of Taiwan’s journey to empowering women. And I hope you have a lovely time in Taiwan.

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A Look at the She-Century

by Annette Lu, Vice President of Taiwan from ‘00 to ‘08

Keynote address delivered at the 2017 CALD Women’s Caucus Conference, Taipei, Taiwan on 11 August

IT IS a great pleasure for Taiwan to host the CALD Women’s Caucus Conference today, especially because Taiwan, for the first time ever, is led by a lady, President Dr. Tsai Ing-wen.

Since its inauguration in 1993, CALD has become a unique platform for dialogue and cooperation of liberal and democratic political parties in Asia. Thank you for your efforts to enhance democracy and development.

It is also my pleasure to attend this significant conference to discuss the timely issues on women empowering women. As you may be aware of, I was the one who started

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to advocate feminism here in Taiwan 45 years ago. Traditionally Taiwan’s women suffered from the double burden of Chinese Confucianism and Japanese male chauvinism.

Under such culture, women were taught nothing else but to serve and to please men, making women the second sex.

In 1971, when I returned from my study in the United States, I found that the whole society was debating how to prevent young women from attending universities. It was argued that education for women was a waste, since women were expected to abandon their careers to take care

of household after getting married.

Under such an environment, I began to advocate feminism, criticizing male chauvinism and proposing new feminist doctrines. I wrote articles, made speeches, organized women, and conducted a variety of activities.

At the time, Taiwan was still under Martial Law. From 1949 till 1987, or for 38 years, not only was democracy suspended and civil society restricted, serious human-rights abuses also frequently occurred. For six years, I advocated feminism on the one hand and promoted human rights and democracy on the other, until I was jailed on charges of sedi-

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tion. One can imagine how tough and risky it was to launch such an anti-establishment campaign.

Nevertheless, on 10 December 1979, the opposition held the International Human Rights Day rally in the city of Kaohsiung.

Policemen and soldiers were ordered to release tear gas into the crowd, and gangsters were organized to attack the police in an attempt to implicate opposition leaders in the resulting casualties.

I was so outraged that I stood on top of a truck and delivered a most provocative and touching speech for 20 minutes. Tens of thousands of

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Women constitute half of the world’s population, but why through the millennia of human history are there only ‘his stories’ and not ‘her stories’?” people in the audience were moved, some even to tears. Three days later, I was the first one arrested in a roundup of 152 people. Eight of us leaders were tried by court martial and sentenced to 12 years in prison.

No one would have expected that 20 years later, one of the defence lawyers from the trial would invite one of the eight “seditious elements” to be his running mate. Together, they would overturn 50 years of authoritarian one-party rule and become the president and vice president from the native opposition party.

The victory made by Mr. Chen Shui-bian and me in 2000 represented Taiwan’s victory of democracy over one of the world’s notorious autocracies. More importantly, with my election as the first female vice president, Taiwan entered a new era of bi-gender politics. Four years later, I was re-elected to serve another term, the unprecedented two-term Vice President.

Why only his-stories?

Women constitute half of the world’s population, but why through the millennia of human history are there only “his stories” and not “her stories”?

Remember that not until 1907 were women able to attend an international conference devoted to them, in Stuttgart. Remember that according to the UNESCO 1980 report, women were paid onetenth of the salary earned by men and owned only one percent of the entire world’s property, despite that women worked twice harder than men.

Who were making the decision on whether women could or could not leave their homes and their countries? Who made the rules and laws that women only deserved one-tenth of the working salary and one percent of property? It’s MEN! Women did not reach to the pinnacle position until the 1950s, when Mongolia elected its first female president. In the 1990s, there were 30 women elected to become presidents. Since then, many countries in different continents have elected women presidents and female Prime Ministers. But in Asia, most women national leaders have come from powerful political families. Some of them were widows of popular politicians. They are not feminists and women’s issues are not their interest. w

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What about her-stories?

But the time is now ripe for women to write “her-stories”. In 1995, only 12 women led their own countries; as of today, there are 25. Worldwide, women occupy 18 percent of seats in cabinets and 23 percent in national parliaments.

In the private sector, women make up 20.2 percent of the boards of Fortune 500 companies, which also have 27 female CEOs. Yet although progress has been made, there is still a long way to go for gender equality to be assured.

Politically, despite there being 25 female state leaders in the world today, only 7.4 percent of countries worldwide have had female state leaders in the past 50 years. Female ministers in the cabinet usually are

in charge of social issues, health, or education. In terms of party politics, few women become majority party leaders. The 1995 Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action issued at the fourth World Conference on Women called for 30 percent of national legislative seats worldwide to be made up of women, but parliaments in 37 countries had fewer than 10 percent female lawmakers. Women’s equal participation in decision-making is not just a question of justice or democracy, but is a necessary precondition to make sure women’s interests are taken into account.

Economically, as of 2014, females make up only 14.6 percent of executive officers and 4.6 percent of Fortune 500 CEOs. In the same year, nearly 60 percent of 22,000 global firms had no female board members. The glass ceiling in the business sector is still hard to break.

Equal pay in workplace is still a problem. In most countries, female employees are paid just 60 percent to 75 percent of what men are paid.

One survey also shows that of 173 countries, 155 enforce laws that discriminate against women in the workplace; 18 countries even allow husbands to prohibit their wives from working. w

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Violence against women Another issue to address is violence against women (VAW). The UN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence Against Women states that “violence against women is a manifestation of historically unequal power relations between men and women”.

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Violence against women includes violence carried out by the “individuals” as well as by the “states”. One out of three women has been treated violently, and the perpetrators are usually people they know. Some 38 percent of the women murdered are killed by their partners. State-perpetrated violence includes war rape, sexual violence, and sexual slavery during conflict, forced sterilization, and forced abortion. Moreover, trafficking in women and forced prostitution are often perpetrated by organized criminal networks.

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The she-century cometh The time has come for the feminization of power. Imagine politics with half or more of consisting of active women and economic and social development with half or more women’s participation. What differences, for better or worse, would these bring? May we deem the 21st century as the beginning of the “She-Century” and begin to discuss the issues of She-Politics, She-Economy, and She-Society?

Imagine what the world would become when women take the posts of Secretary General of the United Nations and the President of the United States! Although that did not happen last year, this day will come eventually. The most powerful leader in Europe is Madame Angela Merkel, and arguably she is also the leader of the FREE world, not Donald Trump! The world currently

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has over 20 outstanding women national leaders. It’s the beginning of she-politics.

The 21st century is already a century for she-economy! In fact, according to a 2014 report from email marketing solutions provider SimpleRelevance, women made 85 percent of consumer choices. It is expected that in the next decade, about 870 million women around the world will enter the job market.

They will create work and start businesses, and the gender gap in earnings will be narrowed down.

Mobile and Internet technologies will help women run businesses easier. This fact is clear: The more women in working force, the greater economic benefit is made.

Indeed, the era for she-economy has come! With good income, women will become good consumers. More products are designed and marketed specifically for women, or suiting women’s taste.

Businesswomen certainly know better than men when it comes to what women really like and need.

And in many emerging economies, women are now starting business at a faster rate than men, making significant contributions to job creation and economic growth.

According to the IMF, if men and women get fair job opportunities, the GDP will grow by five percent in the United States, nine percent in Japan, and 34 percent in Egypt.

More and more women have become active and powerful in the society as well as in politics and economy. People are inclined to trust women more than men in many democracies, making women easier to be elected into public services. In Taiwan last year, for example, not only did we have our first lady president, 38 percent of our MPs ended up female. Last year, all the parties nominated one man and one woman to be candidates for president and vice presidents.

In addition, both our major parties have Chairwomen instead of Chairmen. These are certainly big milestones for the feminist movement, which I launched and have championed for over four decades.

However, can feminization of power prevail over the traditional problems left by male politicians and entrepreneurs? Can women handle the crises of war and terror-

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ism, poverty and natural disasters better than men? How can women be trained to become good and even great leaders? The 21st century has become a new era as “She-Century”.

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Tensions in East Asia Since this year, for example, East Asia has become a political powder keg. North Korea’s rapid nuclear expansion not only threatens the region, but also the United States. The new leadership in the Philippines and South Korea have caused subtle changes in these countries’ alliance with the United States. There is also Japan, which intends to amend its pacifist Constitution for restoring armed forces. In the meantime, China has been busy with its territorial expansion claims and military deployment in both East and South China Seas, and feeding especially its ambition to annex Taiwan.

The 21st century is the century of the champion for the world leadership, which will be either China or the United States. The deciding encounter between America the leading maritime country and China the rising mainland country seems to be

and political achievements, Taiwan’s strategic significance is undeniable and irreplaceable. Currently I am conducting a campaign to ensure peace and neutrality for Taiwan, as I believe that to support Taiwan to become a neutral state would help ease tensions in the region, and to develop the maritime areas to become demilitarized would help stabilize and bring prosperity to the region.

How can tensions be eased and how can the stability and security of the region be restored? More importantly, how can peace and prosperity among all the countries surrounding East Asia be maintained and enhanced? It’s time for women leaders in Asia to face ‘War or Peace’ seriously! w

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Women as peacemakers We have all seen movies and television series in which men are depicted as heroes, fighting each other for whatsoever reason, often with brutality, and resulting in bloodshed and large number of casualties. Are men truly brave? Courage without wisdom and mercy is stupid and cowardly. Why are women always silent about what they feel and believe, good or bad, right or wrong?

“The world currently has over 20 outstanding women national leaders. It’s the beginning of she-politics.”

taking place in East Asia, which is surrounded by five seas. Among the interlinkage of the five seas, Taiwan is involved in three of them and has sovereign and strategic interests in these. Taiwan is also located at the centre of the first island chain.

With its economic, technological,

Peace has always been a dream for everyone, men and women alike. At the dawn of the Millennia, the whole world was celebrating and praying for peace. Ironically, the tragedy of 11 September 2001 destroyed everybody’s dream and began the

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nightmare of terrorism and armed conflicts, including the spectre of nuclear weapons, everywhere on earth.

If we look at human history, we see that 99.9 percent of wars have been initiated by men, yet 100 percent of victims have been women and their beloved husbands and children. Did men ever ask women whether they like wars? Did women ever have the power to prevent the wars from happening?

Indeed, women have been historically left out of peace processes — until 2000, when the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 1325 to link women to the peace and security agenda for the first time ever. The resolution calls for women’s active participation at all levels of decision-making on conflict prevention, conflict resolution, peace processes, and peacebuilding.

Since 2000, five resolutions on women, peace, and security have been adopted by the UN Security Council to strengthen women’s participation in decision-making, as well as in conflict-prevention and resolution. These resolutions represent a critical framework for improving the situations of women in conflict-affected countries. They have formed the basis of many national policies and action plans in conflict-affected settings.

From 1992 to 2011, 31 major international peace treaties were signed. Nine percent of these were negotiated by women, and four percent were signed by women. When women are involved, the chances of a peace treaty to last over two years increase by 20 percent, and 15 years by 35 percent. Women are true peacemakers! w

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Women as environmentalists Women can also be the best environmentalists. How so?

The 21st century is exhorted as being the century of Asia with the development and prosperity here.

But according to a UN report, 70 percent of the world’s major natural disasters have occurred in the Asia Pacific region, and the chances of this region suffering from natural impact are four times more than Africa, and 25 times more than America and Europe!

A Look at the She-Century

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The 21st century has become a new era as “She-Century”.

It’s time for Asian women leaders to get together and discuss timely, serious matters together. ”

Indeed, our mother earth and human beings are facing more threats than we normally think.

All these natural catastrophes are caused or made worse by ozone layer – depletion, magnetic anomaly, and solar storms, aside from global warming.

We humankind always boast that we are the smartest animals on earth. But don’t forget that humankind cannot survive without the earth; yet the earth can survive without humankind. In fact, according to biologists, ants are more important than humankind for the existence of the earth. Ants penetrate soil and help soil ventilate. They also help spread pollen of plants. Humankind cultivates the land but they also exploit and destroy the great nature. Unless we learn to refrain from overconsumption and to cherish things on earth, the earth will become a disaster.

Only when green lifestyle becomes the norm will the earth have chances of surviving.

We women are the best housekeepers for the house, and also for the earth. Women, as the nurturers of life and as half of the population on earth, shall launch a green renovation for green civilization.

The concept of green civilization stresses the following four interests of balance: 1.

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The value of life; The standard of livelihood; The quality of environment; and The benefit of industrial investment.

I firmly believe that there is no justification to pursue industrial benefit at the cost of people’s lives or living standards or the environment.

Without life, nothing is left; without earth, no life can exist. Life prevails over everything and anything!

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Soft power to change the world Throughout human history, problems after problems threaten the survival of the universe and living beings, whether ecological or economic, political or social. In recent years the global economy has been hit by financial tsunamis, and the human society has been harassed by terrorism.

To face the unprecedented, multiple challenges coming our way, women have to learn and apply the wisdom of “soft

power”. My country Taiwan has learned to project soft power, namely, democracy, human rights, culture, love, peace, and technological innovation.

These values help and facilitate Taiwan’s transformation from a small, poor country under an authoritarian regime into a highly developed country with most advanced technology and democracy.

While the traditional “hard power” is destructive and exploitative, soft power is constructive and generous in nature. Soft power is the foundation for world peace and substantial development. The struggle for hard power is often a zero-or even negative-sum game (as in the case of wars), while the nature of soft power is always a positive-sum game. Hard power should no longer be the sole measurement of a country’s success, and soft power shall play more important role in the future of our world.

What are the female characteristics dominating the she-century?

Compared to men, businesswomen tend to start business from humanitarian perspective, caring more about environmental protection and ecology, and sense of beauty.

More women empowered would

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mean more humanity, more green economy, and more artistic interests. In a word, women tend to be the pivotal power for the substantial development of the globe. While he – politics and he-economy emphasize self-interest, expansion and exploitation, she-century reflects a value of humanity, greenness, and benevolence. While he-century stresses “hard power”, she-century elaborates “soft power”.

The 58th session of the UN Commission on the Status of Women stressed gender-specific targets across other development goals, strategies and objectives – especially those related to education, health, economic justice, and the environment. Therefore, the women leadership in the 21st century have to put the priority of gender-specific targets along with she-century into their agenda. I firmly believe that with feminism and soft power, women’s leadership can change the world better. Women shall be determined to lead their family, their society, and their world towards a better future. Women shall make mission impossible into mission possible. Above all, women shall write her-stories into human history!

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Bringing Up ASEAN

by Surin Pitsuwan In memory of Surin Pitsuwan, who passed unexpectedly on 30 November 2017, CALD is republishing the abridged version of his extemporaneous keynote address at a meeting organized by CALD and the Liberal Party of the Philippines in Makati City, Philippines on 7 July 2008.

Dr. Surin Pitsuwan assumed the post of Secretary General of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations that year, but he was certainly no newcomer to the regional grouping. Years before, he had served as Chairperson of the ASEAN Ministerial Meeting and Chairperson of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). Being the Thai Foreign Minister during the Chuan Leekpai administration also meant that the Democrat Party stalwart and former MP would be immersed in ASEAN affairs. It is thus not surprising that in his address to CALD and the LP in 2008, he would express a desire to see ASEAN becoming a household word, an entity whose relevance is acknowledged and felt not only by government officials, but also by the general public.

In the speech, Khun Surin makes a call for help in the quick ratification of the ASEAN Charter, which he says would give the decadesold grouping a legal personality.

This in turn would enable it to consolidate and strengthen as a community, argues Surin. Noting that three of its founding members had yet to ratify the Charter, he acknowledges that it is far from perfect. Yet even then, he says, the Charter remains vital if the regional grouping is to move forward. At the very least, the Charter would serve as the foundation for ASEAN to achieve set targets, and would provide its members with a set of norms, rules, and values that could only result in a diverse yet united peoples of Southeast Asia.

