Brazzil - Year 9 - Number 146 - February 1998

BEHAVIOR: WHY DO YANKEES LUST AFTER BRAZILIAN WOMEN?

ECONOMY: A NEW BALANCE BETWEEN BOSS AND EMPLOYEE

MOVIE: WHEN OUR GUERRILLAS WERE NAIVE AND KIND

TOURISM: JUNGLE TOURS FOR ALL KINDS OF ADVENTURERS

SPECIAL: UP AND DOWN AT BRAZIL'S WAR FACTORIES

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BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

The new school year is just starting in Brazil. While the majority of students were enjoying their summer vacations, one million of them or so were having extra heavy work trying to secure a place in college.

Since November, as it happens every year, they have been participating in crash courses and endur-

ing a battery of tests, sometimes in several different institutions. All of them were taken by the vestibular bug.

Vestibular is this Brazilian ritual created in the '60s in order to demoCratize higher learning and find a place in academia for anyone college-boun In practice, however, this procedu e has become a neurosis machine wi students and their families engulfed i the battle for the best schools.

Thanks in part to vestibular, t e best colleges—generally state and fe eral institutions, which are free—a e

http://www.brazzil.com being filled by wealthy students, whose parents can spend a fortune sending their children to private elementary and secondary schools.

There is now talk of a more consistent evaluation that would measure the candidate's abilities during a three-year period. Don't hold your breath, though. That has been promised before.

R.M.

CONTENT 13

Luiz Fernando Emediato's "0 Despertar da Primavera" and "Verdes Anos"

Cover

Hard road to college spells: vestibular

22

28 Short stories

34 Travel

Jungle tours for all tastes

Cover by Aylan Mello

Economy

Temporary labor, a new reality

39 Music

Karnak, a hard act to follow

24 Movie

Bruno Barreto's Four Days in September

54 Special

The rise and fall of the Brazilian military industry

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Publisher and Editor: Rodney Mello / Entertainment Editors: Sam & Harriet Robbins Book Review: Bondo Wyszpolski / Music EditOr: Bruce Gilman BRAZZIL (ISSN 1091-868X) is published monthly by Brazzil - NOT mailing address: 2039 N. Ave. 52, Los Angeles, CA, 90042-1024. Periodicals Postage rate paid at Los Angeles, CA. Single copy sold for $2. One year subscription for 12 issues is $3 (three dollars) in the U.S., $15 in Canada and Mexico, and $18 (surface mail) in all other countries. No back issues sold, Allow 5 to 7 Weeks to receive your first issue. You may quote from or reprint any of the contents with proper copyright credit. Editorial submissions are welcome. Include a SASE (self addressed and stamped envelope) if you want your material mailed back. Brazzil assumes no responsibility for any claims made by its advertisers.

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Closing the Faucet Are Brazilians living overseas becoming stingier,, or less concerned with, relatives they left back home, or maybe it is becoming more difficult to survive in exile? The amount of money sent by them to Brazil fell by 27% in the first nine months of 1997 when compared to the same period in the previous year. While $2.2 billion were sent to Brazil from those living overseas from January to September 1996, only $1.6 billion made the same trip during the same period in 1997.

This continues a trend, since $3.9 billion were transferred for the whole year of 1995 having fallen to $2.9 billion the following year.

Not-very-scientific data from Itamaraty, the Foreign Ministry, reveal that most of the 1.5 million Brazilians—this represents less than 1% of a population of 161 million—, who emigrated overseas mostly during the '80s, are concentrated in the United States (600,000), Paraguay (350,000) and Japan (200,000). The immense majority doesn't seem too connected to their country.

In the latest presidential elections a mere 27,831 voted, even though voting is compulsory in Brazil.

Here are the 12 foreign cities with the largest concentration of Brazilians: New York (200.013), Paraguay's Ciudad del Este (180.100), Boston (150,000), Miami (140,000), Japan's Nagoya (120,500), Paraguay's Asuncion (107.035), Tokyo (80,639), Paraguay's Salto del '

6

Bed Manners The myth of the Brazilian as Homo eroticus has been put again to the test and the results were at once sobering and comforting for those intent on maintaining Brazilian superiority in the field of sexual endeavors. Conducted by Datafolha—a polling institute belonging to Folha de Stio Paulo, Brazil's largest daily, with a circulation of 800,000 on Sundays—the Folha Report on Brazilian Sexuality heard from 2054 people varying in age from 18 to 60 years old from 94 municipalities all over the country.

The wide-ranging study showed that 55% of Brazilians had their first sexual experience before they were 18 years old. For 10%, sex happened before age 14. While 43% of the population defends the idea that a woman should be a virgin at marriage, only 18% think the same about male virginity. While 38% of women are against female virginity before marriage, 65% of them oppose the concept when talking about men. In practice, 78% of Brazilian men and 57% of women had sex before marriage.

Most Brazilians (63%) think masturbation is a healthy habit, but 56% of women say that they never masturbated or stopped doing it, while 29% of men say the same thing. Twenty five percent of the population though condemns the solitary practice as an immoral act. The majority of Brazilians also denied having sexual fantasies or desire to engage in more daring sexual acts. An exception is oral sex, which is practiced by 53% of the population, although only 14% admit that they do it frequently. Anal sex is less popular with 39% practicing it and six percent making a habit of it. Thirty five percent of Brazilians have fantasized about having sex in a closed public place (13% acted upon it) and 48% of men dreamed about having sex with two or more women (13% did it). It is however negligible the number of those confessing to using vibrators (4%), going to sex shops (4%), or dreaming about sadomasochist practices (4%).

Contrary to the image of a country of libertines, only 21% believe that they are totally liberated on sexual matters. Another 39% though consider themselves relatively liberated.

The stereotype of Brazilians as sexual pentathletes also suffers a blow with the revelation that while 18% have sex every day, a more expressive 47% engage in sexual intercourse less than once a week and six percent are not getting any sex at all. Those who are having their share though are happy and generous with their partners. Sixty eight percent classify as very good or good their current sex life and 34% give a 10 (the maximum score) to their partner's behavior in bed. Another 30% grade their sexual accomplices with a seven at the least.

Brazilians take their time in bed though. A sexual act lasts on average 36 minutes and for 7% of the population it goes on for more than one hour. The sexual act always comes together with an orgasm for 46%, even though there is an imbalance in favor of men with 61% of them always reaching their climax while this percentage falls to 31 among women.

Infidelity is relatively mild. Twenty percent of men admit to having extra-conjugal sexual encounters while five percent of women confess doing the same.

Among married couples 11% of them say they cheat on their partners. Twenty three percent of men but only one percent of women said they used a prostitute. Prostitution is legal in Brazil. While 64% of the population condemn prostitution as immoral and think it should be made illegal, 29% see it as a job as any other. Fifty nine percent (64% of women) believe also that prostitutes do what they do because they like it.

When asked how they classify their interest for sex, only 2% of men and 14% of women said they had no interest. On the other hand, 25% of men and 8% of women admitted to having a very big interest in sex. Another 18% of women said they had a big interest compared to 34% of men.

Most women (49%) showed an average interest in sex compared to 37% of men. But respondents seem to agree that other Brazilians are more interested in sex than themselves. Seventy three percent of them believe that Brazilians' interest for sex is very big (43%) or big (30%).

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

Guaira (60,000), Washington (48,000), Italy's Milan (30,100), Portugal's Lisbon (22,052), and London (19.510).

Fetus Rights Known only as M., • girl from Sapucaia (18,000 residents) in the state of Rio de Janeiro, who works in the fields since she was seven years old, got her first doll a few days after celebrating her eleventh birthday. The doll was a gift from neighbors who wanted to show compassion after learning that M., in her fourth month of pregnancy was soon going to have her own baby. The story has shocked Brazil and rallied the anti and pro-abortion forces in the country.

M. was assured the right of an abortion— legal only in case of rape and life endangerment for the mother—by judge Luis Olimpio Mangabeira, but at the end Evangelical obstetrician Altamiro Sathler and the local priest Fraga Magalhaes were able to convince M's parents, Walter Oliveira, 38, and Maria da Penha, 41, that abortion was not a good solution. For that they even used the American video Silent Death, which shows a fetus in a silent scream while having his head smashed by a spatula.

M. was allegedly raped by peasant Roberto Celeste, 37, who disappeared and was being sought by police. Some, have condemned those who made M.'s parents change their minds. Sao Paulo pediatrician Leonardo Posternak, for example, commented: In order not to kill the fetus that is inside the uterus, they opted for sacrificing the child who has the uterus."

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

emory

Low Expectations

The Godfather There has never been such a peculiar d powerful politician like him in Brazil even though coro el (literally colonel, a bigshot) Chico Heraclio never ran or any elective post. At Pernambuco state's Zona da ata (Jungle Zone) he was a kingmaker from 1925 till 1974 hen he died at age 89. Acting as a Mafia boss he, with th help of 400 hit men, took seriously his commitment to guard is protégés, spreading terror and death among those who would cross his way.

The coronel has again become the talk of Brazil's capital, Brasilia, since the recent publicati n of Chico Herciclio—A Heranca Politica (Chico Hericl o—The Political Heirloom). The book was written by Ho se representative Ricardo Hericlio—great-grandson of he folkloric character—with some help from his uncle Reg naldo Chico Heric lio.

Every morning, the old Hera:olio had br akfast with some 100 people and then heard the complaints and requests of everyone of them individually. His 12 CHICO HER ACLIO large farms were considered sanctuaries and it was enough for anyone to touch the fence of these properties to guarantee protection against the police or any other foe. The coronel even distributed cards with his own picture and the message: "The A HERANCA PO ITICA bearer of this document cannot be jailed, harassed 121.czr, and much less demoralized since he is the godson of colonel Francisco Herac lio."

One never knows where the facts end and the myth starts. It is said that every time an employee of his died he used to send the family of the deceased a casket full of food, enough to last a whole month. Brazil's highest authorities, including presidents Gettilio Vargas and Juscelino Kubitschek, seem to have respected and taken the colonel's advice into account. TV comedian Chico Anisio made him into a popular national character as the likable and funny Coronel Limoeiro.

Among the stories surrounding the coronel there is one involving a reporter who asked Heraclio: "is it true that your private secretary Ze Vigia has the courage to kill people?" "Courage he doesn't have," replied the colonel.

"What he does have is the habit." Another episode deals with a voter who arrived at the polling place, got his ballot already filled and sealed for him and only had to drop the paper in the box. The man could not contain his curiosity though and approached the strongman: "Colonel, I have done everything you asked me to. Could you tell me now for whom have I just voted?" "You scoundrel," replied Heraclio, "don't you know that the vote is secret?"

Even the most optimistic economists wouldn't have predicted at the beginning of the year that Brazilian inflation would be so low in 1997. Some risked 7%, but the numbers are out and the official inflation rate for the year (drum roll) is a mere 4.41%, according to IBGE (Institut° Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatistica—Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics). And a miracle that some thought neither they nor their children would ever witness: prices went down. Electronic equipment, for example, fell 6.56% in 1997 and the price of fruits dropped a record 19.63%.

Since the introduction of the Real Plan on July 1994, housing was the item that increased the most (332.11%) followed by communications (278%). During the same period, TV sets and sound equipment had their prices boosted by 3,06%, the smallest increase of all.

The biggest inflation rate (6.37%) occurred in Rio while Belem in the state of Para had the smallest one (0.35%).

The IBGE numbers were based on the 1NPC-E (indice Nacional de Precos ao Consutnidor Especial— National Index of Consumer Prices Special), which like the traditional INPC is based on the expenses of an average family earning from one to eight minimum wages. The numbers are collected in 11 metropolitan regions.

The difference is that the special index uses data going from the 15 of the month to the 15th of the next.

Since 1979 when the IBGE started to measure prices, this was the smallest increase ever.

7

And it would be even smaller if it weren't for some heavy price increases most of them in - public services, like telephone, which rose 98%, bus (12.94%), water (12.59%), an power (10,13%). Fuel (22.37%) and gas (15.64%) also increased well above the average.

The IBGE is now betting that inflation in 1998 will be around 2%.

Rich and Bro Burdened by a $7.5 billion debt, Sao Paulo, the richest Brazilian city, is making life miserable for its 10 million citizens, .„ leaving trash uncollected, a myriad of potholes unfilled, and not taking care of vital sectors like education and health. Its mayor, Celso Pitta, an unknown before being handpicked by previous mayor Paulo Salim Maluf, .4 had a very short honeymoon with voters. The city's bad shape has been attributed to the way Maluf—an eternal presi dential candidate— liberally spent at the end of his administration, leaving the bills for his successor to pay.

Claudio Fonseca, the president of the Sindicato dos Professores do Ensino Municipal (Municipal School Teachers Union), accuses Pitta of trying to divert $500 million marked for education.

According to the law, 30% of all municipal budgets in Brazil must be spent on education. Sao Paulo has a deficit of 50,000 slots in first grade, says Fonseca.

Trying to cope with the situation, children below seven—even when ready to start school—are not being admitted to first grade. Another 207,000 kids should be in pre-

One for the Road Brazil is a land of racers inside and outside the racing circuit, having produced champions like the late Ayrton Senna, who was a three-time world champion in Formula One and Emerson Fittipaldi, who won twice the F-1 and once the Indy 500. Brazil has also the deplorable record as having the world's most deadly roads, with around 50,000 dying from car accidents every year (compare this to the U.S., which has an annual death toll of 41,000 with a fleet 10 times as big as Brazil's 20 million cars).

The country—after decades of lenient laws against traffic-rules transgressors—has now also one of the toughest traffic codes on earth. The problem is few people believe the new rules will be enforced in a land where disrespect for the law seems to be innate. Brazil spends $4 billion a year in traffic-expenses with the bulk of it going to pay for medical costs of road victims.

The day the "Transit Code" started to take effect the press was out in force to find out who wasn't obeying it.

The discoveries were sobering. President Fernando Henrique Cardoso's limousine took the wrong way upon arriving at Palacio do Planalto at 9:45 AM. The serious infraction carries a $180 fine. Cristovam Buarque, governor of the Distrito Federal was caught jaywalking, which is punishable with a $24 ticket. The reporters also found out that the presidents of both houses of congress, Senator Antonio Carlos Magalhaes and representative Michel Temer were not using their seatbelts when they arrived to work. The penalty for their infractions: $80.

Drunk drivers will suffer the steepest of fines: $772, besides the loss of ACM, no seatbelt their license and up to three years in jail. There are penalties for those who coast downhill and even for those who run out of gas. This in a country where some authorities advise drivers to run red lights at night to avoid being a crime victim.

The new code has also instituted a system of points that go from three to seven, depending of the gravity of the offense. According to the law, drivers who accumulate 20 points in one year lose their license and must take a training course.

A reporter of Rio's daily Jornal do Brasil put the code to the test taking a bus. In a little more than one hour the bus driver—he was fired as soon as his bosses read about his adventures— had collected enough points to get his license away, speeding, going through red lights, and not respecting pedestrians.

Government officials have been a little confused, not knowing what authority is going to enforce the new law.

While a few cities like Sao Paulo are already enforcing the code, others decided to wait. The Denatran (Departamento Nacional de Transito—National Department of Traffic) has suggested that the lawbreaker be only warned before May 1. Irritated with the action of some cities in which fines are already being meted, Denatran's director, Jose Roberto de Souza Dias, used obscenity to show his displeasure: "We need to make a fucking campaign to explain to the bloody country this shitty code." Orlando Miranda Ferreira, director of the Sao Paulo Detran replied with more restraint: "I cannot execute only half a law,"

school, according to the union leader.

Critics also accuse the mayor of spending $20 million with publicity in 1997 while public hospitals and clinics don't get enough money. Maluf had made PAS (Plano de Atendimento A Sande), the city's health service, a model program assisting as many as five million Paulistanos. More than $600 million were spent with PAS in 1997. This year, the budget for health has been cut to $500 million.

Heil, Hero Who do Brazilian military students admire the most? A poll by Porto Alegre's Colegio Militar Hyloea magazine revealed Adolf Hitler to be the favorite among those who graduated from that military academy in 1995.

Eighty four students, among them four girls— since 1989 the school accepts female students— were asked to name their favorite personality. No list of names was presented. Forty nine personalities were chosen, with Hitler coming in first with eight votes. Close behind the German dictator, with six votes each, came Tiradentes (Brazil's independence martyr), French heroine Joan of Arc, and the late car racer Ayrton Senna. Other historical characters like Jesus Christ, Napoleon and Einstein got three votes each. American President Abraham Lincoln ranked even lower, with two votes.

Why Hitler?

RafaelBrum Astrana, 20, one of the students who chose the German leader, told Rio's daily newspaper Jornal do Brasil: "For his intelligence and power."

"Due to his gift for oratory

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

before the crowds," justified Ricassio Fernando de Oliveira Paludo, 22.

Created 145years ago, the Colegio Militar is known as "the academy of the presidents." It is the most respected among the country's 12 military schools. All the military rulers of Brazil between 1964 and 1985 studied there: Humberto de Alencar Castello Branco, Arthur da Costa e Silva, Ernesto Geisel, Emilio Garrastazu Medici, and Jac. Baptista Figueiredo. Among other important leaders who graduated from the elite school we have former minister and senator Jarbas Passarinho, former VicePresident general Adalberto Pereira dos Santos and general Amauri Kruel.

The Army in an official note qualified the Hitler choice as "a result of youth's irreverence". Just in case, academy administrators have decided to review any future issue of Hyloea so to avoid another embarrassing episode.

Bresil Brazil Between March 20 and =4, 24, 1998, Paris will become a little island of Brazilian culture and literature. Brazil has been chosen as the honorary guest for the 18th Paris Book Fair at the Paris Expo in Porte de Versailles. The fair's logo is a toucan holding a book on his beak.

Some Brazilians were afraid that the French would try to sell an image of a tropical and exotic Brazil. But that seems to have been avoided with the participation of Brazilian experts in the designing of the stands.

On some days the expo will not be open to the public, but only to professionals in some way connected to books, including educators,

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

Brazi x U A

Big Brother's Scolding Another blow against Brazil's image in the human rights arena was dispensed by the just-released U.S. State Department report, which accuses the country of abuses against Indians and children as well as allowing slave work, child prostitution, police death squads and all kinds of discrimination. The report states that murder is theI ain cause of death in Brazil among 15 to 17-year-old youn sters. Commenting on the work of Secretaria Nacional dos Direitos Humanos (National Secretariat on Human Rights) created in 1996 by President Fernando Henrique Cardoso, the document concludes that the increasing commitment of the federal government still didn't have any significant impact on the national situation. (See complete report on our WEB site at http://www.brazzil.com/report98.htm.)

Responding to one more slap from the US., a visibly angry Jose Gregori, the national secretary for luman rights, counter attacked: "This way of organizations acting through reports is something old-fashioned and all it does is to irritate, not helping with anything and gener ting doubts and misunderstandings." Gregori called the tate Department document "prejudiced and elitist" and accused the authors of these reports of always hiding their identities while "rubbing their fingers in the eyes of a certain country." He mocked the routine of these document3: "Year after year it is the same old story. Only now, instead of Remington typewriters they use laptops." Gregori also mule an invitation to the report writers: "I would like to invite them to come to the trenches."

Even more irritated was President Fernando Henrique Cardoso when news of the report reached him in Switzerland. He accused the U. S. of meddling in Brazilian internal affairs: "I do not spend my time talking about what happens in the United States," he said, adding with a z st of irony a comment about the criticism that the minimultiwage is too low in the country: "Maybe they can help pay or the deficit in our Social Security. The problem with the minimum wage is not one of wishing but of being able to."

In Rio, Milton Correa da Costa, spokesman for the Public Security Department, stung by accusations of violence of its police counterattacked: "The United States is the one infringing on human rights rules. It produces the AR-15 rifles, which end up in the hands of Rio's drug traffickers."

librarians, writers, and editors. Thirty thousand of them came to the event last year. Starting two weeks before the book fair, Paris bookstores are expected to decorate their windows using the theme In Search of Brazil's Discovery. The Paris Fair is a heavyweight. In its last version in 1997, it drew literary agents from more than 20 countries including Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Italy, Japan, Russia, Spain, Switzerland, and the United States.

Twenty of the 34 Brazilian authors invited to participate in the event were chosen by Paris bookstore owners together with book editors. They are Antonio Torres, Autran Dourado, Bernardo Carvalho, Chico Buarque de Holanda, Fernando Gabeira, Francisco Alvin, Frei Betto, Gerardo Mello Mourao, Carlos Heitor Cony, Jodo Ubaldo Ribeiro, Jorge Amado, Jose Sarney, Lygia Fagundes Telles, Marcio Souza, Marilene Felinto, Milton Hatoum, Moacyr Scliar, Nelida Pifion, Patricia Mello, and Raduan Nassar.

Brazil's Fundacao Biblioteca Nacional made its own list to complement the first and added 14 other names: Adriano Spinola, Antonio Olinto, Barbara Freitag, Carlos Guilherme Motta, Carlos Nejar, Celso Furtado, Dias Gomes, Moniz Sodre, Plinio Marcos, Rachel de Queiroz, Roberto Cardoso de Oliveira, Roberto Schwarz, Silviano Santiago, and Zuenir Ventura. All 34 authors should be in Paris for the book fair.

Let'em Drink Coke Brazilians' growing thirst for soft drinks seems to be unquenchable. Ten billion liters of the sweet 9

potion were gulped down in 1997 creating a $7-billion business. The four big boys of the sector—Coca-Cola, Pepsi, Antarctica, and Brahma—have been losing ground though while unknown and cheaper brands increase their market share.

The newcomers have names like l3acana, Bare, Brasil, Del Rey, Frevo, Gini, Gole, and Maracand. Their participation in the beverage sector has increased from 9% in 1991 to 21% and it should grow to 25% by year's end.

Credit this to price.

While a 2-liter coke bottle goes for $1.50, lesser known brands charge half this price.

People are not complaining that the cheaper product has too much sugar or too little gas. It beats drinking water or so they gather.

Richer Overnight Brazil has been promoted from the 8th to the 7th largest world economy— leaving China, which was number 7, to swallow its dust—even though the country's economy has increased a mere 3.4% during the past year. Another economic miracle? More a like a magician's sleight of hand. The upgrade came as a result of a different way of calculating the riches and not due to real growth.

After years using its own methodology to measure the GDP (Gross Domestic Product), Brazil has finally adopted the way the rest of the world makes such calculations. Thanks to the numbers' trick, Brazil's GDP went in a flash from $774 billion to $806 billion, a 4.1% jump. This also means that Brazil's $33.8 deficit has been reduced from 4.5% to 4.2% of the GDP. The new mathematics also made every Brazilian— at least on paper—a little richer overnight. The country's per-capita GDP has hopped to $5,020.

According to the World Bank, this puts Brazil in the company of countries with high-average income.

Without any new math trick on hand, growth from now

10

on will depend on sweat and brains, and will be much more painful. Analysts are forecasting a 2% to 3% economic boost in 1998, a number smaller than the population increase and just one third of the Chinese growth.

Pele to the Rescue

SCSI Selling Dangerously DuLoren, the Brazilian lingerie manufacturer, which emulates Italian apparel maker Benetton's talent to provoke and scandalize via controversial ads, this time might have strayed a little too far for its own good. Its latest advertising piece drew a concerted flood of ire from the Catholic Church, the government, the feminists, and even from some ad people themselves.

Why all the furor? The latest in-your-face DuLoren's provocation shows a young woman seductively dressed in a lacy bra and panties being subjugated by two men with the obvious intent of raping her. A caption on the ad created by Rio's ad agency Doctor makes the rape-victim scream: "Legalize abortion fast. I don't want to wait."

"I denounce DuLoren as a corrupter of consciences and the public morality," thundered Brazil's Catholic primate, Cardinal Lucas Moreira Alves, president of the National Conference of Brazilian Bishops, suggesting a boycott. "The biggest response to this indignity should come from the consumer who will show his repulse by not buying clothes from this brand," Dom Lucas added. Secretary for Human Rights, Jose Gregori, sent a letter to Conar (Consent° Nacional de Auto-Regulamentacao Publicitaria—National Council of Publicity Self-Regulation) classifying the ad as,a "disrespect to the rights of women." Even before receiving the message Conar had prohibited the ad from being aired.

DuLoren has had several other shocker ads with a man kissing a man, a woman kissing a woman, a nun in panties, a woman judge in lingerie tempting a prisoner, and a grotesque naked Santa Claus being whipped by the ever present semi-naked gorgeous model, among many others.

The daring way of doing business seems to be working.

DuLoren's sales have jumped from $80 million ini1993 to $140 million last year.

Roni Argalji, DuLoren's owner, who has two daughters, seems incensed with what he calls censorship. "You cannot say the truth in this country. If one of my daughters were raped I would be the first one to defend abortion and I would still publish the ad." Down but not out DuLoren has come back with another make-them-talk campaign.

The new piece has transvestite Rogeria between two beauties under Che Guevara's most cited phrase: "Hay m JA•TM.4 que endurecerse, pero sin perder la ternurajamas" (You need to get tough without ever losing your tenderness.)

Leaders from around the world have tried their hand without any luck. Recently, Pope John Paul H visited Cuba, met with Fidel Castro, asked for more freedom in the Caribbean island and condemned the U.S. embargo against Havana. But the U.S. and Cuba don't seem any closer to normalization of diplomatic relations. This is an impossible task. This is a job for soccer legend, Athlete of the Century; Pele.

The former player, who is Brazil's Sports Minister and is also known as Edson Arantes do Nascimento, has accepted the invitation of a group of Brazilian leftist congressmen, led by Eduardo Suplicy from the Workers Party, to try an approximation between Castro and Clinton. Pele's spokesman, Jose Natal do Nascimento, said that the minister would ' be honored with such a mission. The trip should happen before the start of the World Cup in France in June. Said Suplicy: "The pope has placed the ball on the penalty line. All Pele has to do is to kick it into the goal."

Naked Truth Just a few months before the World Cup, Brazil has won in Europe several accolades attesting to the excellence of soccer practiced in Brazilian lands. First the country won the prize as the world's best soccer team in 1997. Then, 21-year-old striker Ronaldinho for the second year in a row was chosen as FIFA's (International Federation of Football Association) world's best soccer player. Ronaldinho got 86 first-place votes out of a possible 121 from a

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

panel of soccer coaches and personalities. He came 400 points ahead of second place, which by the way is Roberto Carlos, another Brazilian ace. In a separate award, Brazil's national team coach, Mario Jorge Lobo Zagallo, was chosen as the world's best coach in 1997 by Dusseldorf, Germany, IFFHS (International Federation of Football History and Statistics).

Ronaldinho also made news by appearing in the buff on American TV during the Super Bowl. He was one of several athletes who shed their clothes to star in an ad for Nike. In the gloomy commercial the Brazilian player is shown naked under the rain at the side of American star athletes David Robinson, Lisa Leslie, Michael Johnson, and Susie Hamilton. Ronaldinho gets $ 1.5 million a year to endorse Nike products.

Top Macho Clinton The same behavior that got Bill Clinton in hot water in the U.S. has given him top honors in Brazil. The American President for all his real or purported sexual adventures has been chosen as "The Macho of the Year" the first time the tongue-in cheek prize goes to a foreigner. Explaining the bestowing of the trophy on Clinton, Luiz Mario Ladeira, president of the Minas Gerais state Macho Movement, which confers the prize, said: "Over the past year, no other public figure has honored the traditions of machismo as much as Bill Clinton."

The Macho Movement, created 15 years ago as a good-humored response to feminism, has 5,000 members around the country. The Yankee leader is in good company. Past award winners include Brazilian former president Itamar Franco, who was photographed during Carnaval dallying with a pantyless model who wore only a skimpy T-shirt letting photographers snap her most intimate anatomy.

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

Brazil for Gringos

Brazil x USA "There is a law in the United States that fo ibids the granting of a visa to people who have en aged in terrorist acts. It's that simple," said somewha patronizingly Melvin Levitsky, the American am • assador in Brasilia as if rules were never broken in t e U.S..

Levitsky was talking about his country's de ision to deny a visa to Brazilian representative F rnando Gabeira from the Green Party so he could nter the United States.

In 1969 Gabeira had a minor role in the kidnapping of then American ambassador Charles lbrick.

Later he wrote the book 0 Que E Isso, Corn' anheiro (What's the Matter, Pal) which became a ilm just released in the U.S. as Four Days in Septem per. The former guerrilla has been invited to particip te in the movie's promotion by Miramax, which is m rketing Four Days—nominated for the Oscar as bes foreign movie—in American theaters.

The president of the Senate, Antoni Carlos Magalhaes, sent Levitsky a petition signe by 26 senators in which they asked for the visa, ecalling that Gabeira in 1979 received amnesty from the Brazilian government and that, today, as a con ressman he has a diplomatic passport. The letter also n ted that the former terrorist is a friend of Elbrick's saughter, Valery.

After meeting Magalhaes, Levitsky dec ared: "I have explained to the senator how the la of my country works." He didn't explain however ow they were able to bend a little in order to admit pe • pie like Yasser Arafat and Fidel Castro.

Angered by the American snub, Dora Kramer wrote in her column in Rio's daily Jornal d Brasil: "An eye for an eye in cases like that is no the best solution. If it were, we might reason by a absurd hypothesis that nothing would prevent resident Fernando Henrique Cardoso from refusing t receive president Bill Clinton because he is the le der of a nation that, one day, backed a coup, which r sulted in a dictatorship that banned him from acade ics forcing him into exile."

Gabeira, who had two other requests or visas denied by the U.S. promised to continue trying. "They always alleged that mine was a special case. This is the first time that I heard about this law." At end of January, after diplomatic efforts seemed exhausted, the Brazilian congress, in a gesture of defiance to Yankee intransigence, decided to designate Gabeira as an observer to the United Nations. The U.S. naturally might now defend its territorial integrity and national security by limiting the congressman's steps to the narrow U.N. territory in New York City. o

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•In a counter-offensive to fight the stereotypical image of Brazil—land of Carnaval, lax morals, violence, impunity, and poverty— being presented to foreigners, the Brazilian government has published a slick and thick book showing some other facets of the country. Published in five languages with 20,000 copies printed at a cost of $1.2 million—the Sao Paulo Industries Federation (FIESP) and others picked up the tab—the work is not for general consumption, but for opinion makers.

Work of Itamaraty, the Brazilian foreign ministry, Brasil— Tern/orb, Povo, Trabalho e Cultura (Brazil— Territory, People, Work and Culture) comes with a foreword by president Fernando Henrique Cardoso, texts by Brazilian intellectuals and pictures from 90 of the best national photographers, and has the express purpose of giving a balanced view of the land.

