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The presidential election in Brazil was a resounding personal victory for Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva. While Lula won 61.27 percent of the votes-52.793.364 of them—and every one of the 26 states and one federal district excepting Alagoas, his party, the PT, was able to elect only 3 of the 27 governors, although it had candidates in 23 states and the DF. The new President seems to have understood the message and has already promised to tap talent outside his own Workers' Party. Lula's election is a testimony to democracy in Brazil. A little over two decades ago da Silva was sent to prison for being a dissident. He has moved from left to the center in recent years and months. but the nation has also moved to accept a firebrand unionist and school dropout as its leader. Da Silva has been busy trying to reassure foreign governments and the markets that he is no reckless Marxist intent on repudiating Brazil's $260 billion public debt. Accordingly, foreign markets and institutions should grant the new president a vote of confidence and the understanding that his is a balancing act, in a country full of economic imbalances and extreme poverty. Our election coverage is extensive. Brazzil has never dedicated so many pages to a single subject. The quality of our contributors is impressive and they include Nobel Laureate Gary Becker and former Ralph Nader's adviser Steve Cobble. Some of you have complained that the magazine has been talking too much about politics. But we would all probably agree that this is a moment of Rm historical importance for Brazil and the world. Send mail to: P.O. Box 50536 - Los Angeles, CA 90050-0536 Ads/Editorial: (323) 255-8062 Info: (323) 255-8062 Fax: (323) 257-3487 Brazzil on line: http://www.brazzitcom E-mail: brazzil@brazzil.com Publisher and Editor: Rodney Mello Assistant Editor: Leda Bittencourt Commercial Director: Air/on Mandarino Art&Design Director: Marina Yoshie (marinayoshie@hotmail.com) Entertainment Editors: Sam & Harriet Robbins Book Review: Bondo Wyszpolski Music Editor: Bruce Gilman Brazil Bureau Chief: Marta Alvim E-mail.. mltdalvim@yahoo.com With the help of volunteers around the world TIME TO RENEW?
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Cover Is the world ready for President Lula? Cover by Aldan Mello
Contents 118 17 13 14 15 18 20 21 23 28 28 28 30 33 37 38 41 44 54
Behavior The great Brazilian brothel History We sold the Minas Gerais aircraft carrier Presidency Lula and the hunger issue Politics Jose Dirceu, the man behind Lula Election Will Eneas now get some respect? Preaidency Lula won't be the U.S. little lapdog Politics Lula widens his coalition Election Then there was a second round Presidency With Lula, a real leader in Latin America Election The U.S. can learn with Brazil Economy Free markets will survive and prosper Election A shift in the U.S.-Brazil relation Presidency Was Lula's change for real? Election Lula's rocky road to victory Politics Lula and the conspiracy to turn Brazil Communist Election Brazilian Indians go to the polls Brazil-US Fascism and dissimulation in the US In Portuguese Three short stories by Tereza Albues Solidarity How to help the Brazilian poor
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BRAZZIL (ISSN 1091-868X) is published monthly by Brazzil 2039 N. Ave. 52, Los Angeles, CA, 90042-1024.Periodicals Postage rate paid at Los Angeles, CA. Single copy sold for $2. One year subscription for 12 issues is $3 (three dollars) in the U.S., $15 in Canada and Mexico, and $18 in all other countries. No back issues sold. Allow 5 to 7 weeks to receive your first issue. You may quote from or reprint any of the contents with proper copyright credit. Editorial submissions are welcome. Include a SASE (self addressed and stamped envelope) if you want your material mailed back. Brazzil assumes no responsibility for any claims made by its advertisers. The Library of Congress ISSN: 1524-4997 POST MASTER: Send address changes to BRAZZIL PO Box 50536 - Los Angeles, CA - 90050-0536
WWW. bffillq .00 M BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
19 letters 49 Cultural Pulse 51 Classifieds 52 That's Brazilian
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Behavior Madam's Madam Legendary poet/musician Vinicius de Moraes was there, so were Brazilian presidents Joao Goulart and lanio Quadros as well as other famous politicians like Sao Paulo governor Adhernar de Barros and senator Orestes Quercia, the only one still alive in this list. The place in its heydays in the 50s and 60s received all kinds of celebrities, authorities, famed entrepreneurs and wealthy farmers and even a few priests. The place in question was Casa da Eny (Eny's House), which was once called "Latin America's best whorehouse" and has become the subject of a lust releasedbest-seller book, Eny e o Grande Bordel Brasdeiro (Eny, and the Great Brazilian Brothel). According to Lucius de Mello, the journalis who spent 10 years researching the subject in archives and cccversations with people who knew the famed madam, Vinicius was presented :0 Ery by Toquinho, his partner in several songs and used the House as hotel when doing shows in the interior cf Sao Paulo. Ex-president Janio Quadros apparently we nt only to get political backing from the madam for his candidacy as governor of sao Paulo. His visit is so desc -ibed in the book: `lank) Quadro visited the brothel in 1982: 'What will my foes say if they see me here? That I got d'unk' That I fell in love?' Leaving the place he praised Eny 's elegance." Mello wrote about the visit of another Brazilian former president: -Joao Goulart also passed through the place. He slept with a woman called Ana Ma-ia, She was married and prostituted herself for pleasure alone." And about Toquinho and Vinicius: "Taqunho was the one who presented the place to Vinicius de Moraes. Friends who were looking for Vinicius nad to say a password: 'I got a broken leg.' Only then the girls were , allowed tr.) distLrb Vinicius. Writing the book wasn't an easy task for the journalist. Many people who knew Eny and her girls only agreed to talk afler being assured anonymity; others simply refused to give any information. De Mello, who is 38, worked as a reporter for TV Globo fo- 14 years. He is now part of the journalism department of the SBT (Sistema Bras leirc de Televisao) network. He debuted in literature in 1987 with the short s-ory booN. Urn Violin() para os Gatos (A Violin for the Cats). Ambition The famed bordello was erected in Baum, state of Sao Paulo, 214 miles from the capital and with a population of about 300,000. It received its name from Eny Cezarino. argil-ably Brazil's most famous and powerful courtesan ever. Occupying an area of 150,000 square feet, the Casa de Eny had 40 rooms. including two suites, two restaurants, swimming pool -Dall won, and dozens of the most beautiful women money could buy. "The main attraction, however," commented Mello, "was the discretion.- EnN, would never confirm, for example, rumors that singer Roberto Carlot. was one of her guests. Part of Eny 's success had to do with he a:ofessional ism of her protegees. Women who worked for her had strict rules for proper dressing (with elegaice and decorum) and were supposed to use only three kinds of perfume, all French: Cabochard. Fleur de Rocaile, and Quelles Fleurs. Eny insisted that women working with her took good care of their bodies giving special attention to skin, hair and nail. They were also encouraged to continue their academic studies so they would be able to talk about all kinds of subjects. A night with one of the girls didn't cost less than S500. Born in 1917 in Sao Paulo in the middle-class neighborhood of Vila Mariana, Eny , efused to work delivering martnitas (tinfoil containers with homemade food) as her ' sister or in the chocolate factory as some of her friends. She first tasted a prostitute's life working in a whorehouse in the Bon ReTiro neighborhood. Moving to Rio she met Germano Flores, a man who would became her gigolo and teach her the inwards of prostitution. The celebrated madam would soon learn that a well managed vagina could be the fastest way to the power and ricies she alw ays coveted. Before establishing herself in Bauru, Eny worked as a prostitite ir Rio and Porto Alegre, the capital of Rio Grande do Sul. But she only started he: own business after a stint at Bauru's Cabaret Maxim, then considered the best whorehouse in the area. Eny, whose real name was Emy, was an influential person and owed much to former
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APIDINHAS
i
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BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
Baum mayor anci House Kepretentative Nicola Avalorte Jnnior, better known as Nicolinha, who offered her not only friendship, but also protection. Dr. Bento Vaz, another friend, took care of those working for her who had an unexpected pregnancy or wanted to be steti ently many were sterilized without knowing Ex-president Jan i o Quadros apP aiattlywent only o get political backing from the madam for his candidacy as governor of S'ao Paulo, His visit is sO described in the book: "Janiof Quadro visited the brothel in 1982: "What will my oes say ifthey see me ere? That I got drunk? That I fall in love? Leaving place he praised Eny's elegance?' G ojanether :BrazilDe Mello wrote about the visit former president: "Joao oui art also passed through the place. He slept with a woman called Ana Maria. She was married and prostituted herself for pleasure alone." And about Toquinho and Vinicius: Gi Toquinho was the one who presented the place to Vinieius de Moraes. Friends who were looking for Vinicius h say a password: 'I got a broken leg: Only then the girls wei supposed to disturb de Momes. Killed by the Pill Eny was sent tojai1onee,nSt or pimpins, but for selling cheap whiskey smuggled from Paraguay. She amassed a small fortune and h properties. Eny e o Grande was able to buy as many as 26rea I estate Bordel Brasileiro tells also that Eny helped lo raise dozens of kids born to her girls and contributed regularly with food and toys to the Bauru's orphanages. At the end, the pill, and the liberalization of sexual mores killed Eny's business. "Today's girls open their legs and I close my doors," she used to complain. "With this whole host of inexperienced clitoris'as foes, the best is to close shop and take my secrets to the grave." She was almost blind when she, died at age 69 in a hospital bed, on August 24, 1986, af-, ter having to get rid of her properties, in some cases for half the price they were worth. She didn't like to be called' adain"Madam is someone arranges men for a o hm % andcharges a cornon Irender services a renting a ituients and managing theP income of restau-„; rants and bars, "she would say. he used g°Marilyn t girls. movies EnYwithhe rto Monroe was her favorite actress She encouraged women working , blonde, includingg her for her to adopt some tactic S,4,0fthe Hollywood , raspy voice, kisses and facw.. t .During the good t'intei thee girls ntSed to —get two prosperity cruising the iy They would flaunt their clients a night. in sports cars, something that made Bauru's families cringe the at prospect of their own daughters getting ideas about the old 'to look for a girl. They profession. Eny used to say, "I've never gone the ones who found out about me and came knocking on my dooer. Most of them came from the southern states as wellgas from friend-. Argentina, Paraguay and Uruguay. The south ,em girls are the c host, especially those from Santa Catarina." •
After 42 years at the service of the Brazilian Navy, the aircraft carrier Vengeance—built by Winston Churchill while London was bombed during World War 1.14.-rt e" ing readied to become a floating enterinment space in China. For the Brazilian top military brass the news that the old ship is going to be used for the enjoyment of the Chinese came as a relief. When the vessel was recently put or sale there was an offer—the most appealing to the armed forces--to convert her into a museum to be anchored on the coast of Great Britain. but from 12 bids received, nine wanted Vela, geance just for her body, the 16 tons of steel the ship is made of. The Chinese ended up getting the obsolete ship for a simple reason: nobody could beat their 2-million-dollar bid. In Brazil, the British warrior had a peaceful albeit controversial career. Vengeance was bought for 9 million ollars in 1956 by President Juscelino ubitschek and was rechristened aiMinas Gerais, Kubitschek's home stet It's common knowledge that JK, who wasn't well liked by the Armed Fore bought the ship as a way of smooth-, talking the Navy. "Ifthis is the pricefQr he Navy to submit to the Constitution, o be it," commented the President at he time. The ship, however, would rrive in Brazil only in December 1960, iat the final days of the Kubitschek dministration. This was a time when Brazil thought hour had arrived to take a seat at the First World table. The country was 7
BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
, k-,4oorning industry and wished to become a military power. Ironically though, the Minas Gerais, at the time e acquisition, was already considered scrap metal by military experts. The deal inspired a then fledgling musician d satirist to write a catchy tune, which was played on the radio across the nation and made people but not for long. ananent didn't get the joke and banned the ditty from the airwaves, in a rare case of art censorship d ' thniniatration, t song, known as "0 Brasil Ja. Vai a Guerra" went like this: o Brashjfvai a guerra comprou urn porta avioes um viva pra Inglaterra de 82 bilhaes, ah. mas que ladrOes Comenta o ze povinho govern() varonil coitado, coitadinho do Banco do Brasil ra, quase faliu A classe proletaria na certa comeria corn a verba gasta diaria em tal quinquilharia sem serventia Alguns bons idiotas aplaudem a medida o povo sem comida
escuta as tais lorotas dos patriotas orem ha uma peninha e quem é o porta-aviao 6 meu diz a marinha meu diz a aviacao ah, revolucao Brazil. terra adorada, comprou um porta-aviOes Viva pra Inglaterra de 82 bilhOes as que ladrdes
Brazil is ready fofwar it bought an aircraft earni long live England 82 billion (cruzeiros ah, they're such thiev The little people comment what a manly government poor, oh little poor Bank o ha, ha, almost broke The proletarian class could certainly eat with the money spent dail in such trinket which has no use A few good idiots' applaud the measure and the foodless peop listen to the baloney of the patriots There's, however, a question whose aircraft carrier is this it's mine, says the Navy it's mine says the Air For ah. revolution Brazil, adored country bought an aircraft carrier tong live England 82 billion (cruzeiros) ah, such thieves are they
u can listen to Juca Chaves interpreting his own modinhe0 Brasil Já Vai a Guerra" ( 9 .brazzil.com/juca.mp3 inas Gerais bid was won by H K Jiexin Shipping, a Hong Kong company created the Ol4ircraft career. The ship will be anchored in Zhoushan, a port close to Shanghai shops, bar and a small museum. For Helio Leon cio Martins, the admiral who was the aircraft carrier's first commander "the s desti*ithinvessel aggrandized the country and left a better reputation than any other ship." Apparently, the ship's only military mission happened in August 1961 when the Minas Gera Grande do Sul to intimidate Leone! Brizola and his Campanha da Legalidade—Legality Campn secure that vice-president Jango Goulart be installed in office after the presidency was left vacant by President Janio Quadre's resignation. Brizola prevailed against the military this time, but they would come back less than ears later to handle the nation for 21 long years. Since January 2001, having been retired, the Minas ais was being kept ailing in Rio's Baia da Guanabara. place the 40-year-old Foch was put into service, a little younger than the 58-year-old Minas Gerais. e French vessel bought for $12 million and rebaptized as Sao Paulo is able to carry 30 planes instead of the 12 that could fit into the Minas Gerais. Where are the planes to fill the ship? We don't have them and if we had we'd never use them, critics are saying echoing Juca Chaves's song.