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THE ASSOCIATION of Southeast Asian Nations has been in existence for the last 40 years. We have given birth to many other architectures and organizations in the region – not only in Southeast Asia, but also in East Asia and the Asia Pacific. Because of our continuous growth in the ‘80s and ‘90s, Australia, under Prime Minister Paul Keating, thought that it, too, wanted to be part of the growth of East Asia, of Southeast Asia. Soon after that, the European Union also wanted to have some connectivity with us, so they came up with the AsiaEurope Meeting, or ASEM. The first APEC meeting was in ’89, the second in ’96. In 1997, the

financial crisis hit, and we were all in a slump. The external architectures that we inspired became rather reluctant about us. They thought it was the end of ASEAN. It was probably the end of the idea of the Pacific Century, but by 2003 we were growing together at a rate higher than before the crisis. Rather than disintegrate or diminish our aspiration for a stronger community in East Asia, that crisis emboldened us, and that’s when the East Asian community idea came into fruition. A sense of community was sealed; we realized that our fates were more connected, that our future was more intertwined.

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We bounced back and continued to grow, and continued to be the fulcrum of power plays in the region. We welcomed all and we threatened none, including powers far away that were interested in our region and joined us in our meetings to protect and promote their own interests.

By 2003 or 2005, these powers had become comfortable with each other. Even Beijing and Delhi found out that they did not have to come through ASEAN anymore because they now had their own direct connections with the rest of the world. Tokyo and Seoul made the same discovery, and ASEAN was being left by the wayside.

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Only a relevant ASEAN can respond to the challenges to which we Liberals and Democrats are committed to respond.”

These days, much of the West’s attention, interest, and investment have been diverted to China and India. For the past three decades, we were the centre, we were in the driver’s seat. Now we need to revalidate our driver’s licence.

That’s exactly what the ASEAN Charter is going to give ASEAN: its legal personality. For the first time, it’s going to consolidate us as an organization. For the first time, ASEAN is going to be built as a community based on three pillars: political security, economic integration, and socio-cultural solidarity. This document gives us hope, confidence, and a roadmap into our future as a community.

So far, six members have ratified this document. Four have yet to do so, among them Thailand, the Philippines, Indonesia – all founding members of ASEAN. On 8 August 1967, these countries’ representatives met in Bangkok, along with those from Malaysia and Singapore. They had a big dream. They had a big, big vision for Southeast Asia – the vision of peace, the vision of prosperity, the vision of stability, the vision of security. We are inheriting these, and achieving these may lie in the strategy of consolidation presented in the ASEAN Charter.

So why are the three founding members of ASEAN taking their time to ratify it? Perhaps it’s because all of us expect it to be better than it is, because we want it to be a document that opens up to a fuller and wider participation, because we want to express more clearly that people’s rights and liberty should be better protected. Because we expect more out of ASEAN. But the counter-argument is, we are a region of tremendous diversity. The poorest among us has a per capita of less than $400, the richest over $50,000 per capita. How do we bridge that gap and how do we bridge all the gaps among 10 nations of 567 million people? The EU does not have this challenge. The diversity

among us is much, much bigger than the EU. So I go around the world, telling them about the aspiration of ours and telling people within ASEAN that when its member-nations’ leaders assemble again in Thailand in December, we will have full ratification and they will celebrate on that table where six men signed that document called the Bangkok Declaration on the 8th of August 1967. But then my job is as the salesman of ASEAN, so whatever I say please take it with a grain of salt.

I may be overenthusiastic.

But really, if ASEAN didn’t exist, it would have to be invented because we need each other to team up and bargain together in the global arena.

As individual nations, we have very little bargaining power, by banding together we have resources, we have the market, we have the potential, and we have the ability to deal, negotiate and bargain. And that’s why we are successful in attracting the attention of the international community to what we are doing.

Just a few months ago, ASEAN was asked to go into Myanmar, provide the international community with what we call a “diplomatic umbrella”, so that the international community could rally behind us and come into that country, which had been struck by Cyclone Nargis.

The cyclone had claimed 140,000 lives, and hundreds of thousands more were now homeless and in need of aid.

Because of ASEAN, Myanmar eventually opened up to international assistance. For the first time, all UN agencies were admitted, as were international NGOs. When I had to help out over East Timor in 1999, I had to be very careful to say that I was a foreign minister of a neighbouring country who also happened to be the chair of ASEAN at the same time. I stressed that I was not there as ASEAN chair because we had to be extremely careful not to involved ASEAN in internal affairs of member states.

But this time with Myanmar, we were asked to go in as ASEAN. It’s unfortunate that we had to come on the heels of a major tragedy, but there is a silver lining and that is we’ve been able to help open Myanmar, increase its level of comfort so that it would allow the international community to come in. The Myanmarese authorities felt confident engaging the international community and the UN. Because of what happened in Myanmar, a lot of international organizations and dialogue partners – and even non-dialogue partners who also would like to promote freedom and liberty and democracy – are now asking us, “What can we do to help ASEAN and ASEAN secretariat to do your job better?”

International financial and aid institutions and countries like the United States, Japan, Canada, Australia, and Norway have apparently decided that a strengthened ASEAN is for the best and would only contribute to the service of freedom and liberty and democracy in the region.

I think it was the U.S. President Bill Clinton who once said, “When you go into a crisis area, your hope is to build back better” – BBB. Our ASEAN hope in Myanmar is Build Back Better, for both Myanmar and ASEAN. ASEAN has to come out of this stronger and more confident, and with new hope that the members of ASEAN in the Mekong Delta – Myanmar, Laos, Cambodia, and Vietnam – may now have a better opportunity through ASEAN to help all of us bridge the gaps in the region.

My hope is that we can have a master plan of ASEAN development that covers areas in dire need of assistance. That is the only way that we can build a strong ASEAN, a more inclusive ASEAN, a more equitable ASEAN. Only when ASEAN is confident of itself can it win the trust and the confidence of its people.

to be a household word in our 10 countries.

In the past 40 years, ASEAN has only been familiar to world leaders and diplomats like myself.

But from now on, ASEAN will be a word people associate with their own lives: “If ASEAN doesn’t act, our life is poorer. If ASEAN acts, our life is enriched.”

I want us to be relevant. And if we can do that, ASEAN will be stronger. ASEAN will be able to deliver on the kind of issues that CALD is concerned about, that CALD values: individual freedom, liberty, democracy, participation, the rule of law, good governance. Only a strong ASEAN can deliver on these things to a diverse ASEAN. Only a relevant ASEAN can respond to the challenges to which we Liberals and Democrats are committed to respond.

The ASEAN Charter is not perfect, but it is a beginning, and we can improve on it. Don’t make the best the enemy of the good. Let us begin here, let us ratify it, and let us move forward so that a better ASEAN can be improved upon by the people of ASEAN, by the next generation of leaders of the ASEAN. We all have to be vigilant in order to protect our values, our liberty, and our freedom. Thomas Jefferson said, “The price of liberty is eternal vigilance.” I am submitting to you for consideration the price of democratic and liberal values in ASEAN: eternal vigilance in support of an architecture that we already have. Expand it. Make it stronger so that it can serve those values that we cherish most together as Liberals and as Democrats.

I count on your support. You know what’s the alternative? If you don’t ratify, I lose my job.

Thank you very much.

My hope during the next five years is much simpler: for ASEAN

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Caught in the Crosshairs

IN THE FIGHT FOR DEMOCRACY

Leila de Lima LEILA DE LIMA is an elected Senator from the Liberal Party of the Philippines. She previously served as Secretary (Minister) of Justice during the administration of President Benigno Simeon Aquino III. Prior to that, she was the Chairperson of the Commission on Human Rights.

She is one of the vocal critics of President Rodrigo Duterte on the war against drugs, which has resulted in the killing of thousands of alleged traffickers and users by the police and pro-government vigilantes.

Senator de Lima headed the Senate Committee on Justice and Human Rights that led the senate hearing and investigation on the drug-war killings in the Philippines. She was ousted as Chair of the Committee by pro-Duterte senators and was jailed for allegedly being involved in illegal-drug trading during her term as Justice Secretary. The charges are non-bailable and the cases are currently pending in three separate courts.

On 25 February, CALD passed a resolution expressing alarm on “creeping authoritarianism” in

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the Philippines as a consequence of the Duterte administration’s continuing war on drugs. CALD passed another resolution on 18 August during the CALD Women’s Caucus Conference in Taipei renewing its call to stop the extrajudicial killings in the Philippines. The same resolution reaffirmed CALD’s position that the continued detention of Senator de Lima rests on questionable grounds and it expressed strong concern “that seemingly orchestrated, misogynistic attacks on Senator de Lima, which are meant to destroy her reputation, dignity and womanhood, continue unabated even now that she is in detention”.

As a result of the gathering in Taipei, the CALD Women’s Caucus, led by its Chairperson, Dato Jayanthi Devi Balaguru, on 31 August visited Senator de Lima at the Philippine National Police (PNP) Custodial Centre in Camp

Crame, Quezon City, Philippines to show support and solidarity to the embattled Liberal senator.

On 31 October, Liberal International named Senator de Lima as the recipient of its 2018 Prize for Freedom, LI’s highest human-rights honour that is awarded to “a well-known personality of liberal conviction who has made outstanding efforts for the defence of freedom and human rights”. De Lima is the second Filipino to receive the award, following the late President Corazon Aquino, who was named LI Freedom Prize winner in 1987.

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KEM SOKHA is an elected Member of Parliament and the President of the opposition Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP).

On 3 September, he was arrested on charges of treason, for allegedly conspiring with the United States to overthrow the government, thus posing harm against the Kingdom of Cambodia.

President Sam Rainsy had been forced to flee Cambodia due to a warrant of arrest issued against him, based on politically motivated charges. Independent media and NGOs have also been forced to cease operation, including CALD’s partner organization, the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI).

The filing of such cases has been repeatedly used by Prime Minister Hun Sen to intimidate and silence the opposition just before the elections. Earlier, former CNRP

Kem Sokha’s appeal for release has been rejected by the Supreme Court; on 16 November, Cambodia’s top court also ruled for the dissolution of the CNRP. Earlier in the year, on 25 February, CALD had issued a statement condemning the use of political authority to weaken the opposition

and prevent it from contesting in elections and performing their democratic duties. It also called on Prime Minister Hun Sen “to allow opposition parties to operate in accordance with the principle and practice of multiparty democracy, which the 1991 Paris Peace Agreement also stipulates, so as to build a more democratic and developed society that every Cambodian deserves”.

On 4 September, CALD issued a resolution decrying the Cambodian government’s clampdown on the CNRP, NGOs, and independent media organizations, even as it urged the Cambodian people and the international community to “remain vigilant against escalating threats to fundamental freedoms in the country”.

Kem Sokha

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Caught in the Crosshairs

IN THE FIGHT FOR DEMOCRACY

Nathan Law

Alex Chow

Joshua Wong

JOSHUA WONG, NATHAN LAW, and ALEX CHOW are all student activists in Hong Kong. Wong, 21, is the most well-known of the three. He is the secretary general of Demosisto, a new political party founded after Hong Kong’s 2014 protests. Internationally, he is known for his prominent role during the 2014 Umbrella Movement and his major influence in Hong Kong’s pro-democracy movement, which resulted in his inclusion in TIME’s Most Influential Teens of 2014 and nomination for TIME’s 2014 Person of the Year. In addition, he was included by Fortune in its list of the world’s greatest leaders in 2015.

Law, 24, was elected in 2016 to serve as legislator for Hong Kong Island Geographic Constituency, 40

making him the youngest lawmaker in the history of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong.

He was subsequently disqualified from the Council in 2017 because of his controversial oath-taking in the legislative body’s inaugural meeting.

Alex Chow, the eldest of the three at 27, is a former secretary general of the Hong Kong Federation of Students. He is also one of the main organizers of the Occupy Central movement.

In November 2014, a lower court had found Wong and Chow guilty of unlawful assembly and Law of inciting others to take part in an unlawful assembly. While Chow, who was headed for graduate studies at the London School of Economics at the time, was given

a suspended sentence, Wong and Law were made to perform community service.

On 17 August 2017, the Hong Kong Court of Appeals overturned the previous ruling; Wong and Law were re-sentenced to six and eight months in jail, respectively, while Chow received a seven-month sentence. All three were arrested and sent to prison.

CALD Youth, a regional network of young liberals and democrats in Asia, condemned in strongest terms the court decision that sent them to jail. CALD Youth said that the move appeared to stifle freedom of expression and the right to peacefully organize fundamental rights enshrined in international human-rights instruments and Hong Kong’s Basic Law.

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“They bear the burden of the territory’s political struggles so the people of Hong Kong can freely chart their own destiny,” said CALD Youth. “They are a great inspiration for the young people of Asia and beyond to continue the struggle for a more democratic world – regardless of the consequences. CALD Youth salutes them, and implore the courts to reconsider their decision and set free these young freedom fighters.”

On 24 October 2017, Joshua Wong and Nathan Law were released on bail and were required to report to the police weekly. Both of them, along with Chow, face a five-year ban from public office.

S PQE E&C HA E S

What can you say about the issue of systematic mistreatment and harassment of women (in Hollywood, politics, and other industries), which has raised awareness for others to speak out and bravely share their respective stories?

WITH CALD WOMEN’S CAUCUS

Rachada Dhnadirek

Emily Lau

Jaslyn Go

Vice Chairperson CALD Women’s Caucus Democrat Party Thailand

Member, CALD Women’s Caucus Former Chairperson, Democratic Party of Hong Kong

Interational Liaison Singapore Democratic Party

“I wish to pay tribute to all the brave women and men for speaking out to expose their own horrible experience thereby focusing international attention on the systemic mistreatment and harassment of women and some men in politics, entertainment, sports, business and professional spheres. I hope this will encourage other victims to speak out and deter such barbaric and demeaning behaviour.

The world should not turn a blind eye to such unacceptable practice and should work together to put a stop to it.”

“Women have been quiet for a long time. Speaking out about sexual harassment has been long over due, but it should not only be on issues of sexual harassment.

Unfortunately, gender inequality is widespread as well and women have been made to feel we don’t deserve to be equally treated as men.

So certainly, #TimesUp.”

“Silence and ignorance free up perpetrators of sexual harassment. And unwittingly freeing perpetrators lead to more perpetrators. Hence, women should join hands with other women and emphatic men to acknowledge that women are not powerless passive victims and that the perpetrators are criminals in the truest sense of the word. Many thanks to the brave women for sharing with us their stories, no matter how painful, because those were not just narratives, but a collective story of triumph of courage over fear.”

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S PQE E&C HA E S

“What can you say about the current situation of our social media especially since there is a growing destabilisation from the spread of fake news?”

WITH CALD YOUTH

Pornphrom Vikitsreth

Ivanpal Grewal

Ted Hui Chi-Fung

Policy Analyst Democrat Party of Thailand

Chairperson CALD Youth

Legislative Councilor, Hong Kong Democratic Party of Hong Kong

“It would be wise and imperative to question what we are told, verify what we read and double check what we hear before making a conclusion given that we live in an age where any individual with a Facebook or Twitter account can post something on their timeline and claim it is news with no one else capable to independently determine the veracity of what has been said. Only then legitimate political discourse can survive the age of ‘fake news’ and ‘alternative facts’.”

“Fake news slowly destroy the general credibility of internet information.

There is a high possibility that knowledge flow will be adversely affected in the long run, and this is going against liberal values.”

“I believe that citizen journalism through social media is a positive addition as it allows ordinary citizens to share the news to each other and there is less reliance on traditional press. However, readers and consumers must be educated on the fact that these news are unfiltered and may contain false information.

It is the responsibility of every reader to review and evaluate those information.”