"The government is not hiding the national problems with this book as the President is the first to admit that this is a unjust country," said ambassador Sebastiao do Rego Barros Neto, the Foreign Ministry's general secretary. Pave/as (shantytowns), however, and other Brazilian eyesores are only shown at a comfortable distance in pictures and practically brushed aside in the text.

I Accuse At the invitation of OAS's Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, Brazilian attorney Cristina Leonardo should be in Washington by now getting ready to act as a prosecutor against Brazil, which is accused of several massacres committed by the country's police, in particular the mass killing in 1990 in Acari, and in 1993 in Vigario Geral and Candelaria, all of them in Rio.

Now, what should we do to win the Oscar?

How about kidnapping Bill Clinton?

11

atom Leonardo knows very well the subject, having been responsible for taking overseas 11 of the survivors of those and other massacres, who feared for their lives. She is prepared to accuse the Brazilian government of not protecting the poorest and the children in particular and not reigning in he death squads. In January an OAS report denounced Brazil for its lack of advancement on guaranteeing human rights and fighting racism.

Bountiful Land One of the most ingrained national beliefs, that female buttocks are Brazilians' favorite anatomical part, has suffered a rude awakening this summer. Ad professionals and plastic surgeons have already declared this the season of the bosom. "The '70s were the apotheosis of the bun. During the '80s, thanks to liposculpture, the waif-thin waist was all the rage. The sex symbol of the '90s, however, is the cleavage," declared Carioca (from Rio) plastic surgeon Arthur Silva Netto to weekly newsmagazine Isto E. Silva Netto should know.

Monaco's princess Stephanie and Polish model Eva Herzigova among other have trusted their precious boobies to his cutting skills.

Despite the new trend, plastic surgeries for breast reduction continue to be the most common, even though surgeries for breast enhancement have doubled in the last two years. These operations cost anywhere from $3,000 to $10,000.

Leading bra manufacturer Valisere revealed that 35 from its 45 1997 bra models had a wire or a filler to enhance breasts' volume.

12

Loose Lips As it happened with Ebonics in 1996 when Oakland (California) school officials ; decided to consider the American-Black dialect as a distinct language, the decision to • teach empires (hick talk) in the interior of Minas Gerais state is causing plenty of •. controversy. Opposing the orientation of the state's Department of Education, Angelo ; Leite Pereira, mayor of Carmo do Rio Claro, decided that schools in his municipality • should teach caipires, a way of talking usually used in the students homes. "With this method the children don't go home and start ridiculing their parents," explained Rosilene Moreira in an interview with the daily 0 Estado de S. Paulo. "They might • compare both languages and think that the informal one is funny, but they respect ; both."

Writer Cecilio Elias Neto, author of the Dicionario do Dialeto Caipiracicabano •.

(Information in Piracicaba, Sdo Paulo, at tel.: 55-19-422-6608) is against the idea of ; including the informal language in the curriculum, even though he believes that it is • important to preserve the way people from the area known as Tiete-Piracicaba-- : encompassing the Minas and Sao Paulo hinterland—talk. He seems happy, however, ; to find out that "suddenly caipira is beautiful".

Micro glossary of caipires amiga—(to become friends) to live together apea—to go apit6—(he whistled) he died cabrero—suspicious cois6—to thing (it replaces any verb we cannot think of) cuvitera (for a/coviteira)—gossipmonger cramar (instead of reclamar)—to complain desda—(to ungive) to want something back

intortci o pote—(to bend the pot) to get drunk jd que tá que fique—what can we do mato o bicho—(to kill the beast) to drink alcohol morfioso—the best, but also the worst subi co pe pra cima—(to go up with the foot up) to die torno vorta otra veiz de novo—(to come back again once more anew) to return

MEM Dream Girl Pelourinho, in the historical center of Salvador, capital of Bahia state, is a centuries-old baroque jewel that has been recently restored to its old glory. The place has been used as stage for plays, concerts and pop music, being also the showcase for world renowned Olodum band. It is understandable then that there was an uproar when it was announced that E o Tchan band dancer Carla Perez, famous for her lascivious gait and generous buttocks, was going to be shot naked in the venerable square.

Those opposed to Perez's nudity didn't care that the shooting was being made for Globo TV prime time news show Jornal Nacional and its traditional Sunday variety program Fantastic°. The filming was almost canceled, but, having friends in high places, La Perez was able to have Bahia's former governor and current federal senate president Antonio Carlos Magalhaes, come to her rescue guaranteeing the cultural strip tease.

Salvador placed 120 men to guarantee the dancer's security at Pelourinho and dissuade those more daring from coming too close. The public strip show was so distracting that a close-by school didn't have any other alternative but to dispense their students allowing them a field lesson on human anatomy. After having been the main propeller for E o Tchan band, which sold 1.5 million CDs in 1997, Carla is studying singing and intends to start a solo singing career very soon. That should be as easy as 1, 2, 3, let it drop.

Perez at Pelourinho

BRAZZ1L - FEBRUARY 1998

University can be paradise, but in Brazil the road to it couldn't be more hazardous. The University Reform of 1968 established the so-called vestibular unificado (unified entrance exam) with standard tests being given to a group of schools, instead of every school preparing its own set of exams. This gave origin to the practice in which tens of thousands of students participate at the same time of the same battery of tests.

Sometimes as many as 80 students fight for one solitary place. The irony and cruelty of the Brazilian university system is that the people who are rich enough to send their children to private school during the elementary and secondary years are the same ones who most benefit from a free public university banked by the taxpayers.

ALESSANDRA DALEVI

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

The lat st version of the Chinese-corridor torture to hich Brazilian students willing to enter colle e are submitted every year should be finished by now. Hundreds of thousands of youngsters once again have gone through the battery of t sts that many times have little to do with what t ey have learned in school. This is a ritual kno as the vestibular, which starts in November ith preliminary exams and continues in Dece ber and January when students get tested and ften receive reinforcement classes even on Ch istmas and New Year's Day. It all ends in Fe ruary when final results are posted and those 1 cky enough to have survived the killing mar thon run to fill applications a few days befor classes start.

The firs school of higher education in Brazil was the scola Medico-Cirfirgica (MedicalSurgical S hool) in the state of Bahia. It was founded in 808 bithe Portuguese regent, Prince John (later o be known as Dom JoAo VI), after he fled to R o to escape the invasion of Portugal

by Napole n's army. Before that time, those looking for a college education had to go to the University f Coimbra in Portugal, an institution freque ted only by the very rich.

It was Iso in 1808 that Rio de Janeiro was granted co rses in anatomy and surgery, which were comp emented the next year with a medical school. ntrance exams were already known at the time since students had to pass a test to be admitte to these first institutions of higher learning.

The ex ms would be regulated by law only in 1911, th nks to the Organic Law for Higher and Funda ental Education. Before 1968, each institution created its own entrance exams, which wer composed of written and oral tests.

In 1827, S o Paulo and Olinda (in Pernambuco state) bec e the first cities to establish law 13

schools. The first university, however, would only be created almost one century later, in 1913. It was the Universidade Federal do Parana, which opened its doors during the watch of Brazil's eighth president, Hermes Rodrigues da Fonseca.

This was nearly 20 years before the creation of the Ministry of Education and Public Health in 1930.

Brazil entered the era of the modern university in 1934 when the government of Sdo Paulo state established the Universidade de Sdo Paulo, better known as USP. The following year saw the founding of the Universidade do Brasil, now known as the Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ). They constitute today the two best universities in Brazil.

While the percentage of Brazilians with a college diploma has now increased to 8 percent, in 1960 a mere 1 percent of the population had passed through college. It was in the '60s that interest and conditions to get a higher education started its crescendo. The University Reform of 1968 established the so-called vestibular unificado (unified entrance exam) with standard tests being given to a group of schools, instead of every school preparing its own set of exams. This gave origin to the practice in which tens of thousands of students participate at the same time of the same battery of tests, fighting for a few spots. Sometimes as many as 80 students vie for one solitary place.

It was also at the end of the '60s that appeared a new character in the education scenario: the excedente (surplus).

This happened because the entrance test to the university, the vestibular, was classificatory, meaning that all who earned a certain number of points were considered apt to enter college. The problem was that there was no room for every qualified applicant in the most coveted courses such as medicine, law and engineering.

To deal with the excedentes, the federal government tried several approaches. It encouraged the creation of new private colleges, which started sprouting all over the country, many times without any infrastructure. They would soon be derisively called 'money-grabbers', 'diploma factories', 'youpaid-you-passed', and 'bird traps'. Instead of a minimum note to pass, students now could opt for different schools depending on their test results. In Rio, for example, 28,000 candidates participated in its first unified vestibular in 1972.

This number skyrocketed to 120,000 in 1989, when demand was at its highest.

The tendency today is for schools to abandon these collective tests and go back to their own selection exams.

Unicamp (Universidade de Campinas) and UFRJ, for example, have been organizing their own tests after years of being part of Fuvest and Cesgranrio Foundation, respectively. There is also an increasing movement to dispense altogether with the vestibular.

The Myth of School for All At the end of 1997, Carlos Alberto Serpa, one of the creators of Cesgranrio (the organization in charge of Rio's unified entrance exams) and a member of the Conselho Nacional de Educacdo (National Council on Education) proposed a new method of university admissions. It would be based on the Sapiens (Sistema de Avaliacdo Progressiva para o Ingress° no Ensino Superior—System ofProgressive Evaluation for Entrance on Higher Education Schools) method, which has been used experimentally for 23 years in Rio. Sapiens results are based in six distinct evaluations made during the three years of secondary school.

In the federal capital, the Universidade de Brasilia has been experimenting with the PAS (Programa de Avaliacao Seriada—Serial Evaluation Program), a system in which students go through a test once a year during the three years of secondary school. Beginning next year, the Universidade de Brasilia will reserve SO percent of its places to schools 14

that have signed up for PAS. In 1995, Education Minister Paulo Renato Souza promised the creation of a nationwide test for secondary schools that would not only gauge the quality of education in the country, but would also offer the basis for a selective process that would allow the end of the vestibular system. The first of such tests happened in October 1997, but only nine of Brazil's 26 states participated. A more ample exam is planned for the end of this year.

One of the problems with national quizzes is the opposition from some university chancellors who see such tests as undue interference in their own territory. This a project for the long or at the least for the middle term. Even if tests started to be applied on students who began high school in 1998, the first fruits of the work would not be seen before the beginning of the next century.

Another national test intent on measuring how are Brazilians doing is school is the prowl° (big test), which was created in 1996. Around 85,000 students from 822 courses of administration, engineering, law, dentistry, and veterinary medicine took part in the proveio in October 1997. A national boycott movement by student unions and colleges themselves contributed to some distortions in results, since some students returned their tests blank.

The boycott of 1997, however, was smaller than in the previous year. For the most part, the tests returned were sufficient to evaluate how well or badly these schools are teaching. The results were also useful to corroborate what everybody knew: that higher education in Brazil is profoundly elitist with a twist— the richer you are, the better your chances are to land your preferred course and school.

It was revealed, for example, that 75% of the students come from families with a monthly income of at least ten minimum wages (around $1,200). It happens that only 17% of the population makes that amount of money. While 42% of Brazilians earn $400 or less a month, only 3% of the students taking part in the prov 'do came from these families.

This reveals that education in Brazil is not helping to create a true democracy and to lessen the gap between the more and less privileged.

Guimardes Castro from INEP (Institut° Nacional de Estudos e Pesquisas Educacionais—National Institute of Studies and Educational Researches) points to an even higher degree of elitism in some courses: "What calls our attention is how the group of business administration and law is different from the group including chemical engineering, dentistry, and veterinary medicine. The money of an administration student is his own and not his parents'." Administration students are generally older: 62% have to work, most of them 40 hours a week. That's why 80% of the administration students and 62% of those studying law go to night school.

On the other hand, 80% of those in dentistry courses are 24 years old or younger and 68% of them do not work. The answers also showed that most of the students, whether from public or private colleges, graduated from a private secondary school. There are 850 schools of higher education across the country. Seventy-five percent of openings in universities are in private schools, but the best colleges are public.

Besides, the federal and state universities are entirely free.

Tougher and Tougher Of the students who passed the Fuvest (the largest vestibular in the country for Brazil"s best colleges and universiBRAZZIE - FEBRUARY 1998

ties, most of them public) in 1997, 65% had studied in private schools and 55% had parents with a college degree. The irony and cruelty ofthese numbers is that the people who are rich enough to send their children to private school during the elementary and secondary years are the same ones who benefit from a free university banked by the taxpayers.

Matters should get worse in the next few years with an increasing number of students getting out of secondary school and searching for a college. The relatively small number of students who graduate from high school has been working as a natural valve that prevents an inordinate number of candidates willing to get into college. But this might change soon, according to Maria Helena Guimaraes Castro, president of INEP. Castro analyzed the situation in an interview with Rio daily 0 Globo: "In 1991, when there were 560,000 vacancies in schools of higher learning, around 600,000 students secondary concluded school. Now, the number of those finishing secondary school has doubled and soon the demand for places in college will be much higher."

In 1975 there were 2.2 candidates per available spot, on average. Today this ratio has more than doubled with 4.6 people disputing every vacancy. According to Fuvest, which organizes the vestibular for Universidade de Sao Paulo and other colleges, 60% of those who pass their entrance exam

Some Taste ul BiteThe vestibular has also been an inexhaustib e source for some of the funniest moments produced by the national ignorance and misinfor ation. Some teachers have been collecting such gems. Here is a sample of a selection made y professor Jose Roberto Mathias, in 1994, when in one of the vestibulares the theme prop sed for composition was: "Does TV form, inform or deform?" Unfortunately, the transla ion loses the extra comical effects due to misspellings and Portuguese idiosyncrasies.

A TV possui urn grau elevadissimo de infor acdes que nos enriquece de uma maneira pobre, pois se tornamos uns viciados deste vei ulo de comunicacdo.

The TV possesses a very high degree of i formation that enriches us in a poor way, because we become addicted to the vehicle of c mmunication.

A TV no entanto é um consumo que devemos onsumir para nossaformacdo, informacdo e deformac do.

The TV however is a consumption that we hive to consume for our formation, information, and deformation.

A TV se estiver ligada pode formar uma se ie de imagens, já desligada The TV when on can form a series of imag s, when off it can't...

A TV deforma tido s6 os sofas por motivo da #essoaJIcar bastante tempo intertida como tambem as vista...

The TV deforms not only the sofas because p ople get entertained for a long time, but also the eyes....

A televisdo passa para as pessoas que a visa é urn conto de fabulas e corn isso fabrica muitas cabecas...

Television passes to people that life is a fair tale (conto de fadas, in Portuguese, and not conto de fabulas, which means fables) and wit that it manufactures many heads...

Sempre ou quase sempre a TV esta maisperta de nosco... fazendo corn que o telespectador solte o seu /ado obscuro...

Always or almost always TV is closer to us. . making that the viewer releases its obscure side....

A TV deforrna a coluna, os mfisculos e o o anismo em geral.

The TV deforms the spine, the muscles an the organism in general.

A televisdo é urn meio de comunicacdo, au icdo e porque ndo dizer de locomocdo.

Television is a way of communication, aud tion and why not say it of locomotion.

A TV e o oxigenio que forma nossas ideias TV is the oxygen that forms our ideas. por isso é que podemos dizer que esse meio de transporte é capaz de informar e deformar os homens... ... that's why we can say that this means of transportation is capable of informing and deforming men...

A TV ezerce poder, levando informacdes d arias e porque nelo dizer horarias.

TV has power, bringing daily and why not say it hourly information.

Nos estamos nos diluindo a cada dia e nil° se pode clizer que a TV ndo tern nada a ver corn isso...

We are diluting ourselves every day and we cannot say that TV has nothing to do with that A TV acomoda aos teles inspectadores...

TV accommodates the tele inspectators...

A televisdo pode ser definida como umafaca de trez gumes. Ela tanto pode formar, como informar, como deformar...

Television can be defined as a three-edged knife. It can either form, inform or deform...

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

15

have tried the test one, two or three times before. The more people who dispute the same place, the higher the score must be for a candidate to stay in the competition. For the past two years, there has been an increase of 11% in the Fuvest vestibular's scores.

In the latest test for dentistry at the Universidade Federal do Parand, the minimum score needed for the preliminary tests was 6.6. The previous year 5.6 was enough to continue in the race. The vestibular is an unfair and cruel punishment that in a few hours wants to measure what the student has learned in 11 years of study (eight in elementary school and three more in secondary). The preliminary test usually has only multiple-choice questions: the more comprehensive tests, containing essays and compositions, are left for a second battery of quizzes.

Stress and anxiety can become a family problem. In Sao Paulo, the Colegio Bandeirantes, an elite private high school that approves more candidates to the vestibular than any other institution, has created a program of psychological aid for parents and children on the eve of the vestibular tests. During the holiday season, when psychological offices around the world have to deal with the seasonal blues oftheir clients, Brazilian psychologists have also to see more cases of collegebound youngsters struggling against depression, decreased appetite, and insomnia.

Describing the role of the vestibular in Brazil, sociologist Gisela Taschner, from Rio's Fundacao Getulio Vargas, told in an interview with weekly magazine Veja: "The vestibular fulfills an extra function besides selecting students. It is a rite of passage like the ones in Indian tribes, which serves to indicate that the individual has left childhood and has entered the adult world."

Vestibfer UnB/ Sciences Candidates per spot

Medicine 49 Dentistry 40.65 Psychology 30.34 Computer 25.83 Nutrition 22.68 Physical Education 21.05 Nursing 20.68 Veterinary 19.9 Computer (Night) 17.83 Biology 17.63 Pharmacy 14.53 Mathematics (Night) 12.9 Biology (Night) 12.37 Agronomy 11.38 Civil Engineering 11.23 Communications Engineering 10.7 Mathematics 8.8 Electrical Eng. 8.68 Mecatronic Eng. 8.23 Forest Eng. 8.05 Mechanic Eng. 7.38 Physics (Night) 7.37 Geology 6.88 Chemistry (Night) 6.77 Physics 6.16 Chemistry 5.91 Statistics 4.96 Humanities

Law 45.18 Publicity 31 Journalism 28.28 Internat. Relations 24.10 Administ. (Night) 21 Cinema 17.2 Administration 16.38 Accounting (Night) 15 Pedagogy (Night) 14.23 Translation 13.04 Portuguese (Night) 12.73 Social Work 12.67 Architecture 12.17 History 12 Pedagogy 10.89 Letters 10.68 Geography 9.8 Economics 9.65 Accounting 9.1 Archiv. (Night) 8.9 Spanish (Night) 8.7 Politics 8.15 Social Sciences 7.60 Library Science 6.03 Industrial Design 4.15 Japanese (Night) 3.4 Portuguese 2.90 Art 2.88 Theatre Arts 2.33 Music 1.6 Plastic Arts 1.05 Artist. Ed. (Night) 0.9 1.

A Japanese Is Gaining on You

a

To be ready for this marathon, students are increasingly getting better prepared. For those who can afford it, that means taking a whole year or more of prep school, specialized courses that prepare for the vestibular and that are know as cursinhos. They are big business. And there are students that join two or more of these cursinhos so they can pick up the best teachers on each 16

of them.

With or without a cursinho many students while preparing for the vestibular give up any semblance of normal life, foregoing weekends, parties, romances, and friendships. Studying 10, 12, 14 hours a day in the months leading to the vestibular is not unusual. Colleagues at cursinhos are often foes since they will be disputing the same few spots. Instructors here can be jeered if they stray from the subject. A sign at a cursinho toilet in sao Paulo gives an idea of the sense of urgency, fear of wasting any second, and the paranoia of these students: "While you are here," says the sign scrawled on the wall, "a Japanese is studying."

The best cursinho teachers are sought after as star players and paid accordingly. While teachers in public secondary schools make around $500 a month, the virtuoso teacher can make $7,000 or more for 60 hours of work a week. And these earnings can double with the apostilas (typewritten and photocopied books) that they prepare on the subject they teach.

At Rio's pH prep course, 3,500 students are taught and entertained by popular teachers who use games, jokes, and songs to keep the classes attentive and interested. Jose Indcio da Silva Pereira, the Pachecao, a physics teacher at a Belo Horizonte (capital of Minas Gerais state) cursinho has become a hit with his Odeio Fisica (I Hate Physics) CD, which sold 25,000 copies in two weeks.

No other vestibular is as big as Fuvest. Fuvest (Fundacao Universitaria para o Vestiku/ar-Universitary Foundation for the Vestibular) had 138,487 candidates disputing its 8,518 spots. this year. Of these candidates, 19,332 were treineiros , students who haven't yet finished secondary school, but who want to train for the exam. Another big vestibular is the one done by Unicamp (Universidade Estadual de Campinas) in Sao Paulo state. The University, which organizes its own exams in 18 different cities, had 33,327 candidates. Sao Paulo's PUC (Pontificia Universidade Catolica-Catholic Pontifical University), a traditional private school that organizes its own vestibular, offered 4930 spots this year.

The unified exam of Rio's Cesgranrio serves 14 institutions, offering a total of 12,000 places in 30 different majors.

A little more than 17,000 students went through their tests this year, with more than 6,000 of them fighting for the 370 spots in medicine. Many students apply to Cesgranrio as a backup since they would rather study at the federal or state universities that not only are better, but are also free. More than 52,000 applied for the UFRJ (Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro) vestibulares, with its 6,120 offerings. Another 16,646 were disputing the 1,052 spots of Universidade do Rio (Uni-Rio).

In the war against electronic cribbing, Cesgranrio forbids the use of wristwatches, pagers, and cellular phones. In the 1997 vestibulares, 58 candidates were eliminated after being caught using digital watches that transmitted the answers to the multiple-choice tests. The service was being offered for $15,000. Fuvest this year did not allow the exam rooms to be occupied at more than 70 percent capacity, placing a bigger distance between the test takers. It also prepared five different versions of its test.

Despite all the precautions, a sophisticated scheme of defrauding was discovered this year in Jundiai, in the state of sao Paulo, during the exam for Universidade Sao Francisco.

Nine candidates trying to enter medicine school had minuscule earphones that were connected to a transmitter tied to BRAZZIL-FEBRUARY1998

their legs and a silencer inside the slip or panties of the candidate. Wires were glued to the skin and the scalp.

Authorities were convinced that people involved in this fraud were part of a bigger scheme to defraud other vestibulares. These scams generally involve someone that takes the exam together wit0 the candidates, but leaves the room earlier with all the information for somebody on the outside to solve the problems.

The Inside Scoop This year, the Portuguese Fuvest test, which opened the second phase of the vestibular was considered too hard by teachers of the Portuguese language. According to Elizabeth Massaranduba, a teacher at So Paulo's Objetivo High School, the composition themes proposed were complicated. "Only those very well prepared intellectually were able to properly do the test," she said. Students were offered five texts by five different authors. The first theme explored French philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre's well-known phrase: "Hell is other people." The other questions were longer and more obscure phrases by Brazilian writers.

After studying the texts, Massaranduba concluded that many students might get the wrong impression that the theme being proposed was the meanness of other people, while the real intent was an analysis of the self based on its relationship with others.

Among the 10 questions asked in the history test of Fuvest were these two: "1. Comment the specificity of the Spartan social structure in the context of the classical Greek city-state. 5. What is the meaning of the expression 'cold war' and to what period of the history of international relations does it refer?"

Not every candidate had to deal with tough assignments though. The 49,000 students participating in Rio's Universidade Federal vestibular didn't seem to have any reason for complaints. Some candidates were able to complete the test well before the four hours they had at their disposal.

But in Rio Grande do Sul the history test at UFRGS (Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul) given to close to 38,000 students provoked the ire of the Brazilian President. In one of the questions, the exam reproduced a cartoon published in the September issue of the magazine Imprensa.

In it, First Lady Ruth Cardoso, while doing the taxes, asks her husband if he had made any charitable contribution. He answers that he gave away the Vale, that is, the state company Vale do Rio Doce, which was privatized in May 1997.

Inspired by the charge, the test proposes three alternatives. To have the answer considered correct the candidate had to check alternative c, meaning that propositions one and two were correct. These items stated that "the FHC administration denies being a government of neoliberal orientation and justifies the policy of dismantling the state sector" and implements a "policy of the federal public workers' wages."

While the university defended its choice of question, arguing that the options presented were public knowledge and not matter of opinion, Sergio Amaral, the President's spokesman, confirmed that Fernando Henrique Cardoso was not happy with the test, adding: "This shows that the university has little information. It is a shame that the university begins its contact with students by making such a mistake." Amaral also used the incident to deBRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

fend the idea that the proviio is a nedessity as a way of c ntrolling the quality of teaching in col eges.

So Many 1eople So Few Spots s At UniverSidade cartoon refers to an aspecto e e de Brasilia (UnB) tiomic policy adopted by the FHC a there was a record ministration. Read the statements- b number of can idates ow about theFlIC administration: for its vestibul r, with I. The FHC administration 26,653 stude Its (in the previous year ota° tOin°mnhyaas l. gall7dalsdatrcen vfi n.e do eth°ePecnotlintitrY 24,700 went hough pnvatization of the public sector and the process) tr ing to a PoliYofcalaPreasion of the federal publicw ork ers' wages. fill up the 1,907 2- The FHC government denies places offered being a government of tieoliberal 011As portray d in a entatibn and justifies the policy of Correio Braz .liense tnantling the statesettorwith the rhetoarticle, Brasilia's Jaric about the necessity of modernizing naina Passos i a typithe Brazilian economy, a condition for cal example o a caninserting itself competitively in the didate, fearf I and globalization process.

3. The success of the Plano Rea hopeful, tryin to get and the troce s "vti,zing the into many col eges at the same tim . "If I pass," she tol the paper, "I will be n paradise. If I don' I will be in hell. Bit I am sure I will pa s."

She shoul . Janaina, while co peting for a place in UnB's letters cours , also took the test for the law school of wo private colleg s. Her dream woul be to study law at he federal universi (which is free), but s e didn't even dare tot y. She was scared by the number of candidates (2,259) com eting for 50 places, which means 45 students vying for the ame spot. Only medicine had a bigger demand, with 30 spot for 1,470 candidates, or 49 students for every place.

As in eve y other vestibular, candidates have to choose a foreign Ian uage in which to be tested. At the UnB vestibular, more han 96% of the candidates from the so-called exact area, hich includes medicine, psychology, and dentistry, opted for English. A little more than 3% chose French and no one picked Spanish, a language generally chosen by those who have not studied any language. The reason being the similarities between Portuguese and Spanish. English was also chosen by 77.28% of those trying to enter a major in the humanities. In this group, 3.59% opted for French and 19.13% for spanish.

In the eXact area, the favorite courses were medicine, dentistry, and psychology, with physics, chemistry and statistics at the bottom. In the humanities area, the most soughtafter courses were law, publicity, and journalism. Music and artistic education were the ones that drew the least interest.

Facing the Monster At Sao aulo's Fuvest, students had to go through two phases. In p rt one of the first phase, the candidates answered 17

etr est re is the English test given Students participating on the Pevest's entrance exam, which congre ates a series of alleges n Sao Paulo. After ing the following texts, the students had to answer the questions in Portuguese: • Text!: Day by day the Point got taller and And day by day the shadow got and longer. All around flowers died, turned brown and rooms became It and cold. Old people had to turn on tem, even in the middle of summer.

It's Just so ugly," said Doll to Harold y ate dinner one night. "Once I used k out of the window and see trees and Qcrs, hear singing birds. Now all I see tat ugly grey thing. There're no flowzo no light, no grass, no birds, lg." "Oh, it's not that bad," said Don't give me that," snapped Doll.

AT don't have to watch it. Day in and t. Watch it getting bigger and bigger bigger." Rosie slt at the table and ate hetdinner. She thought her mum was beirg although she didn't say so.

'Instead,she just filled her mouth with a forkful of mashed potato and stared at her rplate. Later though while Doll was wash• ' ' mg up, Rosie couldn help saying, I don't think it's ugly.

I "Well ' as your father, then. " • "I just s a gigantic finger pointing up to the sky. Or a tall flower. Or itkonderful steeple." "Listen, younglady," h*errupted Doll. "It's not a finger and it's o a flower and it's not a steeple.

It's just . a shadow. point of shadow.'

And t w e became known as Shadow Point.

(Philip Ridley, Mercedes Ice. London, uffin Books. 1996, pp. 18-19) Who is who in this story?

(The answer presented by teachers the text day in the newspapers: Harold is the ether, Doll is the mother, Rosie is the ughter.) b, To what does "Shadow Point" refer Why did it get this name?

(Answer: "Shadow Point" refers to a construction, which might be a building or simply a high wall. It got its name because it projected a shadow around it). c. The text mentions changes. What ,thanges are these?

I (Answer: The text mentions changes for the worse, in the words of the mother: "There're no flowers, no trees, no light, no 'grass, no birds sin • s;e a huge ahadow.")

Nature s t ce up The soil-eaters

' L 18

——

by Ehsan Mas od It's lunchtime somewhere in rural tropical Africa. You're hungry, but the nearest restaurant is too far to walk. There's no Italian, • Chinese, Indian or fast food and • the telephone pizZa delivery company is a little reluctant to send its dispatch rider beyondthe city walls.

Moreover, you're on a tight budget. What are yonto do?

The answer, quittliterally, may lie in the soil direetlybeneath your feet. According to tivo researchers from the UniversitY Of Wales at Aberystwyth, U.14* tradition of soil consuniption ht•still very much alive in the African'tropics, India, Jamaica and it has'also been reported in Saudi Arabia. Despite the advent of modem religions and the end of the slave trade,,soll eating is not uncommon thoughmostly confined to thepoorer s 'ons of society The reasons for consumption are many and oftenmisunderstood, say the researchers Peter Abrahams and Julia Parsons. But •geopliagists,--ass0 1-eaters are • known,—on the who are regarded as quite "normal" *moat but outsiders. "Despite the widespread distribution of geOphagy, both today and in the past it is largely unknown, under-reported, misunderstood or ignored by Most people in the developed world,", say Abrahams and Parsons. This is why the adjectives "eccentric," "perverted," "odd," and "bizarre" have all been applied to geophagy".

(Nature New Service, 1996) a. The first paragraphs addresses a specific readingpublic?

What public is this? Justify your answer.

(Answer: The specific public is the visitor who finds himself in the rural area of Africa and Wants to eat. The paragraph raises the hypothesis of a hungry person in a faraway region in Africa, without any close place where to eat) b. What is the explanation of Abrahams and Parsons for the use of adjectives as "eccentric", "perverted", "odd" and "bizarre" to characterize geophagy?

(Answer: Geophagy is quite unknown, it is seldom mentioned, it is misunderstood or ignored by most people in the First World.) c. Give a meaning for the word "but" in the excerpt: "...on the whole, soil eaters are regarded as quite "normal" to most but outsiders."