8
BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
With 95 percent of next year's budget already allotted, which is binding for the federal government, President Lula and the PT will remain in a stranglehold. NORMAN MADARASZ For thelirst time in decades a country on the American continent elected a progressive president, granting him the mandate to form an executive government and lead the country for four years. That this country is Brazil, the continent's second largest after the US, with a population of 175 million covering an area larger than the US without Alaskamade Sunday's results nothing less than a historical event. The world's financial press has stamped the shift in Latin American politics, and in Brazil in particular, as one toward populism. What the PT has proposed to Brazilians, however, is a
This is a special issue on the Brazilian presidential campaign. Some of the articles were written before the October runoff election and shown in Brad online. BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
political, social and economic vision that is all but populist. We would all be better off knowing more about the progressive principles of governance it plans to run. The Brazilian system is a presidential parliamentary democracy, with the president assuming both prime ministerial and presidential functions. Due namely to the large number of political parties, the 1988 Constitution established the two-round system to prevent the election of minority governments. As Lula failed to reach the 50 percent margin upon the first round, a runoff was set. This means that alliances are a fundamental part ofthe Brazilian election process. A proportional imbalance in Congress favors the large landowners from the Northeast—represented by the PFL (Partido da Frente Liberal—Liberal Front Party), and to a lesser extent the PMDB (Partido do Movimento Democratic° Brasileiro—Brazi I ian Democratic Movement Party)—over the urban masses of the South and Center East, i.e. Rio de Janeiro, Minas Gerais and Sao Paulo states especially. Given the ultraconservative nature ofthe northern parties. notwithstanding former-candidate Ciro Gomes' populist tendencies, political alliances have bred compromises since the first round, held on October 6. This history of alliances is a factor that may account for the transformation of the PT from a trade union motivated workingclass party critical of Brazil's economic organization and administration to a socialdemocratic one striving for economic stability through national unity. Also accountable are the mutations that have affected international progressive parties. Now alone among them, the changes in PT economic policies, namely those in favor of a more subdued state economic administration, have attracted large sectors of Brazilian industry. Still, several leftwing candidates have been elected to the lower house who will be fighting to keep the party's essence active. Currently then, the PT is a social-democratic party, whose economic principles are not significantly different to those first proned by outgoing President Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Apart from the motivations behind the Plano Real, which pegged the local currency to the US dollaron roughly a 1:1 ratio, on the social front Cardoso was compelled to form an alliance with the PFL, led by Antonio Carlos Magalhaes. Once a leftwing sociologist, Cardoso's reformist dreams were shot down at that time. But the political astuteness of this president managed to have his partners discredited in a series of corruption scandals. His social agenda has generated many positive results. There have been net increases in literacy rates and school attendance, as well as in the university research budget allocations despite being centralized in the Sao Paulo area. Health care has also seen net progress with the primary sources of death and life expectancy beginning to approach G7 standards. This also 10
four months, the first beingJune's US$ 10.7 billion loan. Given the share of Brazil's external public debt denominated in dollars, as the real lost roughly a third of its worth since the beginning of the year, Brazil's ability to service its debt was jeopardized. The size of the bailout surprised everyone. Economic observers have tied its value to OPERARIO VIRA PRESIDENTE CON4 52 MILHOES DE VOTOS the amount Fleet Boston and Citibank have invested in the country (roughly equivalent to $20 billion) either as direct investment or in bonds. There is no strong consensus on the problem Brazil will face in servicing the debts. Separating the external from the internal debt, and the external public debt from the external private debt is a measure that Brazilian financial professionals from the governor of the Central Bank, Arminio Fraga, to former Central Bank president and Forbes Brazil columnist Gustavo Loyola spare no time in doing. Indeed, their general objection to Anglo-American financial consultants and bond rating agencies is that they committhe maj or mistake oflumping all the debts together. As a result the evaluation cast onto Brazil is not only unstable. What it reflects is primarily the mood of investors more than the real state of the economy. Separating means infant mortality rates have dropped the debts and calculating appropriately by significantly during the nineties and the emphasizing the shifting nature of only one efficiency of treatment has boomed—as part ofthe total debt due to its denomination have its costs. in American currency must be done conThe Plano Real was in fact the brainchild tinually. offormer president Itamar Franco, in whose It is Brazil's strongest card against the government Cardoso was Finance Minis- pseudo-scientific rating scale drummed up ter. Through Cardoso's first term, the Plan by Moody's and JP Morgan. And it comcontributed to briefly raising the standard pletely overlooks the fact that president of living of the Brazilian people. Close to a Cardoso's team have cut the current achalfofthem live be lowthe poverty line, and count deficit in half from US$ 33 billion in many in African fifth-world conditions. 1998 to US$ 17 billion, financed by direct The Plan led to a significant rise in the investment and an astonishing US$ 7 bilpurchasing of household appliances. Still, lion trade surplus. the cost of the Plano Real has been exThe public sector's liquid debt is roughly tremely high. And the wisdom of the IMF US$255 billion, ofwhich roughly 20 percent guidelines for its implementation has now is denominated in American currency, and fallen under great scrutiny. The very poor a US$ 95 billion portion ofthe external public have suffered and keep suffering. The bot- debt is payable over a long term. In terms of tom ten percentile control only 1 percent of total external private debt, there is great the nation's wealth as opposed to the top disparity between numbers: Gustavo Loyola 10 owing 50 percent. claims it to be US $70 billion accounting for roughly 120 percent of annual exports of All Tied Up goods and services, as opposed to Edwin M. Truman's citing of3I0 percent. In addiThis is, in a nutshell, the national sce- tion, compounding the debt to figures such nario the PT will be inheriting as they take as 310-326 percent ofexports matched with power. Despite attempts made to the con- the 55 percent ratio of public-sector debt to trary, it will be assuming power cleansed of GDP, assumes that the private debt will be the responsibility for the recent economic honored by the public sector. turbulence linked to the speculation on As Brazilian companies have a very low Brazil's currency. Yet with 95 percent ofnext level of domestic debt, there does not seem year's budget already allotted, which is to be a problem with solvency as long as the binding for the federal government as en- currency doesn't crash. But with the real tailed by the recently passed Fiscal Re- under attack, there is little chance for the sponsibility Law, it remains in a strangle- GDP to rise to its 2000 level. Despite the fact hold. that in 2000 the world economy was in the The attack on the real, coupled with the first dip of its recession and Argentina was irresponsible statements made last summer approaching meltdown, Brazil had glided by the US Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill, through smoothly with 4.4 percent growth. forced Brazil's central bank to seek a bailout Underlying the current government's ecopackage from the IMF. It was the second in nomic strategy is the Central Bank
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BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
governor's belief that the real is vastly underrated, with an appreciation to 2.5-2.9 in relation to the dollar being its appropriate exchange rate. Indeed, one gets the impression that the more Brazilian economists insist on this method of portraying the country's obligations, the more they see the North as involved either directly or indirectly in a measure to destabilize the country's money markets due to the rise of the PT. Much of standard liberal market analysis in Brazil would be deemed leftwing were it formulated in North America. The fact of the matter remains that the IMF seems to be playing a double game. It is both the guide of emerging markets and the harbor of institutional speculators, i.e. the major investment banks themselves. Its measures have been severely criticized as punishing the local goods and services production sector by preventing a larger margin of public expenditure. There are of course Brazilians benefiting greatly from this. Unfortunately, wise men such George Soros, again speaking of the global risk posed by Lula in El Pais last weekend, spent no time pointing out this dimension to the problem. They spend no time either mentioning that many of the wealthiest spend much of their year living abroad, especially around Miami, where they fail to pay appropriate taxes while shifting their capital around according to what the 'market' dictates. Nor do they accuse the power ofthe banking sector, and of their support for tax havens, largely responsible for capital flight. Overhauling Needed
as the inflation-adjusted interest rate pai by the government on its publicly trade debt does not exceed GDP growth by mo than 7 percentage points. For the PT this would apparently co promise their commitment to increasing th minimum wage to R$ 300 (around $80) ov r three years, and orienting investment t ward a social agenda. Yet according to th PT chiefeconomic advisor, Guido Manteg reaching that objective is possible, b t conditional on the GDP reaching its p jected capacity of 4 percent growth wi inflation held at 3 percent. Boosting p chasing power should not be a contract' tion to either maintaining the primary fisc 1 surplus nor to keeping inflation in check. The increase in minimum wage woul be financed through the taxes collected o Brazilian exports, a sector that should b freshly stimulated by the resumption o trade credit lines. Overhauling the taxatio system, a desperately needed act of politi cal will, will be the other sourceoffinanc in purchasing power. In other words, the P has set its priority on economic growth conditional for government social spend ing, and resourcing the productive secto of the economy through government plan ning to raise the standard of living. Tighte fiscal policy is what the PT is aiming for a means to lower real interest rates an attract direct investment. In many ways, the PT has no choic overthese market e,conomy principles. G iv the intermeshed structure of the globa economy, and First World investment' the money markets of emerging countries a decision to break with the IMF by default ing on loan servicing would condemn Bra zil, just as it would wreak havoc on interna tional money markets.