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CALD IN THE NEWS

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IN THE NEWS

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C A M B O D I A

HIGHLIGHTS

Near a Turning Point

By Sam Rainsy, Former Leader, Cambodia National Rescue Party

T

he year 2017 saw both a dramatic deterioration in Cambodia’s democracy and a potential turning point. In February, I stood down as leader of the Cambodia National Rescue Party in order to prevent my legal convictions, rubber-stamped by Cambodia’s politically subservient courts, from being used by the government as a pretext to dissolve my party.

Confirmation of the ever-increasing popularity of the CNRP came in June with the local commune elections. The security forces made no pretence this time of their allegiance and practical support for the ruling Cambodia People’s Party (CPP), abandoning the notional neutrality they had accepted since 1998. Prime Minister Hun Sen for the first time since 1998 campaigned constantly for months in advance of the vote.

In previous years, he had claimed to be above mere campaigning. The opposition scored 46 percent, compared with the 28 percent in the last commune elections of 2012 that was registered by the parties that subsequently merged to form the CNRP. Because of the conservative influence of local village chiefs, the CNRP will always score higher in national legislative elections than at local level.

For Hun Sen, facing national elections in July 2018, the writing was on the wall: if he wanted to retain power, it had to be through the judiciary, rather than the ballot box.

My successor as CNRP leader, Kem Sokha, was arrested in September at his home in the middle of the night. He has since been held at Correctional Centre 3 in the remote Tbong Khmum province. He has been charged with treason on the basis of a video publicly available since 2013 in which he lobbies for support in the United States. Neither Kem Sokha nor the CNRP has ever sought to replace the government by any method other than the democratic process.

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Among other things, the timing of this arrest drew attention away from the fact that the electoral registration window for the 2018 national vote had just reopened, and deterred many potential voters from registering. A conviction could mean a sentence of up to 30 years in prison.

A wider crackdown on civil society continued with the forced closure of the English-language Cambodia Daily newspaper. The CNRP was finally dissolved by the government in November. In blatant disregard of the principle of parliamentary representation, the 55 national assembly seats held by the CNRP were redistributed among minor parties that had been unable to secure any seats at the ballot box.

The government has also banned 118 leading figures in the CNRP from taking part in politics for the next five years. Many of them have fled abroad fearing arrest or assassination. These steps were taken quite simply because the CPP knew that it had no chance of beating the CNRP in the national election of 2018.

The potential turning point lies in the response of the international community to these events. The dissolution of the CNRP returns Cambodia to the situation before the signing of the Paris Peace Accords of 1991, in which Cambodia was under a single-party, communist-style regime led by former members of the Khmer Rouge. The Paris Accords, signed by 18 countries, including the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, guarantee a process of democratization in Cambodia leading to a “liberal and pluralist” system of democracy.

The dissolution of the CNRP should prompt all the Paris Accord signatories to take steps strong enough to reanimate democracy in Cambodia.

The dissolution is not simply the violation of an international treaty, but it also breaks the

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principles of democracy enshrined in Cambodia’s Constitution.

The United States and Europe have already stated that they will not provide any assistance to Cambodia for the national legislative elections currently scheduled for July 2018. These elections will obviously be meaningless in the absence of a real opposition. Leading members of Cambodia’s government have also been told that they will no longer be able to visit the United States.

These are the kind of measures — targeted against the ruling elite rather than the population — that could bring the regime to its senses.

This elite hides much of its ill-gotten gains from Cambodia in companies based in the United States and elsewhere. The elite needs access to foreign countries to educate their children, and to live the high life to which they have become accustomed. Steps that hurt their personal interests could force them to return to the democratic arena from which, in panic, they have tried to escape.

There is no stability for Cambodia in the light of the crackdown of 2017. The thirst of the people for democratic self-determination can’t be wished away or abolished by diktat. The country’s economy is too small and open for any regime to be able to survive while openly flouting international democratic norms. Cambodia’s government understands this. A vigorous international campaign to deny legitimacy to this outdated and anomalous regime has the potential to secure the release of the country’s political prisoners, and to start to revive democracy in Cambodia, faster than many foreign observers might think.

HIGHLIGHTS

P H I L I P P I N E S

A Letter to New Liberals in the Philippines In a solemn oath-taking ceremony on November 7, the Liberal Party of the Philippines welcomed over a hundred new members into its fold. Going against the established practice of admitting only politicians into parties, the LP opened its doors to common citizens from the ranks of the academe, advocates, the youth, professionals, and nongovernment organizations. Below, with some parts translated from the Filipino, is the letter of Liberal Party of the Philippines President Francis Pangilinan to the new members.

My Dear Fellow Liberals, You take your oath as Liberals at a time when it is not easy to be a Liberal.

Our democratic institutions are under attack.

Personal integrity and honesty have become an afterthought in governance. Our people are fearful—for their families, for their lives, for their futures. We are at a time when being a Liberal means being a “destabilizer” and an “enemy of the state”.

At the same time, we are seen as arrogant, protective of the elite, overly defensive of our efforts; we have been accused, not without reason, as unwilling to listen. Because we are perceived in such a way, it is easier for one to believe that we are indeed the enemy. We acknowledge this difficult reality and commit to doubling up our efforts to win the hearts and minds of our fellow citizens.

Your commitment today is among the important first steps in this acknowledgement. At a time when other parties are sticking to the traditional and transactional ways, we are opening our doors.

We are embracing inclusiveness as an imperative.

We want to hear from our artists and farmers, from our students and activists, from every workstation and patch of land across the country. We want you to be part of the process of widening the liberal democratic horizon. We want you to help in building the party’s responses to the most pressing issues of the day, our programme of government, our proposals for reform. We want

you to rise through the party ranks as part of our professional staff, as a party cadre, or as a leader eligible for candidacy in an elective position.

You are now the party. And you are here not because of your connections, or your surname, or the money in your bank account. You are here because you believe, as we do, in the bedrock values of liberalism in the Philippines: Freedom.

Justice. Communal responsibility.

Over the next several months, you will be part of a massive effort to prove that, in a time of fizzling movements, a political party, with its insistence on values and institutional memory, is not only a relevant and viable avenue for those who wish to engage in the political process; it is the most sustainable pathway for those who are willing to put in the hard work towards genuine national transformation.

You will be asked to work in any of the pillars of Liberal party-building—whether in organizing and recruitment, in communications, or in raising much-needed resources for our initiatives and activities. You will be asked for your skills and your time and your insights. You will be asked to fight lies with the truth. You will be asked to always and without fail remain firm in the oath you took today. You will be asked to redefine the Liberal Party, to rebuild it into a genuine people’s party that reflects the most cherished hopes and aspirations of our people.

national regime. It will be frustrating. And there will be days when fear will hit you in the gut.

But while we are frustrated, we are united not by our frustrations. While we are humble enough, prudent enough, to acknowledge our fears, it is not fear that binds us together.

We are bound by our principles and our values: True change will not come from stifling our freedoms; progress should always go hand in hand with justice; love of our fellowman and of the Motherland should permeate every aspect of being a Filipino.

We are brought together by our faith: In each other, and in the Filipino people—the same people that overcame oppression and dictatorship so many times in the past.

We are united by hope: That the violence, the intimidation, the lies, the threats, and the prevailing anger that darken our national life will be overcome by our compassion, our openness to dialogue, and our belief that the rule of law is essential for justice to prevail.

You are now a full-fledged member of the Liberal Party of the Philippines. Welcome, and congratulations.

This will not be easy. You will have to shoulder your party responsibilities, on top of carrying the “baggage” of being a Liberal under the current

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SINGAPORE

Despite Setbacks, Opposition Still Working Towards Reforms

G

By Chee Soon Juan, SDP Secretary General

oing into 2016, opposition parties were still coming to terms with the vast swing of votes to the ruling People’s Action Party (PAP) in the August 2015 general elections.

As in past polls, the results then were a foregone conclusion. The state control of the media, electoral process under the direction of the ruling party, and the absence of fundamental freedoms had kept the PAP in power for more than 50 years.

Lee Kuan Yew’s death that year and the ensuing outpouring of emotions driven largely by the state media added to the huge PAP-victory margin. The celebration of Singapore’s 50th year of Independence accompanied by numerous state handouts was another factor that contributed to the dismal result for the opposition.

Then in May 2016, a by-election was called in the constituency of Bukit Batok; its sitting PAP member of parliament was revealed to have an extra-marital affair and as a consequence had to resign his office.

The Singapore Democratic Party’s candidate in the by-election was Secretary General Chee Soon Juan.

Yet while he was unable to wrest the seat from the PAP, the SDP’s political

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future looks hopeful. This is borne out by two observations: One, in the 2015 elections, it was the best-performing opposition party by registering the least percentage of vote-change against the opposition. Two, this reinforces the fact that it was the most improved party in terms of vote-change for opposition parties in the 2011 elections.

2017 saw a spectacle that shook Singapore to the core. Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong’s brother and sister had accused him, among other things, of abusing his official powers to thwart the deceased Lee Kuan Yew’s final wishes of demolishing the family house.

Both Lee Hsien Yang and Lee Wei Ling went so far as to declare that they had “no confidence” in their elder brother’s leadership.

The PM’s wife, Ho Ching, was accused of stepping over her boundaries and injecting herself in matters of the Prime Minister’s Office. The couple also stands accused of trying to manoeuvre their son to enter into Singapore’s dynastic politics.

In addition, it was revealed that the recently appointed Attorney General was PM Lee’s personal counsel prior to his appointment. The AG prosecuted Lee Shengwu, Lee Hsien Yang’s son, for scandalizing the judiciary over an obscure Facebook post.

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The ruling party also amended the constitution in 2017 that effectively ruled out any challenge to its candidate for Singapore’s president. As a result, then Speaker of Parliament, Halimah Yacob, was elevated to the post without a contest.

The next elections are not due until 2020. The SDP will continue to spread its message of democratic change, using the Internet as a communication platform.

TAIWAN

President Tsai attends 2017 year-end press conference On the afternoon of December 29 President Tsai Ing-wen took part in the 2017 year-end press conference for the Presidential Office press corps. In her remarks, the president spoke about the government’s various reform policies and achievements in addressing self-sufficiency in national defense, international economics and trade, steadfast diplomacy, and economic reform. She also pledged that the government will overcome existing challenges and achieve its set objectives.

W

e live in an era of rapid change.

Governments around the world are re-thinking their overall national security strategies and the direction of their future development.

In international economics and trade, we’ve seen the US propose a “free and open IndoPacific” policy. Mainland China has its One Belt, One Road policy. Japan and India are jointly advocating a “free corridor,” while Korea has a New Southern Policy. These initiatives show that all the countries in our region want to establish closer economic and trade ties.

Taiwan also has its own strategy. The New Southbound Policy is our key regional strategy for Asia. Already, we’ve seen positive responses from South and Southeast Asian countries.

Between January and October of this year, Taiwan’s bilateral trade with the 18 New Southbound countries grew almost 20% compared last year. Tourism from New Southbound countries has increased over 30% and today we have over 31,000 exchange students from these countries studying in Taiwan. People from those countries are now a common sight on the streets of Taiwan, thanks to the New Southbound Policy.

Taiwan must be strong, and most importantly, its economy must be strong. Economic conditions around the world are now improving. In this environment, the government’s most important mission is to seize the opportunities provided by this economic resurgence. We have to speed up implementation of next-generation infrastructure

projects and the transformation of our domestic industrial structure.

By 2020, foreign and domestic investment in Taiwan’s green energy market will total more than NT$250 billion. Green energy companies from around the world are now focusing on Taiwan – something we’ve never seen before.

These investments will bring to Taiwan not only electric power, but many more high-quality job opportunities.

We have adopted the Act for the Recruitment and Employment of Foreign Professionals to bring more capable foreign talent to Taiwan. We have also amended the Act for Industrial Innovation to give innovative industries more space to spread their wings. Next, we’ll promote revisions to the tax code and amend the Company Act to create a more competitive economic environment.

The Oxford Dictionaries Word of the Year 2017 is “youthquake,” reflecting the tremendous social impact of the younger generation. This is a global phenomenon and the youth of Taiwan are no exception. My administration’s most important task in 2018 is to do everything possible to improve the problem of low wages for young people. Moreover, we want to improve pay levels and working conditions for women, middle-aged and older workers, indigenous peoples, and others engaged in atypical work.

Pension reforms have helped stabilize a civil service pension system that was on the verge of collapse. Providing social housing was previously considered impossible. But now, through the amended Housing Act and a newly adopted special residential tenancy act, it’s being implemented through building projects, subletting management schemes for private properties, and floor area incentives.

We’ve also proposed concrete solutions for issues that people have expressed concern over: child care, early childhood education, air pollution, and the fair utilization of water resources.

The year 2017 may have seemed tumultuous, but through it all, Taiwan has moved steadily forward.

I want to emphasize once again that change cannot wait and our efforts are a race against time.

We steady our pace, but we cannot slow down.

In conclusion, I want to ask everyone to look behind me at the image of Jade Mountain, Taiwan’s tallest peak. In the coming year, our government’s goal is to overcome our difficulties and take Taiwan to new heights.

Since I took office on May 20 last year, the most important demand I made of myself is to do what previous presidents feared to do. I promised that I would promote reforms that previous governments feared promoting.

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Resolutions Resolution No. 1, S. 2017 Reaffirms CALD’s stance that law enforcement efforts should always remain consistent with the rule of law and the country’s human rights obligations; calls for an immediate review of the charges against Liberal Party Senator Leila de Lima, who has been arrested and detained; and urges Filipinos and the international community to remain vigilant against ‘creeping authoritarianism’ in the Philippines, and to condemn continuing violations of fundamental human rights and the rule of law, and disregard of democratic institutions and processes. Issued 25 February

Resolution No. 2, S. 2017 Urges the leaders of United States and North Korea to tone down their fiery rhetoric, to refrain from taking actions that may further escalate tensions; reaffirms the commitment of Asian liberals and democrats to nuclear non-proliferation and peaceful resolution of disputes; and reiterates CALD’s firm belief that women, the segment of the population greatly affected by wars, should be more involved in the decision-making process regarding these matters. Issued 16 August

Resolution No. 3, S. 2017 Reiterates CALD’s strongest condemnation of extra-judicial killings that mark the Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte’s campaign against illegal drugs; denounces President Duterte’s statements that appear to support extra-judicial killings; implores the Supreme Court to conduct its hearings on opposition senator Leila de Lima’s petition in accordance with her constitutional right to speedy, impartial, and public trial; and commends Senator de Lima’s strong will and dedication to fulfil her responsibilities as a legislator and as an opposition politician, even while in detention. Issued 16 August

Resolution No. 4, S. 2017 Decries the seemingly systematic, orchestrated and politically motivated attacks against the Cambodia National Rescue Party, NGOs, and independent media organizations in Cambodia ahead of the 2018 general elections; denounces the manner in which CNRP President Kem Sokha was arrested in the middle of the night of 3 September; calls on the Cambodian authorities to ensure that its penal, NGO, and tax laws are applied fairly and without discrimination, and not to selectively use them to suppress political opponents and independent democratic institutions; and implores the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to exercise its influence on Cambodia and other similarly situated Southeast Asian countries to ensure the realization of “a just, democratic and harmonious environment” that the ASEAN Community envisions. 4 September

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REINVIGORATE. RELATE. RECLAIM.

DARK CLOUDS continued to loom over liberals and democrats in 2017, with CALD being compelled to start the year with a statement condemning the use of political authority to weaken the political opposition in Cambodia.

In what would turn out to be its only statement in 2017, CALD on 25 February called on Prime Minister Hun Sen to allow political parties to operate in accordance with the principle and practice of multiparty democracy, after noting efforts of the government to “amend political party laws in order to prevent convicts from assuming leadership positions” or this may “lead to the dissolution of their parties”.

CALD noted that the move came ahead of the commune elections and general elections in 2017 and 2018, respectively, and that opposition leaders had been continuously subjected to lawsuits that oftentimes led to their detention or being driven to exile.

Most of CALD’s letters during the year, however, managed to highlight the silver lining during the otherwise gloomy times for liberals.

