“It seems that the North has decided to play an ‘end game’ where they push things to see how far they can go.”—Koh Yu-hwan, a North Korean expert at Seoul’s Dongguk University, on Pyongyang’s fifth nuclear test. AP
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“These are kids that basically have been hungry all their lives, and some are so far gone that they die here in the first 24 hours.”—Jean Stowell, head of the Doctors Without Borders emergency feeding center in Maiduguri, Nigeria, on the children dying of starvation because of Boko Haram’s insurgency. AP
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Tuesday, September 13, 2016 Vol. 11 No. 339
Despite rift, China keen on reviving ODAs to PHL By Cai U. Ordinario
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ven with the South China Sea dispute and the botched National Broadband Network (NBN) and NorthRail projects, Beijing has indicated that it is ready to resume official development assistance (ODA) loans to Manila— and probably on better terms at that. INSIDE
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E1 Tuesday, September 13, 2016
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In Politics, Workers Follow Boss’s Lead
In an interview with the BusinessMirror, National Economic and Development Authority (Neda) Deputy Director General for Investment Programming Rolando G. Tungpalan said the Philippines See “ODAs,” A2
By Andrew Ross Sorkin
While Cook’s role was as a private citizen—it was not an Apple event— the message to employees about whom he is supporting for president is clear. The influence of chief executives like Cook over employees’ political leanings and donations, intentional or not, is substantial: It may not be an overstatement to suggest that a chief executive’s politics may be one of the most significant factors in swaying how employees think about elections. The results of a new academic study looking at the power of chief executives over the politics of their employees is stunning and perhaps unsettling. Three business professors set out to examine “how the political preferences of CEOs affect their employees’ campaign contributions and electoral choices.” The results of the study, which looked at eight federal election cycles from 1999 to 2014 and more than 2,000 companies, showed a statistically significant correlation among campaign contributions made by the chief and his or her employees as well as voter turnout. The study found that “employees direct approximately three times more
of their campaign contributions to political candidates supported by their firm’s CEO than to otherwise similar candidates.” If you’re thinking, “Well, CEOs and employees donate along similar party lines because they share common values and interest,” think again. The study uncovered patterns that show a chief executive’s influence is profound: “When a new CEO contributes to different political candidates from the ones supported by the prior CEO, employees tend to follow his/her lead and redirect their donations as well,” wrote the professors, Ilona Babenko of Arizona State University, Viktar Fedaseyeu of Bocconi University in Italy and Song Zhang of the University of Lugano in Switzerland. There is nothing inherently wrong, in most cases, with a chief executive or employee raising money for a particular candidate or party. Cook, it is worth noting, gives to both sides of the aisle, having just hosted a separate fundraiser for House Speaker Paul Ryan in June. But the influence of a boss’s political leanings should not be under-
InTel Corp. CeO Brian Krzanich displays the Intel smart headset and earbud designs, providing full stereo audio, heart-rate monitor and pulse check, during his keynote address at the 2014 International CeS at The Venetian hotel, January 6, 2014, in las Vegas, nevada. In June Krzanich canceled an event at his home for Donald Trump, after it was reported to be causing a firestorm among Intel employees and peers in Silicon Valley that felt Trump’s policies were damaging to the industry. robYn beck/Agence FrAnce-Presse/geTTY imAges estimated. “Our evidence indicates that CEOs are a political force, with potentially important implications for firms they manage and for the nature of democracy,” the authors wrote. “The welfare implications depend both on whether CEOs promote their own political agenda or act in the interests of their firms, and on whether the interests of the firm coincide with the interests of its employees.” Some CEOs don’t just lead by example; they actively solicit donations from their own employees for candidates and company-sponsored political action committees, which can create its own thicket of ethical questions. The Federal Election Commission, for