The Cardoso government slapped a tax on the use of checks, which should allow Exporting is Vital greater transparency in the flow of funds. In so doing, it has attempted to fight this Allow me here to make a first observa behavior pattern among the rich who run to the US for (tax) shelter. On the other hand, tion. Despite the amount of money inves no one is fooled by the collusion lying tom and creditors have in Brazil, it is absur between his government and Brazil's banks. to claim that the PT has any intention t What the PT must enstore is a massive economically administer the country in overhaul of the taxation system diplomati- •way that would put the country at risk. One of the key elements to raisin cally implemented but done so at all cost— notwithstanding Mr. Soros' forewarning: growth are exports. The economic commu "Were the PT to impose restrictions on nity Brazil belongs to, the Mercosu capital transactions in order to protect it- (Mercosur in Castilian) is in tatters. Brazil self, it would trigger the disintegration of needs to export to wealthier markets, ilk the globalized system as we know it." And China, India, and, especially, the NAFT apparently nothing less, for so high is the ,701 innovation margin the system affords. Having said all that, Mr. Soros concluded his interview on a positive note: "Brazil is able to pay off [its debt] without causing excessive damage [to its economy]." Once the IMF granted the loan in August, all candidates, including the PT, pledged their intention to honor the IMF conditions for receiving the loan program, parceled into three separate installments, two of which fall after the elections. This means keeping a primary fiscal surplus of 3.75 percent of GDP. Such calculation ensures a declining debt to GDP ratio as long BRAWL - NOVEMBER 2002
4
and EU zones. Second observation: It is completely inaccurate, indeed amatterofdisinformation, to claim that the PT is against free trade. Its political and economic leaders see free trade as instrumental and vital for Brazil's economic well-being into the future. The question is: Who's willing to trade, and on what terms? Regarding Canada, during a short period in the late 1990's the Federal Liberal party was able to wean itself from the direct influence ofBombardier. This corresponded to a time when the Brazilian company Embraer, managed a series of successful deals making it the only regional jet manufacturer from an emerging market to penetrate the American field. Canada took Embraer to the WTO on grounds of illegal government subsidies. After winning the first round of the trade dispute, the Canadian government was compelled to grant low-interest loans, through Export and Development Canada (EDC)to not one, but two, American airlines in exchange for purchasing Bombardier RJs. This allowed Brazil to seek litigation against Canada at the WTO and win. (In a recent report, EDC is gravely concerned about the capacityofBombardieranclNortel to repay handouts totaling CDN$ 10 billion. So, Canada's attempt to block Embraer's entry will have a lasting legacy, perhaps trickling down all the way to the taxpayer. The latter would then be liable to shed even more doubt on a country home to a respected singer-songwriter called Lenin.) What this case exposed in the questionable posture ofMinister Pierre Pettigrew in Seattle back in November 1999, was that for all its talk offree-trade North America is quite unwilling to open its commercial zone to foreign industry. Moreover, it expects foreign countries to open their commercial space to North American exports prior to settling the issues at home. In addition, since the Bush administration took power, it has hiked tariffs on steel imports and has passed billions in agricultural and military-industrial subsidies. These two unilateral gestures, in addition to already odsting tariffs on fruit imports, make the USA anything but a free-trader. To be sure, it is free-trade's leading advocate. Although it is hardly free-trade's most earnest player, its importance as a power is trivial. Brazil is a very strong exporter of iron ore, soy, orange juice, though with the current.protectionist measures of NAFTA and the EU, its export potential is limited to a dreadfully low 13 percent of GDP. It is therefore fantasy to believe that the incumbent PT government is against free trade. On the other hand, it has spoken critically ofthe FTAA, indicating that under current conditions it will refuse to sign. It has gone as far as to assert that under current conditions the FTAA would mark the end of Brazilian sovereignty. Despite the drama, and given the south-to-north motion ofcapital over the past 10 years, this is not contradicted by reality. Moreover, :11
Joseph Stiglitz has recently positioned himself strongly against the IMF's guidelines, seeing them especially as a means to further indebt developing nations and to stifle growth and innovation.
cerned about Brazilian free trade potential, has understandably sealed the results of then in winding up with a socialist-run the runoff. On the day the real was devalucountry in Latin America. Of course, they ated in January 1999, Brazilian banks earned won't state this outright. Using the social- higher gross profit than during the entire ist-calling card, neo-cons and Democrats year of1998. Until lastweek, Brazilian banks alike will tryto discredit Brazil ideologically stood firm in bond risk agency ratings. Brazil vs. USA in order to weaken its clout at the FTAA Now, even they have come under Moody's negotiating table. Indeed, the US has been scrutiny. That's because the PT's macroRegarding FTAA, Lula' s eyes sparkle active in trying to isolate Brazil from enter- economic principles will not allow itto stand with his trade unionist's enthusiasm when ing the accord as part ofa larger trade group, by while the banks voraciously swallow the speaking ofhow hard Brazil will fight at the such as the Mercosul. fruits of growth and the GDP. negotiating table. This may tickle Brazilian But have a look, if you will, at the state Many PT policies in this portrait highnationalism, but with the US refusing to ofthe Mercosul: as long as the IMF and US light what set apart progressive politics and budge and creating bilateral agreements Treasury refuse to help Argentina out of its policies from populism and its artifices. In behind the scenes, the situation does not problems, Brazil will be fighting mostly on terms ofupcoming macroeconomic policy, look positive for Brazil. Still, the twain shall its own. However, President Duhalde's visit namely on the nature of the transitional meet when assuming co-presidency of the in Septemberto Brazil took place to re-affirm team and how it willfight the slide ofthe real, FTAA negotiations next month. Argentina's commitment to the Mercosul we'll just have to wait and see. Given that This trade-union spirit is not a position and Brazil as its most important trading Mr. Stiglitz has estimated the cost of buoyunique to the PT. Visibly moved by Lula, partner. ing up the real at US$ 50 billion, many are Fernando Henrique Cardoso wants to leave Various economists, including the gov- skeptical about the efficiency of Mssrs behind a fighting-man's legacy. A month ernor ofthe central bank and minister ofthe Fraga and Malan' s management of the curago, his government took the EU to the economy, have stressed the importance of rency. WTO on litigation regarding sugar subsi- considering the various layers ofdebt, demBrazilians are looking to their political dies. Showing its good faith on free trade onstrating how each is solvent. The fact leaders and intellectuals with a smart and and globalization, the EU trade officer ac- remains that no microeconomic analysis critical optimism for the future. Now, it's cused Brazil of wanting to destroy poor can portray a way out while the real contin- time for the overlords ofthe elite and the rich countries who are receivers of French aid, ues to lose value. This prompted the Central world, not forgetting their protégé Mr. Otto which La Republique claims as justifying its Bank to increase the prime lending rate from Reich, to come around to showing their agricultural subsidies at home. And a week 18 percent to 21 percent right in the middle goodwill. Gentlemen... later, Brazil mustered up its courage to take of the election rounds at a time when the the USA to the WTO on orange juice sub- government candidate was starting to build Norman Madarasz is a sidies, a long pending source of conten- up a counter-campaign. Canadian philosopher. tion. Needless to say, such interest rates are He lives in Rio de Janeiro Third observation: North American neo- crushing Brazilian entrepreneurship and and welcomes comments at liberal conservatives are much more con- have shifted wealth to Brazilian banks. It normanmadarasz2Ahotmail.com
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The beaming, benevolent face of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva has been plastered across front pages of newspapers, magazine covers, television screens and street hoardings since his presidential victory and he is right to smile. A year ago he had been virtually written off by most observers (including your correspondent) who thought he would gradually lose his lead in opinion polls and end up as a four-time loser heading for the history books. However, Lula consolidated this early lead and was never seriously challenged. He won 61 percent of the votes and took every state bar one, Alagoas. His strength was built on the left-wing PT (Partido dos Trabalhadores—Workers' Party), which he founded 20 years ago, plus an odd combination of old-style leftists and nationalists, evangelicals, influential politicians from the center and right, some with questionable backgrounds, Roman Catholics, trade unionists and even members of the PMDB (Partido do Movimento Democratic° Brasileiro—Party ofthe Democratic Brazilian Movement) which, along with the PSDB (Partido da Social Democracia Brasi leira— Brazilian Social Democracy Party), formed the base of his rival Jose Serra. The result was that for the last three months or so the outcome was never in doubt. Although Lula faced some criticism for cuddling up to such disparate allies, the voters obviously never held it against him. The reason is clear—people voted for Lula the man, not Lula the PT candidate. Lula is a familiar face and represents change but not radical change. People want the economy to grow but they do not want the return of high inflation. They also want jobs and a better social system and a crackdown on crime. They are not interested in waving the red flag or the kind of populism which swept Venezuela's Hugo Chavez to victory, but has divided that country ever since. Nor, despite the views of a number of uninformed Americans, do they want a Castroite regime. I know several middleclass people, whom I would have thought to be natural Serra voters, who voted for Lula. They saw nothing odd in voting for Lula as president and the PSDB' s Geraldo Alclunin as state governor instead of the PT's Jose Genoino, who is extremely close to Lula. One Brazilian observer said "Lula-ism" rather than "PT-ism" had won the day. By winning by such a huge majority Lula now has the chance to become his own man. He has a duty to cast offthe PT's old mantle and live up to the trust voters have placed in him. Immediately after Serra conceded defeat on Sunday evening, Lula said he would be the president of all Brazilians and not just PT supporters. This, of course, is standard talk from any winning candidate, but the people will expect him to abide by this pledge. Lula has already shown that he is bigger than the party by choosing as his running mate, a millionaire businessman from the evangelical PL party, against the wishes of PT stalwarts. Like the UK's Tony Blair, Lula can now
Can Lula End Hunger? Trying to end hunger is serious issue and Lula will hayto be serious about it. A campaig with a more realistic aim mig t have been a better idea to kick o f his presidency. JOHN FITZPATRICK
embody the beliefs of the party and vote without being bound by them. Should an one think this is a betrayal of one's p and supporters let us recall the remark Edmund Burke that he could only do h s duty to his electorate if they allowed him exercise his own conscience on the ri way to tackle problems, rather than forcr him to obey their dictates. The following day Lula made two portant announcements—on ways to crease employment and a campaign to t and end hunger within a year. These a lowed him to show his social credentia s and tackle two major problems. Howeve , job creation will require precisely the pol cies which the PT is against, such as amen ing the current labor law, which makes t difficult to dismiss employees and discou ages hiring new staff, especially for p time work. The pension system, which assures comfortable pension for millions of form public service employees, some of them' their 40s and 50s, is a scandal and hu burden on the taxpayer, which none oft presidential candidates dared address. T reform is also vital in lifting the burden o companies and leaving them with more s f their revenues to invest in new plant an
employees. The fact that Fernando Henrique Cardoso's administrations have only been able to nibble at these reforms during eight years shows how difficult it will be to tackle them. Interest rates are among the highest in the world and credit, even at these astronomic rates, is scarce, so firms do not have the resources to invest. Let us hope Lula will tackle these stubborn problems as a way of creating new jobs rather than coming up with non-productive job creation schemes at state expense. No-one could dispute his other priority, ending hunger but, at the same time, one cannot wonder if this project is not a little naIve. Lula may have been born in the poverty-stricken Northeast and forced to migrate to Sao Paulo when he was just a skinny, little boy but one look at his stocky frame tells you that it is a long time since he personally has been hungry. What does he know about hunger and what does he mean by it? I am not trying to be obtuse here, but how does one define hunger in Brazil? The Cidania Institute, of which Lula is head, says around 60 million Brazilians are hungry and exist on an income of less than one Real (about 25 cents) a day. Will this be the criterion on which hunger is based? How will this campaign operate? Will it encourage employment opportunities so people can earn more than one Real a day or will it take the form of food shelters where hungry people can go and get fed? Will cheap restaurants be set up offering nourishing meals for free or at subsidized prices? Will the campaign involve existing state and private charity organizations? How will the results be measured? You can be sure of one thing—one year after the campaign starts the newspapers and television will be presenting articles about families which are still hungry and have not benefited from the campaign. Based in a huge city like sao Paulo, full of supermarkets, restaurants and street stands selling cheap food likepasteis (turnovers), pdo de queijo (cheese bread), kibes etc., it is difficult to believe that people are really hungry in Brazil. However, outside the big cities it is a different story. Hunger, Tough Issue Some years ago I spent a couple of weeks in the Pantanal, a wetland area in the Midwest bordering Bolivia and Paraguay, about half the size of France. It is a vast swamp, which floods at certain times of the year. It is a far more interesting area than the Amazon forest, which is so dense that you can hardly see the birds and animals. The Pantanal has light and greenery, streams and ox-bow lakes, wild animals and birds, like alligators, capybaras, storks and eagles, living in harmony with locally bred cattle which can spend six months of the year up to their bellies in mud and water with no ill effects. I was based in a small town called Corumba, which had a rundown, faded charm, a bit like Lisbon. I loved the area and 13
BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
although there was obvious poverty, overall it seemed a healthy, pleasant place to live. I particularly remember going on a boat trip on the river Paraguay and listening to a young crew member singing a song in which he announced that although he was proud to be a Brazilian he was even prouder to be from Corumba. Another time! saw a group of Brazilian cowboys, called vaqueiros, rounding up their cattle. They splashed through the swamp, whistling, shouting and cracking their whips and filled me with envy. I wished I could live such a simple life in such magnificent surroundings. The whole area seemed like a paradise. You can imagine my surprise as I was sitting on the veranda of my hotel one morning, over a generous breakfast spread of tropical fruits, ham, cheese and bread when I read in the local paper that some children had died ofmalnutrition on a farm only a few miles from the city. It seemed quite unbelievable that, in the midst of this fertility and happiness, people could be dying of malnutrition. Perhaps the fact that it was a news item meant it was an unusual occurrence but perhaps not. Things got even worse when I crossed the border into Bolivia and visited a little town called Puerto Suarez, which was almost as dingy as a village I once visited in Zambia in Africa where there was virtually nothing to buy in the "shops". One of my memories of the main street of Puerto Suarez was an undertaker's window in which most of the caskets on sale were child-sized. Trying to end hunger is a serious issue and Lula will have to be serious about it. A campaign with a more realistic aim might have been a better idea to kick off his presidency. This one sounds a little like the proposal put forward a couple of years ago by the PFL's Antonio Carlos Magalhaes to introduce a tax to end poverty. If poverty and hunger could be ended by legislation then they would have been outlawed a long time ago. Lula has never held any senior administrative position. During his four years as a federal deputy he was impatient and unproductive. He now stands on the threshold of assuming the highest office in the land. His supporters from the PT expect a lot from him but the overwhelming majority of those who voted for him were not members of the PT and we hope Lula will remember this. John Fitzpatrick is a Scottish journalist who first visited Brazil in 1987 and has lived in SAo Paulo since 1995. He writes on politics and finance and runs his own company, Celtic Com unicacoes— www.celt.com.br, which specializes in editorial and translation services for Brazilian and foreign clients. You can reach him at if(celt.com.br You can also read John Fitzpatrick's articles in Infobrazil, at www.infobrazil.com 14
Head and Soul The power behind the throne in the Lula presidency will be Jos6 Dirceu, a former communist who received guerrilla training in Cuba. A man, with literally and figuratively many faces CAROLINA BERARD
Jose Dirceu de Oliveira e Silva, 56, is one of the most important figures in Brazilian politics today. He was the nation's second highest vote-getter among federal deputies (the first was Eneas Cameiro) winning 556,563 votes. He is the president of the Workers' Party (PT) and the political guru of president-elect Luiz Inacio "Lula" da Silva. He is also the force behind the PT's campaign for the presidency, responsible for the new ideological directions of the party. Dirceu will certainly have one of the most important posts in the government. The change in PT's rhetoric is quite significant. Lula used to preach against capitalism and everything that it implies— the IMF, investors, and so on. Needless to say business people (Brazilians and foreigners) wanted him far from the presidency. Today, thanks to Dirceu's new policies of seducing these institutions and people, many company directors are less afraid of him and some publicly admit they have voted for Lula. Di rceu' s strategy oftoning down Lula's rhetoric and adopting slogans such as "Lula Light" or "Little Lula Peace and Love" was quite successful. The change, however, made PT radicals' blood boil. "I am very upset with my party," declared Heloisa Helena, from the PT in Alagoas. "I gave up on running for the governorship of Alagoas because I can't agree with the alliance [that PT just made] with PL (the pro-business Liberal Party). But it's better to have a broken heart than to sell your soul," she attacked. This strategy, which many analysts call "maturation," included Dirceu making various road shows to Wall Street and speaking with investors, bankers, company directors, and the like. His trip to New York and Washington was remarkable not only for the Workers' Party, but for Dirceu himself. "Dirceu entered a territory that was unthinkable until a short time no," said financial weekly magazine Isto E Dinheiro, especially given his past.