In a letter dated 16 June, for instance, CALD thanked Speaker of the Lower House U Win Myint (National League for Democracy) for graciously receiving the CALD delegation in his office on 13 June.

“We are very pleased,” wrote CALD, “that your office welcomes the establishment of friendlier relations with CALD on the basis of the similar democratic and liberal values we share.” CALD also extended an invitation to the Speaker of Myanmar’s Lower House to grace events of the Council in the future.

CALD sent a letter of thanks as well to NLD Central Executive Committee Member U Win Htein for making time to meet the CALD delegation at Nay Pyi Taw on 13 June. In addition, CALD expressed its gratitude for U Win Htein’s “offer to convey to Her Excellency, State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, our invitation to the NLD to become a full member-party of CALD”.

“CALD has always been a strong and consistent advocate of democratization in Myanmar, and we are very proud of the significant contributions of the NLD in getting your country to where it is today,” the Council wrote in its 16 June letter to the NLD stalwart. “Like all democratizing countries, however, we are aware that Myanmar faces many complex challenges in institutionalizing and consolidating democracy further. CALD membership may be able to share with you experiences in their countries on how to strengthen democratic initiatives and avoid pitfalls. Our extensive regional and international networks can also be mobilized to support or enhance your government or political party’s democratic programmes.”

CALD’s next letters of the year, meanwhile, were sent separately to Cambodian opposition leaders Sam Rainy and Kem Sokha. The two letters, both dated 26 June and similarly worded, congratulated Sam Rainsy –who was in exile – and MP Kem Sokha after the official results of the 4 June commune elections showed significant gains for the Cambodian National Rescue Party. And while CALD conceded that much still needed to be done in terms of ensuring free and fair elections, it observed that “the Cambodian people showed overwhelming support to the CNRP...(giving) us reason to hope for a more democratic Cambodia in the future”.

STATE M E NT & LETTERS

A few months later, CALD was sending “heartfelt congratulations” as well to detained Philippine opposition senator Leila de Lima after Liberal International announced that she was to be awarded the 2018 LI Prize for Freedom. In its 23 November letter to the embattled legislator, CALD said that it truly believed she deserved the prize “as you exemplify the audacity to fight for what is right at whatever cost”.

“We feel there are still more initiatives to explore to help you and your cause,” CALD wrote. “Rest assured that you would always have an ally in CALD, and that you have our continuing support as you tirelessly defend the cause of freedom and democracy, even from your detention facility.”

CALD’s 2017 letter-writing, however, ended on a sad note. In a missive dated 30 November, CALD expressed its deepest sympathies to DP Leader and former Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva following the untimely passing of Dr. Surin Pitsuwan.

Dr. Surin was a former foreign minister of Thailand and was CALD’s founding chairperson (1993-1995). He had also served as ASEAN Secretary General (2008-2012). He had played all these roles excellently, and was well-known and respected not only in his homeland, but also abroad.

“We in CALD have long admired Dr. Surin’s fervent love of country, his soaring idealism, his remarkable intelligence, his impeccable diplomatic skills, and his riveting eloquence,” the Council said in its letter of condolences.

“More importantly, he had always inspired us with his steadfast commitment to liberty, democracy, rule of law and good governance.”

“Asia has lost a great stateman and a staunch defender of freedom,” it also said. “He will certainly be missed.”

CALD 2017

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BULLETIN

When two secretaries general meet HE HAD barely warmed his seat as CALD’s latest secretary general, but Khun Kiat Sittheeamorn was already off in the first month of the year to fulfill an official visit to Jakarta. There Khun Kiat – also the Thai Democrat Party’s deputy

leader – met with Hasto Kristiyanto, secretary general of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), on 27 January and they exchanged views on current political issues and discussed future CALD activities.

The DP is a founding member of CALD while PDI-P became a full CALD member in 2009, after eight years as an observer party. Said Hasto: “We have benefited from our CALD membership in the past

and look forward to our continued involvement in the years to come.”

During his brief trip to the Indonesian capital, Khun Kiat also visited the FNF office there.

A remembrance of the year past QUO VADIS, Liberalism? may rightly be the question for 2016, which is why it became the title for CALD’s report for that year. Scheduled for release on 24 February at CALD’s 35th Executive Committee Meeting in Bangkok, the annual report documented the Council’s activities in 2016, which saw liberals struggling across the globe. Yet while some consider 2016 as annus horribilis for liberals due to the electoral victories of populist leaders – from Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines to Donald Trump in the United States – the report noted that the year had also yielded liberal successes.

Quo Vadis, Liberalism? in fact featured the

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inaugural speeches of Taiwanese President Tsai Ing-wen (DPP) and Philippine Vice President Leni Robredo (LP), as well as the UN General Assembly speech of Daw Aung Suu Kyi, Nobel laureate and Myanmar State Counsellor.

“Electoral defeats and impatience with the liberal ways on the part of the public suggest the need to close a growing gap between liberal democrats and the people at large,” observed CALD Chairperson Abhisit Vejjajiva in his annual report message. “Let us join hands and work together to make sure that 2017 will be the

REINVIGORATE. RELATE. RECLAIM.

year when illiberal tides are beaten back and people renew their faith in liberalism.”

A speech by former CALD Chairperson Florencio ‘Butch’ Abad that was included in the report also chose to see a more optimistic liberal future with this line: “(If) history proves one thing, it is this: that hope will time and again out live fear. That the power in brute force is false and fleeting, and what will endure, in the end, is the purest strength of freedom.”

Words as weapons THE MAIN AGENDA for the CALD meeting in Bangkok in February was to prepare an Asian liberal position as the Council’s contribution to the Liberal Manifesto, 2017 edition. But CALD also took note of the rising threats to freedom in Asia, particularly in Cambodia and the Philippines, and was moved to issue a statement and a resolution addressing these.

In what would turn out to be its only statement in 2017, CALD on 25 February said that the latest amendments to the law on political parties in Cambodia “can be used to bar any politician or party that provides check and balance to the government. This misuse of the legislative process marks yet another departure from Cambodia’s democracy created by the Paris Peace Agreement of 1991”.

“CALD is concerned,” said the Council in its Statement No.1, S. 2017, “that the government has been assertive in targeting opposition leaders to prevent them from contesting in elections and from performing their democratic duties. CALD believes that these unfortunate developments and political maneuverings are nothing but forms of political harassment aimed towards silencing and weakening the opposition.”

It then called on Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen “to allow opposition parties to operate in accordance with the principle and

practice of multiparty democracy, which the 1991 Paris Peace Agreement also stipulates, so as to build a more democratic and developed society that every Cambodian deserves”.

On the same day, CALD also passed its first resolution for the year, addressing what it deemed as the consequences of the Philippine government’s bloody war against drugs. Aside from pointing out that the anti-drug campaign had already claimed thousands of lives, CALD said that it was worried that the arrest of Senator Leila de Lima, “a staunch government critic, together with attacks on independent media and attempts to bolster the position of the presidency by proposing to revise the constitution and advancing historical revisionism, could be warning signs of ‘creeping authoritarianism’ in the Philippines”.

The Council then reiterated its position that law enforcement efforts “should always be consistent with the rule of law and and the country’s human rights obligations”. In addition, it urged Filipinos and the international community to “condemn the continuing violations of human rights and rule of law and the disregard of democratic institutions and processes”.

New officers for CALD Youth CALD’S YOUTH WING welcomed its latest set of officers at the end of the first CALD Youth Political Academy on 29 March in Hong Kong, with the election of Ivanpal Singh Grewal of the Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia as the new CALD Youth Chairperson, and Chen Yu-Jung of the Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan as CALD Youth Secretary General.

Grewal has been representing his party in CALD events for the past few years and has been a significant contributor to the development not just of CALD Youth, but of the CALD network at large. Currently, he serves as the Gerakan Selangor Vice Youth Chairman, Political Secretary to the Minister of Plantation Industries and Commodities of Malaysia, and Advisor to the Editorial Board of Gerakan Matters Magazine. He is also a columnist at the Star Online.

“I always say that the youth is the biggest investors in the future, because it matters to us the most,” Grewal said. “As the newly elected CALD Youth Chair, I want to talk more about Asian liberalism, for I think, economic and social justice are not overrated liberal themes, because they are still relevant in our region today.”

Similar to Grewal, Chen has been an active member of her party and of CALD. She previously served as an associate researcher for the DPP, and worked at President Tsai Ing-Wen’s presidential campaign

CALD 2017

as a commissioner. She also served as DPP’s Deputy Director of the Department of International Affairs.

“As the new CALD Youth Secretary General, I will utilize this opportunity to contribute to Asian democracy,” Chen said. “Coming from a model democratic party in the region that highly values our alliances’ future, I will make sure my party, the Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan will work hand in hand with all of CALD and CALD Youth. I will encourage the entire team to focus on the importance of effective communication and true leadership.”

Grewal and Chen took over Bulgan Bayasgalant (Civil Will Green Party of Mongolia) and Kashane Wangpatravanich (Democrat Party, Thailand) , who had finished their two-year terms as CALD Youth Chairperson and Secretary General, respectively.

“It has been a privilege to serve CALD Youth for the last four years, as your Secretary General and eventually, your Chair,” said Bulgan during her farewell speech. “The work is not an easy job to do. You will have to have broad patience and dedication in order to pull this work off. Nobody said it was going to be easy, but having the opportunity to witness how CALD Youth grew, and able to influence current youth leaders, makes me nothing but grateful.”

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BULLETIN

Yes, millennials do know what matters THOSE WHO still think that today’s youth are all slackers would have probably suffered a shock if they witnessed what went down in Thessaloniki in early June. Young liberals and democrats from all over the world had descended on Greece’s second largest city and for four days – from 1 to 4 June – they all took part in the International Federation of Liberal Youth’s 40th General Assembly and Seminar.

CALD Youth, of course, participated in the event, where it was represented by its chairman Ivanpal Grewal and secretary general Joy Chen. Both joined in the intense discussions on issues affecting liberals and democrats across the globe, with the main focus being youth participation in politics and the need

for greater economic freedom. During the CALD Youth Fringe Session, though, Grewal shared the specific concerns of liberals in Asia and CALD’s efforts to tackle these challenges.

Chen, meanwhile, presented a detailed report on the political situation in Taiwan and the strides made by the ruling Democratic Progressive Party under President Tsai Ing-wen.

IFLRY would later agree to work with CALD Youth on training and communications by sharing resources and capabilities. In between the sessions, CALD Youth also exchanged notes with other regional organizations such as the African Liberal Youth Network on how like-minded groups can work closely together to come up with possible solutions to current

CALD and NLD vow to strengthen relations

problems, as well to share ideas on how to further each one’s work. CALD Youth in fact noted that Asians and Africans have more in common than many people assume, which could mean more opportunities for collaboration.

In the meantime, the IFLRY General Assembly, among other things, expressed concern over the withdrawal of United States from the Paris Climate Change Agreement (COP21). It also conveyed its profound solidarity with the people of the United Kingdom after terror attacks in London on 3 June led to the loss of several lives.

“DEMOCRATIC REFORMS could not be easily achieved. To get to where we are now, we had to struggle for more than 20 years. For the democratic transition to go smoothly, we need the support of our citizens and other like-minded entities. It is in this light that we welcome friendly relations with CALD, with which we share similar liberal and democratic values.”

These were the words of U Win Myint, Speaker of the Lower House of Myanmar Parliament, to the members of the delegation from CALD and FNF. The delegation had travelled to Nay Pyi Taw on 13 June for meetings with one of CALD’s observer parties, the National League for Democracy. The Speaker, who also serves as NLD central executive committee member, drew attention to the long-standing ties between CALD and his party, particularly in light of Myanmar State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s honorary individual CALD membership.

The CALD-FNF delegation, led by CALD Chairperson Abhisit Vejjajiva, included CALD Secretary

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REINVIGORATE. RELATE. RECLAIM.

General Kiat Sittheeamorn, CALD Executive Director Celito Arlegue, FNF Head of Myanmar and Thailand Programmes Katrin Bannach, and FNF Myanmar Programme Manager Aung Hein.

The delegation also met with U Win Htein, another NLD central executive committee member and chairperson of the party’s oversight committee. A regular attendee of CALD events, U Win Htein vowed to “move NLD’s relations with CALD to a higher plane”, and conveyed his appreciation for the support of CALD through the years. He also updated the delegation about current political developments in Myanmar, particularly in relation to the ongoing peace process.

“CALD recognizes the struggle of the NLD to institutionalize democracy in Myanmar, and its recent electoral successes are definitely a way forward to consolidate progress,” said CALD Chairperson Abhisit. “This visit is our way of recognizing the critical role played by the NLD in the country’s democratic gains and in developing further the country’s nascent democracy.”

CALD renews call to stop extrajudicial killings in the Philippines

CALD Women’s Caucus visits detained Philippine Senator THE PHILIPPINE government may be trying to keep her quiet, but opposition lawmaker Leila de Lima – currently detained on charges that are apparently politically motivated — has allies who are very vocal about what they think about her case.

TWO DAYS before Philippine opposition senator Leila de Lima was to attend a hearing of one of the cases filed against her, CALD issued Resolution No. 3, S. 2017, in which it reiterated its call for the Philippine government to publicly condemn and investigate summary executions seemingly connected to the Duterte administration’s anti-war campaign. The same resolution also reaffirmed CALD’s position that the arrest and detention of Senator de Lima “rest on questionable grounds and ‘could be a part of the Duterte administration’s political vendetta against her, given her staunch opposition to extrajudicial killings”. At the time the resolution was issued – 16 August – de Lima had already spent more than 170 days in detention.

In the resolution, CALD appealed as well to the Philippine Senate to allow Senator de Lima “to fully carry out her duties as a duly elected Senator of the Republic, including the right to cast her vote on legislative bills”.

It commended the lady senator’s

“We call on the Philippine authorities to immediately release Senator de Lima by withdrawing the drug trafficking charges against her,” said Emily Lau, a former legislator from the Democratic Party of Hong Kong. “The charges do not stand even a cursory legal scrutiny, having been based on conflicting testimonies of criminals who were subsequently absolved of drug charges after they agreed to be prosecution witnesses.”

“strong will and dedication to fulfill her responsibilities as a legislator and as an opposition politician, even while in detention, by regularly issuing handwritten notes expressing her position on national issues and legislative bills”.

In the meantime, CALD had also issued another resolution on 16 August, in which it expressed grave concern on the escalating tensions between United States and North Korea. It urged the leaders of both countries as well “to tone down their fiery rhetoric, to refrain from taking actions which may further escalate tensions, and to exhaust all diplomatic means to find a peaceful solution to the conflict”.

Delegates to the CALD Women’s Caucus Conference in Taipei, Taiwan on 11-12 August had actually proposed the adoption of the two resolutions due to their connection with broader women’s issues and concerns.

The conference had attracted some 200 women liberals and democrats from various countries.

CALD 2017

Lau was part of a CALD Women’s Caucus delegation that visited de Lima on 31 August at the Philippine National Police (PNP) Custodial Centre in Camp Crame, Quezon City, Philippines. As CALD Chairperson Abhisit Vejjajiva would write later in a letter to de Lima: “They came at their own expense, and decided to push through with the visit despite the uncertainty of being allowed to meet you.”

CALD Women’s Caucus Chairperson and head of delegation Jayanthi Devi Balaguru even implored the courts “to rule on the petitions of Senator de Lima in accordance with the right to fair and speedy trial, which is recognized in both the Philippine constitution and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), where the Philippines is state party”.

“Every day that Senator de Lima spends in jail as a political prisoner,” she added, “is an affront to human rights, rule of law and public accountability – fundamental principles that the Philippines prides itself on as a democratic country.”

Another delegation member, Maysing Yang, vice president of the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy (TFD) and International Network of Liberal Women (INLW), likewise appealed to the Philippine Senate leadership and to the courts to grant Senator de Lima’s request to participate in important legislative deliberations.

