The Origins of the Medieval University

DAVID MANCHESTER

The transition from the schools of the twelfth century to the universities of the thirteenth century was dependent on the patronage of both the papacy and secular powers. The Medieval university’s emergence served the purposes of these two groups while also attempting to remedy many of the problems that contemporaries had with the preceding schools. Ultimately, this was a protracted and difficult development. It was by serving the utilitarian and ideological interests of other centres of power and using these to help define their own identity and purpose that the Medieval university emerged.

It is necessary to understand the nature of the Medieval university to better chart the reasons for its emergence. Contemporary language describing universities is confused; the term universitas, for instance, was a general one used for many organised corporate bodies.1 The label of studium generale better identifies the Medieval university. Institutions had to offer several subjects and attract students from afar to qualify for the term studium generale as well as often requiring papal or imperial approval. 2 Stephen Ferruolo brings out several of the implications of this definition to include the criteria of institutions being both autonomous corporate bodies and communicating knowledge.3 It is these features that need to be explained to understand the transition from schools to university. Ferruolo himself has explored how the desire to reform, and a commitment to an educational ideal, focused on learning rather than on utilitarian practical skills. 4 This approach is helpful in understanding why the universities emerged in their particular form, but it can be reoriented to understand the success of these ideals in the context of Medieval societyand the developmental forces outside of the university. A focus on secular affairs was not as complete as Cobban suggests and understanding both the practical and theoretical aids universities provided is necessary to explain their emergence.5

Patronage and protection from the papacy was essential to a university’s emergence. The progression of the master’s universities of Northern Europe, most notably Paris, to corporate bodies was largely dependent upon the papacy granting privileges that helped university clerics. 6 The Lateran councils demonstrate these privileges and guaranteed them by their status as general councils in the Latin west. The Third Lateran Council in 1179 restricted the selling of licenses to teach and it condemned restricting learning for one’s own material benefit.7 The much larger - and more important - Fourth Lateran Council of 1215 formally

1 Jacques Verger, ‘Patterns’ in Hilde de Ridder-Symoens (ed.), A History of the University in Europe, Volume 1: Universities in the Middle Ages, Cambridge, 1991, p. 37. 2 Alan Cobban, The medieval English universities: Oxford and Cambridge to c.1500, Aldershot, 1988, pp. 2-3. 3 Stephen C. Ferruolo, The Origins of the University: The Schools of Paris and their Critics, 1100-1215, Stanford, 1985, p. 4. 4 Ibid., pp. 2-3, 8. 5 A. B. Cobban, The Medieval Universities: their development and organisation, London, 1975, pp. 8-9. 6 Ian P. Wei, Intellectual Culture in Medieval Paris: Theologians and the University, c.1100–1330, Cambridge, 2012, p. 91. 7 Cannon 18, Third Lateran Council: 1179, https://www.papalencyclicals.net/councils/ecum11.htm, accessed 16:32, 31/01/2020.

protected masters and students from the charge of pluralism. It stated that in regard to holding multiple benefices ‘As for exalted and lettered persons, however, who should be honoured with greater benefices, it is possible for them to be dispensed by the apostolic see’.8 These privileges had multiple benefits. Masters were less beholden to students financially, so the northern universities moved further from a Bologna-style university and, at Paris in particular, the chancellor lost a tool by which he could generate income and assert some control over the university. These benefits were also essential to the economics of universities. The university could only function if its masters could support themselves through benefices that they were permitted to be absent from.9 In addition they could avoid episcopal censure from bishops for their absenteeism and pluralism.10 Papal support was essential to the creation of conditions that would allow Medieval universities to thrive.