example, investigated the way Robert Murray, chief executive of Murray Energy, had solicited political donations from his employees through emails and internal videos. Some employees told The New Republic that they felt pressured to donate, fearing that not to do so might risk their jobs. The Federal Election Commission, ultimately, found Murray hadn’t broken any laws. Still, the risks—and complex set of election laws—make political fundraising a complicated endeavor for those in the corner office. “The potentially coercive effect of an employer’s solicitation counsels in favor of avoiding the situation altogether,” said Harvey Pitt, a former chairman of the Securi-
ties and Exchange Commission and the chief of Kalorama Partners, a Washington consulting firm. “The logical alternative—having a very strong and clear disclaimer—doesn’t really work, since many employees might not believe the disclaimer, no matter how strongly it is worded.” Tony Fratto, a former deputy assistant to President George W. Bush who now operates a consulting firm, Hamilton Place, took issue with the idea that CEOs should remain outside the political campaign arena. “I don’t doubt that some employees feel pressure to align with the CEO politically, but my experience is that in most cases, both CEOs and employees are overwhelmingly influenced by a candidate’s views or voting record on industry issues,” he said. “I encourage firms to do more to inform their employees at all levels about what political leaders’ records are on their key policies. I actually think that doesn’t happen enough.” Alexander Hertel-Fernandez, a professor at Columbia University, found in his own survey that “a quarter of employees reported that their bosses have tried to engage them in politics,” but reported that “about 7 percent of employees reported clearly coercive kinds of political contact at work—messages that made workers uncomfortable or included threats of plant closures, cuts in hours or layoffs.” This election cycle, it seems that many CEOs, especially on Wall Street, have chosen to be less public about whom they are supporting in the presidential race. Perhaps because of the lingering negative memories of the financial crisis or perhaps because this presidential election has turned so decidedly nasty, many executives have stayed on the sideline. In June, Brian
Krzanich, chief executive of Intel, canceled an event at his home for Donald Trump after it was reported to be causing a firestorm among Intel employees and peers in Silicon Valley that felt Trump’s policies were damaging to the industry. Krzanich later said he canceled the event because it had turned into a fundraiser without his approval. “I do not intend to endorse any presidential candidate. We are interested in engaging both campaigns in open dialogue on issues in technology,” he wrote on Twitter. When it comes to presidential politics, some executives privately say they worry they could see reprisals against their business or industry if they were to actively campaign for one candidate or another. “The risk of being on the record publicly against a politician is high, particularly if that politician may take retaliatory action,” said Brian Richter, an assistant professor at the University of Texas at Austin. That didn’t stop 150 technology executives from writing an open letter in July opposing Trump’s policies. The list of signatories included the leaders of Silicon Valley darlings like Slack and Box but notably was not signed by the current leaders of Google, Apple or Facebook, which typically face the most regulatory scrutiny. Clearly the influence of CEOs and other senior executives’ political preferences on the people working for them deserves more scrutiny. In the meantime, while it is hard to know how individuals will ultimately vote when they pull the lever in November, perhaps a new election polling data point should be the preferences of their bosses.
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The National Artist on Rosales, Reforms and the Duterte ‘Revolution’ By Joel Pablo Salud editor in Chief, Philippines Graphic magazine
T the heart of every nation is memory. And there’s no better way to be reminded of it than through the eyes and words of National Artist for Literature Francisco Sionil José.