“As a duly elected senator of the Philippines, she should be afforded the right to fully carry out her legislative duties, including the right to cast her vote on legislative bills, especially since she is not yet convicted of any wrongdoing,” Yang said. “Denying her this right is a great disservice to the more than 14 million Filipinos who put their trust in her in the last elections.”

The delegation was able to have a two-hour meeting with the detained senator. After their visit, the members of the delegation said in a statement: “As representatives of women leaders across Asia, we will closely monitor the progress of Senator de Lima’s case, and like her, we hope that justice will be served and she will be vindicated in the end.”

They also said, “We are hopeful that this will come soon so she can be of great service to her country again.”

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BULLETIN

Young liberals get training skills upgrade SEPTEMBER IS usually back-toschool month in many parts of the world, and so it was serendipitous that CALD Youth found itself trooping to Germany with other liberal youths for a few days of learning. To be more precise, CALD Youth representatives from the Philippines and other young liberals from Armenia, Belarus, Bulgaria, Finland, Germany, Ghana, Lebanon, Russia, Sweden, The Netherlands, Turkey, United Kingdom, and Ukraine gathered in mid-September at FNF’s Theodor Heuss Academy in Gummersbach for the International Federation of Liberal Youth’s second series of the Training of Trainers (TOT).

Spearheaded by IFLRY’s Pool of Trainers (POT) — a collective of young liberal trainers possessing diverse skills and expertise on different areas grounded in the principle of non-formal education — the participants underwent an in-depth and comprehensive training experience to help them in their tasks as trainers of their respective organizations.

The week-long (15-21 September) seminar started with numerous activities focusing on establishing the group’s foundation through self-introductions and setting of goals and objectives that were reasonable and, more importantly, doable. Remarkably, IFLRY’s trainers found it essential to tackle the fundamental training concepts and their definitions, as some of these needed more explanation than the others. For instance, the term Non-Formal Education (NFE) is something one doesn’t encounter every day. Basically, it is a methodology that translates structured practices fostering personal, social, and professional development of people in a conscious manner.

Discussing NFE was critical as it perfectly embodied this particular training. Learning activities within NFEs are made to address the

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youth’s needs and interests on a voluntary and learner-centred basis. IFLRY’s trainers religiously followed the principle of NFE and used diverse methods based on creating healthy environments of trust and sharing of experiences.

The sessions included presentation, marketing, intercultural learning skills, understanding oneself as a trainer, identifying learning styles, parts of a training cycle, finance, and logistics. This type of education provides additional value not only for the youth, but for the economy and society, in terms of capacity-building of systems and institutions.

Towards the end of the training, there were simulation exercises on actual NFE sessions, which showed that the participants had improved considerably during the course. As the seminar wrapped up, both trainers and participants exchanged feedback, reflected on best practice, and discussed room for improvements that would benefit not only IFLRY, but its member organizations as well.

“It has been a great week,” POT Manager Tanya Lyubimova said. “I am proud and happy to have productively spent it with our current and potential Pool of Trainers members, to help them develop as trainers and get them more involved in IFLRY. But ToT2.0 is only the beginning of the exciting journey through Non-Formal Education that I hope we will take with this group of amazing enthusiastic talented young liberals from all over the world.”

For his part, IFLRY Vice President Sven Gerst said, “It has been a great experience training people from all over the world in the tools of non-formal education and intercultural dialogue. And as there is no formal hierarchy in NFE, I left as a trainer with the same feeling as the participants: to have learned a lot.”

Liberal lessons on property and the environment CALD MAY be an old hand at holding seminars, but CALD also takes time to learn a few things itself. From 15 to 27 October, in fact, CALD Project Officer Francis Miguel Panday was in Gummersbach, Germany, attending an International Academy for Leadership (IAF) seminar on “Liberals, Property, and Environment” along with 22 other participants from all over the world.

First, though, Panday and company were cordially welcomed by the IAF staff and Director Bettina Solinger, who provided an insightful presentation of the Foundation and Academy’s history and recent updates on the then upcoming German national elections.

And then started the seminar, which tested and explored the liberal claim that more attention to using property rights-based solutions might help solve a range of environmental problems without endangering or undermining liberal visions of society. Put another way, it sought to answer the question on how private property rights could possibly help in conserving the environment vis-a-vis liberal values, from market economy to policy-making, and so on.

The participants and facilitators thus had discussions — and even debates — on the centrality of property rights and its connections with other rights, accountability and incentives, environmental conservation, natural resources-related problems and their underlying causes, the “tragedy of the commons”, rule of law, ecocentric versus anthropocentric issues, sustainability, enviropreneurship, and the elements of liberal policy on environment.

Dr. Stefan Melnik, Dr. Emmanuel Martin, and Mr. Sven Gerst served as facilitators, but participants and facilitators contributed equally to the discussions. At night, too, there were guest speakers on various topics that helped the participants develop a deeper understanding of the concepts presented.

But liberals also know how to play, and so after a week of theoretical

REINVIGORATE. RELATE. RECLAIM.

encounters with the terms ‘liberal’, ‘property’, and ‘environment’, the participants had the chance to experience rural Germany and discover how local farms work at Hof am Kolk in Löningen, Germany. Remarked Panday: “It was amusing to have witnessed first-class farming, and to learn how eco-farming works in an era of high technology.”

Afterwards, the delegation went straight to Hamburg, the second largest city in Germany and third largest port in Europe. There they visited SchleswigHolstein, a national park facing the Wadden Sea. The following day was spent on a city-tour in Hamburg to witness its largest economic source, the port.

When the participants came back to the academy, they had more practical knowledge on the theories discussed. So much so that Panday was soon asserting that when it comes to the environment, “owning is caring”.

“Essential elements of liberalism can either be directly or indirectly linked to property rights, underscoring its significant centrality to the ideology,” he would also say later.

“The concept of property is universal, and can be backed by our culture of who-owns-what. However similar and ‘universal’ the term many have been, the way property is dealt with through customs, norms, law, etc., will always be distinct to others, and vice versa.

Despite our patented knowledge of property, many, not only liberals, have taken it for granted.”

“Oftentimes,” Panday said, “it is unclear what the right solution would be. To have a clear-cut vision of this, the facilitators would use the example of mining company versus bee-keeper.”

Panday’s experience only strengthens CALD’s belief that its participation in seminars like this is a useful tool among staff in order to deepen their knowledge and expertise in the programmes that they handle. It also helps strengthen CALD’s ties with FNF while expanding its network to other liberal organizations.

In search of a kinder, gentler, and effective drug policy “THINK BIG, go big – or stay home.”

This was the rallying call of acclaimed scholar Michelle Alexander in her keynote address to the 2017 International Drug Policy Reform Conference held in Atlanta, Georgia, U.S.A. on 11-14 October. Alexander, who received a rousing and sustained standing ovation from the crowd throughout her speech, challenged the audience to go beyond drug policy and see how it relates to broader democratic development.

“The fate of democracy depends on what happens in spaces like this”, she said. “The drug policy movement is fundamental to the remaking of our democracy.”

CALD was obviously not one to miss the biennial conference. Indeed, it was represented at the three-day event by its executive director, Celito

Arlegue, who joined more than 1,500 participants from over 50 countries.

Said Arlegue: “It was a great privilege to be here and learn more about a topic that is increasingly becoming important in the Asian region. Asia appears to be lagging behind when it comes to progressive drug policy, and much more needs to be done to inculcate the philosophy of harm reduction when we deal with people involved in drugs.”

Harm reduction as defined at the conference is a “public health philosophy and intervention that seeks to reduce the harms associated with drug use and ineffective drug policies”. Its focus, therefore, is on the prevention of harm on people who continue to use drugs, rather than on the prevention of drug use itself.

Apart from the philosophy of harm reduction, Arlegue also noted that these were repeatedly mentioned at the conference: • Prison, Drug Abuse Resistance Education (DARE), Anti Drug Public Service Announcements (PSA) and War on Drugs do not work; • Resources allocated for the above-mentioned methods could be better used for harm-reduction programmes (i.e. supervised injection facilities); • The criminalization of drug use is not justifiable and is actually a barrier to more effective responses to drug use; • A war on drugs is essentially a war against people, particularly those who are marginalized (people of

colour and economically disadvantaged); and • The success of drug policies should be measured not in terms of reduction in drug use, but in terms of reduction of drug-related harm (i.e. overdose deaths, drug addiction, and the transmission of diseases).

In one of the more than 50 breakout sessions at the conference, “The Fight in Asia: Drug Policy Reform in an Unforgiving Region”, Arlegue observed how drug policies in Asia region continue to revolve around criminalization and punishment for people involved in drugs. He mused, “For those of us pushing for drug policy reform in Asia, it appears that our work is cut out for us.”

The problem with populism – and with doing righT CALD CHAIRPERSON and former Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva was in the Philippines for just a brief period in October, but it was a visit that was jampacked and which created considerable media buzz.

On 18 October, Khun Abhisit delivered a lecture at the Ateneo de Manila University Professional Schools in Makati City that left many in the audience deep in thought.

Entitled “Liberal Democracy in the Time of Post-Truth Politics”, he pointed out that what is popular is not always right and recounted Thailand’s experience with populist politics. For instance, he cited the so-called “drug suppression policy” in February-April 2003 under then Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and, quoting a report of a government-formed independent commission that investigated the iron-fisted policy, Abhisit noted that “(i)n the course of execution of the plan, a large number of civilian population lost their lives”.

There was also the controversial Rice-Pledging Scheme undertaken by the administration of Thaksin’s

sister, Yingluck Shinawatra from 2011 to 2014. According to Abhisit, it had to be terminated amid huge losses and massive corruption. Referring to the rice pledge and the anti-drug campaign of the Shinawatra siblings, he said, “Neither policy brought lasting benefits and failed in their objectives.”

“In politics, however, doing what is right sometimes comes with a political cost,” continued Abhisit.

“Does this mean that we should stop doing what is right? Not at all. But we should do more to ensure that our work is known and felt by the people that we serve. Our weakness

in this aspect has been exploited by populist politicians, who forwarded simplistic, but visible, solutions to complex problems such as poverty and drug use.”

Abhisit then proceeded to draw the connection between populism and the crisis of liberal democracy in the so-called “post-truth” world.

He said, “Post-truth for me is only a symptom of our problems. Our response to deal with the political situation cannot be only about posttruth or fake news. We have to realize where liberals and democrats often fell short in effectively carrying out our liberal democratic traditions.”

CALD 2017

“It has to be recognized that the wave of discontent that led to the rise of populist leaders and the growing support for illiberal and authoritarian policies are partly a result of the failure to genuinely connect to the people, and to adequately respond to their needs,” said Abhisit. “As liberal democrats, we always work for policies that truly cater to the interest of the people, but must strive to serve the people’s needs better so that we can effectively fight the populists and authoritarian leaders who have been exploiting the fears and insecurities of the population.”

“Liberal democrats must reinvigorate our principles and values, and relate them to the needs of the people today,” he also said. “By doing so, we can rightfully reclaim our place as the true champions of the people.”

Abhisit, who was joined by CALD Secretary General Kiat Sittheeamorn in his Manila visit, also took part in a High-Level ASEAN Conference@50 at the Conrad Manila on 19 October, as well as a dinner hosted by the Liberal Party of the Philippines.

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BULLETIN Women’s Entrepreneurs Network (AWEN), ASEAN SOGIE Caucus, International Women’s Rights Action Watch (IWRAW) and the Australian and Singapore ambassadors to the Philippines among the attendees and speakers.

Women of Southeast Asia, unite!

THE ASSOCIATION of Southeast Asian Nations continues with its planned regional economic consolidation, and women movers and shakers in the region are not about to be left out. On 7-9 November, the Women and Gender Institute of Miriam College in Quezon City, Philippines held the 1st Southeast Asian Women’s Summit in celebration of ASEAN’s 50th anniversary and the Philippines’ becoming the regional

chair in 2017. With the theme “Fifty Years of ASEAN: What’s in It for Women, and Why are Women in It?”, the summit had no less than Philippine Vice President Leonor ‘Leni’ Gerona Robredo speaking at the opening ceremonies, and representatives from UN Women Regional Office for Asia and the Pacific, ASEAN Commission on the Promotion and Protection of Women and Children (ACWC), ASEAN

“ASEAN integration is good for women,” said Robredo, who is also the chairperson of the Liberal Party of the Philippines. But, she added, “we need to take advantage of the opportunities created by the ASEAN Economic Community by making sure that our workers are ready. When we do, our people, especially our women, will not be left behind; instead, they will be equipped with competencies that are in line with the demands of the international labour market”.

Of course the CALD Women’s Caucus was present at the summit, where it was represented by its chairperson Dato Jayanthi Devi Balaguru and vice chairperson Rachada Dhnadirek. They spoke in the parallel session “Women’s Role in Preventing Violent Extremism”, which discussed the challenges posed by violent extremism in the region, as well as the challenges, programmes, and policies adopted by governments, civil society, and communities in countering and preventing it.

“It’s clear that innovative, wellplanned and carefully-executed strategies are imminent to counter militant narratives,” said Balaguru. “We should pledge to work with the regional governments to ensure that national and regional counter-terrorism policies and strategies are informed by women’s experiences and to lobby towards promoting gender equality as it is potentially the single most powerful counter to extremist interpretations of religion.”

Rachada, who had previously served in the Thai parliament, meanwhile said, “Men and women have to work together on issues that cannot be ignored. Part of the programme on countering violent extremism should include building the capacity of mothers to further influence their communities, promoting social and economic empowerment, and building the capacity of women to actively participate in peace and security agenda.”

Former CALD Women’s Caucus Chairperson Mu Sochua of Cambodia also addressed the summit’s plenary through a video message, while CALD Executive Director Celito Arlegue moderated the parallel session on populism and the erosion of democracy.

An Asian take on international justice WHEN THE Liberal International Human Rights Committee (LI HRC) held its 10th bi-annual meeting at The Hague, The Netherlands on 30 November, CALD was not only present, its secretary general was even part of the panel discussion on the future of international order and the role of international justice. Then just recently elected as member of the LI HRC, Kiat Sittheeamorn was the only Asian on the panel, which also included by former Member of the European Parliament Lousewies Van Der Laan, MEP Ilhan Kyuchyuk, and The Hague Institute for Global Justice CEO Steven Van Hoogstraten.

Noting that democracy seemed to be on decline worldwide, Kiat remarked, “International justice can only be achieved when the rule of law is respected and the judicial process is credible and accountable.

The response to atrocities and injustices must be swift, which is why preventive measures are also increasingly important: the quicker we react the more lives we can save.”

He also noted in his talk that “international justice cannot be separated from the state of democracy, freedom and human rights, as they mutually reinforce each other”. This makes for a complicated

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situation in Southeast Asia, he said, and for what he called as a “democratically-challenged” ASEAN. Kiat, however, pointed out that there is now the ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights (AICHR) that, while suffering from flaws, can “be used as a rallying point by human-rights and international-justice advocates to push ASEAN leaders to be true to their own words and realize their human-rights commitments”.

He then said that CALD itself can “become a more significant actor in the realization of international justice”, and reported that in the Council’s last meeting in Bangkok, the engagement of ASEAN and its institutions such as AICHR and AIPA in CALD’s programmes and action plan in the coming years had been as among CALD’s possible strategic goals.

Moreover, Kiat said, the Council was planning to use its 25th anniversary in 2018 as a way of raising the organization’s profile and in the process make it a more important player with a bigger voice on regional issues and concerns.

Apart from Kiat, the other LI HRC members from Asia include CALD Women’s Caucus Chairperson Jayanthi Devi Balaguru and Taiwanese parliamen-

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tarian Dr. Ching-yi Lin of the Democratic Progressive Party, who was also at The Hague meeting. In all, 15 LI HRC members and 10 guest delegates representing 12 countries from three different continents were in attendance.