Beyond these formal and written methods of assistance, papal and episcopal permission, and potentially support, for the ideas and ideals of the university was also important. The decline of persecutions of university masters for their ideas in the latter half of the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries demonstrate this support. Peter Abelard, one of the most famous masters of the early twelfth century schools, was persecuted for his use of logic at the Council of Sens in 1141with Bernard of Clairvaux leading the attack. 11 Even if we should not believe all of his Historia Calimatatum it is important that he was tried without getting a chance to specifically defend his works: ‘Without any questioning or discussion they (the church council) compelled me to throw my book into the fire’. 12 If he had got the chance to defend his work, Abelard would not have passed up a chance to demonstrate his intelligence by describing his defence. Abelard’s persecution by Bernard seems as much an attack on his position as a master and his use of logic as a genuine charge of heresy. Changes in this persecution are already evident when John of Salisbury, an observer of the mid-century papal court, reports on the heresy charges against Gilbert of Poitiers. John writes that upon hearing that Bernard had set up a trial for Gilbert the cardinals ‘agreed… to support the cause of the bishop of Poitiers, saying that the abbot (Bernard) had attacked master Peter (Abelard) in exactly the same way; but he had not access to the apostolic see’. 13 The death of Bernard of Clairvaux, a fierce opponent of scholastic learning as found in schools, and the increasing numbers of popes after 1153 who were educated at Paris meant that ecclesiastical authorities took a more benevolent view of scholastic learning.14 No major persecutions of this type took place again until William of St. Amour’s criticisms of the friars in the mid-twelfth century.15 Even in this dispute it was a clash over the membership of the university, not strictly its

8 Cannon 29, Fourth Lateran Council: 1215, https://www.papalencyclicals.net/Councils/ecum12-2.htm#29, accessed 16:31 31/01/2020. 9 John W. Baldwin, Paris: 1200, Stanford, 2010, p. 163. 10 Frank Pegues, ‘Ecclesiastical Provisions for the Support of Students in the Thirteenth Century’, Church History, Vol. 26, No. 4 (Dec., 1957), pp. 307-308. 11 The Historia Pontificalis of John of Salisbury, edited and translated by Majorie Chibnall, Oxford, 1986, p. 16. 12 Peter Abelard, Historia calamitatum in The Letters of Abelard and Heloise: Translated with an Introduction and Notes by Betty Radice, Revised by M. T. Clanchy, London, 2003, p. 24. 13 The Historia Pontificalis of John of Salisbury, pp. 15-28, p. 19. 14 Ferruolo, The Origins of the University, p. 289. 15 Pearl Kibre, Scholarly privileges in the Middle Ages: the rights, privileges, and immunities, of scholars and universities at Bologna, Padua, Paris, and Oxford, Cambridge, 1962, pp. 110-117.

structure or type of learning. Papal support was key to providing the intellectual environment where studies could flourish without too close of an eye kept on the masters. It is evident that papal patronage was key to the emergence of universities, but it is also necessary to understand the reasons for this patronage to give a full account of why medieval universities emerged.

Throughout the twelfth century the papacy had sought a far more active role in regulating sin and penance to better ensure the salvation of its flock.16 The educational ideals of the university coincided with these papal goals. The bull Parens Scientiarum is a clear recognition of the value of the university of Paris’s learning. Granted by Gregory IX in 1231, in order to end the masters’ strike that had plagued the university since 1229, it was composed under extreme circumstances. This does not invalidate its underlying sentiments. It praises the university saying that scholars make ‘ornaments of gold studded with silver’ and ‘make beautiful the bride of Christ’. 17 Importantly, it also uses martial imagery suggesting they make ‘the breastplate of faith, the sword of the spirit’. 18 This martial imagery, although a common theme in Medieval religious writing, is particularly pertinent given the help the university had rendered for the Fourth Crusade. In addition, the ambiguous meaning of this final line suggests that students became preachers through the spirit at university, and reciprocally that the spirit and preachers at university transformed students.19 Either meaning implies that preaching is an essential element of the university. This focus on preaching allowed improved pastoral care and generated crusading support. It would only become more pertinent in the decades after the bull was written, with the Dominicans joining the university and then helping to combat the Cathars through preaching.

Beyond these specific applications it is clear that the papacy thought scholars could be useful to the Catholic faith. For example, Innocent III requested that scholars from Paris go to Constantinople to help Baldwin ‘work for the reform of the study of letters there’ and help reestablish the catholic church in Greece which ‘for a long time past has scorned to follow the footsteps of its mother the holy Roman church’. 20 The lack of specific requests other than establishing study suggests that Innocent III thought learning had a value that was fundamental to a thriving Christian polity headed by the papacy. The humanist ideals of scholars could tangibly serve papal needs.