(Answer: In the phrase but means except.)

Text 3: A sidelight on urban violence in the U.S. could also be showing up a similar situation in some parts of the U.K. A doctor in Arkansas

ointed is affecting ed o etly people. He mentioned two patients of his, both in their early 60s, one with hypert SiOTI and the ether with d• betes. Both tdok regula several times a wee frightened of st Theirwalksc lnsequently b p unds in weight, no c er condition. So street frOm the obvious damage th might also be worsening c Vase and diabetes in the elderly. I do no kdow whether anyone has noticed gains i waight for the same reason among elder patients in some parts of Londo athpk.

Bill Tidy, New Sc tt 101 a, In which way is urban violence •bet:affecting the health of the elderly (Answer: For fear of gangs, the eld step Walking, gain weight and worsen the], h4rt problems and Texts 4 setters to the Ed Murphy was ape •„. As the son of the attached to "Murph • thank You for accurately and respect identifying the origin of th• reernt article ["The Scie La*," by Robert A. J My father was an av American, and I can ass e yo he still alive, he would have tten toyo himself, thanking you fo ous • diseussion of Murphy's desetiptions on the poster lenders that treat it so lightly.

Yet as interesting as s, suggest that the author missed the oint of Murphy's La 'C'Y atthews dec es the law in terms of the probability •of failure. I would suggest, however, that Murphy's law actually refers to the CERTAINTY of failure. It is a call for determining the likely causes of failure in advanie and acting to prevent a problem before it occurs. In the example of flipping toast, my father would not have stood by andWatched the slice fall onto its buttered sidei Instead he would have figured out a waY to prevent the fall or at least ensure that the toast would fall butter-side up.

• Murphy and his fellow engineers spent years testing new designs of devices related to aircraft pilot safety or crash survival when there was no room for failure (for example, they worked on supersonic jets and Apollo landing craft). They were not content to rely on probabilities for Melt successes. Because they knew that things left to chance would definitely fail they went to painstaking efforts to ensure success.

Edward A. Murphy III, Sausalito, Ca fomia After receiving more than 362 intact issues of Scientific American, I received BRAZill. - FEBRUARY 1998

the April issue—with the article on Murphy's law—that was not only assembled incorrectly by the printer but also damaged by the U.S. Post Office during delivery. My teenage daughter is taking this magazine into her science class to talk about Murphy's Law. The condition of this issue is an excellent example for her presentation.

Brad Whitney, Anaheim, California (Scientific American, August 1997) a. What gave origin to these two texts?

(Answer: An article published in the magazine Scientific American on -Murphy's Law.") b. The second text says: "The condition of this issue is an excellent example for her presentation." Explain why.

(Answer: The teenage daughter of Mr. Brad Whitney will talk about "Murphy's Law" at school and will take the magazine to back up her presentation. It happens that the April issue of Scientific American was damaged in the mail and had printing problems.) c. Explain why Murphy can be considered a perfectionist.

(Answer: He can be considered a perfectionist because: 1) he spent years testing devices, that initially had no chance of failing. 2) for him it wasn't enough to trust in probabilities of success. 3) he didn't spare any effort to guarantee the success of his efforts.)

Text 6: Caesar's Ghost The real reason why things never change The U.S. standard railroad gauge—the distance between the rails—is 4 feet, 8.5 inches.

Why that exceedingly odd number? Because that's the way they built them in England, and the U.S. railroads were built by English expatriates. Why did the English people build them like that? Because the first rail lines were built by the same people who built the prerailroad tramways, and that's the gauge they used.Why? Because the people who built the tramways used the same jigs and tools for building wagons, which used that wheel spacing. OK! Why did the wagons use that odd wheel spacing? Well, if they tried to use any other spacing their wagons would break on some of the old long-distance roads, because that's the spacing of the old wheel ruts.

So who built the old rutted roads? The first long-distance roads in Europe were built by Imperial Rome for the benefit of their legions and have been used ever since. The initial ruts, which everyone else had to match for fear of destroying their wagons, were first made by Roman war chariots, which, because they were made for or by Imperial Rome, were all alike in the matter of wheel spacing.

So, the U.S. standard railroad gauge of 4 feet, 8.5 inches derives from the original specifications for an Imperial Roman army war chariot. Specs and bureaucracies live forever.

From Kyoto Journal (#33) by Richard Thomson (at Utne Reader, July-August 97, p.

32) a. Explain the title of this text.

(Answer: The standard measurement (4 feet, 8.5 inches) used for building American railroads is the same as the one used by the Romans for their coaches and chariots. That's why Caesar's "ghost" continues to be present nowadays.

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

questions on Portuguese, English, physics, and chemistry. In part two they had to deal with history, biology, mathematics and geography.

A sure way to fail in these exams is to arrive late, even if it is only by one minute. Every year there are touching tales. This year, daily 0 Estado de S. Paulo told the story of 20-year-old Jose Rogerio Nascimento e Silva, who arrived too early, decided to take a nap in his car and woke up too late. "I lost everything," he told the reporter while crying.

Another student, 20-year-old Abreucon Atanasio Alves, coming from the northeastern state of Bahia, had traveled more than 48 hours by bus, but he went to the wrong testing place.

The would-be nurse seemed resigned afterwards: "My mother is not going to be happy at all," he told reporters.

"Now I have to wait one more year."

The gleaning is exhaustive. From the 51,980 students trying to get a place at Rio's Universidade Federal, only 45,871 were able to pass the first hurdle made of multiple choice questions to undergo discursive-question tests with 30,711 being classified in the first phase. From those, 6,109 didn't show up for the second phase, 8,804 had a zero score, and another 6,262 got a score inferior to 3. Others were eliminated in different ways. The total of those approved: 4,163.

With 44.77 points of a maximum possible 50 points, Christina Feitosa Pelajo, 18, won the first place among all the students trying to enter UFRJ (Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro). Typical for a vestibulando, for one year she abandoned all activities including courses of French and German, parties and weekends on the beach, and studied 10 hours daily. Her family gave her a big help by sparing her from all domestic chores, keeping silence at home, and taking her by car wherever she needed to go.

She also won first place at the Cesgranrio vestibular. What she really wanted, though, was UFRJ. "People think that to get a first place you have to be a nerd. You don't. You just need to dedicate yourself."

Pelajo was also helped by the fact that she was studying in one of the best private schools in Rio, the pH. To get to the finishing line of the UFRJ vestibular she had to face—like everybody else a total of 16 tests, which lasted '66 hours.

In the Fuvest vestibular, coming in front of 120,000 other candidates, was a student who had been practicing for the vestibular since he was 13 years old. Kleber Yotsumoto Fertrin, 17, was still in the 7th grade in Campinas, interior of Sao Paulo state, when he practiced for the first time—and'won enough points to pass— in a real vestibular. At 14, he came in 8th place in a computer college. At 15, he passed an entrance exam for medical school. However, he was just training all this time.

Fertrin obtained 851.6 from a possible 1000 points. He chose to study medicine at USP (Universidade de Sao Paulo), but he could have opted for engineering at Puccamp (Pontificia Universidade Catolica de Campinas) where he also came in first place. "I didn't kill myself studying," he told reporters. "I only studied when I was up to it."

The final results—which are generally released in February and leave just a few days for new students to present all their papers to start the school year—are a moment of often noisy and unruly catharsis.

Everything seems to be allowed for those who get on the approved list.

For the 3,000 freshmen of UFRGS (Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul) for example, the release of the names was the starting shot for the already traditional dance and paint war. Anticipating what would be done to them by the veterans many cut off all their hair and then got together for the so-called victory celebration at Cervejaria Dado Bier, a large beer place in Porto Alegre.

The entrance marathon has ended and now the victOrious ones have the right to be called bichos (beasts). They can be dragged into some heavy hazing, of which the most mild involves getting the head bald and asking for alms on red lights. For those Who won a place far from home, it is now time to find room and board. Some Schools offer limited lodging on campus or nearby, but the majority of students will have to fend by themselves. Often new students will get together with other calouros (freshmen) in so-called repnblicas (repub• lics).

19

Thanks for the good work.

liana Scher!

CRS-Mozambique Baltimore, Ma land TEXTBOOK BRAZZIL

PERSECUTION TALES or t e past month I ave Been researchin Brazilian immigration to the United States for a U.S. history project. I am looking in particular for Brazilians that came to the U.S. because of the military regimes in 1964 or 1968. Part of my yesearch involves an interview with an immigrant who came due to these circumstances or their children, if possible. If there is a place you can refer me to or know of anyone I can contact over the Internet or in New York, I'd appreciate it very much.

Angie New York, NY E-mail: angie_pet*hotmail.com

INDIANS IN QUESTION I am a stu ent in t. Pau /vIinnesota, attending Metropolitan State University. I am working on a research project concerning Aveda Corporation and the indigenous peoples in Brazil. I recently came across an article in the July 1997 issue of Brazzil titled "Green Piracy" and within this the title "Giving Some Back".

Aveda was mentioned in a short paragraph and I believe Aveda has helped the Indigenous people, but I have to find documented information for my project.

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HELP ME HELP I read an article in our local nelx spaper "Toronto Star" on February 1, 1998. The article is about the extinction of the Juma Indians located between Manaus and Labrea. They are left with three old sick persons and three preteen girls. They are in a very desperate position. I want to help these people-but I do not know any agency or missionary to contact. l am concerned with the well-being of the kids and want to help.

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Also, is there anywhere in the U.K. I can get a copy of your mag?

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Dr. Lesley Feracho AssociateProfessorofRomanceLanguages The University of Georgia Athens, Georgia I lovea your -sex issue Are We exMad?—October 1997). Anyone who got opset with that issue knows nothing about ffrazil. Sex in Brazil is like breathing. But you need to get on the ball and get your magazine out earlier in the month. It's. getting worse and worse. The January issue arrived on January 22.

It is also time that you start writing articles on more current Brazilian Popular Music. How about themusic ofBahia, Daniela Mercury, timbalada, E o Tchan, Marina Lima, Olodum, Cheiro de Amor. By the way, renew my subscription for four more years.

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On January 13, the Brazilquently, the country's maian Congress approved extenjor companies—especially sive legislation governing temin the automotive sector— porary labor, which will allow felt they had no alternative the contracting ofpart-time staff but to temporarily reduce or for a period of up to two years stop production. Furtheras opposed to the current threemore, companies announced month limit. In addition, the they would begin downnew law will reduce companies' sizing a large number of payroll costs by nearly 40%, a workers. move that is certain to please The Auto Parts Manuemployers, but not necessarily facturers Association (SinWhile in the U.S. payroll costs to benefiting employees. dipecas) alone planned to employers are 9% over the cost of For years, Brazilian compa- salaries, in Brazil theses expenses can fire between 8 and 19 thounies have complained about the represent as much as 10.2%. A new law sand people from its work overwhelming high costs of force in the first semester of approved by the Brazilian Congress payroll and benefits imposed deals with temporary laboi• and the lower this year. Faced with such a by the current labor legislation, costs that come with it. Employers are bleak scenario, labor union known as Consolidacc-io das understandably happy, but employees Forca Sindical reached a Leis Trabalhistas (CLT). Enare much less enthusiastic. There is a collective agreement with new reality in the country_ and workers Sindipecas that is likely to acted by President Getülio will need Xolearn.the politics of direct change forever the way barVargas in 1943, CLT estabnegotiation without the State's lished a series of benefits for gaining contracts are negopaternalistic blessings.

Brazil's working class, includtiated between Brazilian eming the minimum wage and job ployers and employees.

MARTA ALVIM stability. Under the CLT regime According to the agreethe length of a job contract, for ment, workers were willinstance, is indefinite, and eming to have their salaries ployers must pay a hefty fine if reduced by up to 10% in they terminate a worker without exchange for the auto parts just cause. Besides the fine—the makers' guarantee that no FOR MA 'wry TAD° RAIDOR 4PU employee's severance indemnity lay-offs would take place 44 OR IRAS ai4 fund (FGTS)—employers must until May 31st. What makes compensate the worker with a this situation unlike any number of benefits, including a other seen in the history of mandatory paid 30-day notice.

Brazil's labor movement is According to the governthe acceptance of wage rement, payroll contributions acduction by such a large count for additional costs of 58% number of unionized workover the wages, a number that ers. will be reduced to 37% with the Meanwhile, the ABC recently approved legislation. However, those estimates Metalworkers L,abor Union, a chapter affiliated to the are challenged by independent analysts, who contend that mighty Central Unica dos Trabalhadores (CUT) were also payroll contributions represent as much as 102% over the faced with the threat of massive lay-offs by automaker cost of salaries—dropping to 82% with the new law.

Volkswagen. The company planned to dismiss close to 10 Either way, both figthousand workures are still very high ers—a third of its compared, for instance, labor force—folPay for P erformance to Japan and to the lowing the remodUnited States, where eling and subseOn November 26, the Brazilian Lower House voted 322 to 157 to end the payroll costs are 11% quent modernizajob stability guaranteed to the nation's civil servants. If the project, which and 9% respectively. tion of its So was personally endorsed by President Fernando Henrique Cardoso, is The new labor Bernardo do Cammodel comes in the approved by the Upper House, Brazilian civil servants will have to work po installations in wake of the Asian marmuch harder for fewer benefits. the state of Sao ket crash, which sent The project establishes that civil servants can be dismissed for unsatisPaulo. Eventually, shock waves all over factory performance and low productivity, or whenever the federal and state the union agreed to the world. In order to a 1.2% decrease in governments, as well as municipalities, spend over 60% of their net revenues prevent a speculative salaries and other in payroll. Considering the current situation, where only seven out of the 27 attack against the Real, benefit reductions Brazilian states conform to this expenditure limit, one can speculate that a the Brazilian governin exchange for lot of people will be looking out for a new job if the project is approved. ment was forced to Volkswagen's asThe states of Rio Grande do Sul and Minas Gerais spend over 80% of raise the annualized surance that it their budgets in payroll, while the state of Espirito Santo spends 92% of its prime lending rates to would not go revenue in the payment to its work force.

Contrary to general belief, the stratospheric levels. through with the Union has the smallest work force-500 thousand civil servants—and its Although applauded by lay-offs. The car payroll expenses are around 500/o of the budget. the international finanmanufacturer now If, in addition, the Social Security reform is also approved as expected, cial community, the deplans to redirect the the civil servants' losses will be even more substantial. It is estimated that cision produced a excess work force retirement salaries will be 70% ofthe active duty wages instead ofthe current ripple effect in the job to its PQ 24 project, 100%. market, as an economic which will replace In spite of unattractive salaries, generations of Brazilians have turned to slowdown and the rethe Gol, Parati and sulting upsurge in unthe civil service as a natural employment option due to its stability and Saveiro models employment were ingenerous benefits. With such significant changes, things may never be the with a new line of evitable.

Consesame. cars in the year

Temps for Hire

22

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

2000. Although a much better deal than the one negotiated

by Forca Sin ical, the metalworkers' decision to accept a wage reduction would have been unthinkable a few years ago, especially considering CUT' s leaders notorious reputation as bullheaded negotiators.

In reality, structural changes in employment are inevitable in Brazil and all over the world. The fierce competition of current markets provides new challenges for companies, forcing them to find efficient models of management needed for survival in the globalization era. Cost reduction and flexibility are two of the essential conditions to achieve this purpose. However, even members of the Brazilian government are not quite sure as to the degree to which temporary contracting will impact the nation's job market.

Some caution that full-time employees could gradually be replaced by temporary workers, and that the latter may become a regular fixture in many companies. Although there is a provision limiting the hiring of parttimers proportionally to the company's size, it is unlikely that the Ministry of Labor will ever be able to enforce the law. Lack of infrastructure and corruption are two of the major obstacles to the task of inspecting and fining violators.

It is well known that, in order to avoid CLT's excessive regulations and the costly payroll contributions, numerous companies have resorted to irregular contracting practices. The most common infraction is the lack of employees' registration. By law, employers must sign the Carteira de Trabalho, an official type of card that guarantees social welfare and other benefits to Brazilian workers.

However, enforcement of the law is lax, bribery is rampant among inspection teams, and companies prefer to subject themselves to fines or extortion rather than put up with the high payroll costs. It is estimated that the mass of unregistered workers has increased by 17% over the

past decade, and that constitutes half of Brazil's current labor force.

On the ot er hand, critics of the new legislation note that this is a oppressive economic structure, where human beings re treated as disposable parts. In the United States, wher one in five American workers are employed part-time, jo security and lifelong employment are becoming a thing of the past. According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor St tistics, the number of temporary workers grew from 5 0 thousand in 1987 to over 2 million in 1995.

However, o er a quarter of the temps were "involuntary" part-timers ho wanted full-time jobs.

To think hat temporary hiring will have a significant impact on nemployment is ludicrous. A healthy job market is ad rect consequence of investments production and econom'c growth, not the other way around. Which raises another issue: how will the decrease in payroll contributions affect the nation's public funds?

Econom'sts forecast that Brazil's gross domestic product (GDP) ill be a dismal 2% this year, perhaps less. As is often the case, in times of an economic slowdown expenditure for welfare benefits and unemployment insurance inevitably go up. Contributions to the FGTS, INSS (National Institute of Social Service) and other funds are the means that finance the government's public policies. If those contributions are to be sharply reduced, how will thç government finance its social programs?

Overall, Brazilians have received the new legislation with reserv, , especially the workers currently employed under the T's regime. For the legion of unregistered employees, though, this may be their opportunity to come out of infornality and achieve some kind of legitimacy.

What is cert in is that a new employer/employee relationship is tak ng shape in Brazil. Workers will need to become aw re of the new reality, and learn the politics of direct nego iation without the State's paternalistic blessings. •

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23

"At that time there were some things that many people thought worth giving their lives for."—Fernando Gabeira, whose book inspired Bruno Barreto's new film, Four Days in

Flor. He'd also knocked off Bye-Bye Brazil for Carlos Diegues and 0 Quatrilho for Bruno's

brother Fabio Barreto, the latter film being nominated for an Academy Award for Best Foreign Film in 1996.

It would have been all too easy, but Barreto didn't want to take sides, and he didn't want to preach. To use film to do so, he says, is irresponsible. Nonetheless, when

September.

In 1969, the American Ambassador to Brazil was kidnapped in Rio de Janeiro as an act of protest against the military regime. The dictatorship, which had begun five years earlier and would last until 1985, had just revoked the rights of the Brazilian citizen and censured the press. This decree inspired journalist Fernando Gabeira to go underground and join a resistance group called the October 8'h Revolutionary Movement (MR-8). He would eventually become one of the young and mostly naïve men and women who would grab Charles Burke Elbrick and hold him hostage. This bold and risky deed accomplished little; in the long run it was a blip on the screen, a bark in the dark. A decade later, Gabeira would write a book called 0 Que E Isso, Companheiro? (What's Up, Comrade?) that became the basis for the film Four Days in September—the official Brazil-

ian entry for the 1997 Academy Awards—, which opened recently in the U.S..

Director Bruno Barreto, whose wildly successful Dona Flor and Her Two Husbands brought to life the characters in Jorge Amado's novel of the same name, was in Hollywood to talk about his new picture. Although Four Days in September may be tagged a political thriller, it seems much, much more. In fact— "My main preoccupation was to not fall into the trap of those who tend to divide the world into good and bad, victim and executioner," B'arreto said. "I sought to find the motives of all the people involved—from the torturer to the kidnappers... I did not make a film about politics, but about human beings... about the fears, desires, and tensions involved in a specific episode."

To bring what he had in mind to fruition took Barreto several years. "It was very hard for me to get this screenplay right, to get a screenplay that would tell the story from all the different points of view. That's why I went through six writers, three American writers, three Brazilian writers, and it ended up taking 10 years. I wouldn't put the blame on the writers because I myself was finding my way through it: I knew what I didn't want, but I didn't know how to get what I wanted."

Although he greatly respects Constantin Costa-Gavras and Oliver Stone, and names the former's State of Siege and the latter's Salvador and Born on the Fourth of July as movies he admires, Barreto had no intention of emulating either man. Having made films in the 24

Four Days in September

Blak

VRfe In Gray

The 1969 kidnapping in Brazil of American ambassador Charles Burke Elbrick made him a better person. At least that's what his daughter says now. The story of the clays Elbrick spent in captivity has been told in a film just released. As seen by director Bruno Barreto the tale is too nonjudgmental to please any side in the ideological conflict.

BONDO VVYSZPOLSKI United States (A Show of Force, Carried Away, etc.), Barreto was aware that "had the film been made by a Hollywood studio.., it would have polarized more the dictatorship and the kidnappers."

The Brazilian government might have preferred it, as well as those in the audience who want their celluloid heroes depicted in black and white, "but it would have been Hollywood movie because it would have been [simplified to] good guys versus bad guys."

The director held out for a good script. Actually, it seems, he held out for scriptwriter Leopoldo Serran, who had already worked with Barreto on Dona

was shown in Brazil, a segment of the press "thought the film had been too soft on the dictatorship."

Few people in this country have a clear understanding of just how bad things became, especially—as Lawrence Weschler points out in A Miracle, A Universe— during General Emilio Garrastazu Medici's presidency (1969-1974) "when torture was at its worst." And as Nelida Pition writes in her novel, The Republic of Dreams, there was in Brazil "from '68 on, indiscriminate imprisonment and despicable torture. Young people forced underground, if they didn't end up dead. There was no constitution to protect them."

How helpful was Fernando Gabeira, the author of What's Up, Comrade??

Gabeira, who in 1992 was elected head of the Green Party in Rio de Janeiro, was shot, captured, imprisoned and tortured after the Elbrick kidnapping. Not too helpful, Barreto says. "He tried, but he said, 'Bruno, you know, that person died. That was another life that I had.'... Now he's a congressman and an activist for the Green Party; he just didn't want to open that trunk. He didn't want to go back there again."

What's Up, Comrade? doesn't purport to be a journalistic account of what transpired during those crucial days of September 4-7. "It's like an essay," says Barreto; "it's a reflection about what it was like to be a '60s left wing militant, and the book is actually very self-critical.

That's what made it so interesting and new, because he uses the kidnapping of the American in order to review and criticize the left wing movement in the '60s that he was a part of. That's what first attracted me to the book."

Although Gabeira wants to point out that his character in the movie (played by Pedro Cardoso) should not be taken as an accurate portrait, he says: "The film tells a story in which neither the heroes nor the villains are exaggerated and in which they both are portrayed humanely, which seems to be to be a more modern way of looking at things."

About its poetic license, Gabeira adds: "I support and defend the film, but I am not an accomplice to what has been done.

The screenplay is not mine, but I think that the plot is well developed and it has a dignified and non-manichaeistic manner of treating the subject."

Gabeira also comments on the generaBRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

tion in which he came of age, and the current crop of young people three decades later: "My generation was, at that time, a continuation of a tradition of leftist revolution, including the Russian, Chinese, and Cuban Revolutions. We were attempting to be an heir to this vision ofthe world in which there reigned a utopian vision of humanity freeing the persecuted, and to the traditional division of history into heroes and villains.

"Today the situation is different.

Young people do not invest so much in the future or in long term projects. They are much more preoccupied with the present. In a way, they are orphans of utopia. Maybe the film can provoke some thought on these differences, the main one being that at that time there were some things that many people thought worth giving their lives for."

It's these concerns, this plunge into ideals and the courage to stand behind them, that makes Four Days in September a forceful and universal drama. In the film, the role of Ambassador Elbrick is played by Alan Arkin, perhaps the only recognizable name on the marquee for American audiences. Although Elbrick has since passed away, the late ambassador's daughter, Valerie, proved to be an important source for the development of Arkin's on-screen persona.

Barreto and his first scriptwriter had gone to Washington, D.C., to interview her, and Barreto recalls that—"She said she was at first very jealous of the kidnappers because they were going to have her dad only for themselves—and she

had never had her dad just for herself..._Later, she said, she was angry, she was upset, but in a way she was thankful because, she said, 'My father came back a better human being. And I got a hug; and I didn't remember the last time he had hugged me."

Elbrick was held for four days and released when, in exchange, the Brazilian military government agreed to free fifteen political prisoners. Although Elbrick emerged with his life, his political career wasn't quite so lucky.

The kidnappers, says Barreto, "were young kids; they weren't professional terrorists. They had a cause, [and] as Elbrick understood them, you [the audience] understand them, too."

After the ordeal had ended, and before the hostage-takers I were apprehended, Elbrick spoke at a press conference. He told the media that while he didn't agree with their method, he certainly understood the kidnappers' motivation. "The Brazilian government hated him from that moment on," Barreto says. They had, after all, bargained for Elbrick's life. "He was a very outspoken guy—and he spoke his mind."

Alan Arkin imbues the Elbrick character with dignity and thoughtfulness. Barreto fleshes, him out even more via the letters

he is allowed to compose to his wife, Elvira, played convincingly by Caroline Kava. I do not know if the existence of these pensive, perceptive letters has any basis in reality—Barreto did not say— but they temper the film and enhance its introspective qualities.

For all this, the audience may sympathize as much, and perhaps even more, with the kidnappers themselves. The actors elicit our interest and compassion, and it's clear that the director has an eye for nuances within and in between characters.

When Barreto says he worked hard to steer this project away from resembling a Hollywood movie, the successful result of his endeavor is plain to see.

This writer recently caught two James Cameron films (The Abyss; Titanic), and what's up there on the screen? Black and white, good guys and bad. With Four Days in September we see that life is a field of grays—even in what may at first glance appear to be a cut-and-dried situation.

"It was the hardest film I have ever cast," Barreto says, "because it was the first ensemble piece I directed. I not only had to cast the right actor in the right part, I had to make sure the chemistry worked among them. It was like a chess game, all the combinations that could have happened... I just wanted to make sure that there wasn't going to be one false note. If there is one little character who opens a door and then delivers a short line badly, the whole magic is gone."

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cordei corn uma puta r essaca e o radio Aocava aquela marchinha escrota de Dom e Ravel.

Puta que pariu, que dor de cabeca, meu pai estava brigando corn minha mae por qualquer motivo besta e aqueles dois idiotas do radio berravam eu te amo meu Brasil, eu te amo, diziam alguma coisa sobre o verde, o amarelo, o branco, o azul anil de nossa querida bandeirae terminavam: ninguem segura a juventude do Brasil. E isso mesmo, a juventude brasileira é foda. Era sexta-feira, uma porra de sexta-feira, e eu estava atrasado para a escola.

Olhei minha cara no espelho, os primeiros fios de barba aparecendo e disse: E, Nando, voce esta ficando velho. Meus olhos estavam meio mortos, tristes e apagados, e quando pus minha lingua para fora quase cal de costas. Era uma lingua verde e parecia uma lixa. Meu Deus, pensei entao, sera que you morrer? Minhas maos tremiam.

Calma, Nando, calma, foram sO umas bolas e aquele fumo manchado. Calma, calma.

Meu pai estava nervoso, tinha acabado de ler o jornal e discutia corn minha mae por causa de alguma coisa que o irmao dela, prefeito, tinha arrumado na prefeitura. Uma injustica, dizia meu pai indignado, seu irmao é urn ditador selvagem, a historia nao perdoara seus desmandos.

Que é isso, pai, eu disse, ele é sO urn velho careta, nunca matou ninguem.

—Mas compactua corn os assassinos do povo, disse meu pai, gordo e vermelho—, e isso nao se perdoa.

Olhei para meu pai e tive saudades daquele tempo em que ele andava pelo mundo ern busca de aventuras e nos juntos, como ciganos. 0 tempo é cruel e muda as pessoas, pensei corn meus pobres babes. Ou nada muda, nos é que sonhamos? Calma, Nando, nao seja tao poeta. A vida nao é assim tao simples.

Atencao, disse o radio, o governo descobriu em Recife urn aparelho subversivo montado pelos remanescentes da ALN, a organizacao fundada pelo terrorista Carlos Marighella. Tres terroristas foram mortos no choque corn as for-gas de seguranca.

28

The Rite of Spring I woke up the next day at Teco's house. What day is today, where am I? Have I died?,] asked the fat guy who was sticking a needle in my vein. You didn't die, but you almost did, said the man. It was a doctor.

LUIZ FERNANDO EMEDIATO

0 presidente da —Seu irmao compactua coin isso—disse meu pai, olhando para minha mae com crueldade.

Eta solucou e deixou a sala.

—Estou atrasado para a escola, pai—eu disse, e corn i para a rua corn minhas coisas.

Caramba, estava urn sol de rachar, minhas pernas doiam e eu nao podia abrir os olhos direito. Encontrei o Teco na porta da escola e tambem ele estava meio chumbado, e ai eu disse, p0, cara, aquelas bolas de ontem, pelamor de Deus, nunca mais!

Que isso, cara, e coisa fina, disse o Teco, é que abusamos, ondejA se viu, fica frio al, nao dá bandeira nao. Essa noite tern mais. Na casa da Suzi?, eu perguntei. E, ele respondeu, na casa da Suzi, o Ricky vai levar, imagina que ele assaltou a farmacia da mae dele e descolou de montao uma pd de envelopes.

Puta que pariu, pensei, essa noite vai ser de lascar.

E, vai mesmo, disse Teco. E al ele pediu: 0 Nando, sera que voc'e nao podia escrever urn poema para mim? Ei, cara, que isso? Ta achando que sou veado, nao you escrever versos para homem, nao. Corta essa, Nando, protestou Teco, quero que voce escreva uma poesia para eu dar para a Valdete. Voce sabe, eta curte essas coisas, al eu chego nela corn urn puta soneto, de verso em verso chego nos. peitinhos, porra Nando, quebra essa, vai Td bem, eu disse, de noite eu te levo o poema, voce quer em versos alexandrinos ou em decassilados her6icos? Do jeito que voce quiser, respondeu Teco, o que eu quero mesmo é pegar nos peitos da Valdete.

Al aproveitei a deixa e perguntei: Teco, voce leu o conto? Que conto, cara? 0 do rapaz deprimido, Also Sprach Zarathustra. Nando, voce sabe que nao me ligo nesse cara al, era meio doido e morreu babando, nao é nao? Nao brinca, Teco, to falando no meu conto.

Que histOria mais estranha, disse Teco deixando de sorrir, eu Ii sim.

Voce sonhou aquilo, Nando? Nao, Teco, nao sonhei. Mas eu tambem acho essa hist6ria estranha. Parece coisa de veado, disse Teco. Nao se ofenda nao, Nando, mas vamos e venhamos, isso nao é nada masculo.

Imagina se o Roberta° sabe disso.

Nao enche, Teco, voce sabe que eu era daquele jeito, 0 cara, voce nao BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

tern sensibilidade? E, mas se voce continuasse naquela down ia acabar dando o rabo, Nando, ainda bem que voce cortou a trip. Eu, hein?