"In 1969, the US Ambassador to Brazil, Charles Burke Elbrick, was kidnapped. To release him, the kidnappers demanded (and they were successful) the release of 15 political prisoners. One of them was Jose Dirceu, who went to Cuba afterwards," explains the magazine. In Cuba, Dirceu received training in guerilla warfare. The PT's radical members are not the only ones to criticize the new ideological approach of the party. Agamenon Mendes Pedreira, a satyrical columnist for 0 Globo newspaper (Agamenon is the alter ego of Hubert and Marcelo Madureira from the popular Casseta & Planeta humoristic TV show) asked: "During the dictatorship, Dirceu spent four years without telling his wife his real identity. If he did do this to his own wife, who can guarantee he is not doing it now with PT's government program?" Olavo de Carvalho, a journalist and a philosopher, who knew Dirceu when they both fought together against the military dictatorship, is even more aggressive in his attacks: "It is absurdly naïve to believe that these are 'things of the past." Other politicians (especially Lula's opponents) also criticize Dirceu and Lula's soclaimed "change." Jose Anibal, the president of the PSDB, the Brazilian Social Democractic Party, said in an interview with 0 Estado de Sao Paulo, in June 2002: "They are selling an illusion. It is a PT that is completely changed for the elections." Two questions are yet to be answered. The first is to what extent Lula's voters know about Dirceu, this powerful politician who might have a discrete yet important post — such as the Chief of Staff, to act behind the scenes. The second one, and maybe most important, is if his critics are right when they say that now, just like in the past, the new image he presents is pure electoral survival politics. A profile of Jose Dirceu, based on an account published by Veja: When young, Jose Dirceu was a kind of BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
pop star: the long-haired radical militant of the 1960s and 70s was well known as a student leader and a Don Juan. "He had many girlfriends at the same time and followed the teachings of free love," reported Veja. He even got involved with a girl who was a spy working for the Department of Security, a girl his friends called the "Golden Apple." He was arrested in 1968, when he was a candidate for the presidency of UNE (Unido Nacional dos Estudantes—N ational Students Union). He was freed in 1969, along with other political prisoners, in exchange for Charles Elbrik, then US Ambassador to Brazil, who had been kidnapped. Later, he went to Cuba, where he worked with the Cuban Secret Service and was trained in guerilla warfare. Nowadays he claims to be no longer involved with such activities."! did learn guerilla warfare, but I did not like it. I did not get involved, it was not what I wanted," he says. In 1970, he had plastic surgery on his nose so that he could go back to Brazil in 1971 unrecognized. Only in 1975, though, did he move back to Brazil, more specifical ly to Cruzeiro do Oeste, in the countryside of the state of Parana.. Before going, though, he carefully prepared a character in which he would transform himself. He invented a name and a whole story: Carlos Henrique Gouveia de Melo, a discrete man coming from a small town of the state of Sao Paulo. He got married in this city but not even to his wife did he reveal his true identity. Only after four years, after a general amnesty was announced, did Clara Becker finally know who her husband was. "When I saw him on TV seeing his family again (...) I cried and cried and cried. It would have been easier to forget this ifl had been widowed," Ms Becker told Veja.
The Phenomenon With almost 1.6 million votes, Eneas made history during Brazil's latest elections becoming the most voted House Representative ever. The Brazilian press and the elite, however, consider him a right-wing lunatic as dangerous as French far-right candidate Jean-Marie Le Pen.
political analysts and politicians) is not thrilled by his victory and especially by the election of the five deputies. The President CAROLINA BERAR of the Senate, Ramez Tebet, for example, considered the five deputies' election an Eneas Cameiro, 63, has been regarded as a peculiar an aberration (one of PRONA'S deputies reintriguing figure in Brazil's politics since his first appearan ceived 275 votes, while candidates from on TV as a presidential candidate, in 1989. There is goo other parties, with as many as 80,000 votes, reason for this. First, despite having very little time to spea could not be elected). This electoral victory on TV during the free electoral hour as a presidenti candidate in 1989, 1994 and .1998 (only 15 seconds in 1989, has led many representatives ofthe political elite of the country to agree upon the urhe stood out because of his curious appearance, barkin gency of political reform, so that this does tone and signature signoff: "My name is Eneas." not happen in the future. Second, his appearance certainly is, to be diplomat Eneas, who is already nervous by naexotic (even he jokes he is an extra terrestrial): the skinn ture, becomes even more irritated when bald, long-bearded physician is 5' 3" and wears thic asked about the criticisms he has received. glasses. Despite so outlandish a look he became popul among voters and has a whole host of female followers: I When told that the election of his partyalways have some female friends that take care ofmy beard,' mates was considered unfair, he emphatically replied: "the concept of justice in he boasts. politics is quite strange. Is it fair, for example, At the very beginning of his "career" as a candidate, th for a man who never did anything in life to votes he received were primarily protest votes. If th have a chance now just because he is a "serious" options were not satisfactory, Eneas could be a union leader, a strike-organizer or a rioter?," alternative. Overtime, despite his minuscule party (PRON referring to Lula and his lack of experience. — The Party of the Reconstruction of the National Order As opposed to Lula, Eneas argues, he has Eneas gained more fans, even among those whose intentio always studied hard. He and his supporters was not purely to protest. Some chose him simply becaus always emphasize his work as a doctor and "he is funny," while others focused more on his extrem right-wing and nationalist proposals, such as the end if his studies in mathematics and physics. Eneas and PRONA will have to put into privatizations, default on the foreign debt and the buildin practice theirso-called political abilities when of an A-bomb. they get to Congress. In interviews, he Such popularity was not enough, though, to elect hi appears to be the type that does little but president. Knowing that, and strategically plannin attack, instead of presenting clear proposPRONA' s political future, he changed his plans. During th als. "The positive side of Eneas' election is 2002 elections, he ran for the House as a representative fro that he will have to prove if he is a good the state of Sao Paulo and received 1,558,000 votes---th politician or not," said political Scientist most ever recorded for a House representative in Brazil. F PRONA, this means more than the long-awaited victory • f Fernando Abracio in an interview with Correio Braziliense, a daily from Brasilia. their "master," as they call Eneas. It means a precio opportunity for the party to grow. Due to Brazil's politic I Their mandate will be an opportunity for them to show the electorate something system, according to which a certain number of seats other than an angry posture. awarded to political parties based on their electoral suppo Eneas managed to "elect" five other representatives (fo r Carolina Berard is a translator in physicians and a lawyer), four of which received just a fe Brazil. She worked as a translator and hundred votes. journalist for the portal MultARTE The party can hardly conceal its satisfaction, eve Brazilian Culture wvvw.multarte.com.br though they claim nothing of this is surprising for them.' I and has translated texts on various expected this result," said Eneas in one of the sever. 1 subjects ranging from economic integrainterviews he has given since the election. What he mig t tion to popular culture in Brazil. She is have not expected, though, is the amount of joumalis currently doing freelance translations packing his modest office. He was even invited to speak o and articles for several publications. Her popular TV shows such as that of Luciana Gimenez, whos email: carolinaberard@hotmail.com or affair with Mick Jagger led to the birth of their son Luca kerolmb@ig.com.br_ At the same time, much of public opinion (the medi 15
BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
comparison research done for drugs. I believe we will find a similar result. Americans may think that because Brazil is a South American country. drugs may be more evidenced there. but it's easier for one to get into this addiction here than in Brazil. Another idea fur a research is a comparison of Brazilian teens and young adults raised in Brazil vs. Brazilian ones raised in the US. Parents many times don't know their kids once they become involved with the American culture. Not to criticize the American culture. which is very valuable, but to educate the Brazilian population to the differences, so they can raise their children without forcing them to be a different thing from what they see ever,v day, yet. know how to conserve their traditions in a different culture. I work with Brazilian teens here in 1-buston, Texas and would be willing to contribute in any way you think might help, if you think that's a good idea. Thanks for sending me good literature.
and 1930's. Todaythe -CidadeMaravilhosa" is no longer "Maravilhosa" -Deus é grande mas Ela tido é mais brasileira." (God is great, but She is not Brazilian anymore.)
George Pichel Dana Point, California REASON FOR CHEERING I would like to comment on your piece "Follow the Leader". As a Brazilian living in Europe since many years and thus having experienced routinely the reality of the perception gap between northerners and southerners, I felt compelled to express how impressed I have been by this analysis (what I rarely do). In these times of intoxication and confusion, it is refreshing to read sensible lines that, through the well-known complexity of Brazil and inter-American relations, don't forget the relative simplicity (and communality) of our thoughts. feelings and ideals and the basics of our national identities.
Neize Ferreira Houston, Texas
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POOR B AZIL It's a shame. My girlfriend and future wife is a Paulista, having been born and spent her entire life in Sao Paulo. I've visited Brazil many times, most of it in Sdo Paulo. Brazil is a beautiful country with vast natural resources. However, it's as corrupt a land as I've ever seen. Crime is not a problem—it's the country's number one cultural distraction. Everyone is a thief—even the police. The sad part is Brazil doesn't believe in punishing those responsible. Rather, it looks the other way. Until that country can clean up the trash that preys on innocent victims, it will always wallow in the brackish backwaters of civilization. How can a country look beyond its borders and offer sympathy, when most Brazilians are more worried about being murdered by their neighbors, clergymen, policemen, teachers and politicians? Now they've elected Lula. Lula couldn't hold ajob at a gas station in the US, but in Brazil he's the president. What a shame. The best thing Brazil could do is open its borders and invite major exploitation from the US and Europe. That way, these criminals might choose a legitimate career path—and one day Brazil can actually be a world player. Expect the exchange rate 4/1 US dollar, to jump to 20/1. Thank God for Carnaval, so Lula can have some distraction to the mess he's sure to cause.