Manila at the tail end of the Second World War. So it came to pass when as a young man, Frankie journeyed on foot to his hometown in Rosales, Pangasinan from Manila to flee a city in the throes of hunger. The Americans had returned under the command of Gen. Douglas McArthur and the bombardment commenced, sending the Japanese invaders in a scuffle for their lives. Manila, caught in the crossfire of one of the fiercest battles for dominion and survival, bled for many days. Food was scarce. Scarcer still were the places of refuge. Manila, once known as the Pearl of the Orient, was in shambles, its once exquisite landmarks reduced to rubble. The death toll on both sides had been staggering, to say nothing of the stench of death all around. With nothing but the clothes on their back and meagre provisions, Frankie and the other boys walked the close to 200 kilometers of paved and rough roads for a full seven days, stopping over rows of abandoned houses where they spent the night. The aging rail system had long been abandoned, forcing people to take the old trail as an alternative route. Today, a trip to Rosales stretches for only about two and a half hours via the North Expressway R8. On a good day, a traveler would be treated to acres of fertile green rice paddies, a host of river systems, lush foliage, rows of mango trees and houses built of stone. Frankie reminisced how nipa huts once studded the Pangasinan countryside, where the occasional wooden houses of the rich and famous towered above the other homes. We were to learn later on that the once majestic houses still stood, rousing Frankie to recall how he had depicted them during the writing of his novels: The Rosales Saga. Some of these houses, Frankie affirmed, offered protection to Apolinario Mabini, who, after fleeing from a horde of American troops in a chase for Filipino insurgents, sought sanctuary in Rosales. Frankie was born Francisco Sionil José weeks before Christmas of 1924 to Antonio José, an Aglipayan minister and Sofia Sionil. Our trip brought us to where he was born. It was a humble patch of land where his former home had now disappeared. He told the story of how
this house, which had long been the quiet harbor of the José family, burned down decades ago. Today, only loose grass remains and a couple of trees. Frankie mentioned how Rosales had brought him face to face with the realities of life, how poverty and wealth, family and friendships, war and peace had shaped his own views and prompted him to write his novels. A lot of what he had seen and heard formed the crux of the stories he told. As a child, Frankie combed the Rosales countryside for places to see and visit. Gripped by a profound curiosity rarely seen in boys his age, he walked for miles if only to climb a mountain and spend the cold night there. When occasions allowed, he’d take a dip at the Agno River or watch the comings and goings of buses that ply the highway. Often in these excursions, he went barefoot or used only tattered slippers, hardly minding where his feet would take him. Life was all but brusque and impatient in Rosales during Frankie’s childhood. The municipality was said to have been named in honor of Don Antonio Rosales Liberal, the former Consejero de Filipinas en el Ministro de Ultramar or the country’s foreign minister. It was created via a royal decree in 1852. It began as a humble town of a few thousand families, mostly émigrés from the Ilocos region, Frankie told the Graphic. Rosales grew before the two world wars from these settlements. A thriving railroad system—the ManilaDagupan Railway Co. Ltd.—brought along with these families much of the Ilocano mores and ethos in Pangasinan. History tells us that the same railway system, on Dec. 27, 1897, brought Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo and Spanish governor Gen. Primo de Rivera to Sual. There they boarded the ship S.S. Uranus to Hongkong where Aguinaldo lived a life of exile as a result of the Pact of Biak-na-Bato. “In my novel, Poon,” the National Artist said, “I mentioned the fall of the Malolos Republic and how Gen. Antonio Luna and Bishop Aglipay proceeded to the north and planned their escape. The idea was to wage a guerilla war and, at the same time, establish a revolutionary government in Northern Luzon. They will be based in the Cordilleras where it would be difficult to get to them. They will be sustained by the Cagayan Valley and the Ilocos Region.
‘T
he real question we must ask is: Do we trust ourselves? That’s why it’s important to build a sense of nation. Without it, we’re done for.” “What happened was, the Americans knew of the plan. So they landed a party in San Fabian, Pangasinan, somewhere along the coast, and marched across the central plains. They shut off the gateway into the Cagayan Valley. “There are several ways across the Caraballo to the Cagayan Valley. But they were very narrow and very steep. The Santa Fe trail is the best way to the Cagayan Valley. There was also the Villaverde trail in Tayug, Besang Pass in Ilocos Sur and Tirad Pass further north. So Filipinos had to go north, with the Americans only hours behind them. They chose Tirad Pass.” The first hour or so on the road with Frankie opened a discussion on a number of topics, power being the most enthralling. At 92, it is safe to say that he had seen it all, felt it all. And while he can be quite outspoken on subjects that are way too controversial, mostly those pertaining to politics, what is noticeable was Frankie’s continuing empathy with the human condition. As with the idea of power, Frankie insists that here, the human condition also applies, especially in relation to political power.