Urn dia eu you escrever isso tudo, Teco. Escrever, Nando? Como?

Escrevendo, Teco. Um dia eu you escrever uma histOria sobre nos dois; sobre a nossa vida aqui, nossos amigos, nossa gente; todas as nossas lembrancas. Vou ser escritor urn dia.

Teco, voce vai ouvir falar de mim.

Urn dia, Teco, eu you para a cidade grande; you escrever um livro e you entender o mundo. E entdo talvez eu possa entender n6s mesmos, eu, voce e essa historia estranha do Also Sprach Zarathustra. E uma hist6ria triste, Nando. Sim, 6; é uma historia triste. E nAo tern final, Nando. NM), Teco, nAo tern. E uma historia sem final. Que pena, disse Teco. Toda hist6ria deveria ter um fim. E, deveria, deveria mesmo, Teco, mas esta é uma histOria diferente. El a nAo acaba, porque tambem nAo comecou. Voce devia rasgar isso, Nando; é uma histOria falsa, voce nao era assim. E verdade, Teco, é uma historia falsa. Mas o que fazemos sena.° mentir?

0 professor Galva° estava inteiramente louco, na aula de fisica fumou vinte e seis cigarros e queimou o guarda-p6, que já estava cheio de furos. Que cara mais pirado. 0 Roberta() nAo parava de encher o saco, sentava na carteira a minha frente e de minuto em minuto virava pra mim e dizia: Veadinho... Putamerda, o cara encanou em mim, nAo largava meu pe, olhei para o Teco La na frente e fiz uma careta, 6, o bicho aqui nao para.

F ode ele, disse o Teco baixinho fechando o punho, e entao cutuquei o Robertao e disse bem pausadamente: —Sabe, Robertao, a Soninha?

Pois é, estou corn a calcinha branca dela, aquela de coracaozinho, aqui dentro do meu caderno. Quer ver?

0 Roberta° ficou vermelho e comecou a estufar as bochechas como um sapo, pensei que ia estourar, e al eu tirei de minha bolsa uma calcinha branca de minha irmA, coitada da Sueli, ia ficar sem uma calcinha, e enquanto o Galva° escrevia no quadro a formula do Einstein eu pus a calcinha na ponta da regua e levantei como se fosse uma bandeira.

Todo mundo riu, mas quando o GalvAo virou-se para n6s Cu tinha BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

guardado a calcinha. 0 Roberta° rangeu os dentes e disse: pede pra ir ao banheirol e me espera la fora, seu veado. Traga suas armas, comb, eu disse levantando. 0 Teco arregalou os olhos espantado e quando eu já estava saindo senti que o Roberta° tambem se levabtava, was. Puta que pariu, ia ser foda enfrebtar o Robertdo Id fora.

0 primeiro soco do Robertdo me ac rtou o queixo, mas eu fiquei apenas meio t nto e devolvi-lhe urn murro na testa. Ele bamb ou as pernas, mas logo me mandou um chute ue me pegou a cintura. Quis derrubd-lo, mas guma coisa me acertou o olho direito e eu s6 i uma nuvem de sangue. Cal de quatro e o RobertAo, corn urn gab o na testa, cuspiu na minha i cara e disse: seu veado... E, virando as costas, Yoltou para a sala.

Lavei meu rosto na pia do refeitorio, limpei O sangue da roupa e pensei que aquilo nd valia a honra de urn homem. Quando entrei a sala, logo depois do Robertlo, o Galvao j tinha sacado tudo e olhava pra nos corn ironia. nergia igual a emecedois, ele disse, mate ia em movimento, assim sao as coisas no uni erso.

Deu o sinal, terminou a aula e al-AO que todos saissem peguei a calcinha da Such I joguei na cara do Roberta° e disse bem alto, p a todo mundo ouvir: ta bem, Roberta°, IA° enc e mais o saco, nAo precisa brigar por isso, pose ficar corn a calcinha da Soninha. E antes ue ele reagisse puxei o Teco e sal correndo para o patio. Ndo sou nenhum her6i.

Depois da festa na casa da Suzi tern u baile no Nautico Clube, disse o Teco, e eujá c • mprei dois litros de rum. Agora voce compra s lima° e a coca-cola, pois as bolas quem vai tr zer é o Ricky. Td bem, respondi, mas nAo sei se you agilentar. Olha s6 o meu olho, essa puta essaca e o Roberta° ainda me quebra a cara Deixa estar que a gente pega ele na curva, • isse o Teco.

A Soninha passou requebrando as adeiras e mostrando a bundinha magra, eu as oviei e logo Mils veio o Robertao, furioso. Sa mos de mansinho e ele passou batendo os pés c mo um boi. E entdo?, disse Teco. Deixa ele ir, eu disse, deixa pra Id. Eu nAo queria perder meu outro olho. ***** A festa na casa da Suzi estava urn saco, o Teco dal-19°u quase toda a noite corn a Valdete e eu fiquei au i s6 olhando, triste e soli ado. A Valquiria, irma dela, ficou o tempo todO do meu lado filando o nosso rum, mas saiu logO depois que acendi o primeiro fininho. Po, cara, yllisfarca, nAo da bandeira, disse o Teco me puxalido pelo braco, vá queimar isso Id no banheko. Nao enche, cara, aqui nAo tern ninguem careta. Meia hora depois eu já estava comple amente chumbado. Nao sentia o tempo passar e -omecei a viajar serenamente. 0 fumo era dos b ns. Puta

que pariu, pensei que ia sair voando.

Al comecou a tocar uma musica dos Beatles, Lucy in the Sky With Diamonds, e eu pirei de vez. Puxei a Valdete pelo braco, tomei ela do Teco e dc ficou la encostado na parede, puto da vida.

Eu sempre te amei, Valdete, eu disse corn voz tranqiiila e pausada, sempre te achei uma garota muito legal. E mesmo, Nando?, ela respondeu me olhando no olho esquerdo, já que o direito estava completamente fechado, por causa do murro do Robertao. Jur°, eu disse. Mas voce nAo gosta da Soninha?, ela perguntou. lh, Valdete, nAo fala nesse nome, a Soninha é uma magrela sem graca.

Mas voce brigou corn o Roberdo por causa dela hoje de manhA. Dizem ate—sera verdade?—que voce guardava no meio de seus cadernos uma... uma... peca intima dela. Peca intima?

Ah, sim, voce quer dizer uma calcinha.

Valdete, era uma calcinha da Such, fiz aquilo s6 pra irritar o Roberta°, aquele panaca. Nao tenho nada corn a Soninha. Da Such? E, da Such, minha irma, coitada, agora ela ficou sem a calcinha branca de coracdozinho...

Eu estava meio tonto e meio lucid° e vi que a Valdete riu maliciosamente, entao perguntei: voce vai ao baile do Ndutico depois da festa? Vou, ela respondeu. EntAo vamos, eu disse, e quando saimos juntos o Teco fez uma puta cara de espanto e gritou: hei, cara, onde voces vao? Ndo enche, cara, olha a Valquiria al sozinha, 0, pega ela al e vem junto. A Valquiria olhou para ele corn uns olhos melosos e ele entAo pegou-a pelas tracks e nos seguiu resmungando alto.

Quando chegamos no Nautico o Brazilian Boys estava mandando tudo num rock da pesada, mas antes de comecar pedi ao Teco umas bolas e enchi a cara, pois estava mais lerdo que propriamente vivo por causa do fumo. A Valdete tambem quis umas duas e em poucos minutos enxugamos todo o litro de rum. Saimos para o patio e eu juntei a Valdete Mils de umas arvores, mas ela s6 deixou pegar nos peitinhos, e mesmo assim s6 corn os dedos, nAo quis deixar chupar, e quando passei as maos por baixo de sua minissaiaprocurando a bundinha, ela arrepiou toda e comecou a caminhar para o saldo do clube. P6, Valdete, assim nAo dá, eu disse, nAo ye que eu estou perdidamente apai29

xonado? Ndo sou a Soninha, ela disse, e ninguem vai me fazer de boba.

Valdete, meu amor, e a liberdade? E o amor, meu bem? Ah, Nando, para corn isso, vem dancar, vem...

0 Teco tin ha sumido corn a Valquiria e eu comecei a sarrar a Valdete enquanto dançava, metendo as pernas entre as coxas dela e soprando bem de leve dentro de seu ouvido. Ela gemia suavemente e deu urn gritinho quando mordi sua orelha, mas al eu já estava pra Id do mundo conhecido e comecei a ficar tonto, tonto, tonto. A Valdete entdo encostou sua barriguinha no meu pinto, ficamos ali nos esfregando no meio de toda aquela gente dal-wand°, a luz meio apagada, e entdo ndo agilentei: quando ela aumentou os gemidos eu gozei e minhas pernas bambearam. Voce esta bem? perguntou a Valdete. TO, Cu disse, to 6timo, mas al tudo escureceu e ela foi me arrastando pra fora. Meu Deus, eu disse, estou morrendo. Eta me deitou num banco a beira do lago e foi al que eu vomitei tudo: o rum, as bolas, a comida e a alma, e enquanto ela saia desesperada procurando o Teco Cu olhei para a luz do poste corn meu unico olho perfeito e pensei, antes de desmaiar, que a vida ndo tinha mesmo nenhum sentido. Era uma bela frase.

0 Teco me lavou a cara corn dgua buscada no lago e eu acordei. Ih, cara, voce está horrivel, todo inchado, ele disse. E melhor ir embora. Eu estava vendo tudo embacado, a Valdete torcia os dedos nervosa e a Valquiria fazia uma cara de nojo. Caras, ele tá cheio de vomit°, que porco! disse a Valquiria sem nenhuma piedade. Cala a boca, Olivia Palito, eu ainda nao morn, eu disse, recuperando minha dignidade. Voce gilenta ficar al ? perguntou Teco preocupado. Nunca estive tdo born, cara, pode ir dancar, eu fico por aqui. E ai eles se foram, a ingrata da Valdete tambem foi corn eles e eu fiquei ali sozinho corn minha tristeza e minha soliddo. Ndo existe mais solidariedade humana, pensei corn meus botOes sujos de sangue e vomito.

Consegui caminhar ate a beira do lago e enfiei minha cara na agua.

Aquilo me fez bem, e entdo, 'acid°, eu caminhei por entre as palmeiras refletindo profundamente sobre a transitoriedade da vida humana sobre a terra. Somos poeira de estrelas, 30

somos uns vermes, filosofei, espantado corn minha capacidade reflexiva. Nada restard de nos no final dos seculos.

Vomitei mais urn pouco e logo parei de sentir nduseas. Estava quase pronto para outra quando, horror dos horrores, vi no meio das folhagens uns diminutos pes de cogumelo. Santo Deus, aquela noite seria mesmo memordvel.

Sentei-me ali e fiquei olhando os cogumelos, sem coragem para tocd-los, mas o que mais poderia eu esperar daquela noite? E entao, fechando os olhos e o nariz, colhi os cogumelos C os mastiguei lentamente, fazendo esforco para nao vomitar. Tinham cheiro de mijo, mas desceram bem.

Caminhei de volta para o banco onde Teco tinha me deixado, tirei o paleto, cobri o rosto corn ele e fiquei ali esticado, as pernas caidas e a cara pra cima, esperando a grande viagem.

Nao demorou muito. A musica foi chegando de mansinho, suave e distante, mas logo foi aumentando, entrando por meus ouvidos, por meu unico olho perfeito, pelos poros, por todos os meus buracos. Mesmo de olho fechado eu podia ver um incrivel caleidoscOpio de cores, meu corpo comecou a voar, a voar, a voar, e eu ouvia vozes distantes, sirenes, gemidos, respiracOes suspensas, cores e raios rasgando OS cdus. Eu acho que ele esta morto, disse alguem muito longe. Alguem conhece esse rapaz? Nossa, é o Nando, gritou a puta da Soninha. Acho melhor chamar urn medico, falou uma voz histerica de mulher. Ndo, por favor, me chamem o Teco, me chamem o Teco, eu pensei, mas ndo falava nada, e entdo o ceu se abriu, eu vi o rosto de Deus, senti uma paz incrivel, fiquei leve como uma pluma e acho que apaguei.

Acordei no outro dia na casa do Teco. Que dia é hoje, onde estou? Eu morn?, perguntei para o sujeito gordo que me enfiava uma agulha na veia. Ndo morreu ado, mas foi quase, disse o homem. Era urn medico. 0 que é isso? eu perguntei apontando para a agulha. Glicose, ele

respondeu. Ah, entdo é so ressaca, Cu disse aliviado, e desmaiei de novo. Já era noite quando chegou o Teco e disse: seu pai esta sabendo, veio aqui mas voce estava dormindo, entdo ele disse que amanha vem te buscar. Que horas sao? eu perguntei. Meia-noite, ele respondeu. De que dia? Ora, de sdbado, amanha é domingo, cara.

Entdo tudo aquilo aconteceu ontem?

Cu perguntei decepcionado. E, cara, ontem e hoje de madrugada. Voce pirou? Olhei para ele corn meu dnico olho sao, balancei a cabeca e, antes de apagar de novo, disse apenas que tudo aquilo era muito decepcionante.

Para mim tinham se passado dias, meses e anos depois daquela loucura toda. Mas tudo tinha acontecido apenas ontem, e isto significava que CU tinha so dezoito anos e a merda de uma vida inteira ainda pela frente.

Domingo pela manha eujá estava de pe, sentia urn pouco de nausea mas já podia andar. A 'ride do Teco tinha lavado minhas roupas e pude sair dignamente para a amarga e mediocre vida no mundo exterior. 0 sol quase me cegou, eu balancei nas pernas, encostei-me no muro da rua como urn miserdvel bebado e o Teco gozou: lh, cara, tá parecendo o Andre Louco.

Disse urn palavrdo qualquer e fui em frente. Te vejo a noite, cara, eu disse para o Teco, e a Valdete? Sumiu do mapa, disse Teco, e eu conclui entdo que as mulheres sdo mesmo ingratas e ind6ceis. Pobre homem. Pobre humanidade.

Sal cambaleando pela rua ate o ponto de 6nibus, encostei-me no poste e fiquei esperando. 0 primeiro passou lotado e eu preferi esperar o seguinte.

Ndo agilentava mais ficar de pe. Entdo, enquanto esperava, procurei um banco na praca. Ficava em frente a uma banca de jornais e meu unico olho sao procurou o que existia Ia. Havia uma revista Manchete aberta na pdgina central e no meio da pdgina uma fotografia de urn velhinho de rosto calmo e sereno. Era o novo presidente da RepOblica, o general Emilio Garrastazu Medici.

Olhei para os olhos dele e pensei comigo mesmo: corn essa cara deve ser um homem muito born. Sim, parece urn born homem, repeti, e, recuperando minhas perdidas forcas, ergui-me resoluto, apoiei-me firmemente sobre as pernas, dei urn passo adiante e segui em frente.

BRAZZIL -FEBRUARY 1998

Green Years They threw me in a cell with eight other people: two homosexuals, one of them called Anita, three robbers, two murderers and an old man accused of raping his own granddaughter.

I greeted- everyone with respect and tried to sleep. 'The smell of urine and feces choked me.

LUIZ FERNANDO EMEDIATO

A

festa havia acabado e Teco estava puto da vida, to mputecido que conseguia andar sem tropecar nas pedras, e olha que estava fedorento de bebado. Eu tambem nao estava muito born das pernas, mas conseguia euxergar as coisas e vi logo que ele nao ia agiientar muito. Td bem, disse Teco, voce é o major, entdo mostra o cam inho .

Naquele tempo a gente era amigos, hoje nem sei por onde anda, vai ver que se perdeu por este mundo sem eira nem beira. Mas naquele tempo a gente tinha uns dezoito anos e passava a vida bebendo e bolinando as garotas.

A gente era tdo amigos que de vez em quando um passava a namorada para o outro, dias depois comentavamos o comportamento dela, a mim ela beija assim, ah, mas ela ndo deixou voce pegar nos peitos, deixa de ser besta Teco, entdo voce ndo pegou na calcinha dela? porra, essa ndo.

Mas naquela noite a festa tinha acabado e nem eu nem Teco tinhamos conseguido pegar nas meninas, acho que aquela era mesmo a noite do azar.

Era urn desses sabados de aleluia em que a policia solta seus cachorros na rua, porque tern baile e musica por tudo quanto e biboca e todo mundo fica corn o pau e a xuranha cocando pra se rocar. Por isso disse a Teco, olha, vamos procurar outro programa ai. Ele respondeu vamos, tropecou na calcada e caiu estatelado no chdo, parecia urn palhaco. Quando fui ajuddlo a levantar-se soltou urn urro e vomitou as tripas. Daquele jeito ndo ia dar. Porra, etc tinha bebido por tres e estava bem roxo. Falei pra etc te BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

levo em casa e ele, bem na minha cara: te foda, veado, vai pra puta que pariu. Daquele jeito nao ia dar.

Eu estava já meio impaciente, num hora daquelas nao havia tempo a perder, o pinto doido pra se rocar numa barriguinha e Teco au, escornado feito urn cdo. Com um pouco de trabalho consegui empurrd-lo ate a praca deitei etc num banco de jardim e dez minutos ,depois roncava como urn santo. Pus uma fdlha de jornal na cara dele e pedi desculpas, mas migo, meu velho, é pra essas coisas, ndo ia s r uma bebedeira daquelas que ia atrapalhar minha noite. Desejei boa-noite ao cachorro p rco aui deitado e me toquei para onde havia mu ica. 0 Teco que me perdoe, mas sendo meu am go ndo ia querer desmarcar o contratado. De manta etc ia acordar au i na praca, quem sabe já toda cheia de gente, e ia ser um susto de rachar o Cu. Se eu ndo tivesse bebido mais talvez ndo tivesse acontecido tudo aquilo. Eu ndo precisei andar muito para chegar no clube dos te eloes, foi chegando e pondo banca de sabido. Iorra,já passava de uma da madrugada, o baile i acabar dali a uma hora e queriam me cobrar os t bos s6 pra dar uma bimbada de pe, no meio d saldo.

Corn um pouco de conversa dobrei o p rteiro, dei-lhe uns trocados despercebidament , como nos filmes de detetive, e logo Id est va eu, cambaleante, rondando as mesas. Tinha e tudo naquilo au: loura, morena, preta e bic a. Esta Ultima especie nao me interessava, mas a outras,' sim.

Passei pelo baled() e pedi urn cuba ibre. A mistura desceu devagar pela garganta abaixo.

Eu comecava a ficar alegre. Fiquei dando pelo saldo como uma besta quadrada depois voltei para o balcdo. Pedi outro cuba e nao demorou muito para comecar a sen ir uma coragem do diabo. No terceiro cuba eu j andava pelo said() beliscando a bunda das arotas.

Aquilo tudo ainda ia acabar bem. 0 dia o e que ndo conseguia me fixar numa delas, fi ava por au i andando sem rumo, mexendo corn to as. Urn grandalhao idiota arreganhou os dentes Ora mim quando olhei para sua garota e mostrei-lhe a lingua. Porra, acha que é dono do =tido, seu besta?

Tudo comecava a ficar meio sun graca quando pedi o quarto cuba. Mas de repente uma crioulinha dessas de bundinha dura e peitos pequenos chegou no Mao e disse, ei, voce ndo sabe dancar?Respondi que dancava melhor que o Fred Astaire, minha querida, e ela, uai, Fred o que, voce é bobo? Deixa eu te ensinar quern é bobo, minha for, fui logo dizendo e ela mostrou os dentinhos brancos, rindo toda ab6rta e eu pensei é hoje, é hoje que tiro a barriga da miseria. Deixei Id o resto do cuba e peguei a garota pela cintura, voce hoje vai dan9ar como nunca dancou ern toda a sua vida, sua goitosinha, e ela na e na sem parar, parece que so abia rir.

Dancava pregadinha na gente, abria is pernas de um jeito esquisito e eu enfiava a ptrna toda no meio daquilo, ai ela apertava e gemi no meu ouvido, porra, e eu the dizia que ia lht ensinar a dancar como o Fred Astaire, qual, m deu urn

banho de danca e logo eu tava ali de pau duro, bambo como um idiota, fungando no pescocinho dela e dizendo, meu amor, me perdoa, voce danca como a Rainha de Saba, e ela quern? A Rainha de Saba, repeti, e ela, deixa de ser bobo, eu vi este flume e esta rainha ai nao dancou uma s6 vez. Me chamou de mentirozinho e mordeu minha nuca, nossa senhora, eu tava au i que ndo agilentava mais, ai desci as mdos e passei na bundinha dela, ela gemeu e disse baixinho para ninguem escutar: 6 rapaz, tá pensando o que, tira a mao dal, mas continuou dancando e eu cada vez mais doido.

Eta continuou abrindo as pernas e se esfregando, eu bebado como urn gambd falando idiotices, pedi a mdo dela em casamento, prometi construir para ela urn castelo no alto da montanha, disse que lhe dava meu jogo—de boliche em troca de urn beijo na bunda, perguntei-lhe se queria ver uma pinta que eu tinha num lugar secreto do corpo, e a garota: pinta? eu te mostro duas em dois lugares mais secretos ainda, porra, quando eta falou duas pintas e dois lugares secretos eu arrepiei todo, imaginando aqueles lugares e eu olhando tudo corn meus olhos bebados.

Mas ai o said() comecou a girar e eu disse, ai, you morrer de amor e embevecimento, e ela, bobo, bobinho, e tudo girava e ai eu vi que estava bebado mesmo, acho que pior que o Teco, coitado, La naquela praca escornado num banco. Saimos cambaleando do said° para tomar um ar Id fora, e ai ela disse, olha, tá chovendo, e eu que que tern, amor da minha vida? Vamos dal-1pr na chuva como Fred Astaire, mas alguma coisa aui estava errada, acho que Fred Astaire nunca dancou na chuva, o nome do cara ndo me vinha a cabeca e nada daquilo tinha importancia, eu queria era dancar pelado na chuva e o resto era conversa fiada.

Ela comecou a rir de um jeito esquisito, voce é doido, doido, doidinho, e eu a peguei pela mdo e comecei a correr, ndo tinha ninguem na rua naquele sdbado de aleluia, tirei a camisa e como se ela fosse uma bandeira rota, molhada, rasgada, comecei a cantar o Hino Nacional, ouviram do Ipiranga as margens placidas, de um povo heroic° o brado retumbante, e o sol da liberdade em raios fulgidos, quando disse sol ela comecou a rir, e me soltou e caiu sentada no chdo, o vestidinho ensopado e pregado na pele, estava sem sutia e os biquinhos pretos dos peitos furavam o pano, porra, eu estava 31

ficando louco corn aquela garota.

Pulei em cima dela e ela gritou, doido, doidinho, nao parava de gritar e gemer e eu porra, voce é a mulher mais linda que conheci em toda a minha vida, se nao casar corn voce me suicido corn urn tiro na cara, palavra de homem, e the chupava os peitos por cima do vestido molhado, e ela doido, doidinho, acho que tambem tinha bebido urn pouco.

Andamos ate a praca procurando o Teco, quem é Teco? perguntou, cansada de correr na chuva, e eu respondi: urn idiota que deixei dormindo aqui no banco, é o meu melhor amigo, mas o Teco tinha sumido, o filho da puta tinha me abandonado e all estavamos eu e ela como dois bestas, acho que esse Teco deu no pe, ela disse. Tambem para que nos serviria o Teco? disse subindo no banco, eali mesmo fiz urn discurso, bundas e peitos do meu pals, do alto desta piramide mil seculos vos contemplam, e tirei a calca e a cueca e fiquei ali todo nu, voce e doido, doidinho, ela disse tirando o vestido e a calcinha, era dessas meninas magras mas cheias de uma came doce e vicosa e serena, saltei do banco e me ajoelhei aos pes dela. Nosso Senhor Jesus Cristo, ajudai-me nesta hora de sacrificio, aflicao e amargura, e ela na, voce é doido mesmo.

Já tinham desligado a fonte luminosa, mas a agua corria na piscininha da fonte, a gente ja estava mesmo molhado, a chuva Ira() parava e eu disse, vamos la, pulamos na fonte e comecamos a espadanar na agua, os peitos dela estavam arrepiados e eu chupava aquilo e ela rindo, meu deus, como na, e toda molhada, os dentinhos brancos e a pele escura. Mas al me deram urn murro na cara, ela parou de rir e o Sargento gritou me mandando mais um sopapo: filhos da puta, é por isto que este pals nao vai pra frente, os homens de bem trabalhando e dois vagabundos como voces se esbaldando em contubernio corn a devassidao. Porra, contubernio corn a devassidao é a puta que pariu, quando a gente bebe fica corn uma coragem desgracada, e o Sargento cala a boca seu veado, al eu ja nao entendia nada, nOs dois ali nos enchafurdando na porneia devassa e o veado do Sargento me chamando de bicha.

Mas me contive e me levantei muito digno, alto la, Sargento, sabe quem eu sou, quero ver meu advogado, e ele me mandando urn coice de mula na cara, vai ver advogado daqui a pouco, imoral, e me arrebentei todo 32

de novo dentro da fonte luminosa. Cabo, pega esse puto al e bota na viatura. A moca tambem? perguntou o Cabo, claro, seu idiota, entao quer deixar ela pelada al no meio da rua? A coisa comecava a ficar preta, eu peguei minhas roupas no chao e entrei no carro, minha cara doia e eu pensei em que merda de pals vivemos, aqui qualquer cidadao respeitavel pode ser agredido em plena rua por urn policial corrupto.

Ela comecou a chorar e eu sem poder fazer nada, o que vai ser de mim quando souberem de tudo? ela perguntava fazendo beicinho, e o Cabo: cala a boca sua puta, quer que lhe comam o rabo para calar a boca? e eu aui calado, ja nao estava tao bebado, e her6i, sabemos todos, acaba morto, de rnodo que fui deixando as coisas correrem. Aquele sabado de aleluia ainda ia ser grande: no caminho prenderam um preto que mijava num poste como urn cachorro, nao adiantou nada explicar que nao agtientava mais e a rua estava deserta, vai mijar na delegacia e responder a processo por atentado ao pudor, e cala a boca, escravo, e logo depois acharam urn cara de terno e chapeu-coco fazendo serenata pra noiva, corn viola() e tudo, puxa, ainda tern dessa gente no mundo. Perguntavam ao cara se tinha alvara do delegado para fazer a serenata, e o idiota corn cara de bobo: alvara?

Entao vai cantar na delegacia, por pouco nao quebram o violao na cabeca do detido, e ele submisso, Sargento eu nao sabia, se soubesse tinha pedido autorizacao. Pra que: levou urn murro no focinho e ficou all quietinho, sem cantar e falar um tit.

Quando ela comecou a entrar na delegacia abriu urn berreiro dos diabos, afjá estavamos de roupa, os botOes abotoados de urn jeito esquisito, era meio ridiculo a gente entrando all como dois pintos molhados, eu morrendo de medo e ela num berreiro sem tamanho. Mas al nao sei por que me deu uma pena danada, passei o braco nos ombros dela e disse: calma, meu amor, tudo vai acabar bem. Ela parou de chorar de repente e solucou me olhando corn os olhos arregalados, parecia uma criancinha, mas al o Cabo me chutou a bunda e foi gritando tira a mao seu veado, tá pensando que aqui 6 casa da mae, delegacia é lugar de respeito!

Me jogaram numa cela correcional onde havia oito pessoas: dois homossexuais, um deles chamado Anita, tres ladrOes, dois homicidas e urn velho acusado de estuprar a propria neta.

Cumprimentei a todos corn respeito e tentei dormir. 0 cheiro de urina e fezes me sufocava.

Minutos depois jogaram na cela o mijao do poste e o seresteiro de chapeu-coco. Aquela noite prometia coisas. Anita cochichou qualquer coisa no ouvido do velho satiro e escorregou para o meu lado, del urn berro e charnel pelo Sargento. 0 Cabo chegou as grades e perguntou que zona é essa al ? e eu, senhor Cabo, quero sair daqui, e ele porra, quer levar urn cacete?

Anita riu e respondeu por mim: eu quero, eu quero, e o Cabo ora vac) se foder, quero dormir,

e nos deixou ali entregues ao medo e a solidao.

Pensei em papal, em mamae, em meu aye, austero, no corpo de Teco esticado no banco do jardim, como o puto conseguira sair dali?, em minhas namoradas, em toda a minha vida pregressa, e nada encontrei. Eu era o mais triste e solitario dos animals na face da terra, eu era o mais miseravel dos mortais, e se morresse au, estuprado por Anita ou por qualquer urn daqueles coitados, ninguem choraria por isto. Senteime e encostei-me a parede, pus a cabeca entre os joelhos, deixei que as horas passassem. A manha chegou e eu ainda estava ali, gelado, agora lacido, tossindo e espirrando sem parar. 0 velho satiro me olhava corn chispas ltibricas nas pupilas vermelhas, Anita cochichava corn sua companheira e os ladraes perguntavam aos homicidas se por acaso tinham cigarros.

0 Cabo chegou as grades e perguntei pela moca, que moca? ele perguntou, aquela que veio comigo ontem, disse, e ele ah, a Candida, so entao eu soube que se chamava Candida, era urn nome tao doce, e o Cabo me disse: nAo sei nao, acho que o delegado mandou a viatura levar a garota em casa, é menor e voce vai se foder todo. Eu? E evidente, vai ter que casar. Al esfriei. Porra, seu Cabo, voce tá doido? e ele: mais respeito, gun, quer levar um cacete? e Anita Id do seu canto: seu Cabo, Cabinho, me enfia o cacete, e o velho satiro riu e tinha os dentes podres e escuros.

Quando deu meio-dia trouxeram uma comida suja e rala, nao deu pra todo mundo e reclamaram da miseria.

0 Sargento chegou as grades e perguntou pelos ladrOes, abriu a cela e mandou que o seguissem. Voltaram meia hora depois corn a boca sangrando, as maos e os pes inchados de tanto apanhar corn palmatOria, gemendo e chorando como bebes, o Sargento al olhou para mim e para o velho satiro e disse: urn de voces vai apanhar no saco, vao apanhar tanto no saco que vao passar anos e anos sem meter. 0 velho uivou desesperado, estava all ha dias e sabia o que era aquilo, e o Sargento disse: Cabo, abra a porta e mande sair o velho. Suspirei aliviado e quando o Sargento virou as costas ouvi ele dizendo que o menino voces deixem al, daqui a pouco eu consigo quem the coma o Cu. Puta que pariu! Aquela agonia BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

durou ate tres da tarde, eu au i corn urn frio desgracado, uma fome do cao, tossindo e caindo de ressaca e sono e ninguern aparecia para me livrar da merda. Eels que au i chega o Teco corn sua cara de bosta, chega nas grades e ri, porra, entao é al que voce esta, e comecou a rir como urn tarado, punha as maos na barriga e na, na e na, o sacana ficou au i ate que o Cabo chegou e el, seu puto, acha que aqui é um circo? desculpe seu Cabo, mas o idiota saiu pra cacar as garotas e olha so o estado dele, e al o Cabo tambern riu, os dois homicidas comecaram a rir tambem e Anita perguntou porra, e eu, ninguem me enraba nao, 6?