Stuart Via Internet MILITARY FEARS The October issue of Brazzi I had an article by Carolina Berard regarding an incident that was widely covered by the world press. HOW can any nation, Brazil included, allow a criminal element to rule the nation? Tourists, who had little desire to travel to Brazil, now have even less. When a civilian government allows the criminals to take over, the people will eventually rise as they have in the past, and demand the return of the military, apparently the only ones with the testosterone to put down the mob. Die sad thing. as it happened before, Machiavelli \ vas right. "absolute power corrupts absolutely'. 1 cry about what has happened to my native city, a paradise in the 1920's
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CORRECTION I vc, antto say that Lula isNOT the Brazilian's president. The Brazilian's president is Fernando Henrique Cardoso! You say that Lula is a good person. but Lula is NOT a good person. Lula is communist! He is not the best alternative to Brazil. The best choice you can do is Jose Serra. Jose Serra alone can guarantee the right way to Brazil.
Matheus Silva Brazil FUNK INTELLIGENCE I am a student, in Stockholm; Sweden, currently writing a special project term paper about Brazilian 'Funk Balls'. I have collected several news articles and journal articles from the Net, where I came across your website and the article "Pregnancy Train" by Rodolfo Espinoza - www.brazzil.com/p06apr0 1 .htm, and I was wondering if you had any other information concerning these clubs, that could be useful for my project. The first time I read about these clubs, which was just under a year ago. I did not see how extreme were the conditions kids in the Jove/as are in. I am very devoted to my work, and the cause, and would appreciate any kind of information.
Saskia Neuman saskia_neuman@everyday.com
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Robert Thomas Chicago, Illinois COMPARING BRAZIL TO US Jennifer Grant did an excellent job on her research for the article titled "Here and There. Contrasting How the United States and Brazil Deal with Domestic Violence Against Women- www.brazgil.com/p29oct02.htm. One factor to consider for the discrepancy of the rate of US and Brazil in women's violence is family values. The US has great family values, but the country is becoming more and more conformed to the "everything is acceptable" concept. Another factor is the fact that many kids are raised with a very low expectation of maturity until they reach the college stage, when they are then, thrown out to survive on their own, which leads to the next factor: drugs and alcohol. -I would be interested in seeing a similar
Miguel Brossolette Branco Via Internet
LET'S SHARE THE BLAME Dear. Carolina, read your article -The War - www.brazzil.com/p06oct02.htm. Very good story. 1 am an American Law Enforcement Officer. I have Worked with the Policia Federal and Civil in Rio and Brasilia. You make many good points. The problem starts with the politicos and filters down to the police. Many Latin and Central American blame the police, but the police are a microcosm ofthe government and culture. Corruption and greed are intricately related. Eu amo e tenho saudade do Brasil.
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No US lapdog Anymore President Lula is certain to adopt his own road, veering Brazil from its traditional dependence and deference to the U.S. His victory will have a strong impact in all of Latin America. LARRY BIRNS AND SEAN BURGES
Lula's victory will doubtless jar the status quo regarding Brazil's standing in Latin America, as well as its traditionally deferential ties to the U.S. and the G-7 world. But its impact on the balance of forces could vary and will be a function of the country's objective circumstances as much as it might turn out to be of Lula's politics, ideology or personal charisma. Nevertheless, the ultimate story of Brazil's growing influence on the world scene during his term in office will depend upon the health of its economy, the clarity and realism of Lula' s goals, and his ability to vend his priorities to the Brazilian public. It also will be measured by his being able to convince the world community that there is a new Brazil that will be casting an increasingly long shadow and which will require the community of nations to take notice of its existence, like never before. But most of all, the historic payoff of a Lula presidency will be measured by the quality and breadth of his vision, his willingness to attack the stygian factors of corruption cronyism and sycophancy that has destructively compromised the merit of Brazilian political life, and the hapless environment policy long on promises and short on deeds. The harm done to the country's traditional power structure may be one of the more important contributing factors to Lula's triumph and is likely to bring with it the casting of a more intense spotlight pointing to the country's long-tolerated system of crippling corruption and the basically derelict nature of many of its most important civic institutions. Brazil's Dark Side Such practices as cronyism politics and political deal-making based on self advancement rather than the forwarding of the common good, may also be one ofthe early political casualties of a Lula presidency. But 18 BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
such optimism also surrounded the election of Lula's predecessor, Fernando Enrique Cardoso, who also started off as a decent man of the left, but took the country on a drift to the center and then to the right while adapting to a series of harsh political realities. These eventually cost him his reputation and the affection of most Brazilians. At issue for Lula is not only can he effectively handle the core of good public policy—fiscal responsibility, development of export markets, attraction of overseas investment to aid in debt-servicing, along with the alleviation of poverty and inequity— but also his readiness to mobilize and do battle against the tainted political practices that usually have won the day over sound public policy and civic rectitude under all of the recent Brazilian presidencies. While some members of the international financial community are apprehensive over the possibility that Lula's expansionist economic policies will open the door to inflation and instability, their numbers are far fewer than earlier in his campaign. It is much more likely that Lula will try to walk a narrow rope, whereby he will mix a drought of solid orthodox economics with an equal measure of well-developed social and antipoverty initiatives in the fields of health, education and welfare, all aimed at trimming Brazil's huge segment of the population presently living below the poverty line. This mix ofliberal and conservative policies should largely satisfy both the left and the right, at least for the time being. But most importantly, a relatively tranquil labor relations strategy and a policy defending the country's agricultural interests will buy Lula the space to address a whole range of issues bedeviling the international community as well as the hemisphere in which Brazil will be playing a much greater role. Whether it is seeking a permanent seat on the UN Security Council, or defining an FTAA which takes into account Brasilia's nonnegotiable priorities, including the need to remain competitive with the US regarding its agricultural exports, Brazil will no longer be Washington's lapdog, as it has been, more or less since the era of Baron Rio Branco in the early 1900s. Lula's presidency may turn out to be best remembered for his leading Brazil into international greatness, in an era when the hemisphere could be lead by a co-dominion of the US and Brazil, which could be the source for new institutions
and policies that could radically dep rt from the cluster of attitudes and narr w current preoccupations of US poli y makers, centering on Washington's n rrow vested interests, which it attempts to market as good for the well being oft e entire hemisphere. These could include favoring drug legislation, a solid bear hug for Hugo Chavez in Venezuela, leading the drive to legitimate the economic formulati ns of Fidel Castro (which have been v ry critical of the international lending ag ncies), and insisting that Castro be invi r d to participate in the FTAA talks and t at Cuba be invited back to participate in ii e workings of the OAS. Lula's Tasks The most important trait of the n Brazilian president could be his rec nized ability to negotiate and to achi ye consensus, characteristics which m iy observers of Brazil's national polit cs attribute to Lula. Indeed, his choice o a conservative figure to be his runn . mate is suggestive of a desire to activ ly seek consensus. Lula advisors aspire to use the transition period and the of ce facilities that will be graciously provi ed by the current administration, as a b se from which to encourage Congress to enact a number of Cardoso initiativ s, which are currently stalled in Congr ss and which Lula would like to see m de law before assuming office. Brazil almost unquestionably ill play an increasingly important. role in inter-hemispheric affairs as Mexico ecomes increasingly "NAFTA-ized" i to the U.S. orb, a process that has b en accelerated during the current disastri us tenure of foreign secretary, Jo ge Castafieda. Due largely to his influe ce and personal animus, Mexico now ppears to be more responsive to Washington's priorities—certainly its anti-Cuba strategy—than those of L tin America. A number of Latin Ameri an observers see Castafieda as a verita le
lapdog for Washington's venomous anti-Cuban sentiment, with the Mexican minister's actions on Cuba, including the firing of Mexican ambassador to Havana, Ricardo Pascoe, as being more to the right than most Republican senators' current stand on relations with Cuba. This is why Castafieda is being seen throughout Latin America as Mexico's Otto Reich. As President Fox's stature is being rapidly eclipsed by his failure to be able to move the most important items on his agenda with the Bush administration and transforming Mexico into a veritable McMexico, Brazil is likely to be the major beneficiary of this process. Lula, who already has strong ties to Venezuela and Cuba, is likely to take the lead of a left-of-center arc of nations, which to a greater or lesser degree are characterized by populist and nationalist elements. A Lula electoral victory will allow Brazil, which is destined to become the main interlocutor of the region's interests, to replace a discredited Fox government with a genuine Latin American thrust visà-vis Washington. Ultimately, Lula's prospects for a successful presidency will be contingent upon a conversion from any thought of dogmatic ideological rhetoric, to a more consensual, consultative approach to public policy, but still always preserving his political integrity. It is this quality that has earned him the growing trust of the Brazilian public. Meanwhile, Brazilian voters seem to have ignored international interpretations that prophesize a drastic economic decline for the country as well as its political isolation, in the wake of a Lula victory. If Lula is able to retain the confidence of Brazilians of various ideological convictions, as well as the financial markets and the international community, he will have decisively challenged the doomsayer's false prophecy of default and economic collapse under his presidency in South America's most important nation. This analysis was prepared by COHA Director Larry Birns and by Sean Burges, lead scholar for COHA in Brasilia. The authors can be contacted at cohaAcoha.org The Council on Hemispheric Affairs (COHA), founded in 1975, is an independent, non-profit, non-partisan, research and information organization.
19 BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
One wonders if Brazil's presidential candidates, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, (PT) or Jose Serra (PSDB) have any contacts with the Iraqi President Saddam Hussein's campaign advisers because if they do I suggest they contract them immediately for the last days of the campaign here. The cost would be worth it. In the previous Iraqi election these campaigners helped Hussein gain 99.96 percent of the vote, not a bad result by any means. However, this time round they surpassed themselves and helped Hussein pull off a pretty effective result by gaining 100 percent of the votes. Of course, Hussein had the advantage over Lula and Serra of being the only candidate, but even then, according to the authorities in Baghdad, the polls showed. that 11,445,638 electors voted for him and none against, with no abstentions. In theory, Hussein will be around for another seven years—that is, unless George W. Bush decides otherwise. Unfortunately no Middle Eastern genie is likely to pop out of a bottle for our two candidates but the way they are seeking votes in every nook and cranny and from every ethnic and religious group would put Hussein to shame. Lula has added more oddballs to his already odd coalition. His PT has the backing of a few smaller leftist groups, includingthe Brazilian Communist Party, plus the evangelical PL party. In fact, this party provided Lula's running mate, a millionaire businessman called Jose Alencar. Now, Alencar may be an excellent businessman, but let's hope nothing happens to Lula, should he be elected president, and he remains on the sidelines as faceless and anonymous as Fernando Henrique Cardoso's vice president, Marco Maciel of the PFL. Alencar recently dec ided to talk about the Middle East conflict and came up 20
Odd Bedfellows or
The Thief of Baghdad and the Pied Piper of Brazil Looking at the range of Lula's backers one cannot help recalling Robert Browning's poem on the Pied Piper of Hamelin: "...And out of the houses the rats came tumbling./Great rats, small rats, lean rats, brawny rats,/Brown rats, black rats, grey rats, tawny rats"... JOHN FITZPATRICK
with a half-baked idea which implied that the Israelis should settle in Angola and let the Palestinians have their land back. (He never said where the Angolans should go but, as most of them speak Portuguese, maybe they could move here and work in one of his factories.) Brazil's Jewish community was actually more baffled than alarmed by this nonsense and Alencar ended up apologizing. As political correctness is in its infancy in Brazil (thank God!) this matter was not followed up as it would have been in the US, for example. Like Lu la' s recent comment that black people could be identified by scientific means it was not an issue. Windows of Opportunity Lula gained new admirers, as expected, from the candidates who failed in the first round. Ciro Gomes (PPS), who spent his campaign complaining about Lula's lack ofexperience, even turned up in one of Lula's TV propaganda spots exhorting his supporters to vote for the man whom a week earlier he had thought unfit to run a country as great as Brazil. (There is talk here that Gomes, along with Minas Gerais governor, Itamar Franco, may end up being rewarded with ambassadorships. If so, let us hope they are both sent to far away countries with no direct flights to Brazil.) The other loser in the first round, Anthony Garotinho (PSB) also urged his ,.. supporters to vote for the PT candidate. Garotinho's wife won the governorship of Rio de Janeiro state against the PT candidate in the first round, but this has not stopped him from siding with Lula. t (As to Garotinho, there are reports that he wants to be appointed head of the federal savings bank, the Caixa Federal. Presumably this would allow him to carry out his campaign pledge to cut interest BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
rates from their current 21 percent to low single figures.) Other Lula supporters include exgovernor of Maranhao state, Roseana Sarney (PFL), who could herself have been a candidate had she not become enmeshed in a financial scandal. Her father Jose Sarney (PMDB), a former President, like hamar Franco, is also backing Lula, as is Senator Antonio Carlos Magalhaes. Magalhaes resigned from the Senate in disgrace after breaking procedural rules while he was chairman. Nobody is surprised though that Bahia voters have returned him. Other strange supporters from the old-style political bosses the PT has always opposed are former Sao Paulo mayor Paulo Maluf (PPB) and former Sao Paulo governor Orestes Quercia (PMDB) who both flopped in their bid to become governor of Sao Paulo state. Leonel Brizola (PDT), a former governor of Rio state, also gave Lula his backing. With the exception of Franco and Brizola, who are both just grumpy old men, all the others have question marks over their ethical behavior and how they achieved their personal wealth. Looking at the range of Lula' s backers one cannot help recalling Robert Browning's wonderful poem on the Pied Piper of Hamelin. Here is the poet's description of how the rats, which had been plaguing the city, appeared when the Pied Piper played: "And ere three shrill notes the pipe uttered, You heard as if an army muttered; And the muttering grew to a grumbling; And the grumbling grew to a mighty rumbling; And out ofthe houses the rats came tumbling. Great rats, small rats, lean rats, brawny rats, Brown rats, black rats, grey rats, tawny rats, Grave old plodders, gay young friskers, Fathers, mothers, uncles, cousins, Cocking tails and pricking whiskers, Families by tens and dozens, Brothers, sisters, husbands, wives — Followed the Piper for their lives. From street to street he piped advancing, And step for step they followed dancing, Until they came to the river Weser Wherein all plunged and perished!" Unlike the Pied Piper though Lula will not be doing the citizens of Brazil a favor by seeing the rats get their just deserts, but may well encourage a new plague.