One of the highlights of the event was the presentation of the 2017 LI Prize for Freedom to Uyghur activist Ilham Tohti, who is currently serving a lifeterm jail sentence in China on charges stemming from his actions to promote conciliation between Uyghurs and Han Chinese.

“IlhamTohti has used his right to freedom of speech,” said LI HRC Chairman Marcus Loening during the presentation of the award. “The Chinese government seems to be so scared of the idea of freedom, that it is sending anyone who demands personal liberty and political freedoms to prison.”

The meeting was co-hosted by the Dutch People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy (better known by its acronym VVD), D66, and ALDE Party, with the support of FNF.

The CALD 25th Anniversary Logo This 2018, CALD is marking its silver anniversary with a year-long celebration carrying the theme, “Reclaiming Democracy, Rebuilding Society”. To commemorate this important milestone, CALD selects a stylized rendition of its logo depicting the number 25 – balanced on the side by parallel lines emerging from a single plane. Twentyfive in the shape of the CALD logo symbolises the organisation’s continuing commitment to understand democracy and make it more meaningful for the people of Asia, especially in light of the rise of populism, illiberalism and authoritarianism. Guided by this unifying vision, the member-parties of CALD, which are represented in the logo by parallel, multi-colored, rising lines, pledge to continuously work together, amidst their differences, to build and re-build a truly democratic, economically prosperous, and socially progressive society that every citizen of Asia deserves.

The plane from which the lines emerge is a tribute to Thailand, where CALD was founded in 1993, and where CALD will return in 2018 to celebrate its 25th anniversary.

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Speakers & Session Chairs CALD Consultative Meeting on the Liberal Manifesto Balaguru, Jayanthi Devi Chairperson, CALD Women’s Caucus Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia Bayasgalant, Bulgan Chairperson, CALD Youth Civil Will Green Party, Mongolia Dhnadirek, Rachada Former Member of Parliament, Thailand Executive Committee Member, Democrat Party, Thailand Herzog, Siegfried Regional Director, Friedrich Naumann Foundation Regional Office for Southeast and East Asia Kirjas, Emil Secretary General Liberal International

Lee, Martin Founding Chairperson, Democratic Party of Hong Kong Individual Member, Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats Leung, Elliot Founder & CEO Gaifong Lui, Albert CEO ByTheWay Reinartz, Armin Head of Office Global Innovation Hub & Greater China Unit, Hong Kong Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom Schröder, Ria Vice President, JuLis

Vejjajiva, Abhisit Chairperson, Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats Former Prime Minister, Thailand Leader, Democrat Party, Thailand

Sin, Chung-Kai Director, International Affairs & Former Deputy Chairperson, Democratic Party of Hong Kong Former Member of Legislative Council, Hong Kong Individual Member, Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats

Bayasgalant, Bulgan Chairperson, CALD Youth Civil Will Green Party, Mongolia Chi-fung, Teddy Hui Legislative Councilor, Hong Kong Democratic Party of Hong Kong Ho, Silas Collaboration Strategist The Wave

Dooley, Timmy Vice President, ALDE Party Opposition Spokesperson for Communications, Environment and Natural Resources Fianna Fáil, Ireland Go, Jaslyn Central Executive Committee Member and International Liaison Singapore Democratic Party Kucawka, Dan General Advisor For International Affairs, Ministry Of National Security Secretary For International And Institutional Affairs, Union Por La Libertad, Argentina

Sittheeamorn, Kiat Secretary General, Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats Deputy Leader, Foreign Affairs and Economics Democrat Party, Thailand

CALD Youth Political Academy (CYPA)

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Law, Nathan Member, Legislative Council of Hong Kong Chairman, Demosisto

Shum, Dan Committee Member Young Democrats, Hong Kong

Sittheeamorn, Kiat Secretary General, Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats Deputy Leader, Foreign Affairs and Economics Democrat Party, Thailand Wong, Joshua Secretary General, Demosisto Founder, Scholarism

Hui, Lawrence CEO Sanuker

CALD in 61st LI Congress: Liberals Adopt Global Manifesto

Kastermans, Pauline President International Federation of Liberal Youth

Balaguru, Jayanthi Devi Chairperson, CALD Women’s Caucus Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia

Lau, Emily Director of International Affairs and Former Chairperson, Democratic Party of Hong Kong Former Member of the Hong Kong Legislative Council

Diabré, Zépherin West Africa Vice President, Africa Liberal Network Leader of the Opposition President, Union for Progress and Change, Burkina Faso

Sam, Rainsy Former President, Cambodia National Rescue Party Former Chairperson, Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats Sato, Josephine Member of Parliament Treasurer & Former Secretary General Liberal Party of the Philippines Sittheeamorn, Kiat Secretary General, Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats Deputy Leader, Foreign Affairs and Economics Democrat Party, Thailand Tioulong, Saumura Vice Chairperson, Cambodian National Assembly’s Committee on Foreign Affairs Cambodia National Rescue Party Toure, Sidi Minister of Promotion of Youth, Youth Employment and Civil Service Rassemblement des Républicains, Cote d’Ivoire

Herzog, Siegfried Regional Director, Friedrich Naumann Foundation Southeast and East Asia Office Khim, Sophanna Program Manager Friedrich Naumann Foundation, Cambodia Office Seng, Mardi Senator, Sam Rainsy Party Sittheeamorn, Kiat Secretary General, Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats Deputy Leader, Foreign Affairs and Economics Democrat Party, Thailand Son, Chhay Cambodia National Rescue Party Sotheara, Yoeurng Legal & Monitoring Officer Committee for Free and Fair Elections in Cambodia Townsend, William Communication and Political Projects Adviser, Liberal International

CALD Women’s Caucus Conference and Workshop Bagas, Jonas Asia-Pacific Council of AIDS Service Organizations, Thailand Philippines Balaguru, Jayanthi Chairperson, CALD Women’s Caucus Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia Chang, Chen-Ya Chief Executive Officer Thinking Taiwan Foundation

Vejjajiva, Abhisit Chairperson, Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats Former Prime Minister, Thailand Leader, Democrat Party, Thailand

Chen, Ketty Vice President, Taiwan Foundation for Democracy Chairperson, Working Group on Women’s Rights, Liberal International

9th CALD Communications Workshop & Commune Election Observation Mission

de Vela, Tesa Executive Director, Women and Gender Institute Former Chairperson, International Studies Department, Miriam College, Philippines

Co, Jan Mikael Workshop Facilitator Former Assistant Secretary Presidential Communications Development and Strategic Planning Office of the President of the Philippines

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de Vos van Steenwijk, Margaret President, International Network of Liberal Women

Dunham-Dye, Holly Assistant, Strategic Events, The B Team Former Project Assistant, Swedish International Liberal Center Hsiao, Bi-khim Member of Legislative Yuan, Republic of China (Taiwan) Former Secretary General, Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats Hsu, Hsin-Liang Former Chairperson, Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats Democratic Progressive Party, Taiwan Hung, Yao-Fu Secretary General Democratic Progressive Party, Taiwan Janis, Kanti Wisnuwardhani Partner, Robean-Janis & Associates Law Firm Research and Development Department Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle Lau, Emily Director of International Affairs and Former Chairperson, Democratic Party of Hong Kong Former Member of the Hong Kong Legislative Council Lee, Li-Feng Member of Legislative Yuan, Republic of China (Taiwan) Democratic Progressive Party, Taiwan Liu, Shyh-Fang Member of Legislative Yuan, Republic of China (Taiwan) Lo, Chih-Cheng Member of Parliament Director, Department of International Affairs Democratic Progressive Party, Taiwan Lu, Annette Former Vice President, Republic of China (Taiwan) Democratic Progressive Party, Taiwan Manalo, Rosario Rapporteur, Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, United Nations Former Chairperson, United Nations Commission on the Status of Women, Philippines Garchitorena, Victoria Former President, Ayala Corporation Former Vice President for Women, Liberal Party of the Philippines

Guce, Czarina Political Governance Fellow, iLEAD Faculty, Development Studies, Ateneo de Manila University Member, Board of Trustees, The Asia Foundation, Philippines Heinze, Wolfgang Country Director, Philippine Office Friedrich Naumann Foundation, Germany Kaaviana, Apu’u Member of the Council of Indigenous Peoples, Republic of China (Taiwan) Kirjas, Emil Secretary General, Liberal International Lin, Yi-Ying Deputy Mayor of Taichung City Republic of China (Taiwan)

Tsai, Ing-wen President, Republic of China (Taiwan) Chairperson, Democratic Progressive Party, Taiwan Tsai, Wan-Fen Director, Department of Women’s Development Democratic Progressive Party, Taiwan Wu, Chih-Chung Deputy Minister, Ministry of Foreign Affairs Republic of China (Taiwan) Yang , Maysing Founding Member, Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats Vice President, International Network of Liberal Women Vice President, Taiwan Foundation for Democracy

Sittheeamorn, Kiat Secretary General, Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats Deputy Leader, Foreign Affairs and Economics Democrat Party, Thailand Suplido, Ma. Remedios Workshop Facilitator Vejjajiva, Abhisit Chairperson, Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats Former Prime Minister, Thailand Leader, Democrat Party, Thailand

Yeh, Chu-Lan Consultant, Office of the President Republic of China (Taiwan)

Lue, Jen-Der Director, Social Affairs Bureau Taichung City, Republic of China (Taiwan)

CALD Assessment Meeting, Climate Change Workshop, & Executive Committee Meeting

Phanwichatikul, Pimrapee Vice Chairperson, Krabi Hotels Association Chairperson, Krabi Branch, Democrat Party, Thailand Sato, Josephine Member of Parliament Treasurer & Former Secretary General Liberal Party of the Philippines Seng, Janet President, Women’s Movement in North America Cambodia National Rescue Party Somchai, Boontida Former Member of Parliament Democrat Party of Thailand

Arlegue, Celito Executive Director, Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats Coronel, John Former Executive Director, Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats de Guzman, Francis Ron International Studies Department De La Salle University Manila, Philippines Dobias, Robert Advisor, National Research Council, Thailand Former Senior Advisor and Head of Climate Change Coordination Program, Asian Development Bank

Sophonpanich, Kalaya Deputy Leader, Democrat Party of Thailand Former Minister of Science and Technology, Thailand Su, Chia-Chyuan President, Legislative Yuan Republic of China (Taiwan) Tchen, Yu-Chiou President, Taiwan Public Television Former Minister of Culture, Republic of China (Taiwan) Tsai, Pei-Hui Member of Legislative Yuan, Republic of China (Taiwan) Former Secretary General, Rural Front Democratic Progressive Party, Taiwan

Herzog, Siegfried Regional Director, Friedrich Naumann Foundation Regional Office for Southeast and East Asia Juan, Chee Soon Secretary General, Singapore Democratic Party Former Chairperson, Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats Panday, Francis Miguel Climate Change Project Officer Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats

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MEMBER PARTIES Democrat Party of Thailand

Contact Kiat Sittheamorn Deputy Leader, Foreign Affairs & Economics Chala Anusuriya International Liaison to CALD 67 Setsiri Road, Samsannai Phayathai, Bangkok 100400, Thailand T: +66 0 2270 0036 F: +66 02279 6086 public@democrat.or.th www.democrat.or.th F DemocratPartyTH

The Democrat Party (DP), founded in 1946, is the oldest political party in Thailand, and is one of the oldest in Southeast Asia as well. Since its inception over 70 years ago, the Democrat Party has held ideologies that oppose all forms of dictatorship, and is committed to the promotion of democracy for the people, and most importantly by the people. The survival and existence of the DP has not come easily. The Party had to go through political struggles throughout its history that has four periods: 1st Period (1946-1967) Party Building, Pro-Democracy and Anti-Dictatorship 2nd Period (1968-1979) Party Rehabilitation and Democracy Promotion 3rd Period (1979-1990) Policy Improvement and Participation in National Administration 4th Period (1991-Present) Leading Party of Opposition and Coalition Government

Introducing the People’s Agenda Throughout its history, the DP has always stood firm on the principles of democracy, freedom, transparency, accountability and public participation.

These principles, as stipulated in the Party Guidelines, have guided the Party in the last seven decades, and will continue to guide it for many years and generations to come.

Under the leadership and guidance of Mr. Abhisit Vejjajiva and the Executive Committee, DP aims to provide the Thai public with a viable responsible political alternative to the populist political environment that has been permeating the Thai atmosphere since 2001. Through various schemes and measures implemented since 2008, especially the People’s Agenda, the Party has been able to steer national development toward a new direction. It uses the idea of “policy for the people, and by the people”, which highlights the point that “People must come first”.

years of free education, incomeguarantee initiative for farming population, debt relief and access to micro-credits, and social and health security scheme had been launched when they were in government.

Leaders Abhisit Vejjajiva Leader Chuti Krairiksh Secretary General

The Party has assured the inclusiveness of its socio-economic policy and measures. Programs such as 15

Democratic Progressive Party The Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan (DPP) was founded on 28 September 1986 by political, social, and human-rights activists, along with defence lawyers of political prisoners.

It was then Martial Law, and Taiwan was under the authoritarian regime of Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), which had fled to the island in 1949 after losing the Chinese Civil War.

Contact Lo, Chih-Cheng Director of Department of International Affairs Lu, En-Kuang, Jack Associate Researcher International Liaison to CALD 10F., No.30 Beiping E.Rd., Taipei, Taiwan T: +866 2 23929989 F: +866 2 23930342 www.dpp.org.tw F dpptaiwan

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Through social, political movements, and participation in elections, the founders of DPP risked their freedom and their lives to champion for a democratic Taiwan. Indeed, DPP would play an imperative and crucial role in Taiwan’s liberalization and the consolidation of Taiwan’s democracy.

In 2000, DPP captured the presidency, and Taiwan experienced its first transition of political power. From 2000 to 2008, DPP continued to push for freedom of expression, gender, equality, social and transformational justice, judicial impartiality, farmers’ and workers’ rights, and the further realization of Taiwan’s democracy. At the same time, DPP gained valuable experience and lessons as a young party during its eight years of governance.

In 2014, DPP won Taiwan’s nine-inone elections — the largest local polls in Taiwan’s democratic political history — by a landslide. DPP took 13 out of the 22 cities and counties, including four out of six special municipalities. The election was DPP’s best poll showing yet since its founding. Currently, more than 70 percent of Taiwan’s population reside under a DPP governing city or county.

The year 2016 actually marked the 30th anniversary of the party’s founding. In January that year, under the leadership of its Chairperson Dr. Tsai Ing-wen, the party won a majority in the Legislative Yuan, clinching 68 of the 113 seats.

This was the first time in Taiwan’s political history that the legislature experienced a political transition.

Dr. Tsai, DPP’s standard bearer in the elections, and her running mate Dr. Chen Chien-jen meanwhile garnered 6.98 million votes or 56.1 percent of the total. This meant Dr. Tsai would become Taiwan’s first female president.

In 2017, DPP pushed many reforms and progressive laws including pension reform, forward looking infrastructure plan, transitional

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justice acts, and other important policies to advance a better Taiwan.

DPP plans to further deepen Taiwan’s democracy and safeguard Taiwan’s democratic institutions for the Taiwanese people. In 2018, Taiwan will have a nationwide local election that is crucial for the DPP to examine whether people support its progressive agenda.

Internationally, DPP continues to promote and strengthen the principles of democracy, advocate for human rights, and good governance through close alliances with democratic countries around the world.

DPP is a founding member of CALD and member of Liberal International.

Leaders Tsai Ing-wen Chairperson Hung, Yao-Fu Secretary General

Liberal Party of the Philippines

Contact Ariel Tanangonan Acting Director General Third Bagro International Liaison to CALD Liberal Party of the Philippines Balay Expo Centro Building, EDSA corner McArthur Avenue, Araneta Center, Cubao, Quezon City, Metro Manila T: +63 2 709 3826 T: +63 2 709 3817 F: +63 2 709 3829 www.liberal.ph F LiberalPartyPhilippines

With a history that dates back from its establishment in 1946, the Liberal Party of the Philippines is perhaps the most prominent among the few organized opposition parties in the country.