Sal de la meia hora depois, o delegado me obrigou a assinar uns papeis, me olhou como se alguma coisa estivesse errada e eu perguntei, ô cara, o que foi? e ele saia daqui, seu insolente, la fora entrei no carro preto do meu tio e ele corn a cara vermelha me disse: voce me mata de vergonha, voce é a vergonha da familia, e o Teco na no banco traseiro, al eu disse: porra, velho, voce precisava ver a Candida, tern uma bunda... E ele, cala a boca, desgracado, voce se enchafurda em contubernio corn a devassidao, voce se entrega ao vicio, ao descalabro, a porneia malsa e ateia, voce esta matando sua mae de desgosto, e al o carro tinha chegado a prefeitura e o careta desceu, mandou o motorista seguir para casa e me disse: troque de roupa e yenha ate aqui de novo, vamos conversar.

Teco comecou a gargalhar tao logo o coroa entrou no predio, passei para o banco traseiro e dei-lhe uma palmada na coxa.

Teco, acho que estou ficando velho, estou sentindo uma coisa esquisita, e ele rindo como uma besta quadrada. Alfredo, o motorista, perguntou se iamos mesmo para casa e eu, piscando um olho, disse: Alfredo, seu jumento, toca de novo pra delegacia, e ele sem entender, o que o senhor disse? Toca pra delegacia, seu imbecil, e ele sim senhor, ora vejam. Teco perguntou se eu tinha ficado doido e eu ora, deixe de ser idiota, tenho mais o que fazer, Alfredo, preciso de grana, passa al, peguei o dinheiro, entrei na delegacia e procurei o Cabo, aquele sacana, o delegado tinha saido para o almoco e eu, porra seu Cabo, entao voce é mesmo urn sacana, me deixa ai a noite toda sofrendo corn frio e fome, voce nao tern BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

mesmo coracao, voce entao nao sabia quem eu era? 0 Cabo riu e perguntou: o que é que voce tern al na mao? E eu mostrei: uma grana preta, cabinho corrupto, e ele foi logo abrindo a gaveta e tirando um papelzinho corn o sagrado endereco.

Toca pra frente, Alfredo, eu disse, e Teco aui corn sua cara de besta redonda, toca pra frente, Alfredo, que a vida é curta e nao vamos morrer sem antes enchafurdarmo-nos em contubernio corn a devassidao, para onde, patrao? e eii toca pra frente, Alfredo, sua mula, e ela morava num bairro pobre e modesto, era uma casinha tiiste e cinzenta, e eu bati na porta e uma crianca magra atendeu, Oi boneca, Candida esta? Esta dormindo, respondeu, e eu disse nag tern importancia, eu espero aqui ate o final do seculo vinte, e quando ela acordou e veio corn os 4:)lhos vermelhos de chorar e de nao dormir eu

perguntei: Candida meu amor... voce quer ser minha namorada?

Teco rolava de rir no carro e Alfredo olhava tudo corn seus olhos de mula obtusa.

Aquele tempo eu jamais you esquecer.

In the original these short stories were called "0 Despertar da Primavera" and "Verdes Anos" respectivelly.

Both were published in Verdes Anos, a book by Luiz Fernando Emediato, Geracao Editorial, Sao Paulo, 1994, 248pp

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The top priority for most foreign visitors to Manaus is a tours you can arrange yourself. Organized tours usually use jungle tour. Here, it's possible to arrange anything from larger boats than those of the independent operators—too standard day trips and overnight excursions to big to negotiate the narrow igarapes where months of travel in the hinterland. It is comthe wildlife roams—though they may inmon for travelers to be greeted at the airport by clude canoe trips. groups of tour agency representatives keen to There are advantages to the organized sign them up for trips. These representatives tours; they are relatively hassle-free, there are a useful source of information, and may is nothing to arrange and English-speakeven offer transport into the city center to a ing guides are often available. The larger budget hotel, but you should hold off booking firms are generally quite reputable. Amaa tour until you've had time to shop around for zon Explorers (tel.: 633-3319; fax: 234the best deals.

5759), at Rua Nhamunda 21, Praca There are now dozens of agencies vying Auxiliadora, has English-speaking guides. for your custom, with trendy names (`Eco' and Selvatur (tel.: 622-2088; fax 622-2177), 'Green' have quickly become standard prein the lobby of the Hotel Amazonas, on fixes) and glossy brochures, touting all sorts Praca Adalberto Valle, accommodates of encounters with wildlife and Indians just a large tour groups on huge catamaran boats. few km from the city.

It has a 'Meeting of the Waters' Day tour What you can expect on day trips or tours ($50), which includes en route igarape by boat lasting three of four days is a close-up sighting, a visit to Lago Januari, a jungle experience of the jungle flora, with abundant walk to see lily pads, a motorized canoe birdlife and a few jacare (more easily located ride to Igapos and lunch. at night by guides using powerful torches) The up-market packaged jungle tours and, if you're lucky, porpoises. It is also a based at jungle lodges are a good option chance to see what life is like for the caboclos for a comfortable and safe way to experiin the vicinity of Manaus. ence the Amazon jungle environment.

You cannot expect to meet remote Indian Most trips include the standard jacare _When you go on a tribes or dozens of free-ranging beasts bespotting, piranha fishing, canoeing and jungle tour close to cause the former have sensibly fled from convisits to a caboclo's house. The following Manaus, the capital tact (after centuries of annihilation or forced is a brief selection of the packages curof state of assimilation) and the latter have been systemrently available.

Amazonas, don't atically hunted to the brink of extinction. In The Amazon Lodge is a small-scale expect to meet both cases, access has become synonymous floating lodge on Lago Juma, about five with 'destruction. remote Indian hours by ferry, bus and boat from Manaus.

This does not mean that the tours are not tribes or dozens of A three-day package costs $355. Make worthwhile, merely that prospective tour parfree-ranging reservations through Nature Safaris (tel.: ticipants should ignore flowery propaganda beasts. While -the 622-4144, fax: 622-1420), at Rua and instead ask the tour operators for exact former have fled Leonardo Malcher 734, Manaus. Also details. Does the tour include extended travel from contact, after through Nature Safaris, you I can book a in small boats (without use of motor) along centuries of three-day package (around $250) at the igarapes? How much time is spent getting to Amazon Village, on the edge of Lago annihilation or and from your destination? What is the cost Puraquequara, about three hours by boat forced assimilation, breakdown (food, lodging, fuel and guides)? from Manaus. the latter have been You may want to pay some of these expenses At the Acajatuba Jungle Lodge, on systematically en route, thereby avoiding fanciful mark-ups, Lago Acajatuba, in the municipality Of hunted to the brink and should insist on paying only a portion of Iranduba (northwest of Manaus), a threeof extinction. If you the costs at the beginning of the trip, settling day package costs $230. Reservations can speak Portuguese the rest at the end. This payment schedule be made through Ecoteis (tel. and fax: and don't mind helps to maintain the interest of tour operators 233-7642), at Rua Doutor Alminio 30, traveling a bit and guides defining and abiding by a tour Manaus. rough, there are schedule. It also provides some leverage if The Tropical Lago de Salvador is a plenty of smaller promises are not kept. small hotel on Igarape dos Guedes, about operators offering If you are trying out jungle tours for the 30 km from Manaus—a 35-minute boat reasonable tours first time and intending to do extended trips in trip from the Hotel Tropical. A three-day for a reasonable the Amazon region, it's useful to take a short package costs $328. Book through Fontur price. trip from Manaus as a taster. This will allow (tel.: 6562807; fax: 656-2167), Estrada you to assess the idea in practice and give you da Ponta Negra, at the Hotel Tropical in the confidence to do longer trips either from Manaus.

Manaus or from other parts of the Amazon.

King's Island Lodge is 1600 km from The latter option is becoming increasingly Manaus, in Sao Gabriel da Cachoeira, popular among travelers disenchanted with close to the frontiers with Venezuela and Manaus.

Colombia. A six-day (minimum) package We have received a few enthusiastic letters costs around $900; the cost of the trip from readers who thoroughly enjoyed their from Manaus (five to six days by boat or tours, and a whole heap of complaint letters three hours by air) is not included. Reserfrom readers who felt the tours were a comvations can be made through Nature Safaplete rip-off. ris.

The Ariait Jungle Tower is on Lago do Jungle Tours—big operators Arial', in the Arquipelago das Anavilhanas, three hours by boat from Manaus.

There are several reputable (but pricey) This large complex has towers linked by jungle-tour outfits. Organized tours cost $100 raised platforms through the trees, leadto $200 per person per day, and are far more expensive than ing to a 50-meter-high observatory. A three-day package

A Taste of the Wild

34

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

costs $340. Rio Amazonas Turismo (tel.: 234-7308; fax: Amazonas Indian Turismo (tel.: 233-3104) Rua dos 233-5615), at Rua Silva Ramos 41, Manaus, can arrange Andradas 335, has been recommended. They take trips up bookings. the Rio Urubii, staying overnight in cabanas. A two-day The Amazon Camp is a small • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • (one-night) trip for two costs $60 per hotel on the Rio Urubu, about 200 • • person. km east of Manaus. A three-day • • Moacir Fortes of Amazon ExpediTHE ORIGIN OF package costs $180. Reservations • tions (tel.: 232-7492) speaks English, can be made through Anavilhanas GUARANA and operates his own boat from the Turismo (tel.: 671-1411; fax: 671Porto Flutuante. He runs a small, firstLong ago at Nocoquem, in the beginni 3888) at Rua CoracAo de Jesus class operation, charging $80 to $100 of all things, lived two brothers and a sist r, 11, Bairro Sdo Raimundo.

Ohiamuacabe. Ohiamuacabe, also known as per person per day, depending on the Uniai, was so beautiful and wise that ev ry Another small hotel is the number ofpassengers on board (a maxianimal desired her. Of all the animals, t Pousada dos Guanavenas, on Ilha mum of 14, minimum of four). Everysnake was the first to express his desire and ct de Silves, an island 300 km east one sleeps in a clean cabin that has hot upon it. With a magic perfume, the sna of Manaus (about five hours by showers. The boat is fitted out with enchanted Uniai and made her pregnant. car). A three-day package costs canoes and a small outboard, and has a Her brothers were none too pleased, a d around $235. Make reservations well-stocked bar, a library full of wildkicked Uniai out of Nocoquem. The child as through Guanavenas Turismo life guidebooks, binoculars and even a born far from Nocoquem, but Uniai often t Id (tel.: 656-3656; fax: 656-5027), telescope on board. her son about Nocoquem and of the brazil- ut at Rua Constantino Nery 2486. tree, which grew there. Although the broth rs Gerry Hardy is an English guide had a parakeet and a macaw on guard at he The Malocas Jungle Lodge is operating tours from Anacapuru tobrazil-nut tree, the child wanted to taste he on Rio Preto da Eva (a small tribugether with a Brazilian guide, Elmo de delicious nuts, and as he grew stronger ad tary of the Amazon), 150 km from Morais Lopes. Readers have generally more beautiful, his desire to taste the nuts also Manaus, a bus-plus-boat trip of liked the tours, but some found the grew. Finally, he convinced his mother to about four hours. A three-day tone of the ecological explanations a accompany him to the tree. package costs $210/120 on a bed/ little patronizing. Contact these guides The birds spotted the ashes of a fire 1 in hammock. Bookings can be made through the hotel Rio Branco (tel.: which mother and child had roasted the delithrough laratour (tel. and fax: 633233-4019) cious brazil nuts. After the birds reported he 2330), at Rua Mundurucus 90, incident, the brothers replaced the inept gu rd birds with a reliable monkey guard. Now t at sala 207, Manaus.

Suggested Excursions the boy knew the path to Nocoquem, he esumed alone to the tree the following day. I he Jungle Tours An overnight trip to Lago Janaudrio monkey spied the boy, drew his bow and s ot smaller operators Reserve (15 km from Manaus)—a stanthe child full of arrows. dard excursion, often including the Uniai found her dead child beneath he If you speak Portuguese and meeting of the water—or a three-day tree. As she buried him, she vowed: 'You ill don't mind traveling a bit rough, (two-night) trip to Lago Mamori can be great the most powerful tree will grow fr m there are plenty of smaller operayou; you will cure sickness, provide stren th • both be recommended. The latter is in war and in love'. From the boy's left ye • especially good when the waters are tors offering tours. It is quite posgrew the false guaranci uarana-hop while fr m • high, when boats can float past the tree sible to end up feeling totally conhis right eye grew the true guaranci uara a- • tops. A glimpse of life at the level of fused as you sift through the cece. This is why the berries of the guar nci • the jungle canopy is far richer than the countless brochures. Often the look like eyes.

• view from the jungle floor. choice simply comes down to Days later, a child was born from he luck! We met one group who had A suggested longer tour takes you guaranci tree and emerged from the earth. he spent three whole days pondering 100 km up the Rio Negro to the child was Uniai's, and he was the first M tie which trip to take. On the careArquipdlago das Anavilhanas, near Indian. fully chosen tour, they spent a To this day the Maud call themselves sins Nova Ayrao. This trip is best done of guarand, and because of this plant, t eir sleepless night in hammocks between July and December. Whichfavorite decorative colors are red and gr en. camped across an ant path, sevever tour you choose, make sure to The ritual drink of the Satere-Maue India s is eral ended up with mild food poitake a canoe ride on the igarapes: it's capo of guarana, which is prepared from the • a Disneyland experience. soning and the inebriated guide eye-like berries. The berries, collected be ore • became a little too flirtatious. Try the fruit opens, are dried washed in run mg • to meet the actual guide prior to Amazon Tours water and cooked in earth ovens. Wate is • committing to a trip.

What you get out of your trip deadded, and the guarana is molded into bl ck • It takes time to hammer out a sticks, which are then dried in a smokeho se. • pends on several factors: expectations, deal, change money, arrange supThe Maud shave guarana flakes from the bl ck • previous experience, the competence sticks, using either the raspy tongue of the • and breadth of knowledge of tour opplies and buy provisions—allow pirarucu or a rough stone. The flakes are t en • erators and guides, and the ability to at least a day for this. When seri• mixed into water to make the capo. ous haggling is called for, ask the • accept life in the Amazon at face The Maud drink capo of guaranci on imtour operator to itemize expenses.

• portant occasions, to affirm the life forc , to • value—one enterprising tour operator Disproportionately inflated esticure all illness, to bring strength in time of • advertises Selva sem Sofrimento' (the mates can work in your favor. If war and to bring fertility in times of peac .

• Jungle without Suffering!). Although the food budget seems unreasonMost Brazilians take their guaranci in the • the jungle is often described in exagable, buy provisions in and about form of a tasty sweetened and carbonated oft • gerated terms as a 'Green Hell', it drink. Coca Cola bottles one of the most p • pu- • seems rather odd to want to turn a the Mercado Municipal. If the fuel lar brands of guarana soda: Tai Guarand.l i, ike • jungle tour into a luxury outing with budget seems too high, offer to Coke, guarana is a mild stimulant, but unlike • all mod cons, thereby distancing yourpay at the floating gas stations.

Coke, guaranci is said to have aphrodisiac • self from the 'wild' characteristics that Subtract the items from your origipowers. Brazilians take guarana to keep them- • nal quote. As a rough rule of selves up for Carnaval. Pharmacies and herbal : are the hallmark of such an experience. thumb, expect prices to start at medicine shops also sell guaranci, in the f!arm • about $45 per person per day, Festivals of syrups, capsules and powders.

• assuming two people on a two••••••••••••••••••••••••• day (one-night) trip, including A folklore festival held during the boat transport, guide, food and hammock lodging. second half of June coincides with a number or saints' days BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

35

MA!!; and culminates in the Procissao Fluvial de Sao Pedro (Saint on Thursdays, which costs $65.

Peter River Procession), when hundreds of regional boats parade on the river before Manaus to honor To/From Porto Velho Sao Pedro, the patron saint of fisherfolk.

Another long river jourDuring the month of June, Manaus has a ney can be taken from Manaus variety of regional folklore performances, AMAZON TOUR up the Rio Madeira to Porto including the party of the bumbas (stylized Velho. The one-week trip OPERATORS bulls), tribal dances and square dances. It costs $106/77 in cabin/hamrepresents a mixture of indigenous AmazoJungle tours are not that expensive. I mock accommodation. had a three-day tour with Amazonas Indian nian culture with influences from the NorthTurismo and spent a wonderful time for eastern and Portuguese cultures.

To/From Caracarai $100 (three days, everything included).

There is no longer a regu.During this trip I saw toucans, colibris, Things to Buy lar passenger boat to Caracarai jacare, Indians, mosquitoes and plenty Indian crafts of the Wai-wai and Tikuna but you may be able to find a more. A canoe trip at night in the swamps tribes are sold at the Museu do Indio. The cargo boat. A bus service opI'll never forget. Wow, how much I would store is open from 8.30 to 11.30 am and 2.30 erates between Boa Vista and like to go back there! The only problem to 5 pm on weekdays and from 8.30 to 11.30 Caracarai, a trip of about four was that the Indian guide didn't speak more am on Saturday. Souvenir VitOria Regia, at hours. than two words of English and I didn't Rua Barroso 375, and Artesanato da speak any Portuguese.

Amazonia, at Rua Jose Clemente 500, both To/From So Gabriel We took a three-day (two nights) trip near the opera house, sell a variety of Amawith CristOvao Amazonas Turismo (-233da Cachoeira 3231). We paid $200 each and felt we were zon arts and handicrafts. Casa das Redes, a It is possible to sail up the cheated. It was a canoe trip staying with couple of blocks inland from the Mercado Rio Negro to Sao Gabriel da Indian families and included all food. InMunicipal in front of the Hotel Amazonas, Cachoeira. It takes five or six stead, we recommend contacting the has a good selection of hammocks at reasondays and costs $70. boatmen's union direct. All the canoe guides able prices. have formed an association. The tour comManaus is a free-trade zone. This means Getting Around panies only pay the guides $400 for a threethat locally manufactured products with forTo/From the Airport day trip with four people—and the guides eign labels—particularly electronic goods— Aeroporto Internacional do everything (arranging lodging, meals, cost less here than elsewhere in Brazil. This Eduardo Gomes (tel.: 621etc). We had a guide called Raimundo and doesn't result in significant savings to for1212) is 14 km from the city he was excellent. Take some money with eigners, but it does mean that everyone entercenter, on Avenida Santos you for the trip as Indian handicrafts can be ing or leaving the city must theoretically go Dumont. The bus marked purchased at a much cheaper price (than in through customs. People entering by bus from `Aeroporto Intemacional' Manaus). There really weren't any animals to be seen. Although we saw a few cows, the south pass through customs at the Careiro runs between the local bus cranes, and jacare, and caught piranha, ferry landing. Customs is no problem with terminus and the airport from there wasn't any wildlife in the jungle dursmaller riverboats, which are far less likely to 6 am to midnight. The trip ing the day. Due to too many people tourattract the attention of officials. Travelers takes 40 minutes and costs ing the jungle, the animals probably come arriving via Manaus airport are supposed to $0.50. There's a bilheteria out at night—if at all. declare foreign goods (e.g. cameras) to avoid system for taxis—from the You might warn travelers arriving in a tariff upon departure, but nobody seems to airport to the center costs $15.

Manaus airport about the tourist-hunting worry about this rule any more.

When taking a taxi from the girls who work freelance or for certain tour Foreigners can purchase up to $2000 center to the airport, taxistas agencies. On my arrival, I felt insecure worth oftariff-free goods. However, it's worth may try to extract more about finding a place to stay so I was an pointing out that this exceeds the value of money. easy victim. However, there was one good goods, which may be imported tax-free into side to being caught: I got free transport to the USA and elsewhere. The Zona Franca town and didn't have to worry about lookBus ing for a hotel—the girl put me into one commercial district is bounded by Avenida The local bus terminus is that was good value. The bad side was the Eduardo Ribeiro, Avenida 7 de Setembro and on Praca da Matriz, near the three-day boat trip she sold me. The expeAvenida Floriano Peixoto. cathedral and a few blocks rience of being on the Amazon is somefrom the Hotel Amazonas. Bething I'll never forget—and I hope to get To/From Santarem & Belem ware of child pickpockets back there one day—but the trip as such here. From this terminus, you was pure shit: a ridiculous 'guide' who had Heading downriver, the big boats go in can catch buses to PontaNegra no interest in explaining anything, boring the faster central currents several km from and the sights in town. A more food (basically rice and noodles), 'mineral shore. Travelling upriver, they stay more in expensive (but quicker) opwater' that tasted of gasoline, no visits to the slow currents by the riverbanks, though tion to reach Ponta Negra is igarapes and not even a trip to Lago not as close as the smaller boats, which hug the Tropical Hotel shuttle bus.

Janaudrio. The agency demanded $70 per the shore. You won't miss much, as there's day. not much to be seen on the Amazon anyway.

We were told it's almost a must to go on To/From the a jungle tour if you go to Manaus. UnfortuIf viewing wildlife is a priority, this is not the Rodoviciria nately, we just say that it was very disapway to go.

The rodoviaria (tel.: 236pointing. We didn't see many animals on Apart from the ENASA (tel.: 633-3280) 2732 or 158) is six km from our two-day tour and it was also very exservices, there are now various companies the center of town. Buses pensive ($85 per person), especially if you operating passenger boats between Manaus, marked 'lleia', 'Santos Ducompare it for example to Ecuador where Santarem and Belem. Prices for hammock mont' or `Aeroporto Internayou can go on similar tours. We don't think space average at $43 to Santarem and $90 to cional' run from the center the tours of the various tour agencies differ Belem. via the rodoviaria. A taxi to much. The one-day tour is not good: you ENASA ferry-catamarans take two days the center costs around $7. spend 10 hours on the boat. to Santarem and four days downstream to I. Belem. Cabin accommodation for the fiveMANACAPURU day tourist cruise from Manaus to Belem starts at $430 per person. ENASA also has a weekly boat to Belem, departing It's possible to get an idea of the poverty of life in the 36

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

interior without resorting to days of river travel. Manacapuru, 85 km southwest of Manaus and the Rio Negro, is a river town on the Rio Solimbes. The river port and its traffic, the market, the homes and the people of Manacapuru all make for an interesting day trip.

A reader experienced life in Manacapuru firsthand:

about 600 km pstream from Manaus on the Rio SolimOes (the Brazilian ame for this stretch of the Amazon), and can be visited for j angle tours.

Joaquim de Jesus Lopes is a local who can tailor trips for biologists, orn thologists, botanists and curious travelers.

These trips can last a minimum of three days, but Joaquim Lopes prefers to take full-week tours, and will do THE AMAZON I went to Manacapuru longer tours if advance notice to visit my friend, a 33is given. Only Portuguese is CIRCUIT year-old man who works spoken. Travelers either take It seems odd that in the millions of sq. km that make up the in Manaus and on the rivalong their own tent and hamAmazon, everyone seems to congregate upon such a small ers. Manacapuru 's resimock or use jungle shelters. spot during the pre-Carnaval season, but Lago Janaudrio dential area is a collecTour costs include fuel, food, draws hordes of visitors at this time of year. One thing that tion of corrugated tin roof boat hire and guiding fee (discheapens the jungle experience hare is the feeling of being shacks. His home is a cuss the price ofeach tour compumped through a tourist circuit: everyone bangs on the flying three-room, eight by 24 ponent individually)—expect buttresses of the same samambaia tree, cuts the same rubber foot building elevated less to pay at least $35 per day for tree for latex sap, then pulls over to an authentic jungle house than two feet off the a group of three people. Conwhere a monkey, a sloth, a snake and a jacare are tied up to ground by stilts. 'It's ugly, tact Joaquim Lopes at his amuse visitors but it's my house.' The home, at Rua Marechal DeoAfter a quick bite at a Jungle restaurant, take the elevated house is tiny and spare, doro 801. walk to the Vitoria Regia water lilies, beyond the makebut tidy, and the floors are believe Indian craft stalls (10 stores operated by one athletic rough wood planks.

PRESIDENTE Indian, who follows alongside the group and pushes feathered Folded hammocks and FIGUEIREDO novelty-shop junk). At this point, one disregards the water tinted black and white lilies and the Kodak boxes floating alongside and compares prints of the matriarch, Located 128 km north of notes with one's neighbor about respective tour costs, boat father andfavorite daughManaus on the highway to Boa sizes and whether or not a flush toilet has been provided. ter (now living in Porto Vista, BR- 174, is the municiThe water lilies, one-meter-wide floating rimmed dishes Velho) adorn the walls. adorned with flowers above and protected by sharp spikes pality of Presidente FigueiMy friend's extended below, are lovely, despite it all. redo. It has various waterfalls, family lives here: his wife caves and grottos, including (married since age 15), his Refugio Maroaga cave and mother, two of his six chilCachoeira da Iracema, which dren, his brother, sister-in-law and their child (all three are reportedl worth visiting. The Santa Claudia springs suffering with measles). The entire family is illiterate. There supply miner il water for Manaus. is no running water. Foot-wide canals are simply dug into the earth as an open sewerage system—not surprisingly, the PARINTINS water supply is contaminated. The poor sanitation is a direct cause of the high mortality rate from infectious diseases—of Parintins is 420 km east of Manaus, on the island of my friend's 14 brothers and sisters, only four have survived Tupinambara a, on the Rio Amazonas, near the border of to adulthood.

Para state.

The Parin ins Folk Festival, the largest cultural festival MAUES of the north rn region of Brazil, is held over three days during the 1 st week of June. Dressed in outlandish cosIn late November or early December, the Festa do Guarand tumes, the 1 ,000 or so participants in the parade fill the is celebrated in the town of Maues (about 220 km east of Bumb6drom (the stadium is shaped like a stylized bull!)

Manaus), the largest cultivator of guarana. and present t e rival bulls, Bumbas Caprichoso (blue) and The first people to cultivate guarana were the SatereGarantido (r d), dancing to the beat of drums and chanting.

Maue Indians of the Amazon. Originally, the Satere-Maue The clim x of the presentation is when the death of the lands encompassed the vast stretch of jungle between the bull is acted ut. Legend has it that Pai Francisco kills his Madeira and Tapaj6s master's bull to satisfy the cravings of his pregnant wife for rivers. ox tongue. H is arrested by his master, with the help of some Today the Matte Indians, but s saved when the priest and the Indian witch live in a small tribal resdoctor resus itate the bull. With the bull arisen from the ervation. They believe dead, the pa y resumes and builds to fever pitch. that their place of origin, Nocoquem, is on TAB TINGA & Excerpts from Brazil the left bank of the BENJ MIN CONA Travel Survival Kit Tapajos, where the S ANT 3rd edition, rocks talk, and their creby Andrew Draffen, ation myth links them These tw • Brazilian ports Chris McAsey, to guaranci. are on the order between Leonardo Pinheiro, Brazil, Col • mbia and Peru, Getting There & known as th Triple Frontier. and Robyn Jones.

Away Neither is p. rticularly attracFor more information There is a boat from tive, and m st travelers view call Lonely Planet: Manaus downstream to them as tran it points. If you (800) 275-8555.

Maties ($24.50, 18 have to wai a few days for a Copyright 1992 Lonely hours). boat, the C lombian border Planet Publications.

TEFE town ofLeti ia is a much more Used by permission.

The port of Tefe is salubrious lace to hang out.

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

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Guerrilla ound They have been creating music on th ir own terms and for a new audie ce. It's not World Music, their leade says. Karnak can play like a Germ n orchestra of the Third Reich and then seamlessly spill into a swingi g xaxado. One thing is certain: they re making some music critics mad, ow are they going to classify the group?

BRUCE GILMAN

Critics always like to pigeonhole new artists, label them, put them in a certain place in their own heads.

They pref r handy, easy-to-manipulate categories; a lot of change akes them work harder to understand what an artist i doing. So some reviewers are going to be annoyed ith the arrival of a new legion of subversives at our poe shores and at the way their music weaves together e ements as diverse as Scottish bagpipes, Hare Krishna c ant, and quotes from tunes like "Chattanooga Choo Cho.."

Some ay be appalled by the seemingly random use of vocal s mples from a Tuvan throat singer, a Spanish sailor, an' a Brazilian street vendor. A few may search in vain f r a concept behind the inclusion of recited poetry me ged with dissimilar, even nonsense languages.

Others wi I simply not get past the incessant blending of African a d Brazilian rhythms, let alone the wacky sounds th t permeate the CD. These connoisseurs will have to prepare themselves for musical insubordination, nonetheless, because Karnak refuses to fit easily into any category.

Over t e past six years, this group from Sao Paulo has been reating music on their own terms and for a new audi nce. They are original, but at the same time openly pl giarize. They can play on solidly like a German orch stra of the Third Reich and then seamlessly spill into swinging xaxado. Commandeering technology, they ave innovated a daring sound mix that leader Andre A ujamra asserts is not "World Music."

Karna 's originality came by chance and intuition, not thro h a premeditated course of research conducted to fill in some musical category. According to Abujamr , "All associations were musically intuitive."

This mus c truly has no label. It is a structured chaos of Brazilian regional rhythms synthesized with what Abujamr conceives as Arabic, Egyptian, Jamaican, and Russ an influences. It is pop music with a spectrum of exper nce broader than MPB (Brazilian Popular BRAZZ1L - FEEiRtJARY 1999

39

Music). Karnak's first CD seems like an inspired musical journey that begins in Egypt, passes through Persia, and on to Russia, but which remains rooted in the jackhammer rhythms of the Brazilian Northeast. Karnak will shock stylistic purists, but is perfect for those who have been waiting and are ready for everything—at the same time.

Surprisingly, Brazilian reviewers designated Karnak's first CD as one of the fifteen most important recordings in the past 30 years (see table below). Hagamenon Brito, reviewer for Correio da Bahia, Salvador, calls the work, "The best global-pop already produced in the land of the jungle. So much swing and so many incongruous elements, had they been badly sewn together, would have created a pretentious Frankenstein. But with ingenuity, and without recording in Los Angeles or London, Andre Abujamra has concocted the Devil."

The production techniques involved in making their first CD required that each member of Karnak record his part separately. Artists as distinct as Lulu Santos, Chico Cesar, and Tom Ze were pooled by Abujamra and combined with elements as unrelated as a banda de pifanos (Northeastern fife band), Bulgarian marimbas, highpitched African singing, invented and exotic languages, and the works of outstanding Brazilian poets to erect what at times appears to be more like a great pop charade than a consistent musical work. During the six months it took to record and edit, there were no group rehearsals.