Playing Hard Returning to reality, poor Serra cannot count on this support which, in theory,
IMMO COM tbiUSA
LULA X SERRA o candidalo do PT cone anis de novas adancas e o tuceno Cper JOUr a eleqao no segundo tam
So Near, Yet Solar
could bring in the 25.8 million vote who voted for Gomes, Garotinho and t two minor candidates in the first roun According to the news magazine Vej , Lula only needs an extra 3.1 million o win on October 27 while Serra needs 22.8 million. A poll published Octob r 15 gave Serra 31 percent and Lula 0 percent, showing that Serra is maki g little ground. Jose Serra virtually destroyed However, Serra is also seeking su Ciro Gomes on television. If he port from any quarter and has been ch ing up evangelicals, members of the et unleashes this force against Lula nic and religious groupings, pop singe he could inflict a blow. and artists. At the same time, he is sta ing to get tough with Lula, accusing hi of being contradictory on positions a d JOHN FITZPATRICK challenging him to debate the issues. e even won a slight victory this week wh n Everyone professes blind faith in dean actress appeared on one of his prop mocracy these days, but the PT's Luiz ganda shows and said she was "frig t Inacio Lula da Silva must be wishing for ened" of what a PT government wou d a different form of democracy in Brazil. bring. Look at his position after Sunday's vote. The PT overreacted and showed do t With around 46.4 percent of the turnout in a democracy you have to take t i e he was first past the post by a wide blows as well as give them and accused stretch, receiving double that of his main the Serra camp of "terrorism". Serr. 's rival, Jose Serra of the PSDB, who had team will try and bait Lula even furth r 23.2 percent. The PSB candidate Anand intends homing in on PT-run admi thony Garotinho was in third place with istrations to show how inefficient thy 17.8 percent and the PPS's Ciro Gomes are. came last with 11.9 percent. Whether this will be a winning tac ic Lula won in every region, lost only in is doubtful. However, one has to gi e three states and in the south won 49.4 Serra a lot of credit for the way he h s percent of the vote. However, instead of pulled himself back into the race from is being a triumph, the result was actually a poor position two months ago and fort e setback for Lula and a triumph for Serra. energy he is showing in the last stretch f As the former British prime minister, what has been a long race. In many wa s, Margaret Thatcher, remarked after being he has been more impressive than L la forced out of the leadership of the Conand deserves to win. 21
BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
servative Party which she had once led unchallenged, lit lcampaign also assumed that with the free television and radio phrase, which was banal and incisive at the same time, "It's ir time starting in August their candidate would boost his funny old world." flagging ratings. This did happen, but nowhere near as much Lula now has to gather his forces and ensure that the as they thought. Garotinho and Gomes' supporters back him in the next round. At the same time, Serra,will try and use the television to In theory, Lula should have no problem. Garotinho and Gomes show Lula as inexperienced an unworthy of the electorate's were hostile to the government of Fernando Henrique Cardoso trust. There are plans for one more televised debate and Lula and tried to identify Serra with the current administration. will have to be on guard. In the second of the televised debates Garotinho's party is, in theory, socialist and he portrays held recently, Lula was caught off his guard by Garotinho on a question related to a petroleum tax known as the CIDE. Lula himself as a defender of the poor and dispossessed. Gomes thought the CI DE was a government body. stood on the platform of a left-wing alliance, which called itself the Workers Front. He also made a gaffe over special quotas for black people, saying there were scientific ways of establishing who is black, However, Lula cannot depend on these voters necessarily in a way which would have caused an outcry in the United turning to him. On the day after the first round, the Folha de S. States. It is doubtful that these remarks made a big difference Paulo newspaper quoted the general director of the Datafolha to the result, but they showed that Lula' s image had slipped and organization (the polling arm ofthe publication) as saying that may have swayed some voters. 50 percent of Garotinho supporters would support Serra and Serra also virtually destroyed Gomes on television and by 36 percent Lula, while 46 percent of Gomes' supporters would a follow-up campaign in which he called him a liar and if he choose Lula and 39 percent Lula. The other main polling unleashes this force against Lula he could inflict a blow. organization, Ibope, said that Serra would gain around 50 The weeks up to October 27 will be marked by secret deals percent of the Garotinho and Gomes supporters, with around and horse trading. Lula is still the horse to bet on but a 33 percent opting for Lula. gambling man, prepared to take a risk, could cash in on the Serra, meanwhile, will also be trying to lure these voters. outsider streaking ahead. This decisive minority stands to gain more from Serra, who needs their support more than Lula does, and will demand a John Fitzpatrick is a Scottish journalist who first high price. Serra will also woo the PFL, which is divided. It is visited Brazil in 1987 and has lived in Sao Paulo since the most free market of the parties, which supported Cardoso, 1995. He writes on politics and finance and runs his own but left his government at the beginning of the year in protest company, Celtic Corn unicacaes - www.celt.com.br, at what it claimed was dirty tricks campaign by Serra supportwhich specializes in editorial and translation services for ers to smear its then presidential hopeful, Roseana Sarney. Brazilian and foreign clients. You can reach him at At one point Sarney was a strong contender with high if(&,celt.com.br ratings in polls, but a scandal over a company she owned led to an ongoing police investigation and her standing down. You can also read John Fitzpatrick's articles in Serra will also try and get the active backing of Melo Neves Infobrazil, at www.infobrazil.com (PSDB) who won the governorship of Minas Gerais in the first round and Alckmin (PSDB), who came first in the first round in the sac) Paulo state governorship race. Serra is also expected to play the Cardoso card with the president playing a more high profile role than he has so far. Whether this will make a big difference is unclear. As we have said many times, Cardoso is not a charismatic figure and has none of the passion of a Garotinho who could really sway uncertain voters. The decision to "upgrade" Cardoso is typical of the arrogant, careless way the Serra campaign has assumed that it can treat electors like dupes who will gullibly accept anything put in front of them. Serra has something of the crown prince quality about him, assuming that he deserved to be president simply because of his proximity to Cardoso and same history of resistance to the military dictatorship which led to them both going into exile. This arrogance goes back to the days when Serra was plotting his rise to the top position. First of all, he took it for granted that he would be the candidate and by doing so annoyed his main rival, lasso Jereissati, the governor of Bravery Pill for DENTAL Ceara state, so much that he ended up supporting CHICKEN his fellow Northeasterner, Ciro Gomes. This was an extraordinary reaction by a leadwww.teethtalk.com - Free Toothbrush ing PSDB member who put local interests above those of the party and the nation. The Serra
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A Lula victory will allow Brazil, in alliance with some of the U.S.'s
00101EcA ASPEISCIAS
VACANOJIPA mimes 0011P0t0 L
adversaries, to replace a discredited Fox government with a genuine Latin American thrust as to the region's main spokesperson.