President Diosdado Macapagal.

Two other presidents, Ramon Magsaysay and Ferdinand Marcos, were also once members of LP before moving on to other parties.

Its six-year term from 2010 to 2016 as the administration party was marked by significant reform and momentum-building towards greater inclusiveness and economic growth.

Led by President Benigno S. Aquino III, the Liberal Party of that time became known for a proactive anticorruption drive and its focus on breaking the cycle of intergenerational poverty while maintaining sound macroeconomic fundamentals.

In a recent move that goes against the tide of Philippine establishment politics, the Liberal Party opened its doors to common citizens— providing a platform for advocacy, discourse, and political engagement for citizens who remain aligned with the values of freedom, justice, and communal responsibility.

In 2016, however, the accelerated use of misinformation for political gain, along with long-festering antiestablishment sentiment, led to an electoral downturn for a Liberal Party that campaigned on continuity of governance and decency in leadership.

The LP counts among its members three previous Presidents of the Philippines: President Aquino III, President Elpidio Quirino, and

Leaders Leni Robredo Chairperson Franklin Drilon Vice Chairperson Feliciano Belmonte Jr. Vice Chairperson Francis “Kiko” Pangilinan President Jose Christopher “Kit” Belmonte Secretary General

During the days leading to Martial Law under the Marcos dictatorship, the LP stood for the honor, integrity, and the defence of democracy. Today despite overwhelming odds and the threat of (and outright) persecution—Liberal Senator Leila de Lima is currently under detention for drug charges that have yet to be clarified or sufficiently supported by evidence—the Liberals continue to rise as the voice of reason, fairness, and freedom.

Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia

Contact Jayanthi Balaguru International Liaison to CALD Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia Level 5, PGRM, No. 8 Jalan Pudu, Cheras, 56100, Kuala Lumpur Malaysia T: +60 3 9287 6868 F: +60 3 9287 8866 prgmhq@gmail.com www.gerakan.org.my F partigerakan L @partigerakanrakyatmalaysia

Since it was founded in 1968, the Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia (PGRM) has experienced growth and strength despite external challenges and internal problems. Through sincere leadership, pragmatic strategies, and non-communal approaches, PGRM obtained mass support. Its quest for an egalitarian, united Malaysia, characterized by racial harmony, social justice, economic equity, political democracy, and cultural diversity, coupled with its sensitivity to the people’s needs and aspirations, are two major factors that contribute in making PGRM a dynamic and resilient political force in Malaysia.

PGRM is a multiracial party and a member of the governing National Front (BN) coalition. It seeks partnership with the people based on the principle that: MALAYSIAN NATIONALISM is the root cause of communalism, extremism, religious fanaticism, and cultural chauvinism.

Despite setbacks in the 12th and 13th General Elections, the party has gone through an extensive transformation, even as it has rebuilt its organization and rebranded its identity to remain relevant in the ever-changing Malaysian political landscape.

PGRM Secretary General Liang Teck-meng, who heads the party’s International Relations Bureau, is committed towards playing a greater and more meaningful role in the international and regional political arena. Besides council meetings, members of the Bureau and members of Gerakan regularly participate in CALD conferences, workshops, and other programmes.

The party is represented in the government and government-related agencies with its president, Mah Siewkeong, as the Minister of Plantation Industries and Commodities, Raymond Tan as the Deputy Chief Minister

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of Sabah State, Liang Teck Meng as Chairman of the National Water Services Commission (SPAN), and Gooi Hoe-hin as Chairman of the Malaysian Timber Council (MTC).

Gerakan is also represented in the CALD Executive Committee by CALD Women’s Caucus Chairperson Dato Jayanthi Devi Balaguru and CALD Youth Chairperson Ivanpal Singh Grewal.

Leaders Mah Siew Keong National President Cheah Soon Hai Deputy President Liang Teck Meng Secretary General

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Singapore Democratic Party

Contact Jufri Salim Organising Secretary Jaslyn Go International Liaison to CALD Singapore Democratic Party 3 Ang Mo Kio Street 62, #02-30, Link@AMK, Singapore M: +65 9488 0198 T: +65 6456 4531 sdp@yoursdp.org www.yoursdp.org F yoursdp L @yourSDP

The Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) was constituted in 1980. It believes in, and is working towards, restoring human, civil, and political rights in Singapore; fostering a vibrant and dynamic society based on pluralism and diversity; cultivating a transparent and accountable political system; establishing an economic system based on free competition and equal opportunity for all; removing all policies and practices that discriminate against the less fortunate, women, and minorities, and cooperating with democratic parties and organizations in Asia to achieve peace and sustainable development in the region.

The Central Executive Committee (CEC) governs the party with Prof. Paul Tambyah as chairman and Dr. Chee Soon Juan its secretary general.

Leaders

Party leaders and members have had to endure a series of government-orchestrated court cases, and even imprisonment, for exercising their fundamental rights to freedom of expression and assembly in the recent past.

Chee Soon Juan Secretary General

Paul Tambyah Chairman

In the past two general elections, the party was seen to be the most “improved” opposition party, in terms of making the largest gain in the share of votes among opposition parties.

The SDP is widely recognized as the party in Singapore to be the most adept in using the Internet to bypass the state-controlled media in the city state.

It uses blogging, political videos, and social media to reach out to the people.

It is the first opposition in Singapore to have a youth wing (Young Democrats).

Cambodia National Rescue Party Cambodian National Rescue Party is an electoral alliance between the two main democratic opposition parties, the Sam Rainsy Party and the Human Rights Party. It was founded in mid-2012 for the purpose of running together in the 2013 elections.

Contact Mardi Seng International Liaison to CALD Cambodia National Rescue Party House #576, National Road N2, Sangkat Chakangres Leu, Khan Mean Chey, Phnom Penh, Cambodia

The party principles and values: are the rule of law and democracy, with social merit and harmonization, as well as mutual respect of interest. The party believes in the strengthening of freedom and human rights, institution of free and fair elections, and “rescue, serve, protect.”

After the 2013 elections, it became the second largest party in Cambodia, accounting to 55 seats out of the 123 seats in parliament.

In the June 2017 commune elections, CNRP received 43.83 percent of the votes cast versus 50.76 percent of the ruling Cambodian People’s Party.

As CNRP’s electoral momentum threatened the ruling party ahead of the 2018 parliamentary elections, court cases, widely perceived as politically motivated, were filed against its leaders, resulting in the

T: +855 012 90 5775 T: +855 012 92 5171 info@cnrp7.org www.cnrp7.org F CNRParty

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continuing exile of Sam Rainsy and the imprisonment of Kem Sokha.

In November 2017, the CNRP was dissolved by Cambodia’s high court with its 118 leaders banned from politics for 5 years. Despite this major setback, these former CNRP leaders are still exerting all their efforts, particularly by appealing to the international community, to bring Cambodia back to the democratic path.

Indonesian Democratic Party Of Struggle / Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan (PDI Perjuangan) The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) came into existence as a result of the people’s struggle against the efforts of the New Order regime to hold onto power.

The year 1999 was a milestone for the party, which emerged as the winner of the general election and thus put an end to Suharto’s regime.

The sudden victory initiated a long and hard work of consolidation in the organization, from national level down to the community level.

Contact Hanjaya Setiawan Secretary of Government Affairs Department International Liaison to CALD PDI Perjuangan Jl. P. Diponegoro No. 58, Menteng, Jakarta Pusat 10310, Indonesia T: +62 21 3909925 T: +62 21 3900715 sekretariat@pdiperjuangan.id www.pdiperjuangan.id F DPP.PDI.Perjuangan L @pdi_perjuangan

The party’s ideology is based on Pancasila (Five Principles) that was first articulated by Indonesian nationalist leader Sukarno in a speech he gave on 1 June 1945. It is derived from the old indigenous Indonesian philosophy and way of life. Pancasila reflects Indonesian nationalism, humanity and internationalism, democracy, social justice, and belief in one God. Our founding father, Ir. Sukarno, once said, “Indonesian nationalism is a nationalism that grows and flourishes in the garden of internationalism.” It is impossible to separate nationalism and internationalism; one needs the other.

PDI Perjuangan thus understands the importance of international relations. We will continue to develop and strengthen mutually beneficial cooperation among countries.

As the vanguard force that raises Pancasila’s banners high, PDI Perjuangan faces constant challenges on becoming the uniting power of Indonesia. PDI Perjuangan is always

at the forefront in supporting social diversity, pluralism, and human rights in Indonesia. We believe that equality among citizens is the basic foundation of unity in diversity.

In the current Indonesian democracy, PDI Perjuangan plays its role to fulfill people and state sovereignty by strengthening democratic institutions, mechanisms, and political practices.

PDI Perjuangan also aims for a selfsufficient economy in the globalized era to bring prosperity and social welfare to the people. A nationalist party, PDI Perjuangan maintains a political stance of pluralism, humanity, democracy, and social welfare.

After 10 years as an opposition party, PDI Perjuangan had its political comeback in 2014. It was during 2014 that PDI Perjuangan won around 19 percent of the votes in the parliamentary elections held that April, making it the biggest party in the legislature. Three months later, PDI Perjuangan’s Joko Widodo won the presidential polls, clinching more than 53 percent of the votes; his rival Prabowo Subianto, by comparison, garnered just less than 47 percent.

in 34 provinces, over 550 regencies/ cities, more than 6,000 subdistricts, and down to tens of thousands at the village/community level.

At the moment, PDI Perjuangan is preparing for the upcoming local elections in 2018, and general elections together with presidential election in 2019. Currently the party has five ministers, 109 members of the national parliament, more than 250 occupying the post of governor or mayor or regent, and more than 3,000 members of local parliaments.

These have given the party substantial strength, and with the spirit of gotong royong, PDI Perjuangan is sure to gain victory in 2018, as well as in 2019.

PDI Perjuangan is not merely an electoral party, it is an ideological party. The biggest challenge that the party faces is to make Pancasila our living and working ideology, or something we practice in our daily life. For us victory is only a stepping stone towards our ultimate goal: a just and prosperous society, in a united yet diverse Indonesia.

In April 2015, PDI Perjuangan held its 4th Party Congress in Bali. Her Excellency Madame Megawati Soekarnoputri was re-elected as party General Chairperson. The congress also solidified the party’s decision to become a major supporter and partner to the current government. In addition, the party restructured the organization

Leaders

The CWGP consists of the following organizations: the National Convention which is gathered once in every four years; the National Committee which consists of 200 members gathered annually; the Political Council with 36 members gathered on monthly; and the Monitoring Council consisting of 5 members. The main executive organization of the party is the Secretariat under the direct management of the Secretary General.

Leader

Megawati Soekarnoputri General Chairperson Hasto Kristiyanto Secretary General

Civil Will Green Party of Mongolia

Contact Monsor Nyamdavaa International Liaison to CALD Civil Will Green Party of Mongolia Freedom Square Orange Plaza – 606 P.O Box – 90 Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia T: +97611319006 F: +97611319006 nyamdavaa.monsor@gmail.com

The Civil Will Party (CWP) the precursor of the current Civil Will Green Party (CWGP) was established on March 9, 2000 when Oyun Sanjaasuren was elected as the Chairman and Z. Narmandakh as the Secretary General.

The party won their first seat in the parliamentary election that same year. In 2005, the CWP strengthened its activities by establishing the Civil Will Youth Wing and soon after this the CWP also structured the party to have their own senior, women youth and student organizations. In January 2006, the special session of the Fourth National Convention announced that it would work as the opposition in the Parliament. In 2009, the party formed a coalition with the Democratic Party for the presidential election which resulted in victory. Elbegdorj Tsakhia was elected president of Mongolia.

Gankhuyag Chairman

The municipal branches of the party operate at the grassroots level. There are 6 policy committees within the party: Finance, Education, Science and Culture, Legal Activities, Foreign Relations and Security.

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Indonesia’s Nation Awakening Party The Nation Awakening Party or Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB) was founded on 23 July 1998 in the Ciganjur, South Jakarta at the residence of KH. Abdurrahman Wahid, Indonesia’s first democratically elected president. Wahid was also the head of the Council of Scholars (Nahdlatul Ulama), Indonesia’s largest Muslim organization, in which its members, the nahdliyyin, formed the party’s base support. The five key leaders who were instrumental during the party inception were KH. Munasir Ali, KH. Ilyas Ruchiyat, KH. Abdurrahman Wahid, KH.A. Musthofa Bisri, and KH. Muhith Muzadi.

Contact Hesbul Bahar International Liaison to CALD Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB) Jl. Raden Saleh No. 9, Jakarta, Indonesia T: +62 21 3145238 F: +62 21 3145329 dpp@pkb.or.id www.pkb.or.id F dpp.pkb L @DPP_PKB

PKB’s vision are: 1) to realize the desired ideals of independence of the Republic of Indonesia as stated in the Preamble of the 1945 Constitution; 2) to realize a just and prosperous society; and 3) to establish democratic, clean, and honourable national politics.

The mission of the party includes: • To increase piety to the Almighty God by serving the society, nation, and state; • Political Affairs: To maintain the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia; To uphold the sovereignty of the people; to realize a clean, reliable, democratic government; To implement national development for the prosperity of the people; to carry out an independent and active foreign policy of the Indonesian state and develop foreign cooperation to

create a world of lasting peace that is also equitable and prosperous;

• Legal Affairs: To establish and develop a civilized state law that is able to protect all its citizens; To affirm human rights and social justice;

Joko Widodo-Jusuf Kalla campaign in 2014. Aside from PKB, the other members of the coalition were the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), National Democratic Party (NasDem), People’s Conscience Party (Hanura) while others including the United Development Party (PPP), Party of the Functional Groups (Golkar), and National Mandate Party (PAN) eventually joined the KIH.

• Social and Cultural Affairs: To endeavour in building an advanced culture and modernity while maintaining the nation’s identity for the sake of elevating the dignity of the nation;

The coalition has 347 seats in Parliament, with 109 seats from the PDI-P, 91 seats from Golkar, 49 seats from PAN, 47 seats from PKB, 35 seats from NasDem, and 16 seats from Hanura.

• Educational Sector: To strive to improve the quality of the human resources to be of noble character, independent, skilled, professional, and critical towards the surrounding social environment; to seek the establishment of a national education system that is welfare-oriented, affordable, and sustainable; and

Four PKB leaders have been appointed ministers in the Jokowi government.

Muhammad Hanif Dhakiri is serving in the Ministry of Manpower; H. Imam Nahrawi in the Ministry of Youth and Sports Affairs; Prof. H. Muhammad Nasir in the Ministry of Research, Technology, and Higher Education; and Eko Putro Sandjojo in the Ministry of Villages, Disadvantaged Regions, and Transmigration.

• Economic Sector: To uphold and to develop the economic life of people fairly and democratically;

• Defence: To build awareness of the obligation of every citizen to participate in the national defence effort; to encourage the establishment of community of self-defence against treatment that creates a feeling of insecurity from either individuals or certain institutions in society.

Leaders A. Muhaimin Iskandar General Chairman Abdul Kadir Karding Secretary General

The PKB is part of the Coalition Indonesia Superb (KIH), a group of political parties that supported the

OBSERVER PARTY National League for Democracy

Contact 97B West Shwegondaing Road, Bahan Township, Yangon, Myanmar T: +95 1 555 156 info.nldburma@gmail.com

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The National League for Democracy (NLD) is a Burmese political party founded on 27 September 1988. The NLD was formed in the aftermath of the 8888 Uprising, a series of protests in favour of democracy which took place in In August 8, 1998 and was ended when the military took control of the country through a coup.