The entire work, all production and arrangements, was edited on a Macintosh Quadra by Abujamra. The other musicians had no idea of what the final product would sound like.

Self-titled, Karnak's first CD is experimental, hard to classify, and misunderstood by many. Humor abounds, but the music is serious in terms of Abujamra's passion for self-exploration and can be approached philosophically. His compositions are elaborately conceived intuitive songs that are assimilated easily by listeners; translations are secondary. Yet the intricate strands of Abujamra's musical tapestry reveal themselves only with repeated listenings.

Despite the public's confusion, Karnak sold close to fifteen thousand copies of the CD—a reasonable number for a first CD on an independent label—and earned great praise from the critics. The Art Critics Association of SAo Paulo cited Karnak as the Best Band of 1995. MTV Brazil awarded the group Revelation of the Year (1996) for the video "Comendo Uva na Chuva" (Eating Grape in the Rain) and the Gold Clip for the video of "Alma NA° Tem Cor" (Soul Has No Color), which was nominated in three categories: Best Clip of the Year, Best Pop Clip, and Best Direction. The "Alma NA° Tem Cor" video also won the "Best Director" award at the MTV's "Video Music Brasil" in 1997.

Originally released in 1995 on the Tinitus label in Brazil, Karnak's first CD has just been released in the United States on Tinder Records and coincides with the release of their second CD, Universo Umbigo (Universe Navel), on the Velas label in Brazil. With this second CD, Karnak's sales estimate has doubled. According to Karnak's leader, producer, vocalist, and multi-instrumentalist, the title of the new CD refers to one's need to be the center of attention. But he goes on to say, "That hat fits me as well as it fits many other people. Last year 40

I was very tough on myself with some personal problems and felt that only I had difficulties. Acknowledging the whole world has problems was good for me."

As with the first CD, Karnak invited a battalion of musicians to participate on Universo Urnbigo. Abujamra's father, Antonio, reads the poem "Os Tres Mal-Amados" (Three Badly-Loved) by the great Brazilian poet Joao Cabral de Melo Neto on the tune "Num Pode Ser" (Can't Be). His three year old son, Jose, sings the introduction on "Como Nascem as Criancas" (How The Children Are Born). The fine band from Minas Gerais Pato Fu is responsible for the music, lyrics, and recording of "Rapaz Eu Vi" (Man, I Saw). And "Boiadeiro" (Cowboy), features the haunting voice of rising star Monica Salmaso with all percussion played by the great Northern band Mestre Ambrosio.

From the simplest refrain of an embolada (musical form from Brazil's Northeast) to the most symphonic passage, Abujamra's compositions are seamless and coherent works that explore philosophy through comedy.

His uncanny ability to capture life on tape and mix musical references seems to stem from his extensive traveling and his work with the "experimental music" duo Os Mulheres Negras (The Black Women) that he formed with Mauricio Pereira in the 1980s.

The duo dissolved after eight years, and Andre played briefly with the band Vexame (Shame), producing their first CD for Sony Music. But needing a change of perspective and very short of cash, he joined a theater group that was leaving for Spain. From Spain, it was only a short jump to Greece and Africa. Keeping a musical focus as he traveled, Abujamra recorded ambient noise and street sounds on a cheap Walkman. These "samples" were embryonic in the development of his concept of Karnak.

Abujamra's dream of Karnak is sustained by JOB sound studios where he creates advertising jingles. His ros- ter of clients include the soft drink company Antarctica; Brazil's oil company, Petrobras; the newspaper Folha de Silo Paulo; and actor-director Carla Camurati. In 1996 he produced the CD Tern Mas Acabou (All But Finished) for the group Pato Fu and a new, still-untitled CD for Tom Ze. Abujamra has composed (and won several awards) for his musical scores for the theater.

The sound tracks for the feature films Carlota Joaquina, by Carla Camurati and Os Matadores (The Killers) by Beto Brant were written by Andre, and he won the Kikito award (lchecck) for his sound track to the film As Rosas Nilo Ca/am (Roses Aren't Silent). Additionally, Abujamra is responsible for sound on all programs for Telecurso 2000, an educational series sponsored by the Roberto Marinho Foundation, and he worked on the sound track for the children's program Castelo Ratimbum for TV Cultura. The film Sabado (Saturday) by Ugo Georgetti marked Abujamra's film debut as an actor.

A gregarious personality, Andre Abujamra composes, produces, arranges, and defines the theatrical posture and stage attire of the Karnak musicians. All fine players, individually and collectively, these musicians are filled with a turbulent enthusiasm and play with an effective "point" that is rare in young artists. Even more surprising is the way they channel this energy into an expression that touches so many sources. Recently I had the immense pleasure of talking with Andre Abujamra and Lulu BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

Camargo, Karnak's keyboard player, about intuition and change.

Brazzil—Is Abujamra a Brazilian name?

Andre—My last name is from my grandparents, from Beirut, Lebanon. Here in Brazil, most people are the great-grandchildren of people from other countries. Sao Paulo is like a megalopolis. We have many cultures here; Japanese, Italian... There is a mixing of cultures, of music, and of food. From childhood we are exposed to different people and cultures.

Brazzil—Where did you guys meet?

Lulu—We went to the same college of music back in 1985. We were in different classes, but 4 Andre used to give me a ride home in his Volkswagen bug after school.

Brazzil—Which college?

Lulu—FAAM—Faculdade de Artes Alcantara Machado. We were both going for the Composition/Conducting major.

Brazzil—Lulu, you also attended Berklee College of Music in Boston. Was it a positive experience?

Lulu—Yes, I didn't learn much about music there, but it helped me to have a professional attitude toward composition, and I met some very good friends there.

Brazzil—Andre, you play bass and guitar, but it seems like your main instrument is the Macintosh Quadra.

Andre—It's no longer a Quadra. Now it's a Power PC. Yes, I can play many instruments, but I'm not a musician.

I'm a musical architect.

Brazzil—You approach composition through the computer?

Andre—Well, around '88 or '89, I bought an Atari computer. I studied, and then I started preparing sound tracks for theater works and the cinema. I love to make music on the computer. I use technology to assist the realization of my ideas. You know, I've done this now for a long time, so I'm getting better and better at it. I believe you have to understand the technology. You don't have to be a purist.

Brazzil—What is "tecno-porco" ?

Andre—Well, I love technology, right? Here in Brazil it is very difficult to keep up with the latest technology.

When I was a teenager, I started a duo called Os Mulheres Negras (Black Women). We were together for almost eight years. But I didn't have money to buy state-of-theart technology. So I bought very low-profile equipment and tried to use that like a professional. Using that system like a professional was "tecno-porco." Porco means pig.

Brazzil—Tell me a little about JOB. Andre—JOB is my... is my... Well, here in Brazil everybody's very poor, you understand, and we have to work at many things to reach our dreams. Karnak is my dream, my Utopia. So I have a job. JOB is the name of my work, my recording/production studio. I work with publicity, with TV. You know, the networks. I make money writing sound tracks for movies and sound tracks for BRAZZIL-FEBRUARY1996

advertising, V advertising and musical scores for theater productions. want some day to live just because Karnak exists, but it' going to be... I don't know how long it will take.

Brazzil— hat is the title of the new Tom Ze CD that you pro uced at JOB? Andre— don't know yet. They haven't told me. The album was re orded two years ago, and only now is David Byrne's Lua a Bop label going to mix it in New York. So I don't know Maybe it will be released by April.

Brazzil

understand you wrote the jingle for Antarctic4 guarana in their campaign against CocaCola.

Andre—How do you know that?!

Brazzil—(Laughter) That's my job.

Andre—Well, it's a very nice job.

Brazzil—Lulu, you've also written and produced several scores for theater, film, and teleVision. What are your plans while you wait for Karnak o catch fire?

Lulu—I' I be producing a couple of local bands in the first semest r. The scene is hot right now, lots of good bands comin out. There is a new sense of "Brazilianity," a feeling of eing national without being nationalist, that we can pla pop, rap, funk, rock, and it will still be Brazilian m sic. And that we can play samba, forro, maracatu, a d be very, very universal. The Brazilian music scene s probably the richest in the world right now.

We are pas ing through a very good period. So that's where I wan to be working and creating.

Brazzil Which composers have influenced your music?

Andre--{Prokofiev,... ah,.. Hermeto Pascoal,.... and...

You're an American, right?... hmmmm... Spike Jones.

Brazzil—Incredible! I definitely hear Hermeto, but I should have guessed Spike Jones. What about you, Lulu?

Lulu—Well, as a teenager, growing up in So Paulo, the least BraOian of the Brazilian cities, I listened mostly to rock ban Js and classical music. I really wasn't into Brazilian m sic, and I didn't buy any MPB albums. I spent some time lijstening to all the Beatles' albums at first, lots of progressi e rock, The Police, Talking Heads, The Who (Pete Town hend is probably my favorite songwriter), and punk rick, especially The (Sex) Pistols and The Ramones. I really bugged me that I couldn't truly enjoy MPB and b a "real" Brazilian in that sense. Outside of pop music, have always been a classical music lover.

Debuss , Stravinsky, Copland, and Beethoven were always on y turntable. But sometime back in 1982 or '83, I went o a chamber concert of minimal music where I heard Rei h's "Piano Phase," and it made clear in my head what wanted from music. I think that minimal composers ike Glass, Reich, Adams, and more recently Louis Andr essen are my "gurus" when I think of composition. Still, I was influenced more by particular pieces of music than y individual composers.

Brazzil Tell me a little about Louis Andriessen.

41

Lulu—In 1993, I went to Poland for the first time, to attend the Composers' Seminar on film music. I attended lectures by several European composers. I was really impressed by Louis Andriessen's music and also by his nature. It was always nice to hear what he had to say about music and life. But what really struck me was his attitude, that music should concern life, that composers shouldn't go for musical perfection, but for living better lives as human beings. Music should not be more important than humanity.

Last year, I was in Amsterdam visiting Peter Van Onna, composer and disciple of Louis, and I had the opportunity to sit and watch one of Andriessen's classes.

He is a very nice old man. He started the meeting with the statement, "I think I finally enjoy writing music again," and then went on talking about the freshness of listening to (I think it was) "Danse Macabre," such a naïve piece of music, and so on...

He is considered the most important Dutch composer.

For me he is the top European composer today. His music is similar, but different from American minimalism.

American minimalism has a tendency to be perceived as "easy listening," while listening to Andriessen would be a little more like chewing sandpaper.

MTV, the "Best New Band" award in 1996.

Brazzil—Can you explain for our readers the process of sampling from the initial recorded sound to application in a Karnak tune—maybe using the Tuvan throat singers in "Comendo Uva na Chuva" as an example?

Lulu—There's no rule. Andre has a strong position of making everything intuitive, leaving a lot of space to chance. We were recording the first demo of "Comendo Uva," and a friend of mine had showed me a recording of the throat singer. I took it to the studio and played it for the band as a novelty. Andre immediately said, "Let's put this in the mix!" I wanted to check for tempo relations and process it with a pitch-changing device, but Andre took the tape and hit play at a certain time in the song—and it did fit, rhythm and pitch!

We argued, Andre saying that it was due to some kind of cosmic harmony, and I (the eternal skeptic) said it was the beauty of pure chance. We were both amazed. Afterwards we dumped that audio into the S770 sampler, so I could use it live. i s Andre—We work with our intuition. Karnak not a "World Music" group. We don't research the music from Tuvinskaya or Arabic music or the music from Tibet. I pick the samples because I like the sound of Tuvan throat-singing, and I like the sound of the Nigerian language. I put them in my music for tone color. I don't do this because I want to say, "Hey, I went to Nigeria and I know this guy." I write music intuitively.

Brazzi/—"Cala a Boca, Menina" doesn't appear on the Tinder CD. Andre—I know. All the music on the Tinder CD is my music. "Cala a Boca, Menina" is Dorival Caymmi's tune.

Brazzil—How long did it take to create "Comendo Uva Na Chuva"? It sounds very complicated.

Andre—No, no, it's not very complicated. I can drive my Macintosh very well. It's not complicated once I have the idea.

Brazzil—Is "Com endo Uva na Chuva" your biggest hit so far?

Lulu—It's our second biggest hit. Lyrics are pretty much nonsense, but the video earned us our first hit at 42

Brazzll—Would you say it's reggae?

Andre—Yes, it's a reggae, but the guitar in reggae music most of the time is on the up-beat, right?

Brazzil—Right.

Andre—But in Karnak's reggae music it's on the first and the third beat (sings). It's inverted reggae.

Brazzi/—Inverted reggae, Yeah! (Laughter) I like that. Which track on the first CD was the most complicated to mix?

Andre—It was "Cala a Boca, Menina."

Brazzil—Really?

Andre—Yes, because there were too many instruments and too much crazy stuff. I want to make the last track on Karnak's records the strangest, so I made many, many, many ... many channels. It was very difficult. Tom Ze is singing "Cala a Boca, Menina."

Lulu—This is one of my favorites. Lots of overdubs and a powerful guitar solo, finishing with an endless saxophone loop.

Brazzil—Lulu, how was it working on the first Karnak CD? Lulu—My involvement in the first CD was strange. I had been playing with Andre for three years, so a lot of the arrangements were created during rehearsals. When it came to recording, I gathered with Andre and pretty much showed him the keyboard grooves I did on stage, recorded a lot of MIDI material, and then left him and Luiz Macedo free to cut and paste my parts to fit the songs. At that time! was going to make a trip to Russia for a composition seminar in St. Petersburg. The trip lasted three months, traveling to Russia, Poland, Bulgaria, and Macedonia where I met composers and musicologists as well as people from radio and the studios.

When I returned, the CD was already mixed. In a way, I skipped most of the hardworking bits of the process.

Brazzll—Andre, why do you sing in totally invented dialects of Arabic, Italian, Russian, and African as well as the Karnakian tongue, Davadara?

Andre—I like inventing languages, not because of what the words mean, but because of the sounds themselves. Sometimes I sing a kind of gibberish that sounds like an ordered language with a grammar. Maybe someday some linguist will understand my need to make these sounds. I'm not too concerned with what they are saying, but I am concerned with what feelings are conveyed to people who don't speak Portuguese or English or Arabic.

When you hear "Alma No Tern Cor," you may not know what I'm talking about, but you feel what I'm talking about.

Lulu—What can I say? I still don't know what "Ai, Ai, Ai, Ai, Ai, Ai, Ai" is about...

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

Brazzil—Yeah, but it's got some great flute playing!

Andre—Yes, very nice flauta. Marcos is a very nice musician. He's a good friend who plays both flute and keyboards very well, and he also produces advertising jingles.

Lulu—I used to play in a funk band with Marcos in 1993, two keyboardists in the line-up; that's how we met.

And when I traveled to Russia in 1994, we called him to substitute for me in a few concerts.

Brazzil—Andre, are you also fond of in- a venting new rhythmic dialects?

Andre—Yes, for example, "Martim Parangola" is a mix of music from the Northeast of Brazil with the bass playing salsa and a little funk. "0 Mundo" is a fusion of the rhythms from Morocco and Egypt. The reggae that is pinned to that Northeastern groove you hear on "Alma No Tern C( ." is maxixe with a reggae bass line. And "Balanc a Panca" is rock'n roll baido.

Brazzil—Fantastic concept! Tell me r .ore about these tunes.

Lulu—Actually, "Martim Parangola" predates Karnak.

It's originally from the "Mulheres Negras" repertoire. "0 Mundo" was the first tune we ever rehearsed. I still remember all of us squeezed into a small rehearsal room (actually Carneiro's living room) playing that song, six years ago. I always thought it would be our biggest hit, but it wasn't. "Alma Nao Tern Cor" has opened our concerts for the past five years. Full of energy. The video received the "Best Director" award at MTV' s "Video Music Brasil" in 1997. "Balanca a Panca" happened accidentally one day when we went to a rehearsal and half the band didn't show up. The rest of us started jamming, and this song was born. I used to play the accordion on this song, but the accordion was a little out of tune, so I gave it up. I play organ now.

Brazzil—What about the groove on "Vim Que Venha"?

Andre—We have here in Brazil a very special kind of music from the Northeast. It is somehow related to the music from the Northwest of Africa. What you hear in "Vim Que Venha" is a mixing of the Brazilian Northeastern repente and music from the Northwest of Africa. Very fast, you know... (sings). It's called repente. The tune talks about birth and death.

Lulu—Recently someone interpreted it as an antiabortion song, but I wouldn't go that far.

Brazzil—I'm entranced listening to Chico Cesar.

Are you close?

Andre—Yes, Chico is a very good friend of mine.

Now he's very famous in Brazil, and I can't talk with him because he is so busy. But we are very, very good friends, and I like his work very much. You know he sings "Alma Nao Tern Cor" on his first CD, Aos Vivos.

Brazzil—Yes. That's an incredible disc. When I got it, I played it non-stop for days. How did you come up with the idea for "Espinho na Roseira"? It has some of the disc's most interesting texturing.

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

Lulu—Th tune is based on Drummond's poem, a song about I ving and being loved. Built on top of a Northeastern olk sample, it is the typical Karnak's mantra sound.

Brazzil— friend of mine called it "Acid Forr6."

Andre—I s a fusion of baitio and xote.

Brazzil— 've noticed that you like throwing a little poetry into arnak's musical stew.

Andre— h yes! My dad has a very good voice. Every time I make a record I include my dad reciting some poetry. Ii ye his voice, so he recites poems for me. He lo es Fernando Pessoa (2).

Brazzil—Your father is an actor and ector? ndre—Yes, a very famous actor here in il and theater director. His name is Antonio mra. Very famous here. zzll—Has he had much influence on your work?

Andre — es, because life is very hard here in Brazil.

When you w nt to do something artistic, be an actor, poet, or musician, arents always try to discourage you. They say, "Oh, yo will need money." But my dad was already a very good irector and actor, so he said, "If you want to, you can do w atever you want. Life is yours, spoil it." He helped me m ke the decision to be a musician and artist.

Brazzil How has his influence helped with the Karnak vid os?

Andre— directed "Comendo Uva na Chuva."

Brazzil Is there one ultimate concept that guides Karnak?

Andre— here is. Pop music without restrictions. No limits. Peopl who want to make a difference in life have to believe in he Utopia of their ideas. Sometimes what is on the horizi n may not appear to be Utopia. But Karnak is getting bi ger than I thought it was going to be, and I'm happy. I ne er thought I would have to practice my English to peak with people from the United States.

When I cre ted Karnak, people here in Brazil told me, "You are crar y, man. You are making a very big band and a very stran e band." And I said, "Well, this is my dream, right?"

And wit Karnak my dream became a reality. We've been togeth r for six years and everybody here in Brazil likes us. Tin er records likes us, and we are in the United States. And t's very hard to be in the United States. I plan to take Karn k to Europe and to the United States to show others my Jtopia. Here in Brazil, Karnak is playing almost ever city with the new show, Universo Umbigo.

Brazzil Was there a shift in musical direction for Karnak on the new CD? Lulu—I don't think so. The Karnak spirit is the same: information overload, simple and direct lyrics, beauty disguised i chaos, and the old silly jokes. We're still the same. We j St learned how to play better and to record better. The biggest change is that while the first CD sounded a 1 t like a conceptual collage, this one is more like a real b nd playing. I really hope we do a live album 43

,E: -Arammism•Frgir004 . next.

Andre—There are a few differences. On the first CD, I put all the instruments into the Macintosh and did architectural stuff. With the new album, I did everything in the Macintosh, but the drums and percussion. I didn't edit these parts, I just recorded them. And I recorded them last, after I recorded everything else. This gives the music a more live quality. I love the first album, but I think it's too perfect. I wanted to make the second one a little uglier. Uglier in the sense that ! wanted to make it more human.

•

•

"Candelara" are pretty hard-hitting.

Lulu—"Candelara" does have some pretty heavy lyrabout violence against homeless children in Braics zil. It's fast and tense, getting very close to what could be called a Northern Brazilian techno.

Andre—This is the first song Karnak ever recorded, but this is a more unsettling version with a Darth Vader-like introduction.

Brazzil—How did you decide on using Monica Salmaso? Her Afro-Sambas with

Brazzi/—For me "0 Mundo Muda" (The World Changes) is the most beautiful song on Universo Umbigo, as far as pure songwriting goes, especially the way the percussion parts emphasize Marcos Bowie's voice. What a mix! the past ,0 years in o Andre—Yes. We're using judged b music critic Asian percussion instruments and over Br I in the surv mixing in French rap and a little

by Sao 1 .ulo 's daily i Arabian poetry sung by our belly Album dancer, Zuzu Biscaro.

Brazzil—I can't place it, but at the end of the b-section on "Ceti corn Pe no Chao" (Heaven With Feet on the Ground) the cello quotes an orchestral work! know I've heard somewhere.

Lulu—Beautiful song, recorded only with some of our good friends. The cello is playing a small phrase from Prokofiev's Lieutenant Kik. Andre Aside from the nice fretless bass playing by Pixinga you can also hear sections of Joao Donato and Paulo Cesar Pinheiro's poem "Terremoto" (Earthquake).

Brazzil—What's the story with "Inalabama"? It means In Alabama, right?

Lulu—You got it! It's a country tune with no defined lyrics that tells the tale of a man who, in 1813, goes from Siberia to Alabama and meets the Devil. Sounds like something you would hear in a Muppet TV show. I love it!

Andre—It's sung in Davadara, Karnak's language. The song starts with Ze Victor Castiel making a false Karnakian orthodox prayer, has Joao Gordo as a special guest singing in German and Catalan, and finishes with the death of a Bulgarian keyboard player. Tuco Marcondes plays the country guitar licks.

Brazzil—Man, the lyrics in 44

1st Place

Tropicana ou Pants et Circenst 2nd Place

Paulo Bellinati are exceptional. But what's with all the distortion?

Lulu—We did a project with an orchestra called Rep-

resentative Artists of Sao Paulo. Karnak played orchestral versions of "Alma Nao Tern Cor," which I orchestrated; "Eu To Voando," orchestrated by Andre; and "0 Mundo," by Macedo. I was very pleased with the results, it being the first time I ever wrote for a full symphony orchestra. Monica and several other artists were on this project, and the whole band fell in love with her instantly. Not only is her voice wonderful, she is really gorgeous! Later Andre invited her to record the main vocals on "Boiadeiro." I was a little pissed off because in the end he processed her beautiful voice with a lot of distortion.

Acabou Chorare•

Brazzil—Is Karnak really a working band or do the musicians get called just for recording?

Lulu—There is a band. The original members of the first line-up rehearsed for almost one year, once or twice a week. During those rehearsals, we also talked about various subjects, changed arrangements, improvised music and theater, had fights, and told each other stories. Shaped

by Andre's leadership and ideas, I think that the Karnak sound was defined in that year, before the first time we hit the stage.

3rd Place a-TaI—Gat Tod° Vapor 4th Place, press° 2222 5th Place Tim Alaia Amoroso Perola Negro 6th Place Karnak 1971

Construed°

Chico Buarque

Tretnsa

Caetano Veloso 1972

A Tabita d Esmeralda

Jorge Ben

1974

Os Alutante

Os Mutantes

1968

di Ens & To

Caetano Veloso 1975 Elis Regina and Tom Jobiin

1974

egiao Urbana

985

Brazzil—How many musicians are there "really" in the band?

Andre (joking)—Karnak is a mutant band. Sometimes we have nine people and a dog. Sometimes we have twelve people and a girl and a dog, sometimes a belly dancer.

Lulu—As I see it, Karnak is made of a basic core of six musicians, some other friends that come and go, and eventual guests. We've made concerts with anything from six to fifteen people onstage. One thing that's worth mentioning is that through the years, some people left the band, some people joined, some people rejoined after a while, some friends BFtAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

sometimes drop by and play along. Karnak is becoming not so much of a band, but a little community. Sounds a little hippie, I know.

Brazzil—I was sorry to hear that Luiz Macedo is the "former" guitar player. It seems that he contributed a lot to the first CD—playing and arranging. Who replaced him and why?

Lulu—If Karnak were a boat, one could say that Luiz was the second in command. I don't think he was replaced. Mano Bap is now playing guitar and singing, but the whole relationship among instruments and musicians has changed a lot. The reasons why he left the band are still not clear to me. Anyway, I think sometimes everybody needs a change. Luiz currently is the owner of Jukebox Studio and recording label. We still work together a lot, and he still is a very good friend of the band.

Brazzil—Who is Cecilia Bernardes? Man, what a gorgeous voice!

Andre -Yes, Cecilia Bernardes is the wife of my manager. I've known her a long time, and I love her voice.

Brazzil—How are live performances and studio recordings with Karnak different from your experiences with other bands?

Lulu—Karnak is unique for me. To begin with, the sound check is always hell! We like to play with perfect stage monitoring (like every band, I guess), but when it comes to a band with fifteen musicians, including two drum sets, and prerecorded samples... whew! Because I'm in charge of a lot of samples, prerecorded material, and sequencers, playing live with Karnak can be really bureaucratic and stressing.

But most of the time, when the stage is working fine, and we have a good monitor technician, we go into level of energy that is uncommon when playing with other bands. On the other hand, under Andit's strong leadership, recording is always a fast, straightforward, nocomplication process. We often go for the first take, the first idea.

Brazzil—Artists have always drawn inspiration from legends, folklore, the mystical, perhaps because these things come from the roots of our imagination.

Andre, Do you have a fascination with mysticism or numerology?

Andre—Yes, I really like... Well, first of all, I'm very interested in all of the world's religions. I believe in everything I've heard about spiritual things. I believe in all religions, and I don't believe in all religions. It is something that is very difficult to explain.

Lulu—He's into anything that's mystical and esoteric.

Andre—But! think that all religions go to the same place. They want to go to God. I like to make music that asks about the things we don't know. But I don't think I wave this like a flag. I don't think this is what's most important in my music. I see this as a way to understand the movement of the world, not to change it.

Brazzil—Besides being a band Karnak is also theater. Is the black clothing connected with anything mystical?

BRAZZI -FEBRUARY 1998

Andre—JOh, no! On the first album everybody wore black clothes. And on the new album everybody is wearing white clothes. And on the next album everybody is going to have blue clothes. And the next one just green (laughter). Pm just kidding... I'm sorry.

Brazzil—You guys have received a lot of awards.

Are there ay I may not know about?

Lulu— t that I remember. But come to think of it, we did play occer at MTV's Rock'n Gol championship in 1997. W didn't win anything; actually we lost the first and onlfr game 14 X 1. So, if there were a "Worst Soccer Play 'ng Band" award, it would be ours.

Brazzil Seriously?! What happened?

Lulu—k, so we were invited to play, and nobody in the band can play soccer. But we went just for the fun.

The big mis ake was that we decided to have a practice game a few days earlier against some friends. We were so out of shape that when it came time for the real game, we all had t rrible muscular aches. Kuki, for instance, hurt himselfi really badly while warming up. The team was Andre ih the front. He actually knows how to play well, but is too fat to do anything. Mano and Carneiro in the middle field. They're okay. They just play awfully.

Me and Ser inho in the defense line.

We wer beyond the frontiers of the unknown. The worst playe in the universe, I'd say. Lloyd was the goal keeper. He i a good player, but he decided not to show it that after oon. We were scheduled to play against Senhor Ban na / Resist Control, a mixed team of two reggae band from Curitiba, mostly kids ranging from 18 to 23 years ld. And you know that Karnak is a "more experienced' band... The game was broadcasted, with commentar by three very funny comedians.

In a gam of thirty minutes we lost 14 x 1; that's about one goal ev ry two minutes. But it was fun. We're all good friend-. The best part of it was afterward we got to hang out wi h the other bands and have some beers.

Brazzil Thank you guys very much.

Lulu— pleasure.

Andre You're welcome... Sorry about my English.

Brazzil You speak very well.

Andre Thanks, it's very bad, I know that. Thank you.

(1) Kikito is the name of the award for the Gramado Festival, which is the most traditional and important film festival in Brazil.

(2) Fernand • Pessoa was the most controversial Portuguese poet at t e beginning of this century. He had multiple rsonalities and wrote under four different ames in four completely different styles. Readrs and critics thought that his work was in ality the work of four different poets.

Bruce Gilman, music editor for Brazzil, received his Masters degree in music from California Institute of the Arts. e leads the Brazilian jazz ensemble Axe and plays c lea for escola de samba MILA. You can reach him through his E-mail: cuica@interworld.net

45

Ceu Corn Pe no Chao

Heaven With Feet on the Ground

Andre Abujamra (Quoted passage is from "Terremoto" by Joao Donato and Paulo Cesar Pinheiro) La fora tido tern agua e aqui dentro a gente chora La fora lido tern agua e aqui dentro a gente chuva Eu you pro ceu corn o pe no chao Encontrar corn a Maria e seu marido Lampido Eu you pro cell corn o pe t; no cilia() Encontrar corn a Marfa e meu SA() Sebastido

Out there, there's no water, and in here we cry Out there, there's no water, and in here we rain I'm going to heaven with my feet on the ground To meet Maria and her husband Lampido I'm going to heaven with my feet on the ground To meet Maria and my St. Sebastian

Foi Chico Cesar que falou que a vida é boa Mas ela as vezes ela pode ser ruim E que tern vezes que a gente tern que dizer ndo e a gente sempre fala sim Foi Theo Werneck que falou que a vida é boa Mas ela As vezes ela pode ser ma E que tern vezes que a gente flea parado e a gente tinha que andar Paulinho Moska que falou que a vida 6 boa Mas ela as vezes ela pode ser cruel que tern vezes que a gente esta no inferno a gente pensa que é o ceu Foi Chico Science que falou que a vida e boa Pot que na terra tern maracatu rural E ele flea la no ceu dancando undo abencoando pessoal

It was Chico Cesar that said life is good But sometimes it can be bad It's just that sometimes we have to say no, we always say yes It was Theo Werneck that said life is good But sometimes it can be mean It's just that sometimes we stand still, we have to move Paulinho Moska said life is good But sometimes it can be cruel It's just that sometimes we're in hell, we think it's heaven It was Chico Science that said life is good Because on earth there is "maracatu rural" And he stays up there in heaven, blessing us, folks.

"Ei mamde corn pe na terra Ei meu pai corn pe no chdo Por onde andel Sem direcao Eu te verei corn pe no chao Meu mestre é rei Foi Salomao Que me ensinou corn Pe no chao."