to politically survive, will wheel and d 1 On his fourth try at the Brazilian and break Brazil's heart just as all of presidency, Luiz Inacio 'Lula' da Silva is predecessors have done. While so poised to capture it in the second round members of the financial community a of voting on October 27th. Although apprehensive over the possibility th Lula's 46 percent share ofthe first round his expansionist policies will open t votes was just shy of the total predicted door to inflation and instability, many by previous polls, analysts in Brazil have his supporters fear that he will sell out been quick to point out that outgoing the vested interests, just as Cardoso h Fernando Henrique Cardoso faced a simidone. lar task when he was first elected in 1994. But it is much more likely that L a And now Jose Serra, the ruling coalition's will do both: he will moderate and co candidate, must confront a Herculean ciliate but not turn his back on his enti task if he is to surpass his meager first spiritual, cultural, ideological and ps round total of 23 percent and achieve chological heritage as a man of the le victory in the second round. Lula willlikely stand fast, seeking a mix Not only must he now recast his economy, an FTAA that will hold t original, remarkably negative campaign, door open for Cuba's eventual ad which is likely to severely hurt him in a sion a warm abraco for Castro a one-on-one contest against the charisChavez, a prideful independence fr matic Lula if left unchanged, but he will have to contend with the hostility of - the U.S., and the creation of a mix economy that doesn't automatically powerful pro-Lula Brazilian politicos such sume that private is superior to pub *c as the Bahian Senator Ant6nio Carlos an d that an entirely open market econo Magalhaes along with the fact that firstis intrinsically superior to other possi round presidential contender Ciro Gom es forms. already has switched to supporting Lula and hopefully will bring with him his 4th Changing rules place tally of nearly 12 percent of the presidential vote. Lula' s likely victory on October 7, Speculation is rife that Lula, in order BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
and the toppling of the country's traditional power elite from the peaks of national political power, is a manifestation of a wider political phenomenon taking place in Brazilian political discourse, which has been accompanied by a series of law-and-order and judicial moves, which would have been unthinkable in the recent past. While several political dynasties have emerged victorious in this election—most notably Antonio Carlos Magalh5es (ACM), the Senator from Bahia who resigned his seat last year to avoid expulsion from Congress— others have either lost or suffered significant setbacks. In the state of Alagoas, Fernando Collor (Brazil's former president, who in 1992 resigned in disgrace in the face of proceedings to impeach him for corruption and malfeasance) was soundly defeated in the first round of his bid for the governorship. In the state of Maranhao, Roseana Sarney (Liberal Front Party), the daughter of former president Jose Sarney (1985-1990), resigned the governorship early in 2001 to seek the presidency, but had to content herself with a Senate seat after a March raid by federal police discovered an undeclared 1.34 23
million reals ($536 million) in 50 real notes in her campaign offices. Sarney' s appointed successor for governor, Jose Reinaldo Tavares, managed to barely make it into the second round contest after the revelation, just days before the vote, that one of his chief advisors had been arrested while traveling in a small plane with an unexplained 371,000 reals bundled into packages marked for specific polling districts. While such episodes have not been conclusivelyproven asbona fide attempts to buy votes, in the state of Acre a court order mandated that banks record the identity of any individual withdrawing more than 10,000 reals during the week before the vote. Perhaps the most remarkable electoral reversal took place in the Federal District, where sitting governor Joaquim Roriz went from a commanding lead and a forecasted first round victory to capturing just 2 percent more of the vote than the Worker's Party candidate. At the root of Roriz's campaign implosion were a series of tapes that graphically captured the abundant corruption swirling around the governor's office. While the tapes have not been publicly broadcast because of a gag order obtained by Roriz, the governor's running battle with the press on the issue has likely torpedoed his chances for reelection. New political reality The prospect of a new political era, one marked by a great yearning for change from past traditional practices ofcronyism politics, the swapping of government offices and arrant favoritism in contract letting, is not causing the panic it would have brought about only slightly more than a decade ago, when Lula first ran for office. At issue is not the core of the best ofcontemporary Brazilian public policy— fiscal responsibility, development of export markets, alleviation of poverty and inequity—but the tainted political practices that usually won the day over sound public policy and civic rectitude. The most telling indication of this new, stable reality in Brazilian politics came over the 0 G lobo national TV network, during its election night coverage of the Lula victory. A succession of past and current presidents and officials ofthe powerful Sao Paulo Industrial federation FIESP were paraded before the cameras to offer their view on the election. While they all expressed a desire to see Serra win, they pointed out that it was only because they felt the Pernambucan (from northeastern Pernambuco state) was the
best prepared to leadthe country. the then very real prospect of a first rOhild victory for Lula did not strike fear in them. One past president went so far as' to express his personal adrairanon,fottthe Worker's Party candidatel, bOth atitflecent human being and as anofteptid Ily able negotiator. Given the almost non-exitten of party loyalty in the Bra41liongiss, it is this last mentioned quatitYwhichfitay prove to be the most importafit tfietoppr Lula in building a majoritycoalitions legislature. Despite the concerns he international press over Lultes. lack f clear legislative majority ineithethise of Congress, such analyses significantly overestimate the strength ofparty loyalty in both the upper and lower chambers. Indeed, the strongest sense of party discipline in contem rary Brazil is found
GOVE A SER IMITADO AMID! A
which to encourage Congress to address and enact a number of Cardoso initiatives, which are currently stalled in Congress and which Lula would like to see made law before assuming office. As Marcos Coimbra, head ofthe polling company Vox Populi, told the publication Correio Braziliense (Brasilia's main daily), there has been a fundamental shift in the attitude Brazilians have towards their politicians. They are no longer looking for people with grand schemes and a slick image. Instead, people are looking for a candidate who is honest, who is serious and who is going to be conscientious about addressing the nation's problems one by one and then be held accountable. Lula's political resurgence is a natural reflection of th is desire as well as a rejec. ion of some of the more cynical movements and the questionable personalities known for the kind of pol itical deal-making so in evidence during the Cardoso administration. The one aspect of Lula's campaign which has not been fully transmitted to the outside world is the seriousness with which he addresses his country's challenges. After 12 years of campaigning for presidential office, Lula has an unparalleled appreciation of the problems afflicting Brazil, an understanding which appears to be matched by his willingness to listen to others and seek out the expertise needed to adhere to the national motto, 'order and progress.' Replacing Mexico
.,?‘ major concern for foreign onlookers has been the effect that Lula's victory within Lula's Worker's Party (Pr) may have on some of the major hemiother parties' ties bearing a greater spheric issues of the day. Brazil almost blance to political cliques such as the one unquestionably will play an increasingly surrounding the dean of the Liberal Party important role in inter-hemispheric affairs (PL), rather than fu I ly 4td§titltiOrtaliZtd at Mexico becomes increasingly political movements. ' NAFTA-ized" and more inclined to reThe most important characrjstic late to Washington's agenda than that of Brazilian president in this era 'the rest of Latin America. The sad decline ability to negotiate and to a4iove of Mexican Foreign Secretary Jorge sensus, characteristics which so Castatieda as a credible figure, whose servers arriatiOnal politics:44, political positions were once characterrally attribetetokse Serra. Ind ized by dignity and ethics, and whose choice of a running mate is tu views before joining the Fox presidency, a desire to actively seek comb had to be noted. Alencar, his selection, is preside* Once admired as an inventive and conservative National Liberal party. innovative thinker who was the object of haps even more important are the noises attempts to marginalize him during the coming from the Lula camp that they do Reagan-Bush administrations, his appallnot wish to wait for their candidate's ing recent conduct has robbed him of his investiture before they attempt to wield respectability, with his fall creating a forinfluence. Rather, they intend to use the eign policy vacuum that Brazil will be transition period, and the office facilities quick to fill. The sad fact is that, rather that will be graciously provided by the than being a strong interlocutor reprecurrent administration, as a base from enting Latin American interests and sen-
24 BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
sibilities to the U.S., Castafieda has become little more than a booster for U.S. regional interests; in fact, he has become Mexico's lago. He has authored a series of intensely controversial initiatives, which were so appallingly dysfunctional in their impact, and so un-Mexican in their nature, that some of his legion of critics say that the extraordinary sea change that he has undergone would have made him a candidate to hold a comparable office underthe slavishly pro-U.S. ex-president Carlos Salinas, rather than in the Fox administration. Further investigation must be conducted in order to address questions arising over the strong rumors that Mexico, under Fox and Castaiieda, may have authorized or was used as a pass-through for funds earmarked for the Toledo race for the Peruvian presidency, as well as to those Cuban human rights activists who accept foreign funds, and whether Fox, in contravention of Mexican electoral law, took funds from right wing Miami Cuban sources for his own race. This might help provide a lead to explain C astaft eda' s bizarre anti-Castro antics, which are at total variance to his recently stated views as an academic and pundit. Also of deep distress to his once admirers, is why Castafieda at first
charged the highly regarded former Me can ambassador to Havana, Ricar o Pascoe, with financial irregularities, a charge that was quickly withdrawn, a d then promptly firedhim, producing a wa e of revulsion against Castatieda with n the foreign ministry, Mexico, and no throughout Latin America, including Lu a, who is known to view him with contem t and as no friend of Brazil. A Lula victory will allow Brazil, now the main advocate for the interests of the region, in alliance with some ofthe U.S 's adversaries, to replace a discredited Fox government with a genuine Latin American thrust as to the region's main spokesperson. Lula has shared left-wing roots that will to some extent align him with Cuba's Fidel Castro and Venezuela's Hugo Chavez. He most certainly will extend a level of protection to the Venezuelan president, which will help buffer him from Washington's minatory gestures, thus making any overthrow of Chavez as a result ofthe general strike at the end of e month far less likely. In fact, any U S. meddling in the affairs of leftist lead rs will most certainly cause a Lula-led Br il to take a strong stand in the Organ izati n of American States and jeopardize he formation of the Free Trade Area of he
supermercado
1
Americas, one of Washington's major hemispheric initiatives. It is Lula' s apparent conversion from dogmatic ideological rhetoric to a more consensual, consultative approach to public policy that has earned him the growing trust of the Brazilian public. Meanwhile, voters have ignored international interpretation that suggests drastic economic decline and political isolation if he is elected. It is Lula' s ability to manage to keep to this new approach, which holds the key to eventually gaining the confidence of Brazilians of various ideological convictions, as well as the international community, thus challenging the doomsayer's false prophecy of default and economic collapse in South America's most important nation. This analysis was prepared by Sean Burges, lead scholar for COHA in Brasilia, Brazil and Kerry Ezard, Research Associate at COHA in Washington. The authors can be contacted at cohaAcoha.org The Council on Hemispheric Affairs (COHA), founded in 1975, is an independent, non-profit, nonpartisan, research and information organization.
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BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
I've come to Brazil with Rev. Jesse Jackson, SEIU (Service Employees International Union) Vice-President Dennis Rivera, and AFL-CIO (American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations) International Affairs Assistant Director Stan Gacek, to meet with the labor, church and community groups that are serving as the building blocks of Brazil's "bottom up" change, and now to watch the last big pre-election rally of the Workers Party (PT). The open field is filled with a sea of flags. Onehundred-fifty thousand Workers Party faithful, an incredible human rainbow, sing and cheer and chant for Lula. That's Luiz Inacio "Lula"da Silva, formerhead of the famous Sao Bernardo Metalworkers Union, fourtime presidential candidate, and currently the frontrunner to become Brazil's next president. The Democratic National Convention is nothing like this. One of the dozens of rousing speeches comes from Marta Suplicy, a Workers Party star, the female mayor of Sao Paulo, the third-largest city in the world. Just that morning, in a meeting with Jackson, she told him that fully 13 percent of her city's budget, off the top, goes to service old debt. The PT faithful, who speak Portuguese, then sing along with Suplicy's ex-husband (and still friend), a long-time senator, as he launches into a full chorus of Dylan's"Blowing in the Wind"— in English! (To make this family even more interesting, their son is a popular punk rocker named Supla.) The first slave was brought to Brazil's shores in 1532, a full 87 years prior to the 1619 date when the slave trade reached Jamestown. Today there is a growing consciousness of the gaps between the 45 percent of Brazil that is Afro-Brazilian, and the Brazilian elites, even in this incredibly multicultural society.