“I look at power first,” he said, “Who wields it, how it’s wielded. By this you can explain many things. Only then can you understand it, where it succeeds and where it fails. Also, relationships, as one person from Ateneo described as our penchant for “pakikisama.” I always look at relationships wherever it can be found. In this relationships, loyalties included, reside power. Which is why President Duterte should look for loyalties in the military and the other agencies of government, because without it, he is powerless. He should establish these coalitions.” Frankie is no stranger to controversy, for sure. His recent blog, “The Duterte Revolution” has had its share of critics from a number of netizens. Some have called his attention on what seemed like Frankie’s “approval” of the killings, to which he answered: “If they will judge my stand on the basis of one piece I wrote, disregarding the rest that I have written all these years, then they are mistaken.” And so I asked him point blank on his thoughts on the new President, ever mindful that the National Artist
had written a body of work that would be sufficient for a Nobel. “Yes, I am for Duterte now, because makatao siya,” he said. “He is for the people. He’s not only introducing an efficient government but a caring government. When he said people should not anymore fall in line and waste another hour to get government services, that’s what I mean by caring. Things like this matter to people. The important thing is that Duterte is the first president who is non-oligarchic in background. Of course, there are rich people who supported him. But the oligarchy, as such, supported the other candidates. “However, the President is moving too fast. The important thing is that the machinery for revolution has been set up. The changes must and should continue. If he is smart, then he should see this through. The idea is to institutionalize all these reforms. We have to wait and see.” For Frankie, Duterte embodies the sort of change that, if institutionalized, might give this country the chance at long-term reforms. The challenge, of course, is close to being insurmountable had the President taken a softer route. Duterte’s dealings with the Left had proven that it was possible to take a leap of faith even in the day and age of technology. “Immediately the President took the high moral ground by offering the Left peace. He puts them on the defensive immediately. We are here given a glimpse of how Duterte thinks.
All we have to do is look back at Davao itself. Remember, 20 years ago, Davao was called Nicaragdao (a pun on the violence and disorder that once struck Nicaragua). What did he do? Cleaned it up. There are things he does that shock people. It’s psychological warfare. Except that I don’t like what he’s doing to Leila de Lima.” On the issue of Federalism, the National Artist aired his doubts: “Federalism, to me, is a big question mark,” he said. “I am not convinced for the simple reason that we are not politically ready. They will only be giving the local warlords more power. It really depends on the style and systems that will be adopted. However, I am for emasculating Congress. I am for strengthening the judicial system. For example, if we are 48 provinces, then let’s have only 48 lawmakers. Streamline the whole system. Sessions should only be four months out of the year. They’re not doing anything anyway. The President or the Prime Minister can call for a session anytime or if there is an emergency. We abolish the party-lists. I hope we adopt the system in Britain where a candidate, who may not be as rich, can still run for office.” As for the previous administration, here’s what Frankie told the Graphic: “In the first two years I liked him, then afterwards... You know I once sat with Lacierda. I introduced myself. He never once talked with me (laughs). If he was the spokesman for the President, he should’ve at least talked with me. And here comes Zubiri, whom I didn’t know from Adam, and he held and kissed my hands. nagmano sa akin. I mean, as a writer, he knows I can be of good use to him. And so I thought, Lacierda is lost somewhere.” National unity and diversity, subjects that intrigued this novelist for some time, had kept him occupied. As a student of language and its varying demands on a society nearly crushed by overwhelming differences, Frankie saw to it to build bridges than obstructions: “The real question we must ask is: do we trust ourselves? That’s why it’s important to build a sense of nation. Without it, we’re done for. See, we don’t have emblems to inspire unity and identity, like the kings of old. To make diversity, especially in our languages, not as obstructions but bridges. Hindi is the national language of India, but it is not forced upon the people. They cannot force it because the other languages are just as strong. And most of these languages carry a classical tradition. This is also the reason why in the translation of my novels into Filipino, I asked Lualhati Bautista to translate ‘Mass’ in the Tagalog of the marketplace, so I will be understood everywhere in the country. I grew up in Manila, here in 1938 when I was 13. “History should unite us,” he stressed. “But the best reason to bond for all of us is love for country. Nationalism. Problem with that is that everyone can call himself a nationalist. As it was once said, the last refuge of the scoundrel is nationalism. Maybe the better word is patriotism. “I also believe that the real national language will develop in Mindanao. I believe that. Because right now, Filipino is actually Tagalog. I would like to see the day when Balay is used simultaneously with the other languages. Some are stuck in a time freeze as regards indigenous culture. You cannot do that. They should bring them up to the 21st century, teach them to use computers. Or else they will be stuck. We are all tribes, if you think about it. But we should transcend this and be Filipinos. To have a sense of nation.”
nick.
here has been no dearth of measures that were or are being implemented or planned to solve the trafficcongestion problem in Metro Manila. These include the number-coding scheme, the ban on trucks during certain hours of the day; the drive against colorum public-utility vehicles; and the proposed ban on provincial buses in the metropolis.