To fully appreciate why papal patronage helped the medieval university to emerge it is necessary to understand the ecclesiastical careers many masters pursued. The skilled men trained by Medieval universities and employed by the papacy came to shape the universities they came from. The cooperation between university and papacy that the 1215 Statutes of the University of Paris involved give an insight into this relationship. 21 Understanding the career

16 R. W. Southern, Scholastic Humanism and the Unification of Europe, Vol. 1: Foundations (Oxford, 1995), pp. 145-147, 155. 17 Parens Scientiarum, as quoted in Ian P. Wei, Intellectual Culture in Medieval Paris: Theologians and the University, c.1100–1330, Cambridge, 2012, pp. 102-103, 105-107. 18 Ibid., pp. 102-103. 19 Wei, Intellectual Culture in Medieval Paris, p. 104. 20 A Call to Constantinople, 1205, Chartularium universitatis Parisiensis, I, 62-63 in Lynn Thorndike (ed.) University Records and Life in the Middle Ages, New York, 1949, pp. 24-25. 21 Wei, Intellectual Culture in Medieval Paris, p. 95.

of Robert de Courcon, the papal legate who issued this charter, is essential to appreciating the important elements of cooperation the 1215 charter involved. Robert likely taught at Paris for over a decade and was a great admirer of Peter the Chanter, a leading Parisian reformer, going as far to describe Peter as ‘our master’.22 Robert was a product of the university of Paris. His promotion to cardinal in 1212, and his subsequent commission as papal legate for France in preparation for Lateran IV, as well as a proposed crusade, also place him firmly within a papal sphere.23 Trying to distinguish these two spheres becomes a crude exercise in Robert’s case. Robert was a Parisian master who used the promotion that his learning had earnt him to implement his educational ideals in cooperation with the embryonic university. Ferruolo’s argument about Paris emerging because of the educational ideals of its masters must be integrated with papal patronage to understand why the medieval university developed.

Popes were not the only patrons of these institutions. The papacy was often a very distant power, particularly for English and French universities. Parens Scientiarum granted papal privileges, but it relied on the King of France to execute its fines and ensure its conditions were upheld.24 Royal patronage was not only important in how it related to papal patronage. Indeed, royal protection was essential to a university’s survival. The differing histories of Oxford and Paris demonstrate the importance of royal protection. In 1200 when a brawl led to the assault of several students by the royal provost, Phillip Augustus moved quickly to guarantee the rights of scholars in the city and punish his officials.25 Oxford was not so fortunate to receive royal protection during the Suspendium clericorum. After an Oxford clerk killed a local woman, the town authorities took revenge by hanging the clerk’s friends. The sources differ on the details of the incident, but the Melrose Chronicle mentions that scholars left because of the ‘king’s tyranny’.26 Roger of Wendover, a chronicler at St. Albans who died less than thirty years after the suspendium, was more clear: ‘on the orders of the king of the English (King John) they were taken outside of the city, and killed by hanging’.27 Even if the sources leave some doubt about the details it is clear that a lack of royal patronage damaged Oxford’s development. Admittedly, this case was particularly bad as the interdict on England meant the papacy could offer little support for the clerics at Oxford. However, the suspension of studies that also occurred at Paris in 1229 when Blanche of Castile, the regent for the young king Louis IX, refused to support the scholars shows that even with papal support desertion by secular rulers could easily lead to a dispersal of the university.28 Royal patronage was essential to the practical emergence of universities. Without this patronage they were vulnerable to

22 John W. Bladwin, Masters, princes, and merchants: the social views of Peter the Chanter & his circle (Princeton, 1970), p. 19. 23 Ibid., p. 20. 24 Parens Scientiarum, Chartularium universitatis Parisiensis, I, 136-139, Papal regulations of the University of Paris by Gregory IX, April 13, 1231 in Lynn Thorndike (ed.) University Records and Life in the Middle Ages, New York, 1949, p. 39. 25 Kibre, Scholarly privileges in the Middle Ages, p. 68. 26 The Melrose Chronicle, as quoted in Patrick Zutshi, ‘The Dispersal of Scholars from Oxford and the Beginnings of a University at Cambridge: A Study of the Sources’, The English Historical Review, Vol. 127, No. 528, October, 2012, pp. 1042, n. 11. 27 Roger of Wendover, as quoted in Patrick Zutshi, ‘The Dispersal of Scholars’, pp. 1043-1044, n. 19. 28 Wei, Intellectual Culture in Medieval Paris, p. 101.

municipal and episcopal powers jealous of their rights and disliking the invasion of their towns and cities.