"Hey mama with feet on the land Hey papa with feet on the ground Where have I wandered No direction I will see you With feet on the ground My master is king Was Solomon That taught me with feet on the ground-

48

Espinho na Rose Ira

Thorns in the Rosebush

Andre Abujamra Tern espinho na roseira Cuidado vai cortar a mao Pedro Alcantara do Nascimento amava Rosa Albuquerque Damiao Pedro Alcantara amava Rosa, mas a Rosa nao amava ele nao Rosa Albuquerque amava Jorge, amava Jorge Benedito de Jesus E o Benedito, Bendito Jorge, amava Lina que e casada corn Joao E o Joao, Joao sent dente, amava Carla, Carla da cintura fina E a Carla,linda menina, amava Antonio Violeiro do Sertao E o sertao vai virar mar E o mar vai virar sertao E o Antonio, cabra da peste, amava JOlia que era filha de Odete E a Odete amava Pedro, que amava Rosa que era prima de Drumond E o Drumond era casado corn Maria que era filha de Sofia, mae de Onofre e de Jose E o Jose era casado corn Nazira que era filha de Jandira, concubina de Mane E o Mane tinha 17 filhos, 10 homens e 6 meninas, e urn que ia resolver E o rapaz tava ja na adolescencia tinha brine° na orelha e salto alto pra crescer E o Rodolfo que ja era desquitado era homem mal amado nao queria rnais viver E encontrou Maria Paula de Arruda que lhe deu muita ajuda fez seu coracao nascer E sao essas histOrias de amor Que acontecem todo dia sim senhor

There are thorns in the rosebush Careful you're going to cut your hand Pedro Alcantara do Nascimento loved Rosa Albuquerque Damiao Pedro Alcantara loved Rosa, but Rosa did not love him Rosa Albuquerque loved Jorge, loved Jorge Benedito de Jesus And Benedito, blessed Jorge, loved Lina who is married to Jo5o And Joao, Joao without teeth, loved Carla, Carla of the thin waist And Carla, beautiful girl, loved Antonio Violeiro do Sertao And the backlands will become a sea And the sea will become back lands And AntOnio, son of a gun, loved Julia who was the daughter of Odete And Odete loved Pedro, who loved Rosa who was a cousin of Drum ond And Drumond was married to Maria who was the daughter of Sofia, mother of Ono fre and Jose And Jose was married to Nazira who was the daughter ofJandira, mistress of Mane And Mane had 17 children, 10 boys and 6 girls, and one that was going to decide And the boy who was already an adolescent had an earing in his ear and high heels to be taller And Rodolfo who was already divorced was a man badly loved and didn't want to live any more And met Maria Paula de Arruda who helped him a lot and made his heart he born And these are the stories of love That happen every day, yes sir BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

Critics Are Saying

LYRICS Vim Que Venha

Come What Comes

Andre Abujamra, Sergio Bartolo, Hugo ion, and Eduardo Bid E quando morre a gente chora ne E quando nasce a gente ri ne Mas quem nasce chora E quem morre ri Bahia e terra de dois E terra de dois irmao Governador na Bahia é Cosme e Sao Damido Quern tern que vim que venha Quem tern que ir que vá E a morte veio e chegou bem de repente Prd mostra prd toda gente que a morte tambein vem Foi de bazuca, tiro, atropelamento, de carroca, De jumento, de lambreta, fusca e trem Ninguem espera, ninguem flea esperando So porque é pernambucano nao acha que vai sofrer O homem gordo, o homem magro,o homem alto, 0 homem baixo, o homem feio tambem nascem pra morrer Conheco urn cara que comeu manga corn leite, Foi picado por serpente conseguiu sobreviver E aquele outro pisou numa taturana, teve morte instantanea Nao dá nem prd entender Quem tern que vir que venha Quern tern que ir que va.

E quando morre a gente flea chorando E quando nasce a gente ri Mas quern nasce chora e quem morre sorri

And when we die, people cry, right?

And when we're born, people laugh, right?

But the one who is born cries And the one who dies, laughs Bahia is a land of two It is a land of two brothers The Governor of Bahia is Cosme and Saint Damiao (*) The one who has to come, should come The one who has to go, should go Death arrived suddenly To show everybody that Death always comes It was by a bazooka, a shot, run over, by a cart, By a donkey, by a motorcycle, a Volkswagen and a train Nobody waits, nobody stays waiting A man from Pernambuco believes that he is not going to suffer The fat man, the slender man, and the tall man The short man, the ugly man were also born to die I know a guy that ate mango and milk, (**) He was bitten by a snake, and he survived And that other one that stepped on a fire caterpillar, died instantly We can't understand The one who has to come, should come The one who has to go, should go And when we die, people start crying And when we're born, people laugh But the one who is born cries, and the one who dies smiles

(*) The twin saints of the Catholic church. (**) In Brazil, there is a belief that if you eat mango, you should not drink milk because the combination of the enzymes creates a venom.

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

Zeca Camargo from Rede Globo: "Finally a release for the unsurmountable position that Brazilian Rock assumed in the '90s.

Tropicalia without an ideology, Secos e Molhados without make-up, Tempos Modernos without marijuana. And everything with good humor."

Okky de Souza of Veja: "With a first disc of extraordinary creativity, the group released a radical, yet viable offering of world music."

Comendo Uva na Chuva

Eating Grape in the Rain

Andre Abujamra Comendo uva na chuva Cada agua que cai do meu rosto E uma chuva que ainda nao parou Cada agua que cai Id de cima E a lagrima de alguem que brigou Sera que um dia a gente vai parar de briga Sera que urn dia a gente vai parar de brigar Cada raio que cai La de cima E uma luz no meio da escuridao Cada tapa que recebo no rosto E a chicotada de um furacdo A gente se sente A gente se sente diferente A gente se mente A gente se mente diferente A gente semente Semente plantadinha no chdo A gente na mente Na mente e no coracdo I'm not from this world I came from Atlantis

Eating grape in the rain Every drop of water that falls on my face It is a rain that still hasn't stopped Every drop of water that falls from above Is like a tear from someone who fought I wish that one day we will stop fighting I wish that one day we will stop fighting Every lightning that strikes from up there Is a light amidst the darkness Every slap that I receive on my face Is the whip of a hurricane People feel sorry People feel different People lie People lie differently People plant seeds Seeds planted on the ground People in the mind In the mind and in the heart I'm not from this world I came from Atlantis

47

Movies RIO Andor de Coisas Raras (Bier of Rarities)—Singing monologue. A potpourri mixing literature, poetry and plastic arts.

Directed by Claudio Olivotto. With Numa Ciro. Teatro GlOria.

Cheque ou Mate (Check or Mate)—Comedy. A family gets panicky when their money mysteriously disappears. A critical view of the arriviste. Written by Ricardo Semler (entrepreneur and bestseller author, a novice as a playwright), directed by Roberto Lage with RaulCortez and Myriam Persia. Teatro Joao Caetano.

Dracula e a Danca dos Vampiros (Dracula and the Dance of the Vampires)— Comedy macabre. A vampire researcher goes to Pennsylvania with the intention of getting rid of the bucktoothed. Written and directed by Joao Luiz Fiani. With Marino Jr. and Jota Eme. Teatro da Praia.

0 Jukamento (The Trial)—The residents of a village can get an inheritance only if they admit to the murder of a man. Written

by Daniel Herz. Directed by Susanna Kruger and Daniel Herz. With Cia. de Teatro Atores de Laura. Casa de Cultura Laura Alvim.

Videoclip Blues—Comedy . The hilarious situation lived by a couple when they decide to end their relationship. Written by Leo Lama. Directed by Rogerio Fabiano.

With Deborah Secco and Marcelo Faustini.

Teatro dos Grandes Atores.

SAO PAULO Confidencias de um Espermatozaide Careca (Confidences of a Bald Spermatozoid)—"Memories" before birth, repression, and discovery of sex are some of the themes. By Carlos Eduardo Novaes. Comic monologue. Actor Vicentini Gomes plays 26 characters. Directed by Antonio do Valle.

Francisco de Assis (Francis of Assisi)— Story of Giovanni Francesco Bernardone (1182-1226) and his conversion from a life of wealth to total poverty. Gregorian chants, litanies, rock and pop are used.

More than 20 actors are involved. Written, directed and interpreted by Ciro Barcelos, who spent six months with Franciscan monks in Assisi, Italy before writing the play. Teatro Palace Inseparriveis (Inseparable)—Written by Maria Adelaide Amaral. Dramacomedy.

On the eve of an impending divorce after 25 years of marriage, woman meets again an old friend. With Irene Ravache, Jussara Freire, and Eduardo Conde. Directed by Jose Possi Neto. Teatro Faap.

Promiscuidade (Promiscuousness)—Written by Pedro Vicente. A group of friends dealing with news overload and life anxieties. Fernando Alves Pinto, Lavinia Pannunzio, and Regina Franca. Directed

by Marcia Abujamra. Centro Cultural.

48

American films just released: kliallriors of Virtue (Guerreiros da Virtude), Home Alone 3 (Esqueceram de Mim 3), George of the Jungle (George, o Rei da Floresta), Cop Land (Cop Land), In & Out (Sera Que Ele E?), Endless Summer (Endless Summer), Titanic (Titanic), Tomorrow Never Dies (007: 0 Amanhii Nunca Morre) Bent (Bent)—England/1996—By Sean Mathias. With Clive Owen, Lothaire Bluteau, and Brian Webber. Drama. The tough life of three gay men during Nazism.

Bocage, o Triunfo Do Amor (Bocage, the Triumph of Love)—Brazil-Portugal/ 1996—By Djalma Limongi Batista. With Victor Wagner, Francisco Farinelli, and Vietia Rocha. Sonnets and erotic poems of Portuguese author Manuel Maria Barbosa du Bocage (1765-1805) are set to film with images from Brazil and Portugal.

Como Ser Solteiro (How to Be a Single Man)—Brazil/1997—By Rosane Svartman. With Rosana Garcia, Ernesto Piccolo, Heitor Martinez Mello, and Marcos Palmeira. Comedy. Four interconnected stories happening in Rio de Janeiro.

For Ever Mozart (Para SempreMozart)— France-Switzerland/1996—By Jean-Luc Godard. With Madeleine Assas, Ghalia Lacroix and Berangere Allaux. Four films in one. A director has a problem with the actors when he starts the shooting.

Genealogies d'un Crime (Genealogias de um Crime)—France/1996—By Raoul Ruiz. With Catherine Deneuve, Michel Piccoli, and Melvil Poupaud. Drama. A youngster is on trial for having killed his aunt who was a child psychoanalyst.

Junk Mail (Junk mail)—Norway/1996—

By Pal Sletaune. With Robert Skjiirstad, Andrine Sther and Per Egil Aske. Sex, robbery, and murder in a story between a postman and a woman who forgets the house keys in her P.O. Box. 0 Novigo Rebelde (The Rebellious Novice)—Brazil— 1997— Directed by Tizuka Yamasaki. With Renato Aragao, Dede Santana, Patricia Pillar. and Tony Ramos.

Comedy. A runaway novice goes to work as a babysitter in Rio. Viagem ao Principio do Mundo (Trip to the Beginning of the World)—Portugal/ France-1996—French actor goes in search of his roots in Portugal. Directed

by Manuel de Oliveira with Marcello Mastroianni, Leonor Silveira, and Isabel de Castro.

Books

best-sellers FICTION 1 0 Plano Perfeito, Sidney Sheldon.

Record, 300 p.R$25.

2 A Senhora de Avalon, Marion Zimmer Bradley. Rocco, 504 p. R$28.

3 0 Feitigo da Ilha do Pavao, Joao Ubaldo Ribeiro. Nova Fronteira 324 p. R$24.

4 0 Mundo de Sofia, Jostein Gaarder.

Comp,anhia das Letras, 555 p. R$26,50.

5 A Aguia e a Galinha, Leonardo Boff.

Vozes, 206 p. R$16.

6 Todos os Nomes, Jose Saramago.

Companhia das Letras, 280 p. R$20.

7 0 Homem Que Calculava, Malba Tahan.

Record, 218 p. R$19.

8 0 S6cio, John Grisham. Rocco, 416 p.

R$25.

9 0 Livro das Virtudes para Criangas, William J. Bennett. Nova Fronteira, 112 p. R$19.

10 0 Pequeno Principe, Antoine de SaintExupery. Agir,92 p. R$13.

NONFICTION 1 No Ar Rarefeito, Jon Krakauer.

Companhia das Letras,280 p. R$23 2 Depois Daquela Viagem, Valeria Piassa Polizzi. Atica, 280 p. R$14,90.

3 As Melhores Piadas do Planeta e da Casseta, Casseta e Planeta. Objetiva, 128 p. R$10.

4 203 Maneiras de Enlouquecer um Homem na Cama, Olivia Claire. Ediouro, 125 p. R$10.

5 Sanduiches de Realidade, Arnaldo Jabor.

Objetiva, 280 p. R$22.

6 Auto-Engano, Eduardo Giannetti da Fonseca. Companhia das Letras 268 p.

R$25,50 7 Inteligencia Emocional, Daniel Goleman. Objetiva, 376 p. R$34,50.

8 Nova York E Aqui, Nelson Motta.

Objetiva, 218 p. R$21,80.

9 Verdade Tropical, Caetano Veloso.

Companhia das Letras, 534 p. R$27.

10 0 Sucesso E Ser Feliz, Roberto Shinyashiki. Gente, 198 p. R$ 20.

COMPUTERS 1 0 Horror Economico, Viviane Forrester.

UNESP, 154 p. R$15.

2 A Armadilha da Globalizaglio, HansPeter Martin and Harald Schumann Globo, 352 p. R$30.

3 Guia Preitico de Investimentos, Bearstown Ladies. Salamandra 240 p. R$22.

4 0 Segredo do Cofre, Ana Paula Padrao and Valderez Caetano. Globo, 136 p.

R$17,50.

5 A Sociedade Justa, John Kenneth Galbraith. Campus, 170 p. R$23,50.

According to Jornal do Brasil BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

A Sou 000

yl000 ,t41,

TALENT AND IMAGINATION I'm skeptical, at best apprehensive spending money just to check out a new artist. Nowadays, every garage band has a demo because recording and copying CDs is not the exaggerated expense it used to be. I was expecting to listen to Ubatuba once and write it off as a lesson in frugality. But the new CD by Kimson Plaut remained in my CD changer for two days while I digested the absolutely enjoyable arrangements, Romero Lubambo's cavaquinho, Leny Andrade's voice, some killer sax soloing, and pianist Kimson Plaut's well defined role as the lush carpet the other members of this superb ensemble move across.

Plaut studied composition at Yale before leaving for Mato Grosso in 1975, where he researched the musical traditions of the Xavante Indians.

He eventually took up residence in Brazil, performing in a wide variety of musical settings. For the past three years Plaut has been Astrud Gilberto's pianist and arranger. His fresh new CD Ubatuba is available from LPC Music. Try a little self-indulgence. (212) 741-9173 (B.G.) BRAZZIL -FEBRUARY 1998

PORTRAIT

Once a central port in the Po guese colonial network of commerce and trade, the city of Salvador, in the ate of Bahia, was the entryway for 3 to 4 million enslaved Africans. The Afr 'cans were forced to work in the plantations and mines, build cities and labor as c aftsmen and artisans in the colonial culture.

They brought to Brazil their own h ritage of art and religion, which is remembered and celebrated today in the p pular arts of this area.

Pelourinho, the historic square a the heart of Salvador, once associated with slavery, is now the remarkable cent r of a resurgence of Afro-Brazilian culture and identity. Some artists depict the old city itself, inspired by its rich, architectural forms, the colors and textures â&#x20AC;˘ sloping roofs, the patterned pavements and façades of colonial palaces and ch rches. Other artists paint scenes that reveal the complex and rich cultural mix f traditions stemming from the Americas, Africa and Europe. Dislocated Afr cans and their descendants absorbed many aspects of the European culture, in luding Christianity.

Founded in 1549 on the steep bluffs overlooking the Bay of all Saints, Salvador da Bahia de Todos os Sant s was the first colonial capital of Brazil and the Portuguese gateway into the Am ricas more than half a century before France and England established permanen settlements in North America. Echoing the town plan of Portuguese medieval cities with fortified walls, narrow twisting streets, open plazas and richly-orna ented churches, Salvador was, by the 17th century, a major colonial center of ealth, commerce and culture and one of the busiest ports in the triangular tra e route linking the Americas, Europe and Africa.

A little of Bahia's treasure is co ing to the United States. Two Brazilian Art exhibitions, open this spring at the U LA (University of California, Los Angeles) Fowler Museum of Cultural Hist ry. "0 Pelourinho! Popular Art from the Historic Heart of Brazil" opens Ma ch 1 and continues through May 10. The art featured in "0 Pelourinho" com Ines African traditions, Brazilian history, popular culture and the spiritualit of Candomble and Catholicism into a rich celebration of reclamation and ren wal.

As documented in a companion si esentation, "Scenes from Bahian Carnaval", a select group of photographs, capt es the vitality and brilliance of this amazing event and highlights the Afro-Br zilian presence in the city's celebrations.

"Scenes from Bahian Carnaval" op ns February 4, 1998 and continues through May 10, 1998.

There are 61 4ontemporary paintings and 25 sculptures in the art exhibition The images in 'Scenes from Bahian Carnaval" were photographed by Pravi a Shukla, UCLA doctoral candidate in Folklore and Mytholo y, during the city's 1996 and 1997 celebrations. These imag s clearly show that Carnaval in Bahia is like no other on the p anet!

The Pelourin o is the central site of one of the most immense and lay sh of all Carnaval celebrations. Lasting for six days and fig ts just prior to the Catholic observance of Lent, the Bahian Carnaval clearly reflects the history of the city. During all h urs of the day and night tens of thousands of Carnaval reveler both young and old, participate by playing instruments, wea mg costumes, or dancing in the streets.

Due to its c mplex history, Salvador is a city full of juxtapositionsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; igh rises, colonial architecture, cobblestone streets, 365 Cat lic churches (or so says the legend), and hundreds of te reiros for the Yoruba-derived religion, Candomble. Thi history especially permeates the Carnaval celebrations, infl encing the yearly themes for parade organizations, costume musical instruments and musical styles.

December to arly March is Carnaval season in Salvador.

During the few months preceding Lent there are many Candomble cere onies and festivities, which must take place prior to Lent wh n all such activities come to an official halt.

These city-wide elebrations may be as secular as they are sacred dependin on the religious preferences of the participants. For example, Candomble initiates and ordained priests and priestesses e ngage in processions and religious rituals, while other part cipants drink and dance on the streets in anticipation of C rnaval.

Both exhibiti ns will be on view Wednesdays through Sundays, noon t 5 p.m., and Thursdays until 8 p.m. For information, call (310) 825-4361. (L.R.) 49

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BRAZZIL - RO. BOX 42536 LOS ANGELES, CA 90050 Call (213)255-8062 or E-mail: brazzil@brazzil.com

For Ad, call (213) 255-8062 or E-mail: brazzil@brazzil.com so

BRA7_ZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

FEIRA LIVRE OPEN MARKET BUSINESS OPPORTUNITY

MISCELLANEOUS

International Company exporting to Brazil. High $ potential for individuals with contacts in Brazil. (805) 449-5507 [147]

Brazilian Style: Hair Cut, Nails, Waxing. Call Sueli (310) 4538779 (Sta Monica) [1461

Trabalho - NSo é necessario Green Card, carro ou ingles. De qualquer parte dos E. U. A. ou Canada voce pode ser empregado (510) 798-0711 [148]

Estude a Biblia por correspondencia na privacidade do seu lar.

Inteiramente grdtis. Envie seu endereco postal para: BCCI, Box 3841, Springfield, IL 627083841 [144]

Wildcrafted Health Food Product - Sales. Sky potential.

(415) 759-9589 [148]

Swap post cards with everyone around the world. Fabio. P.O. Box 5765, Astoria, NY 11105 [142]

CLASSES

Conversational Brazilian Portuguese Method - "I tried several methods to learn BRAZILIAN PORTUGUESE, but when I started lessons with NILSON, I knew immediately that I'd found the best one. And in just a few months, I was able to communicate on a one-on-one basis." Individual, Total Immersion, Corporate Group and Semi-Private.

Phone (310) 379-0738 [144] Portuguese Courses in Salvador da Bahia, Dialog°, http:// www.brazilstudy.com, E-mail: dialogo brazilstudy.com, fax: 01155 71 336-6329 [155] COOKING

Delightful Brazilian Cooking

by Eng Tie Ang, two for one sale $14.95, plus $5 shipping and handling. Over 130 authentic, quick and easy recipes. P.O. Box 30818 - Seattle, WA 98103 -Tel/ Fax (206) 789-3693. [142]

Tickets para o Brasil - Cheap / Baratos - 1 (800)643-3910. Tudo legal. [157] MUSIC

Brazilian Music in its totality.

Samba, bossa nova, chorinho, baido, axe, and more. Merchant Express (954) 785-5991 NEWSPAPERS & MAGAZINES

Jornais e revistas do Brasil.

Recebemos jornais didrios etodas as principais revistas, incluindo masculinas e femininas. Tel. (954) 785-5991 Used Brazilian adult magazines Playboy, Ele Ela... on sale for just US$5 each plus $3 for postage each. Also available Hong Kong Playboy and Penthouse (used). Mail check to Tenko U.S.A., P. 0. Box 1096 Temple City, CA, 91780 or call (626) 299-1176 [146] PERSONAL

DISCOVERING OPPORTUNITY

Artist Needed. Talented Performers, Entertainers, Song Writers Musicians, Producers Looking for Exposure, Contacts, Connections, Education. Visit our Web Site www.entertainersnet. corn. A World Network. Call Toll Free 1-888-310-4NET [142] Estabeleca seu credito e ganhe dinheiro! Aprenda como obter cartdo de credit° internacional sem precisar de deposit°. Aprovacdo garantida. Ligue ja. 1-888838-0939 [143] FOOD

Salgados - coxinhas, risoles, croquete. Suzana(714) 666-2749 [145] JOB OFFERED

Singers wanted. Male/Female English/Portuguese (310) 5595052 [143] BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

WOMAN SEEKS MAN

Americana coin coracao brasileiro, bem educada, que adora a o samba, a cultura, a linguae o povo brasileiros, queria conhecer urn brasileiro solteiro de 40 anos ou mais, em boa forma, morando em New York City ou pertinho. Messages to E-mail: sylvia2125@aol.com [130] ' Brasileira, 30, slim, attractive and fun, seeks loving, stable and educated gentleman between 2848. Send letter/picture to PO Box 1167, Hermosa Beach, cA 90254-1167 [148] PERSONAL MAN SEEKS WOMAN

American, male, white, 45 years old, would like to meet a Brazilian or Portuguese lady. I speak English only. Age open. Call (415) 757-1946 (Eves) [142]

FEIRA LIV RE RATES: 50c a word. Phone is one word.

DISCOUNTS: For 3 times deduct 5%. for 6 times deduct 10%. for 12 times deduct 15%.

POLICY: All ads to be prepaid. Ads are accepted at our discretion. Your canceled check is your receipt. Please, include address and phone number, which will be kept confidential.

DEADLINE: The 25th of the month. Late material will be held for the follow, ing month if appropriate.

TO PLACE AD: Send ad with check, money order or your Credit Card number (plus your name and expiration date) to: BRAZZIL P.O. Box 42536 Los Angeles, CA 90050-0536.

Americano, 28, entrepreneur seeks Brazilian la y 18-36, open mind and attracti e. Send letter/ photo. Chris - 09 Minna St. #338 - San Franci co, CA 941053728 [136] Americano, 36, atraente, romantic° e sin•ero. Procura brasileira 18-45. nv iar foto para: 2440 - 16th St. # 79, San Francisco, CA 94103 [148] Americano, 3 anos, olhos azuis, fala por ugues, queria conhecer brasile ra de 18 a 30 anos. Chamar Wi liam (310) 2047913 [139] English male, 39, Antique dealer, own busi ess, financially secure, attractiv sophisticated, has toured Brazi , seeks slim attractive Brasilei for long-term relationship and to share life.

Send letters and hotos to Mike, 50, Cranworth d., Worthing, West Sussex, England BN112JF [141] Hello, l am a 38-.) ear-old man. I live in Central F orida. I have a very successful business and I work as a psyc ic counselor. I am single, 5'10" and I will send you my photo in irst letter. I am looking for a sin le lady who is from Brazil. 23 o 34. Nice and good looking. Y u can E-mail at psychic@bitstor .net [143] PERSONAL MAN SEEKS MAN

American 33, • 185", brown/ blue, seeking Br ilian guys for friendship or mo e. Please call 1619-850-3163 or E-mail Itnamerica@aol om [144] esterner„ wing ong Kong, 5'10", 1 0 lbs, athletic, banker, wants t meet Brazilian males visiting ong Kong for sex or relationsh p. Prefer 30 and up, tall, not thin well endowed.

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PERSONAL FRIENDSHIP AND CHATTING

Male, 30, wants to meet Brazilians to practice Portuguese. I studied for a year but need to practice. (818) 548-5935 [137] PSYCHOTHERAPY

Chronic & Life Threatening illnesses, A.D.D. & dyslexia, life transitions, bicultural & relationship issues, sexual identity conflict — Edison de Mello, M.D.; Ph.D./MFCC — Portuguese/ Spanish/ English. (310) 656-6987 [137] Emotional & psychological help - Elizabete Almeida MFCC licensed psychotherapist. English/Portuguese. Reasonable rates. (310) 281-7536. [158]] RENTAL

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A TTT Services - Tax & Translation & Travel and Notary (909) 627-2171 [146] TRANSLATION & INTERP.

Dialog() Translates from and to Brazilian Portuguese: http:// www.brazilstudy.com [1551 Translations - Barbara Maglio. to & from Portuguese, General and Computer. Tel.: (561) 3911057, Fax: (561) 391-2174, Em ai 1 :b jm agl o@ compuserve.com [134] 'TRAVEL

Touristic services in Salvador da Bahia: Dialog°, http:// www.brazilstudy.com [155] brazzil-ADS (213) 255-8062 51

Boston Area Books Livraria Plenitude (800) 532-5809 Consulate Consulado G. do Brasil (617) 617-542-4000 Dentist Sylvio P. Lessa (617) 924-1882 Food & Products Aqui Brazil (617) 787-0758 Brasil Brasil (617) 561-6094 Jerry's Cachaca (617) 666-5410 Instruction Approach Student Ctr (617) 787-5401 Braz. & Amer. Lg. Inst.

(617) 787-7716 Music Brazil CDs (617) 666-3747 Publications The Brazilian Monthly (617) 566-3651 Bossa: Braz. Jazz Guide (611) 262-9997 Restaurants Café Brazil (617) 789-5980 Ipanema (508) 460-6144 Tropics"'lia (617) 567-4422 Pampas Churrascaria (617) 661-6613

Chicago Consulate Consulado G. do Brasil (312) 464-0244 Translations Portuguese Lang. Ctr. (312) 276-6683

Los Angeles Airlines Varig (800) GO VARIG Vasp (310) 364-0160 Arts & Crafts Bakari Art Studio (213) 938-0523 Folk Creations (310) 693-2844 Culture Planet (310) 441-9808 Zebi Designs (310) 391-6530 Auto Repair Cosmo Auto Parts (213) 259-9818 Banks Banco do Brasil (213) 688-2996 Catering Joy's Catering (562) 438-3415 Churches Igrep Evang. Bras.

(714) 534-9437 Clothes Samba Collection (562) 437-1939 Summer Brazil (310) 455-1772 52

Clubs & Associations Brazil-Cal. Chbr of Com. (310) 665-0166 Centro Cultural Gaucho (213) 256-6548 MILA - Samba School (310) 391-6098 SambaLi -Esc. de Samba (562) 437-1939 Consulate Brazilian Consulate (213) 651-2664 Dentists Gilberto Henriques (213) 464-0524 Events Promotion Brazilian Nites Prod.

(818) 566-1111 Pegasus - Parties & Ent. (818) 549-0383 Sayegh Promotions (800) 507-3653 Health & Fitness Herbs from Brazil (213) 851-7016 Westside Acupuncture (310) 914-1624 Instruction Brasil Brasil Cult. Ctr (310) 397-3667 Modern Lang. Center (310) 839-8427 Legal Services Memos & Ferraz (310) 360-0901 Loans Finance Plus Mort. Corp.

(310) 585-8911 Matchmaker Fogo e Paixao (310) 450-4586 Music Braz. Jazz /All Occasions (310) 839-3788 Jazz - Richard Samuels (818) 798-5424 Physician Paulo Coharte (310) 285-9670 Did° Rangel (310) 828-7454 Ingrid Rodi - Gynec.

(310) 451-8144 Nilson A. Santos (213) 483-3430 Psychother/Counsel.

Elizabeth Almeida, M.A. (310) 281-7536 Dr. Jefferson Si (818) 592-0402 Tania Haberkorn, M.A. (310) 840-5380 Publications Brazzil (213) 255-8062 Real Estate Cent. 21 - Vlad. Bellemo (714) 406-0121 Cent. 21 - Solon Pereira (562) 924-9633 Cold. Banker - J. Freitas (818) 304-9562 Restaurants & Cafés Big Fish (310) 676-9962 Bossa Nova (310) 657-5070 Brazilian Tropical (714) 720-1522

By Brazil (310) 787-7520 Café Brasil (310) 837-8957 Ginga Brasil (714) 778-0266 Lulu's Alibi (310) 479-6007 Rio Café (310) 204-4060

Yolie's Brazilian Steak (714) 251-0722 Zabumba (310) 841-6525 Translation/Interp.

Brazilian Int. Affairs (310) 854-5881 Tocantins Communic.

(818) 248-3667 Travel/Tours Around the World Trl. (800) 471-6333 Brazil Air (800) 441-8515 Brazil Tours (818) 767-1200 Cheviot Hills Travel (310) 202-6264 Traveland (800) 321-6336 TV Brazil TV & Production (562) 437-6404

Miami Airlines Transbrasil (800) 872-3153 Varig (800) 468-2744 Vasp (800) 732-8277 Banks Banco do Brasil (305) 358-3586 Banco Nacional (305) 372-0100 Banco Real (305) 358-2433 Banespa (305) 358-9167 Clubs & Associations ABFC - As. Bras. da Fier.

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An excerpt

Brazil is a strong test of the barriers to Third World militaryindustrial growth. Unable to adjust to changing domestic and international structures, the Brazilian defense sector experienced declining output technological stagnation, and the collapse of established roles and rules governing its earlier growth.

In the absence of a dramatic reorientation of both domestic and international structures, the sector's prospects remain bleak.

KEN CONCA military use, domestic When you talk about materiel industry, and the Armed Forces, that combination is a great platform for giving development a boost, with applications in many other areas. Technical know-how radiates out into the civilian area. There is no doubt that the Armed Forces play an important part in the country's development.

General Benedito Onofre Bezerra Leonel, Chief of Staff, Brazilian Army Development is o voyage with more shipwrecks than navigators.