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Manny B. Villar
China, Russia launch South China Sea naval war games
the national artist on rosales, reforms and the duterte ‘revolution’ F4 Tuesday, September 13, 2016
the entrepreneur
The government also established three elevated rail systems and is planning to build, through partnerships with private investors, other rail systems in the northern and southern part of Metro Manila. Continued on A10
Apple CeO Tim Cook talks about the new Apple Watch during an Apple event on March 9, 2015, in San Francisco. Jim Wilson/The neW York Times
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Creative approach to PHL traffic crisis
The cost of the failed National Broadband Network project that Beijing was supposed to finance
Alcohol sector drinks in impact of ‘sin’ tax law
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in politics, workers follow boss’s lead
ATE last month, Tim Cook, Apple’s chief executive, hosted a private fundraiser for Hillary Clinton in Los Altos, California, along with his colleague Lisa Jackson, vice president of Apple’s environmental, policy and social initiatives. The private, off-the-record event required a donation of $2,700 to $50,000.
“The scene was much like a slaughterhouse where sacrificed animals are dumped on one another. People were screaming for help, but there was no one to listen. Police officers seemed confused and looked like they were not trained to handle this kind of situation.”—Dawood Raza, a 51-year-old businessman from Peshawar, Pakistan, who recounted his experience during a deadly stampede at last year’s annual hajj in Saudi Arabia. AP
This September 11 photo shows a worker arranging bottles of alcohol in a store in Buendia, Pasay City. According to reports, alcoholic-beverage consumption was affected by the hike in taxes during the first year of the enactment of a new “sin” tax law in 2013. Two years later, total excise-tax collections from fermented liquors reached P28.26 billion, higher by 14 percent from the P24.74 billion collected in 2014. ALYSA SALEN By Rea Cu
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Part Two
HE pronouncements of Finance Secretary Carlos G. Dominguez III on seeking other revenue sources to further fund the spending of the current government on infrastructure
PESO exchange rates n US 46.8370
development and social services are said to fall under the revision of a number of tax regimes, one of which is the increase in excise tax imposed on “sin” products, like alcohol and tobacco. The plan for tapping more revenue streams by the government to fund its projects for the betterment of the Philippine
economy is in line with President Duterte’s 10-point socioeconomic agenda. The agenda includes lowering personal- and cor porate -t a x rates. T he decrease, in turn, is noted to be offset by implementing more tax revenue-collection schemes to sustain government revenues. Continued on A2
he Chinese and Russian navies launched eight days of war games in the South China Sea on Monday, in a sign of growing cooperation between their armed forces against the backdrop of regional territorial disputes. The Joint Sea-2016 maneuvers include surface ships, submarines, shipborne helicopters and fixed-wing aircraft, along with marines and amphibious armored vehicles that will conduct live-firing exercises, according to a Defense Ministry statement issued on Sunday. Tasks will include defensive and rescue drills; antisubmarine exercises; and the simulated seizure of an enemy island by marines from both sides. The exercise is part of an annual program that “aims to consolidate
LIANG: “It will also improve coordination between the two navies on joint defense operations at sea.”
and advance the Sino-Russian comprehensive strategic partnership of coordination, and deepen friendly and practical cooperation between the two militaries,” Chinese navy spokesman Liang Yang was quoted as saying. “It will also improve coordination between the two navies on joint defense operations at sea,” Liang said. Continued on A12
n japan 0.4570 n UK 62.2792 n HK 6.0384 n CHINA 7.0273 n singapore 34.6581 n australia 35.7835 n EU 52.7572 n SAUDI arabia 12.4905
Source: BSP (9 September 2016 )