To fully understand why universities emerged it is again necessary to understand why this support was given - not just the form that it took. Although not quite as applicable to the French and English cases, Frederick II established a university at Naples to build up his own school of canon and Roman law that could help legally reconstruct imperial power after the losses to the papacy of the twelfth century.29 Frederick Barbarossa granted one of the early privileges that scholars received in Bologna, the Authentica Habita of 1155, to build a group of lawyers who would help put into practice imperial law in Italy.30 Further north, William the Breton’s early thirteenth century Capetian history suggested learning was a central part of the glory of Capetian kingship to the point that learning is represented by one of the petals of the fleur-de-lys. 31 Even if the Capetians employed fewer masters than the English kings, high profile appointments like John of Salisbury and Peter Lombard created a façade that the French monarchy particularly privileged scholars.32 Chretien de Troyes is clearly trying to enhance French prestige as early as 1179 by supporting the concept of translation studii writing that ‘God gave us (the French) the gift to keep learning alive in a land He smiles on, so France will never Give up the honour she’s won’.33 Medieval universities offered both practical and symbolic power to secular rulers. German emperors exemplify the use of university lawyers to try and extend their influence, while Capetian prestige was augmented by translation studii and the use of high-profile masters in their administration.

Universities also grew out of - and answered the many criticisms schools had faced in -the later twelfth century. Nigel de Longchampwas a late twelfth century monk at Christchurch Canterbury and his Speculum Stultorum of 1179/80 offers an example of the criticisms schools faced. Burnellus, an ass wanting a longer tail and an allegory for monks desiring preferment, learns nothing after his seven years at Paris - not even being able to remember the name of ‘Paris’.34 This criticism is the most obvious one, but there is also a more underlying concern expressed in the way language is used in the Speculum. Random words, like ‘bishop’ or ‘death’, set Burnellus off on long wandering floods of rhetoric that lose their relation with reality and in many senses become meaningless.35 There is a parallel with Masters of Arts that use logic to create meaningless questions and embark on their own long debates about them just as critics had suggested Peter Abelard did in Sic et Non earlier in the century.

29 Paolo Nardi, ‘Relations with Authority’ in Hilde de Ridder-Symoens (ed.), A History of the University in Europe, Volume 1: Universities in the Middle Ages (Cambridge, 1991), pp. 87-88. 30 H. Koeppler, ‘Frederick Barbarossa and the Schools of Bologna’, The English Historical Review, Vol. 54, No. 216 (Oct., 1939), p. 587. 31 John W. Baldwin, ‘Masters at Paris from 1179 to 1215: A Social Perspective’ in Robert Louis Benson and Giles Constabled (eds.) Renaissance and Renewal in the twelfth century, Oxford, 1982, p. 163. 32 Ferrulo, The Origins of the University, p. 283. 33 Chrétien de Troyes, Cligès, Translated by Burton Raffel, London, 1997, p. 2 (35-40). 34 Jill Mann, From Aesop to Reynard: beast literature in medieval Britain, Oxford, 2009, pp. 116-118; Nigel de Longchamp’s Speculum Stultorum, Edited with an Introduction and Notes by John H. Mozley and Robert R. Raymo, California, 1960, pp.2-3. 35 Mann, From Aesop to Reynard, pp. 140-141.

Allegorical poems written by monks were not the only criticisms of schools. John of Salisbury had made similar criticisms of the schools two decades earlier in his Metalogicon of 1159. He derides the loss of grammar and criticises the desire to know all the arts.36 Logicians study lots ‘while never acquiring any knowledge’.37 Stephen of Tournai shows that these concerns were aired directly to the pope. Writing between 1192 and 1203 to Celestine III or Innocent III,he complains that ‘disciples applaud novelty alone and masters watch out for glory rather than learning.’38 Stephen appeals to the pope to restrict the public disputations and pretensions of youths that schools engender.39 There is a clear theme to this criticism with senior ecclesiastical authorities, in addition to satirical authors, clearly unhappy with the way schools were promoting learning.