Eduardo Gaieano Brazil's military industries expanded dramatically during the 1970s. In a single decade a country heavily dependent on foreign military suppliers became a significant arms exporter and a Third World leader in military R&D. A substantial military-technological infrastructure emerged, anchored by sepa-

54

rate R&D institutes for each branch of the armed forces. By decade's end sizable industries in aeronautics, armored vehicles, and shipbuilding were supplying both Brazil's military and the international market with a range of medium-tech weapons systems. Nuclear and space programs straddling civilian and military applications also flourished. The international defense press heralded -Brazil's Arms Industry on the Move."

Ambitious new programs propelled Brazil's defense sector to new heights in the early 1980s. Plans were laid to make Brazil the first Third World producer of several advanced weapons systems, including a state-of-the-art battle tank, a NATO-standard ground attack aircraft, a small nuclear submarine, and a satellite-launching vehicle with ballistic-missile capabilities. These programs deepened Brazil's ties to multinational defense contractors and stimulated a domestic network of high-tech supplier firms.

By the mid-1980s the international defense press routinely ,heralded Brazil as a new force in the global arms economy, and scholars regularly pointed to Brazil as one of a new wave of Third World suppliers transforming the international arms trade. Even critics accepted the likelihood of sustained defense-sector growth, worrying about the effects of military-industrial development for Brazilian diplomacy, regional peace, and domestic spending priorities in a nation of widespread poverty.

A few years later, the contrast could not have been more striking. Arms exports, after peaking at somewhat less than $1 billion annually in the late 1980s, slowed to a trickle by the early 1990s. The three firms making up the core of Brazil's 'militaryindustrial base were effectively bankrupt, and the ambitious programs launched a decade earlier were nowhere near their production goals. The battle tank stalled at the prototype stage, then vanished in the financial collapse of the armored-vehicle industry. The ground attack aircraft did enter series production before decade's endâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;but delays, technical difficulties, and enormous cost overruns staggered the aircraft industry and made the plane far too expensive to export. The satellite launcher became mired in cost overruns, technical snafus, and political controversy; it failed to meet its target of putting a Brazilian-built satellite in orbit by 1989, and has yet to reach the launching pad.

The nuclear submarine, stymied by the stagnation of naval shipbuilding and political controversy in Brazil's nuclear program, remains a vision on a distant horizon. Even the defense sector's boosters were acknowledging that it had become "a pale shadow of what it was a short time ago."

How can we explain the dramatic rise and precipitous decline of Brazil's defense sector? What does the Brazilian experience tell us about the prospects for military-industrial development in the Third World? Can the increasingly sophisticated defense sectors that emerged in several developing countries during the Cold War be sustained in the post-Cold War era? Or is Brazil a harbinger of formidable constraints facing Third World military industrialization?

The answers will influence the prospects for conflict, international security, development, and North-South relations into the twenty-first century. It has long been recognized that sustained Third World military-industrial development would transform the structure of the international system. This recognition first crystallized with nuclear weapons: China's 1964 nuclear test ushered in the era of nonproliferation, and India's successful test a decade later heightened international concern. During the 1980s the focus shifted to ballistic missiles and conventional arms, with research, development, and production springing up in several Third World countries. Many scholars began to describe this incipient military industrialization as an indicator of more fundamental change in the international system, with power being redistributed from North to South. The post-Cold War collapse of the international arms trade, which hit Third World producers with particular force, has tempered such claims of system transformation. But the spread of conventional arms-production technology to the Third World is still described as -the next proliferation challenge," and enduring concerns about Third World nuclear and missile programs reflect the pervasive belief that the South's military-industrial development has global ramifications. Third World programs influence public debates, defense budgets, and force postures throughout the industrialized world.

Moreover, the salience of these programs is not limited to the security realm. Typically, Third World military industrialization has a strong developmental orientation as well. The skepticism of Northern academics notwithstanding, the belief remains widespread in the South that military-industrial programs can provide

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

tangible economic and technological benefits as well as enhanced military security.

The idea that the defense sector can be a springboard for economic development has been particularly strong among the more technologically advanced countries of the Third World. In South Korea, the development of heavy industries in the late 1970s was closely tied to militaryindustrial initiatives. Broadly similar examples can be cited in countries facing widely varying security contexts, including Taiwan, South Africa, Israel, and Brazil: Even in countries with outdated military-industrial enclaves, including Argentina, Egypt, India, and China, a shift was seen in the 1980s toward greater integration of military and civilian activities.

Historically, the industrial countries themselves have been powerful examples of governments perceiving a symbiosis between defense and development: the use of Atlas and Titan ICBM boosters to launch Mercury and Gemini spacecraft was certainly noticed by Third World governments today using national space programs to develop both space-launch and ballistic-missile capabilities. The issue is typically not posed as one of guns versus butter, but rather of finding a developmental path that can yield more of both.

Misunderstanding Third World Military Industrialization Despite the salience of emerging defense sectors for questions of security, development, and North-South relations, convincing explanations are lacking for recent patterns of Third World militaryindustrial growth. This inability to explain the trends is not for lack of effort; returning to the Brazilian example, there is no shortage of explanations for that country's military-industrial fortunes. A diverse and often contradictory set of explanations have been invoked, stressing both economic and political variables, do,mestic as well as international levels of analysis, and a wide range of inferred goals and strategies.

Some analysts saw geopolitical goals at the heart of Brazil's expansion. Defense-sector growth has often been described as part of a more general quest for power in international relations. But within this broad rubric there has been little consensus on the specific underlying goalsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; described variously as security against external threats, arms supply independence, regional hegemony, or recognized great-power status. Other observers have seen an underlying goal of economic development, but again with little consensus on specifics: Some see a quest for exportled growth; others see a search for technologically driven industrial development; and still others see a quest for stable expansion in an economy beset by chronic problems of inflation, debt, and declining productivity.

Other observers have inclined toward structural interpretations: Brazil's emergence has alternately been described as part of the transnationalization of global arms production, or as the emergence of a new market niche for medium-tech weapons systems, or as a byproduct of the militarizing effects of superpower rivalry, or as another example of dependent development through transnational industrial-

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

ization. Still others have invoked domestic structures, ranging from the armed forces' organizational culture to the emergence of dynamic public-private partnerships. Not surprisingly, some analysts have presented models in which military-industrial growth was produced by a convergence of economic and political factors, or by a combination of domestic and international structures. These interpretations differ, sometimes dramatically, in the way they describe the goals and priorities that drove military-industrial strategy during Brazil's growth phase. They also vary widely in their description of the constraints on the pursuit of this mul plicity of goals, and they often prese t contradictory descriptions of power, a thority, and organization in Brazil's d fense sector.

If Brazil's rise exposed a lack of co sensus as to what makes Third Wor d military industrialization possible, its subsequent fall has exposed our poor understanding of what makes military industrialization sustainable. According to the conventional wisdom, Brazil was probably better positioned to sustain defens sector growth than any other emergi g supplier of the 1980s. During its growth spurt the defense sector enjoyed an unp ralleled combination of favorable conditions: a diversified industrial base with a well-developed technological infrastructure; a large pool of inexpensive but skilled labor; supportive state policies that, unlike many broader technological innovation efforts in Brazil, stressed a pragmat' c, market-oriented approach to technolo development and industrial expansio close and longstanding ties to a wide ran of U.S. and European multinational d fense firms; and the backing of a milita establishment strongly committed to d fense-sector expansion. Why did Brazi 's defense sector fall so quickly and so f when none of these basic conditio changed?

Many observers have cited the falt ring of the global arms trade in the ear y 1990s to explain Brazil's collapse. This is a reasonable hypothesis, given the exp rt dependence of many Third World defen e industries. Demand for armaments in t e Third World, where most Brazilian exports were sold, declined rapidly: The Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) estimates that Third World purchases of major weapons systems fell by 41 percent from 1989 to 199' .

But the onset of serious problems in t e Brazilian defense sector predated the dr p in global demand by as much as five ye s in some programs and industries. Ai d several important activities, includi those in aerospace, nuclear, and shipbuil ing, exported little or nothing during th ir growth phase; clearly, the loss of exp rt markets cannot explain their difficulti s.

Indeed, the real puzzle is why Brazi 's defense sector did not thrive, or at le st hold steady, at a time when the accelerat d internationalization of defense producti n had emerged as a clear global trend. Bra il should have been able to ride out t e downturn in the international market, a d perhaps even exploit market restructuriig to deepen its integration into the glo al arms economy.

If the changing international context cannot explain the Brazilian collapse, perhaps domestic politics holds the key. National defense sectors typically require extensive state support, which in turn requires political support from a coalition of military and civilian interests. A complex, halting transition to civilian rule dominated Brazilian politics during the period in question: The military regime withdrew from formal power in 1985, and the gradual institutionalization of civilian authority had picked up speed by decade's end. To be sure, civil society in modern Brazil has never maintained full and effective control of the military; the history of the armed forces for most of the twentieth century is that of an organization growing more internally driven, more autonomous, and more closed to civilian influence. But the transition to civilian rule did put an end to the military's status as the hegemonic force in Brazilian politics. Perhaps democratization reined in the ability of the military to support key defense programs and industries, or otherwise derailed the strategy underlying Brazil's impressive gains.

Again, a plausible hypothesisâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;but a closer look at Brazilian politics suggests just the opposite. Certainly domestic political change had major consequences for the defense sector. But the slow and complex transition to civilian rule strengthened several aspects of military control over key military-industrial activities during the period in question. Retaining control of the defense sector was a goal the military pursued explicitly and with great success during the transition period; civilian elites offered little or no resistance.

Indeed, the defense sector would emerge during the second half of the 1980s as an important lever for the military's enduring political influence in postauthoritarian Brazil. This influence can be seen in the way civilian politicians routinely stress the value to the nation of the military's technological endeavorsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;often as a way to curry favor with the armed forces. Domestic politics has changed, but not in ways that one would expect to undermine military-industrial growth.

In other words, the factors generally thought to favor Third World militaryindustrial growth were abundantly present in Brazil even as the defense sector collapsed. And neither market change at the global level nor political transitions at the domestic level provide a straightforward explanation for the sector's decline.

The failure to explain patterns of military industrialization in Brazil and throughout the Third World is largely conceptual.

Third World defense sectors straddle some of the most cherished analytic borders that delimit the disputed terrain of the social sciences. Two such borders are the distinction between state and market (or more generally, between politics and economics), and the boundary between what is domestic and what is international.

Beyond State Versus Market One source of confusion is the widespread desire to distinguish between the political and economic forces governing military-industrial development. Interpretations grounded conceptually in strategic studies have stressed the political and

55

geostrategic factors underlying militaryindustrial growth. Such frameworks generally view defense-sector expansion as the logical product of the strategic goals of state elites. Interpretations grounded in international political economy have taken a very different approach, stressing global market forces, the transnationalization of production via multinational corporations, and the international availability of technology, financing, and markets. The conceptual divide between political economy and strategic studies has generally meant adopting static assumptibns that market conditions determine political relations or vice versa.

But treating Third World defense sectors as an extension of the security-maximizing state or as one sector in a lateindustrializing economy cannot capture the essence of a process that inherently blurs the distinction between politics and economics or state and market. As Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis point out, the desire to "identify one sphere of social life as 'economic' and another as 'political" often obfuscates more than it clarifies: This convenient division of social space, favored by liberal social theory and academic convention, appears arbitrary given the evidently political nature of corporations, markets, and other institutions commonly termed "economic," and in light of the transparently economic activities of the state.

Nowhere is this blurring more evident than in the global arms economy. On the one hand, states are key economic agents, and arms markets are highly politicized given the extensive state presence. On the other hand, defense firms are often influential political actors, and economic considerations loom large in strategic decisions. Under these circumstances, key actors cannot be assumed to respond to a purely economic or political logic, and the relevant structures shaping military-industrial development cannot be characterized simply as economic or political. Crucial institutions such as the market and the state live in both worlds at once. Under these circumstances, the central dynamic of military industrialization is likely to be the balancing of diverse economic and political interests, rather than the consistent subordination of one to the other.

Straddling the Domestic and the International A second traditional distinction that produces conceptual confusion involves the boundary between domestic and international. Systemic-structural and domestic-comparative approaches often present starkly different images of Third World defense sectors. Seen from the systemic point of view, the South's military industries are generally understood as an expression of their countries' limited political and economic power in the international system. In this view, the militaryindustrial capabilities that do exist in the Third World are the product of the transnationalization of the developed countries' defense industries. The North, driven by a range of economic and political motives, has fueled the South's military-industrial expansion through licensing agree-

ments, coproduction, joint ventures, and technology transfer arrangements,Seen in this light, the fate of Third World defense sectors i determined by whether the South's structural weakness is offset by pressures in favor of military-industrial globalization. Although observers differ on the likely future balance between these forces, there is a shared emphasis on Third World military industries as derivative sectors; their strengths and weaknesses are defined not by their own choices but by power and purpose lying at the core of the world system.

Where the system-level view sees an expression of international structure, a domestic-comparative perspective on military industrialization is likely to see an expression of state purpose. As Ayoob suggests, Third World security policies are heavily influenced by the broader economic, social, and political process of state making. But the purposes of state are tempered by the formidable technical and economic barriers to military-industrial development. Thus the question of state capacity becomes central to the domesticcomparative perspective—just as it has to the broader question of explaining differing levels of Third World economic development.

To be sure, military-authoritarian regimes of the sort that predominated in Latin America and Asia in the 1970s and early 1980s often displayed a natural affinity for military industrialization. But they varied greatly in their willingness and ability to shield fledgling defense sectors from domestic political pressures and economic vagaries, and to steer resources in directions conducive to defense-sector growth. Such differences can have a selfreinforcing effect over time: A very different configuration of material benefits began to flow from defense-sector policies in those states able to stimulate military-industrial development, solidifying important political bonds between the military, civilian industrialists, and transnational interests.

In other words, Third World defense sectors sit at the intersection of domestic and international structures. The strongly transnationalized character of most Third World military industries means that their growth is at least partly an extension of evolutionary trends in the global arms economy, and that this will be the case as long as Third World arms producers remain dependent on external sources for technology, investment, and markets. To focus solely on domestic conditions or the goals of domestic elites would overstate the autonomy of domestic actors in a thoroughly transnationalized process. But the global vantage point cannot explain why the defense sectors of states occupying similar niches in the global political-economic hierarchy have so often followed different developmental trajectories. Why did Brazil's defense sector expand much more rapidly and dramatically than, say, Argentina's? System-level analysis may explain why no Third World producers have joined the ranks of first-tier arms suppliers, but beyond this blunt insight it tells us little about variance across individual cases. The global-structural approach fails to consider key domestic vari-

ables: the extent of state involvement in defining the sector's trajectory, the role of the military in domestic politics, the nature of public-private interactions within the sector, and the particular mix of goals expressed in state policies.

Global Access and Domestic Control Because Third World defense sectors sit at the intersection of global and local structures, they balance diverse economic and political interests. But what are the relevant structures? Internationally, "structure" could mean the regional security context, key bilateral relationships, the division of labor in the global economy, or the distribution of military and political power among states. Domestically, the term can refer to the distribution of economic power, the organization of the state, or the nature of state-society relations.

While all of these contextual factors matter in some sense, particular attention should be paid to structures governing access at the international level and control at the domestic level—structures I describe as global markets and domestic politics.

At the international level, arms transfers have always been based on a complex intertwining of economic, military, and political factors; this will continue for as long as governments value both military power and economic growth. But the fundamental question for Third World defense sectors has been one of access to the technologies, investment capital, and export markets they require to sustain military industrialization. Certainly this has been the case for Brazil: As subsequent chapters will show, growing access to each of these elements in the military-industrial equation fueled military-sector expansion in the 1970s, and changing patterns of access were critical to the deepening sectoral tensions of subsequent crises.

Moreover, as discussed in Chapter 5, growth in the number of suppliers, internationalization of production, and commercialization of transactions have combined to create an intensely competitive system—literally, a global arms economy—that operates on the basis of exchange at least as much as on that of persuasion, authority, or coercion.

Describing international structures in market terms does not mean that other structural factors—the balance of power, external threats, alliance formation, or rulebased cooperation through international regimes—are irrelevant. But the globalmarket approach does make claims about how these factors shape military-industrial growth. When governments in the industrialized countries have opposed Third World military industrialization, they have generally invested more energy and political capital in restricting access on the supply side—in particular, access to production technologies—than they have in more direct coercive, persuasive, or rule-based interventions among wouldbe military industrializers. International regimes on nuclear and missile proliferation are, in essence, assertions of oligopolist power in the form of suppliers' cartels.

Referring to international structures as global markets does not mean that politics does not intrude, but rather that the politi-

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

cal intrusion has sought to change patterns of market access.

At the domestic level, the fundamental issue is not access but control. State policies play a critical market-creating role, even in the most export-oriented defense sectors. Key inputs such as skilled labor, investment capital, and technology are also highly sensitive to state policies. Thus the principal issue is who controls the political resources that determine patterns of market performance within a set of stateconstructed and highly state-dependent market arrangements. Certainly this was the case in Brazil under military rule: The state explicitly created the conditions for production and strongly influenced the character of sectoral demand. One consequence is that the domestic economic relations that grew up around the defense sector have themselves been conditioned by the structure of Brazilian domestic politics, as seen in the historical strength and intrusiveness of the state, the weak and state-dependent character of Brazil's industrial bourgeoisie, and the traditional insularity and autonomy of the military.

To the extent that these features differ in Brazil from other countries, so will the institutional form of Brazil's defense sector.

Detailed case studies of Third World defense industries or security policies (of which there are few) point to the salience of domestic political structures. Barnett stresses the role of the state's capacity to mobilize resources in his comparative analysis of Egyptian and Israeli security policy. Reiser's study of Israel's military industries reveals the importance of a diverse coalition in mobilizing domestic political support for defense-sector expansion. Gupta, writing about India, points to diverging civilian and military priorities as a recurring barrier to effective military-industrial development. Nolan, in a comparative study of the Taiwanese and South Korean defense sectors, points to the key role in each case of effective leadership by domestic political elites.

In other words, from the perspective of Third World defense industries, the most important international structures are those that govern access to the critical resources of technology, financing, and markets. And the most important domestic structures are the political institutions and relationships that define who controls military-industrial policies. The fate and form of the defense sector lie in the space between these global and local structures.

Reinterpreting Brazil's Experience • Combining these two observations— that both domestic and international structures shape the defense sector, and that stable institutions are central to militaryindustrial growth—produces several hypotheses about military industrialization in Brazil and throughout the Third World.

First, military-industrial expansion is more likely when there is a favorable convergence of domestic and international conditions. Second, sustaining growth will require either unusual structural stability at both of these levels or effective institutional adjustment to change at one or both levels. Third, institutional stickiness makes effective adjustment difficult, particularly when both domestic and international

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 1998

structures are changing simultaneously.

Applying this framework to the Brazilian case reveals a clear pattern. In t e early stages of defense-sector develo ment, it was possible to pursue a develo mental strategy that was viable in both t e domestic-political and global-market co texts. Under these circumstances, the s ctor not only thrived, but also took on n institutional character and a technologi al trajectory that reflected this structural co vergence between the global and the loc I. The result was not only military-industr al growth but also the institutionalization if several notable characteristics of Brazi 's defense sector: its penchant for state-1 d growth, its limited links to civilian acti ties, its aggressive but pragmatic approa h to technology development, its embr e of a highly commercial logic for prod tion choices, and its subjugation of stra egic choices and sector policies to milit y control.

These features proved critical to s ctor growth. But their deep institution 1ization would greatly complicate the pro lem of adjustment when global mark ts and local politics began pulling the •efense sector in contradictory directions in the late 1980s. The result was a series •f doomed efforts at adaptation, which ha e in turn produced a pattern of chronic • stability, chaos, and deinstitutionalizati in that continues to this day.

The Origins of Military Industrialization Brazilian arms production has a v erable history, dating to the colonial e a.

The emergence of a sugar-based econo y in the sixteenth and seventeenth centur es stimulated shipbuilding in the northeastern territory of Bahia, as Portuguese shpbuilders adapted to the use of tropi al woods. The discovery of gold in Mi as Gerais in 1695 stimulated a southw rd movement of the fledgling shipbuildi g industry to the increasingly important co mercial center of Rio de Janeiro. The aval Arsenal of Rio de Janeiro was found d in 1763 and completed its first warship in 1767. Dagnino reports that prior to t is time cannon and other war material wire already being manufactured for Portugu se use. Cannon were also produced and u d by the bandeirantes—the explorers, s 1diers of fortune, and traders in Indi n slaves who carved their way into the in erior of the South American continent. A more important stimulus came in 18$8 when the Portuguese court, fleei g Napoleon's armies, left Portugal to t e up residence in Brazil. One of the first a ts of Joao VI upon arriving in Rio de Jane ro was to establish a gunpowder facto .

Brazil's first military academy was a so opened during this period.

Upon Napoleon's defeat the liber Is who assumed power in Portugal sough to reassert colonial control over their rapi ly growing South American colony, but in doing so they met opposition amo g Brazil's landowning elite. A revoluti n fought to preserve the status quo agai st renewed Portuguese interference yiel ed Brazil's independence in 1822. In 18'4 Brazil established a constitutional mon rchy and installed as emperor the Por uguese king's son, whom the king had 1- ft behind as regent when the court retur ed

to Lisbon.

The military needs of the tenuously independent nation did sustain a modest upsurge in military-industrial capacities.

An army arsenal to repair guns was installed in Rio Grande do Sul in 1828, and lingering Portuguese control in Brazil's northeast accelerated the shift of the emerging naval construction industry to the south, in Rio de Janeiro. But economic and political developments for most of the nineteenth century had a less salutary effect on military-industrial expansion. The emergence of a coffee-based export economy marked another historical cycle of commodity-based economic growth, paralleling the earlier sugar and gold cycles. But the coffee boom carried with it cheap imports of British-manufactured goods, inhibiting the development of a domestic manufacturing base.

Political developments also inhibited military-industrial growth. The early years of imperial rule saw the formation and rapid growth of the Guarda Nacional at the expense of the army, which the emperor considered to be politically unreliable. In the early years, the guarda played an important role in establishing imperial control, but it remained a decentralized tool of the rural oligarchy. The central state was not strong enough relative to rural elites to build a professional army for use in further consolidating federal control. Thus the army remained a weak and unprofessional institution, while the militias that eclipsed it lacked the central administrative structure necessary for a meaningful expansion of military-industrial capacity.

An important military-industrial stimulus came with the War of the Triple Alliance (1865-1870). The war pitted Brazil, Argentina, and Uruguay against Paraguay in a bloody conflict that killed perhaps half of Paraguay's male population, and in particular indigenous peoples. Pressed for an effective means of controlling Paraguayan rivers, Brazil became the second nation (after the United States) to produce warships with reinforced armor plating. A team of European-trained Brazilians designed and built six such craft for the war, using imported machine tools and iron girders. Naval production had reached a relatively advanced technical level, though. lacking a broad industrial base.

The war forced expansion of army production of cartridges, shells, and powder. More significantly, the war transformed the army, which emerged as an important actor in Brazilian politics. The postwar period found Brazil with an army that was larger, more vocal in its dissatisfaction on a range of issues affecting the military, and painfully aware of the organizational weaknesses exposed during the war.

The Old Republic In 1889 the empire was overthrown by a coalition that included the army, the coffee barons of Sao Paulo, other segments of the rural elite, and the new urban classes whose growth had been stimulated by war. The ensuing four decades, known as the Old Republic, were an uneasy compromise among elite factions with divergent interests. During the drafting of the new constitution, for example, the army and rural elites disagreed sharply on the

57

appropriate definition of the army's constitutional duties. Economic disputes also emerged. Tariff protection to pay the cost of war with Paraguay did generate a "spurt" of industrialization in the 1870s, but for most of the period exchange-rate policies designed to maximize coffee revenues hindered the development of a domestic manufacturing base.

In marked contrast to the war-driven expansion of the 1870s, the Old Republic saw little growth in military-industrial capabilities. Again, the reasons were both economic and political. Naval production stagnated as the advent of steam propulsion and steel hull construction rendered the Rio shipyards obsolete by the early twentieth century. At the same time, the navy's political influence waned as the army's ascended. Elements within the navy opposed the army officers who served as the first two presidents of the Republic, Marshalls Manuel Deodoro da Fonseca (1889-1891) and Floriano Peixoto (18911894). An unsuccessful naval revolt was mounted against Floriano's government in 1893 and suppressed by the army, further weakening the navy s position. Declining political fortunes led in turn to a sharp decline in resources available for defense production or technological modernization.

The limited number of contracts for naval fleet expansion in this period went to foreign firms. European firms were the chief suppliers before World War I (including two British dreadnoughts in 1910), to be supplanted by the United States after the war. An attempt was made to consolidate naval construction in a new Rio shipyard, beginning with a contract awarded to a French firm in 1910. But arsenal construction was slowed by financial constraints and disrupted by World War I, and navy building programs were further derailed by the financial crises of the 1920s.

Unlike the navy, the army played a crucial role in the founding of the Republic and remained a key political actor during the Republic's early years, controlling the presidency until 1894. But the election that year of a civilian Sao Paulo politician, Prudente de Morais, marked a shift in the civil-military balance. Reduced defense expenditures of the post-1894 civilian-led governments further weakened the army's position. Military expenditures, which had peaked at 31.8 percent of the federal budget during Marshall Floriano's last year in office, fell to an average of 13.9 percent between 1898 and 1921. These cuts worsened the factionalism within the officer corps that had sharpened during the army's years in power.

The budget cuts occurred as the various political crises engulfing successive governments were keeping the army heavily occupied. Beginning with the naval revolt of 1894, the army was used repeatedly to intervene in regional conflicts around the country, to break local resistance to federal authority, and to suppress movements threatening the prevailing order or national integration. Key episodes included the Canudos affair of 1897, a bloody clash between the army and religious separatists in Bahia; the salvages campaips of 1911-1914, launched against local oligarchies in a number of states; the

58

Contested of 1912-1915, a separatist movement in Parana and Santa Catarina; several clashes with the emerging labor movement in the early 1920s; barracks revolts sparked by junior officers (the "lieutenants' movement") in 1922 and 1924; and the "Prestes column" of 1925-1927, a 15,000-mile guerrilla march and campaign by rebellious troops. A revolt toppled the Old Republic in 1930, but the pattern continued: A failed counterrevolt was mounted in 1932, and a communist-inspired barracks revolt in 1935 stimulated a new wave of repression against leftist groups. Although such activities stimulated demand for arms and ammunition, they also repeatedly exposed the army's incompetence as a military unit and the deep political divisions within the organization.

The army also suffered a persistent generational gap within the officer corps.

This period saw the growth of strongly nationalist, professional, modernizing sentiments within the junior ranks. Although this trend is often traced to the emergence of a Comptean, positivist ideology among the junior officers after the Paraguayan war, organizational changes also played an important role. The officer corps, which was bottom-heavy with lieutenants and captains, grew rapidly during the Old Republic, nearly tripling in size between 1892 and 1927. The higher educational levels of the younger officers subverted the traditional hierarchy, as did the superior training received by a group of junior officers in Germany during 1910-1912. The cooptation of senior officers by political elites, the hardships of army life in the lower ranks, and the perceived incompetence of senior officers all contributed to generational tensions. A series of barracks revolts in the early 1920s reflected this internal tumult, and also foreshadowed the army's growing dissatisfaction with the prevailing political system.

Given these political conditions and the same lack of industrial infrastructure that plagued the navy, the army was unable to support or manage an effective expansion of its domestic production capacity; dependence on foreign suppliers remained the norm. Krupp and other German firms were the army's principal suppliers prior to World War I, a link strengthened by the training of a cadre of young Brazilian officers in Germany in the early 1900s. After the war French influence eclipsed German. The French installed a sizable military mission in Brazil and filled the arms supply gap left by Germany's defeat.

An independent munitions supply was a higher priority than weapons manufacture during this era, but here too barriers were encountered. At the turn of the century the armed forces maintained three army arsenals, three navy arsenals, and three munitions plants (one for cartridges and two for powder). Attempts to expand met with 1 im ited- success: A modern powder factory was built in the state of Sao Paulo in 1908, and the army sought to upgrade its Realengo cartridge facility near Rio de Janeiro. A Department of War Material was formed in 1915 to coordinate activities. But equipment purchases to establish a new Arsenal de Guerra in

Rio de Janeiro and boost output at existing facilities were stymied by a lack of skilled labor and an interruption of machinery imports during World War I. After the war, the goal of arms independence attained the status of official policy. By 1930 some progress had been made in increasing output for uniforms, ammunition, and supplies. Some success was achieved in attracting private capital to these productive efforts; Dagnino reports that by 1930 private firms supplied half of the army's munitions. The Sao Paulo revolt of 1932 exposed the continuing inadequacy of domestic munitions production, however, and reliance on foreign suppliers remained the norm for anything beyond ammunition.

The ambivalence of private domestic capital exacerbated stifling shortages of financing and skilled labor. In the absence of a strong state guaranteeing a market, private investors were reluctant to enter seemingly unprofitable ventures. For its part, the military remained divided on the role of the private sector in defense production. Hilton identifies military sentiment for a privately owned military industry, and argues that during this period "naval authorities echoed army spokesmen in arguing in favor of civilian predominance in defense production."

McCann, however, points out that the influential army journal A Defesa Nacional was calling for a state-owned steel industry to boost arms output.

The 1930s marked a turning point for both military politics and industrial development in Brazil, and thus for Brazil's military industries. The global depression, which had a devastating impact on agroexport revenues (and thus foreign exchange), spurred import-substituting industrialization. The state played a lead role in the emergence of basic industries during this period. The National Steel Commission, an organ of the Ministry of War with mixed civilian and military representation, was formed in 1931. Under the commission's guidance, and stimulated by protective tariffs and falling exchange rates, Brazil's small steel industry nearly tripled its output between 1934 and 1940. A "Law of National Similars" prohibiting imports of manufactured goods similar to those produced in Brazil stimulated import-substituting industrialization on a broader scale.

Ken Conca is assistant professor of government and politics at the University of Maryland at College Park, where he specializes in international relations, environmental politics, and the politics of science and technology.

The 1930s also marked a political watershed. An armed revolt against the federal government in 1930, sparked by a disputed presidential succession, toppled the uneasy regional balance of the Old Republic. The revolt supplanted the Sao Paulo elite that controlled the presidency in the Republic's final years, installing in its place a coalition led by Getalio Vargas Excerpted from Manufacturing Insecurity â&#x20AC;&#x201D; The Rise & Fall of Brazil's Military-Industrial Complex, by Ken Conca, Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1997, 284 pp.

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