The party won a substantial parliamentary majority in the 1990 Burmese general election. However, the ruling military junta refused to recognize the result. On May 2010, the party was declared illegal by the

junta after refusing to register for the elections in November 2010. The following year, NLD announced its intention to be a political party in order to contend future elections and on December 2011, Burma’s Union Election Commission approved its application for registration. In the 2012 by-elections, NLD won 43 seats out of the 44 seats it contested.

The party advocates a non-violent movement towards multi-party democracy in Burma, which had been under military rule from 1962 to 2011.

Furthermore, the party supports

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human rights (including broadbased freedom of speech), the rule of law, and national reconciliation.

In 2015, NLD won overwhelmingly in landmark general elections that saw a clear transfer of power from the military government to a civilian government. It is now the ruling party in Myanmar, with its leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi serving as State Counsellor.

INDIVIDUAL MEMBERS Abdurraham Wahid

Abdurrahman Wahid served as the fourth president of the world’s most populous Muslim nation, Indonesia, from 1999-2001. He was an important figure among religious groups and political movements during the restoration of freedom and democratic rights after 32 years of the Suharto dictatorship.

staunchly defended human rights, ethnic minorities, and Indonesia’s secular tradition. Wahid headed the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), Indonesia’s largest Muslim organisation.

More popularly known as “Gus Dur,” he showed fellow Indonesians his lifetime commitment to public service and the promotion of liberal democracy and

Martin C. M. Lee

Chung-Kai Sin

by NU members, Wahid promoted PKB as a party that is non-sectarian and open to all members of society.

Wahid passed away in 2009.

His position as a moral leader was transformed, however, when he and his supporters formed the Nation Awakening Party (PKB) following the dramatic fall of President Soeharto. He became the Chairman of its Advisory Council and its official presidential candidate in 1999. Though dominated

Martin C.M. Lee (Lee Chu Ming) is the founding chairman (1994 – 2002) of the Democratic Party, which is one of the largest and most popular political parties in Hong Kong. Prior to the founding of the Democratic Party in October 1994, Lee was chairman of the United Democrats of Hong Kong — Hong Kong’s first political party that won the firstever democratic elections to the territory’s Legislative Council in 1991.

Since its establishment, the Democratic Party has committed efforts to advancing democracy and safeguarding human rights and the rule of law in Hong Kong. In 2008, the Democratic Party merged with another pan-democratic party The Frontier, and further strengthened its political influence in Hong Kong. Lee was also a popularly elected Legislative Councillor from 1985 to 2008.

Contact

Chung-Kai Sin is the Director of International Affairs and previously the Deputy Chairman of the Democratic Party. He was an elected Legislative Councillor of Hong Kong serving a term of 4 years from Oct 2012 to Sep 2016. He has served as a member of the Central Committee of Democratic Party of Hong Kong since the party was founded in 1994.

Limited from 1999 to 2009. He served as an elected representative at all three tiers of the Government – Legislative Council, Regional Council (abolished by the HKSAR Government in 1999) from 1988 to 1994 and the Kwai Tsing District Council from 1985 to 2003.

have two sons Clement and Ryan who are studying in the US.

Born and educated in Hong Kong, Sin obtained his Bachelor of Science degree from the University of Hong Kong in 1982 and his Master in Business Administration degree from the Chinese University of Hong Kong in 1997. Chung Kai is a life and fellow member of the Hong Kong Computer Society.

T: +852 2397 7033 F: +852 2397 8998 cksin@sinchungkai.org.hk www.sinchungkai.org.hk

Sin served as a Member of Legislative Council from 1995 – 1997 representing New Territories South and 1998 to 2008 representing the Information Technology Sector. Sin has a long public service record. Sin served as a member of the Housing Authority from 2001 to 2009 and a board of director Hong Kong Mortgage Corporation

704A, Admiralty Centre, Tower I, 18 Harcourt Road, Central, Hong Kong T: +852 2529 0864 F: +852 2864 2829 oml@martinlee.org.hk www.martinlee.org.hk

Contact 4/F, Hanley House, 778 Nathan Road, Mongkok, Kowloon, Hong Kong

Mr. Chung-Kai Sin is married to Yvonne Ying Yee Chan. They

HONOR ARY MEMBER Aung San Suu Kyi

Aung San Suu Kyi is the State Counsellor of Myanmar in charge of the Foreign Ministry, Energy Ministry, and the Ministry of Education. She is currently serving as the Chairperson of the National League for Democracy (NLD). In 1991, she was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for her struggle against oppression and her fight to attain democracy and human rights in her country.

of Burma’s struggle for justice, freedom, and democracy. Much of the last two decades has seen her locked up, but in 2010, she was released from house arrest. In 2012, she contested a by-election and won a seat in parliament.

Contact contact@nldburma.org

“The Lady” has spent most of her life committed to the people

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PARTNERS Friedrich Naumann Foundation The Friedrich-Naumann-Stiftung für die Freiheit (FNF) is an independent, nonprofit, nongovernmental foundation committed to promoting the value of freedom worldwide. FNF seeks to promote this core liberal value by working to strengthen: human rights and the rule of law, liberal participatory democracy, and a free market economy.

Funded by the German parliament, the Foundation supports a wide range of activities in 65 different countries.

Its partners include parliaments, political parties, universities, think tanks, research institutions, NGOs, the media, business associations, and community organizations.

Its key tasks are civic education, policy dialogue, and consultancy to help find liberal solutions for the problems facing our societies.

FNF has worked in partnership with CALD since 1993. They have collaborated to organize conferences, meetings, networking opportunities, and publications designed to further policy dialogue and cooperation among likeminded Asian political parties.

Contact 29 BBC Tower, 25th Floor, Sukhumvit 63 Road, Bangkok 10110 Thailand T: +662 365 0570 T: +662 365 0567 F: +662 714 8384 contact@fnst.org www.fnfasia.org

Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party The Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE) Party is the party for liberal democrat values in Europe.

Together with its liberal member parties across the European continent the ALDE Party is translating the principle of freedom into politics, economics and all other areas of our societies. It provides an increasingly vital link between citizens and the EU institutions and is continuously growing in size and significance.

The ALDE Party consists of 60 member parties and thousands of individual members from countries across Europe. Liberal Democrats created their European political family in 1976 in view of the first European elections and in 1993 was established as a true transnational political party.

Formerly the European Liberal Democrat and Reform (ELDR) party, on 10 November 2012 at the Congress in Dublin, European Liberal Democrat delegates voted overwhelmingly to change the name of the party to Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party (ALDE) Party to strengthen links with the European Parliamentary group.

Leaders and key figures Hans van Baalen was elected President of the European Liberal Democrats for a two-year mandate on 21 November 2015 at the Congress in Budapest, Hungary.

parties. Together with the MEPs from the European Democratic Party they form the third largest political force, the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Group, which is led by Guy Verhofstadt MEP. Eight EU Prime Ministers belong to ALDE Party member parties: • Andrej Babiš, Prime Minister of the Czech Republic • Xavier Bettel, Prime Minister of Luxembourg • Miro Cerar, Prime Minister of Slovenia • Charles Michel, Prime Minister of Belgium • Lars Løkke Rasmussen, Prime Minister of Denmark • Jüri Ratas, Prime Minister of Estonia • Mark Rutte, Prime Minister of The Netherlands • Juha Sipilä, Prime Minister of Finland Five European Commissioners represent liberal democrats: • Andrus Ansip, Vice President and Commissioner for Digital Single Market • Violeta Bulc, Commissioner for Transport • Cecilia Malmström, Commissioner for Trade • Margarethe Vestager, Commissioner for Competition • Věra Jourová, Commissioner for Justice, Consumers and Gender Equality

The ALDE Party brings together Members of the European Parliament from among its member

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Mission Statement In 60 years of European integration, the European Union has served us well in achieving peace, stability and prosperity. The EU has promoted and extended to half a billion people the four freedoms: the free movement of people, services, capital and goods across borders.

We want the Union to play a key leadership role in tackling today’s and tomorrows global challenges.

• We strengthen the Liberal Democrat movement in the EU and throughout Europe; • We assist Liberal Democrat politicians across Europe to become better acquainted and to define a common political vision; • We draw up and adopt a common manifesto for the European Parliament elections.

Contact ALDE Party aisbl Rue d’Idalie 11 - box 2 1050 Brussels, Belgium T: +32 2 237 0140 F: +32 2 231 1907 info@aldeparty.eu www.aldeparty.eu

Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Contact

The Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE) in the European Parliament brings together MEPs from liberal and democratic parties across the European Union. The members share share the common values and promote an open-minded and forwardlooking approach to European Union politics. ALDE stands for individual liberty, a free and dynamic business culture, economic and social solidarity,

sustainability in taking actions, protection of the environment and respect and tolerance for cultural, religious and linguistic diversity.

Liberal International is the world federation of liberal political parties.

Founded in 1947, it has become the pre-eminent network for promoting liberalism, strengthening liberal parties, and promoting liberal democracy around the world. There are a number of common principles that unite all liberal parties from Africa, the Americas, Asia, and Europe: human rights, free and fair elections, multiparty democracy, social justice, tolerance, social market

economy, free trade, environmental sustainability, and a strong sense of international solidarity. Although there is diversity among liberal parties owing to the application of these principles in different national circumstances, all LI members adhere to the organization’s manifesto.

Contact

political and civic organizations, safeguard elections, and to promote citizen participation, openness, and accountability in government.

Contact

European Parliament, Rue Wiertz, B – 1047 Brussels, Belgium T: +32 2 284 2111 F: +32 2 230 2485 aldegroup@europarl.europa.eu www.alde.eu

Liberal International

1 Whitehall Place, London, SW1A 2HD T: +44 20 7839 5905 F: +44 20 7925 2685 all@liberal-international.org www.liberal-international.org

National Democratic Institute for International Affairs The National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI) is a nonprofit organization working to strengthen and expand democracy worldwide. Calling on a global network of volunteer experts, NDI provides practical assistance to civic and political leaders advancing democratic values, practices, and institutions. NDI works with democrats in every region of the world to build

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455 Massachusetts Ave., NW, 8th Floor Washington, DC 20001 T: +1 202 728 5500 F: +1 202 728 5520 www.ndi.org

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Taiwan Foundation for Democracy Taiwan’s peaceful transition to democracy is not only a historical accomplishment for its 23 million people, but a landmark in the worldwide spread of democracy. Only after years of struggle and effort could this transformation take place. We must never forget this history, for it shapes the cornerstone of our continued commitment to the principles of democracy and human rights.

The Taiwan Foundation for Democracy (TFD) was established with an interrelated, two-tracked mission in mind.

Domestically, the TFD strives to play a positive role in consolidating Taiwan’s democracy and fortifying its commitment to human rights; internationally, the Foundation hopes to become a strong link in the global democratic network, joining forces with related organizations around the world.

Through the years, Taiwan has received valuable long-term assistance and

stalwart support from the international community, and it is now time to repay that community for all of its efforts.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs initiated the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy project in 2002. After much research and careful evaluation, the Ministry integrated the required resources from many sectors of society. In January 2003, the Ministry obtained the support of all political parties to pass the budget for the Foundation in the legislature. The TFD formally came into being on 17 June 2003, with its first meeting of the Board of Trustees and Supervisory Board. At that meeting, Legislative Yuan President Wang Jinpyng was elected its first chairman.

According to its by-laws, the TFD is governed by a total of 15 trustees and five supervisors, representing political parties, the government, academia, nongovernmental organizations, and the business sector.

Contact No.4, Alley 17, Lane 147, Section 3, Sinyi Road, Taipei 106, Taiwan T: +886 2 2708 0100 F: +886 2 2708 1148 www.tfd.org.tw

Africa Liberal Network Launched in June 2003, the Africa Liberal Network (ALN) is a network of African Liberal Democratic political parties and is an associated organisation of Liberal International, the political family to which Liberal Democratic parties belong.

Through our work with member parties, the ALN aims to spread Liberal values across the African continent by:

All members of the network are bound by a policy stating that they exist to ensure the freedom and dignity of all people through establishing political and civil rights, ensuring basic freedoms and the rule of law, supporting democratic governance based on free and fair elections with peaceful transition, ensuring religious, gender and minority rights, fighting corruption and establishing free market economies.

1. Championing Liberal policy solutions to Africa’s challenges.

Contact Democratic Alliance National Head Office P.O Box 1475 Cape Town 8000 Republic of South Africa T: +27 021 465 1431 F: +27 021 466 8394 zanie.maree@africaliberalnetwork.org www.africaliberalnetwork.org

2. Capacitating Liberal Democratic member parties with the skills they need to win elections and run governments based on Liberal values.

3. Providing a platform for likeminded Liberals in Africa to network and share information, experience, skills, and ideas.

Liberal Network for Latin America RELIAL (Red Liberal de América Latina), the Liberal Network of Latin America, is a Latin America-wide network of currently 52 civil society organizations, political parties, think tanks, and research-institutes. RELIAL is forming the institutional frame for leaders and opinion makers, academics, intellectuals, business people, and personalities from

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the region who share and profess the ideas of individual freedom, limited government, the market economy, the rule of law, and a free democratic system in the continent

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Contact Cerrada de la Cerca Nº 82 Col. San Angel Inn México DF 01060 T: +5255 5550 1039 F: +5255 5550 6223 info@relial.org www.relial.org

The Council for Asian Liberals and Democrats (CALD) was inaugurated in Bangkok in 1993, with the support of then Thai Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai and South Korea’s Kim Dae-Jung. CALD, which offers a unique platform for dialogue and cooperation, is the only regional alliance of liberal and democratic political parties in Asia.

CALD was formed out of the recognition of leaders of like-minded political parties in Asia of the need for a dynamic forum promoting discussion and exchange of ideas regarding trends and challenges affecting democracy, human rights and the rule of law in the region.

The chair parties of CALD since its inception to the present have been the Democrat Party of Thailand or DP (1993 – 1995, 2002-2004, 2016-present), the Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan or DPP (1995-1997, 2004-2005), the Liberal Party of the Philippines or LP (1997-1999, 2005-2007), the Singapore Democratic Party or SDP (2007-2010), the Liberal Party of Sri Lanka or LPSL (1999-2000, 20102012), the Sam Rainsy Party/Cambodia National Rescue Party (20002002, 2012-2014), and the Civil Green Party of Mongolia (2014-2016).

The other members of CALD are the Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia (PGRM), the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and the Nation Awakening Party (PKB) of Indonesia, while the Hong Kong legislators Martin Lee and Sin Chung-kai are individual members.

In 2010, CALD bestowed honorary individual membership to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi. The National League for Democracy (NLD) of Burma is an observer party.

Through CALD, political parties, groups, and individuals have a continuing discussion on the developments occurring in the various countries of the region. The aim is to assess the possibilities for liberal solutions to problems facing Asian democracies.

Accordingly, CALD organizes network meetings including those with its partners (Friedrich Naumann Foundation, Liberal International, Alliance for Liberals and Democrats for Europe, Taiwan Foundation for Democracy, and the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs), international conferences on vital issues affecting the region, and regular workshops on communication, political management, and women in politics. It also sends missions for various advocacies, sponsors internship programs in its secretariat, as well as maintains a website, a social network group account and a weekly electronic newsletter.

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Abhisit Vejjajiva CALD Chair Kiat Sittheeamorn CALD Secretary General Unit 410, La Fuerza Plaza 2, 2241 Don Chino Roces Avenue corner Sabio St., 1231 Makati City, Philippines Telephone +63 2 819 6071 Mobile +63 998 576 0877 Facsimile +63 2 819 6055 info@cald.org www.cald.org facebook.com/asianliberals @asianliberals @asianliberals

CALD SECRETARIAT Celito Arlegue Executive Director Paolo Antonio Zamora Program Manager Francis Miguel Panday Program Officer Audrie Semeona Frias Administrative and Project Officer

REINVIGORATE. RELATE. RECLAIM. CALD Annual Report 2017

EDITOR C.C. Balgos LAY-OUT & ART DIRECTION Michael A. Gadi