The Medieval university emerged in its particular form partly in response to criticisms like these. For example, the defined faculty structure meant that an education in arts was followed by a progression onto one of the higher subjects of theology, law or medicine. Masters of Art could not waste their talents merely practising logic as they progressed applying their skills to these higher subjects.40 The 1215 statutes give institutional form to the responses to these criticisms. They set a minimum age of thirty-five years for theologians who lecture and twenty for arts lecturers.41 The statutes also dealt with timetabling to ensure that all arts lectures were in the morning, meaning masters could attend theology lectures in the afternoons.42 In this way, they could avoid criticism that they were not only pursuing logic and were learning the higher sciences. This example provides a microcosm of how criticisms of the schools helped to shape the universities. It was partly in responding to criticisms of schools and early universities that the medieval university emerged. They never fully remedied or nullified all these criticisms, but in trying to they created the charters and rules that would come to define them and at least partially respond to these criticisms.

Understanding the change in physical space occupied by universities and their attitude to migrating opposed to schools can tie the themes presented so far together. There is a clear change from Abelard’s wandering in the Historia Calamitatum to the fixed university in the thirteenth century best symbolised by Paris.43 Universities kept the ideal of ius ubique docendi, whereby a degree in any studium generale was valid in all others, but this idea was not used regularly enough to create a fully mobile body of masters with the majority being quite stationary when teaching. 44 Importantly, the migratory ideal was maintained by scholars. The

36 The Metalogicon of John of Salisbury: A Twelfth-Century Defence of the Verbal and Logical Arts of the Trivium, Translated with an Introduction and Notes by Daniel D. McGarry, Berkeley, 1955, pp. 65-77. 37 Ibid., p. 89. 38 An Invective against the new learning, Stephen of Tournai to the Pope, 1192-1203, Chartularium universitatis Parisiensis, I, 47-48, in Lynn Thorndike (ed.) University Records and Life in the Middle Ages, New York, 1949, pp. 22-24. 39 Ibid. 40 Wei, Intellectual Culture in Medieval Paris, p. 99. 41 Robert de Courcon, Statutes for the University of Paris, 1215, From, Chart. Univ. Paris. 1, No. 20, P. 78. Latin., trans in University of Pennsylvania. Dept. of History: Translations and Reprints from the Original Sources of European history, published for the Dept. of History of the University of Pennsylvania., Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press [1897?-1907?]. Vol 2: no.3, pp. 12-15. 42 Wei, Intellectual Culture in Medieval Paris, pp. 98-100. 43 Abelard, Historia Calamitatum, pp. 15-34. 44 Cobban, The medieval English universities, pp. 6-7.

dispersal of scholars from Oxford in 1209 and Paris in 1229,as well as the Bologna commune’s keenness to extract oaths from masters to prevent them from moving, show that scholars maintained their ability to migrate.45 This mobility was taken as a decision by a corporate body who acted cohesively in defence of what they perceived as their rights. These universities were no longer merely wandering independent masters. The lack of a physical infrastructure facilitated their ability to migrate and made them act more as a corporate body.46 Patronage and privileges were best earnt, enacted and - when breached - preserved when scholars were focused in one place. The Cambridge University Statutes start by admitting that ‘it is difficult for a university to agree by common consent and unanimous will’ and this difficulty was only overcome thanks to scholars of a university occupying a single space and working for their own communal interests.47

This article has throughout emphasised elements of cooperation between universities and other powers. It is worth remembering that this cooperation often stemmed from conflict that necessitated a definition of university privileges. Phillip Augustus’s grant in 1200, the return of the Oxford scholars in 1214 and Parens Scientiarum all came after conflict with local municipal and episcopal authorities. The space universities occupied allows an understanding of their development as a corporate body. The Medieval University emerged because it was useful to both the papacy and royalty. Employing educated masters was not the only use they represented. It extended to enhancing the prestige of royalty and being able to articulate the goals of an assertive papacy more clearly. The Medieval university was actively shaped by these demands with master like Robert de Courcon using his own educational ideals, criticisms from the likes of John of Salisbury and the needs of his papal employer to give form to the University of Paris in his 1215 statutes. The Medieval university was a product of the interaction of its own masters and the needs of the centres of power in the society it inhabited. It would not have emerged without all these interests seeing value in shaping and protecting its emergence.

45 J. K. Hyde, ‘Commune, University and Society in Early Medieval Bologna’ in John W. Baldwin, Richard A. Goldthwaite (eds.), Universities in Politics: Case Studies from the Late Middle Ages and Early Modern Period, London, 1972, pp. 36-38. 46 Cobban, The medieval English universities, p. 46. 47 The Constitutions of the University of Cambridge, I, i, in M. B. Hackett, The Original Statutes of Cambridge University: The text and its History, Cambridge, 1970, p. 196.

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