EL
2002'
•
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A high point comes at meeting with -evangelicals" (which in heavily Catholic Brazil means Protestants in general, rather than Pat Robertson and Jerry Falwell types). Jackson Cadento Especial talks about Lula's struggles on behalf of Brazil's 60 percent poor, his refusal to give up after defeat, his dedication to change and his commitment to nonviolent reform using the ballot box. I was fortunate enough to have been in South Africa in the early 1990s. I was invited by the African National Congress (ANC) to conduct get-out-thevote workshops in several cities, at a time when Mandela was out of jail, but prior to his election as President. Jackson and I talked about the "special spirit" in the air in Brazil, so similar to the feeling one got in South Africa a decade ago. A tangible spirit among the people, of hope and change and optimism. Brazil's time has come. Now it's October 6. I'm back in the U.S., but it's election day in Brazil. A huge day in the history of this hemisphere. Brazil is pretty good at voting. The Brazilians could teach us a lot. They have multiple parties, free TV time, voting with party symbols, and they vote on Sundays. Much of the voting takes place in schools, but they use every classroom, not just the gym; and different neighborhoods vote in separate classrooms, which speeds up the process considerably. Brazil also has "mandatory" voting, which means that turnout is high. In 2000, 280 million Americans cast about 105 million votes. In 2002, 175 million Brazilians cast 94 million votes. In a country w ith more than 100 million fewer people, and in a serious multipleparty race (the fourth-place finisher gets more than 10 million votes), Lula carries 25 out of 28 states, takes more than 46 percent nationwide and collects 39 million votes, almost as many as George W. Bush got. And they seem to have counted them all. a
Democracy 101 Brazilians are really not too impressed with the free trade experiment. They want a change. No doubt Bush, as an expert on democratic elections, will soon be lecturing Lula about appropriate behavior for a leader of a modern nation-state. STEVE COBBLE
BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
It's the day after the election. Lula has won a smashing first-round victory, the biggest victory for a lefty since Mandela. His 46 percent is twice that of Jose Serra, the candidate of the current administration, who finishes second. In addition, the 30 percent of the vote that goes to the third and fourth place candidates is mostly to the left of Serra, who is tarred by the economic failures of the current government. Now it's a week later, and a secondround poll is out. Lula has maintained his 2-1 lead, but has increased his percentage to 66.5 percent. This has the makings of a blowout. Perhaps that will make it clear to U.S. foreign policy elites that Brazilians are really not too impressed with the free trade experiment. They want a change—and it's looking more and more like much of Latin America wants one, too. Given that Lula strongly opposes the Free Trade for the Americas agreement, got his start as a militant union leader, and champions "Brazilian dignity" as his alternative to U.S. dominance in the hemisphere, the Bush Administration has been surprisingly quiet with regard to the pending change in Brazil. No doubt Karl Rove could see the
handwriting on the wall that the curr t administration was doomed to defe t. Perhaps the forces of reaction were al o hemmed in by their overreaching in Ve ezuela earlier this year, where they t caught on the wrong side of a failed co p. Or most likely, everyone in Wash ingt n is just distracted by the current "wag t e dog" diversion on Iraq. In any case, the silence is unlikely to last long. No doubt W, as an expert Sn democratic elections, will soon be lect ring Lula publicly about appropriate ehavior for a leader of a modern nati nstate. (Best recent example—Gerh d Schroeder, publicly berated by U.S. o 1cials for having the nerve to win eelection by campaigning against our ar with Iraq.) If there is one area where Lula kno he has the full support of the Brazilian people, however, it is in renegotiating the rules of free trade in the hemisphere. There is room for compromises, but n ither W nor his Wall Street buddies 4re going to like them, since they involve labor rights, environmental protections and ending a lot of U.S. subsidies or agriculture. And a big victory for L la should strengthen the hand of the A 1,CIO, and the anti-globalization mo e-
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ment here at home. Of course, we don't have to argue with Brazil. We could surprise everyone and embark on a new relationship with the South. We could begin a partnership with Brazil, aimed at bridging the rich/ poor gap, bridging the North/South gap, and investing in a stable, growing democracy. We could, for instance, agree to invest in sewers for the two-fifths of the Brazilian population that currently goes without. We could send our doctors and scientists to meet with the Brazilians and the Cubans to try to figure out a cure for dengue fever. Either one would cost a lot less—and do a lot more good—than invading and occupying Iraq for a generation. And who knows? Maybe Brazil would send observers to Florida in 2004, to help monitor our vote count. Steve Cobble is a fellow associate at the Institute for Policy Studies. He is also the former Political Director of the National Rainbow Coalition, a speechwriter for Rev. Jesse Jackson, and served as an advisor to Ralph Nader in his 2000 campaign. He can be reached at stevecAips-dc.org
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The large plurality of votes received ment, and widespread protection of doby Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, popularly mestic industry. Socialism is no longer called Lula, in the first round of Brazil's considered an alternative to the mainly presidential election may seem like a capitalist systems that Brazil and most resounding defeat for neo-liberalism in other Latin American nations now have. the world's fourth largest nation. After Yet if Cardoso's policies remain reaall, Lula is an old-time unionist and leader sonably popular, why did many Brazilian ofthe left-wing Workers' Party (PT). But businesspeople and others in the middle I believe his strong showing mainly sig- class desert Serra and back Lula? Part of nifies that the Left has moved toward the the answer is their belief that someone center and accepts many of the tenets of from the Left can better tackle the major free-market liberalism. problems facing Brazil without throwing The contrast between Lula's behav- out the progress reached in the '90s. This ior and background and those of retiring explanation is similar to why Britain President Fernando Henrique Cardoso turned to Tony Blair and his remade supports this interpretation. Cardoso was Labor Party after extensive market rea former left-wing professor who helped forms under the Tory leadership of Mardevelop dependency theory, which garet Thatcher and John Major. claimed that developing nations such as Take unemployment, for example. Brazil were exploited by capitalist econo- The official rate now exceeds 8 percent, mies such as that of the U.S.. Yet as and the true rate is probably much higher. Finance Minister and then as President, Brazil continues to have archaic labor Cardoso mainly followed conservative laws that discourage employers from hirmarket-oriented policies. ing; they induce many workers and comIn 1994, Cardoso ended a rate of panies to work in the gray economic Why did many Brazilian inflation that had exceeded 5,000 per- underground. A flexible labor market cent a year by launching a new monetary may be attained more easily under somebusinesspeople desert Serra and unit, the real. He pegged the real's ex- one like Lula, who has the confidence of change rate to the dollar until the Russian unions, than under a conservative Presiback Lula? They believe that crisis in 1999 led to a run on the real that dent—just as it took New Zealand's Laforced it to be floated. Still, annual infla- bor Party to free that country's labor someone from the Left can better tion has remained well under 10 percent market tackle the major problems facing since 1997. Cardoso also privatized the Lula also may be better able to deal inefficient state telecommunications and with crime. Brazil has one of the highest Brazil without throwing out the electricity companies as well as a few crime rates anywhere: Rio de Janeiro is other sectors. But in its attempt to raise the only city where I remove my watch progress reached in the '90s. more revenue from the sale of these en- while strolling in a good neighborhood. terprises, the government alienated Bra- With both the police and judiciary widely GARY S. BECKER zilians by replacing public monopolies seen as corrupt, it may be easier for a with protected private monopolies. populist to push for sharply higher conAlthough Jose Serra, the government victions and increased punishments of candidate, trailed Lula by over 20 I criminals. percent in the recent election, How Lula will handle Brazil's pubCardoso remains popular according lic-sector debt is less clear. The debt to recent polls. This sign that many ballooned in the past few years from 30 policies of the 1990s remain popular percent to 60 percent of gross domestic Debate amistoso marca o explains why Lula eliminated most product. Fear that Lula will default on fim da campaign' ekitoral of the radical rhetoric that had been this debt explains the sharp decline in .5 55 5 r4,1,111, :.1400 associated with his party. stock prices and in the value of the real During his campaign, Lula prom- during the months leading up to the presiised cautious government spending dential vote. Although he has pledged to Atrk15.1.41... policies and committed his party to repay rather than "renegotiate" this debt upholding the market-oriented re- by creating a budgetary surplus, it reforms of the '90s. He pledged not to mains to be seen whether he can succeed. MY 0 repudiate the large government debt Many middle-class Brazilians have accumulated under Cardoso's presi- come to support Lula because they bedency and to work with the Interna- lieve he'll take a pragmatic approach tional Monetary Fund and other glo- while helping to solve remaining ecobal institutions to restore Brazil's nomic and social problems. Time will reputation on world financial mar- tell whether these expectations will be p rep temporario no kets. To be sure, he expressed oppo- met. But his large vote doesn't indicate period() de Natal seri rattan' sition to privatizing many more state that Brazilhas repudiated market-friendly toAlv• enterprises, but he did not call for policies. renationalization. He also supported ,55.5 bringing in private companies to run Gary S. Becker, the 1992 Nobel much of the water system. laureate in Economy, teaches at the There's no support in Brazil, or University of Chicago and is a 2 elsewhere in Latin America, for bringFellow of the Hoover Institution. He ing back the discredited populist is also a columnist for Business Week. policies of earlier decades with exYou can contact him at tensive state ownership of compagbeckerQmidwav.uchica2o.edu nies, bloated government employ-
long Will live Free Markets
JORNAL DO BRASIL
28
BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
Elections in Brazil will mark historic watershed in that count 'S 01 $111 101101K SITEAKITO 001/6116111.411# 01104 relations with the U.S. in the ev nt of a victory by left-wingfrontrun er Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva (Lul )With a population fast approachi Lula e eleito presidente do Brasil 200 million within a matter of ye rs and a geographical area larger t an the contiguous United States, B azil is now set to break out from its more than 100-year run as play in a subordinate role to that of the U. as it strikes out on a new, m re independent position in its bilate al relations with its northern nei hbor. In recent months, behind-t escene tensions have slowly de eloped between the two nations o er Brazil's mounting assertions egarding its claim for a perman nt position in the U.N. Security Co ncil, its outrage over Washingto 's application of punitive tariffs on Brazilian steel exports and the B sh Administration's heavy subsi ies of U.S. agricultural exports. he last undercuts the competitive sta ding in international markets of razilian commodities and indus ial goods, most notably those of orange juice, sugar, cotton and oy beans. In a weekend interview ith Reuters television, Council on He spheric Affairs (COHA) director L rry Birns observed that Washington is illprepared to relate to Brazil in its new ole as the hemisphere's other giant, and hat U.S. negotiators, will have to make to gh concessions to Brazil in upcoming ree Trade Area of the Americas (FT A) trade talks, once a Lula administra ion takes office, especially if it intend to keep the country within the hemisph ric trade zone it is now fashioning, and not lose it and other regional nations to the European Union bloc. While Lula certainly will not bec me another Fidel Castro, and while the Ii ely new president has stated he will hono all of Brazil's-current commitments to the international lending agencies, debt default cannot be entirely locked out, but would occur only in the most extrem of circumstances. There is no question hat After 100 years playing in terms of tone, style and content, Lu a is not at all likely to follow the lea of a subordinate role to the current President Fernando Henr ue Cardoso, who moved significantly t the United States, Brazil, under right after taking office in 1994. Lula, should adopt a more Under Lula's leadership, Braz 1 is scheduled to have much closer relat ons independent position in its xiwith Cuba and cooler dealings with can President Vincente Fox, who Lu a is relation with its northern known to see as playing a surrogate ole for the U.S. in pressuring Cuban refo s. neighbor. Significantly,more budgeting weigh and concern will be directed to the coun ry's JOHN GALANTE social needs, with less emphasi on privatization, deflation and contracti nist fiscal policies.
www iario scula .com. r
DIARIO DE CUIABA
No YesMan Anymore
Brazil's current growing role in the international system has its origins in the period of 1902-1912, when foreign minister Baron de Rio Branco developed the Ministry of External Relations, known as Itamaraty, as an important institution for administering the country's foreign policy. Rio Branco's tenure witnessed a singular evolution in Brazil's diplomacy, which defined the perimeters of the Brazilian nation and established inter-American commercial arrangements, legal processes and regulatory frameworks, but never challenged Washington's supremacy. Washington's perspective on Brazil's role in international and Latin American politics also has evolved, filling it with some unease, as the "sleeping giant" has gradually assumed a larger role in both regional and global politics and commerce. In the mid 1980s, Brazil, like most Latin American countries, experienced an econornic revolution resulting from increased access to the U.S. and global market. However, the imbalance in U.S.Brazilian bilateral economic relations is evidenced by the often asymmetrical nature of both countries' trade ties. The tariff and non-tariff barriers affecting Brazilian goods, which has impeded the U.S. import of Brazil's relatively inexpensive product-line, and the overvaluation of the real in the early 1990s, reduced Brazil's competitiveness and contributed to negative trade balances. Recently, Lula's popularity has caused a stir in financial markets as he came to almost double his lead in poll results ahead of Cardoso's handpicked candidate, Jose Serra. International investors regard Lula's leftist leanings and inexperience in managing a national economy with uncertainty, ifnot outright apprehension. Lula, who opposed the FTAA in the past, says he will support it only if the U.S. and Brazil are treated as equals in negotiations. In this context, there is speculation that Lula, whose views differ from the current government's somewhat-idealized vision of hemispheric integration, would possibly be inclined to facilitate the establishment of bilateral negotiations over trade with the U.S., if he takes office. If a U.S.-Brazilian bilateral free trade area is established as an immediate step (which is highly unlikely at this time) the presently undefined future of FTAA could be relegated to a matter of secondary importance as the two continental giants end up turning their trade ties to their mutual advantage. John Galante, is a research associate with the Council on Hemispheric Affairs (Coha). He can be reached at www.coha.org. Founded in 1975, Coha is an independent, non-profit, non-partisan, research and information organization.
29 BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
Brazilian voters, including those who didn't support Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, are sitting back and gradually accepting it, even ifmany are still shaking their heads. Slowly it's sinking in: Brazil is about to be governed by Lula and his supposedly reformed, currently not-soleft-wing PT (Partido dos Trabalhadores—Workers' Party.) Lula and the PT must be lauded for successfully replacing their losing routine of the past three presidential elections, with a solid winning effort at the polls. In 1989 against Fernando Collor, 1994 and 1998 facing Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Lula held the lead in the early going, only to be overtaken and defeated as the campaign progressed. He actually made it to the second-round against Collor, but was beaten outright twice by Cardoso, without need for a runoff. But what Lula and the PT did differently this time to hang on to the lead through to the end, while remarkably obvious, is also incredibly vague. Aside from the more visible, massive improvement in marketing and communication techniques and strategy, there's been a While exhibiting an impressive basic change in the PT's campaign content—and there's the rub: it amounts to gallery of flip-flops without so no less than the most radical, yet successful about-face in the history of Brazilian much as blushing, the PT wishes politics. Party positions that for years to dramatically change economic symbolized the very existence of the PT and manyof its leaders—Lula included— policies and redirect funds to were abandoned just months before the social programs. The problem? election itself, or so it has been made to appear. These were replaced with, in There's no money. many cases, the opposite view of what was defended so vehemently before. ADHEMAR ALTIER I Of course, the political process is dynamic and having a change of heart is fair ball. But what Lula and the PT are on the verge ofaccomplishing in Brazil goes far beyond that, because it involves the party's bottom line— the very foundation of what the P was all about since it was launched in the early 1980's, and had stood for until just a few months before this election. There's a vital missing ingredient here, always present when politicians change position in a significant manner: nobody in the PT Lula and adman Duda Mendonga has said, at any time, that past posi-
Who's This Lula?
tions were wrong, outdated or unfeasible. The "new" façade was intro30
duced quickly and efficiently, but while Brazil witnessed the PT's "in with the new", nobody at any time in this campaign ever saw anything resembling an "out with the old"... This, naturally, leaves the impression that the "old" isn't dead and buried at all. Which begins to explain the economic turbulence seen in Brazil in recent months. Lula and his campaign coordinators like to say the Cardoso administration should answer alone for what is going on—the currency steadily losing ground against the U.S. dollar, markets spiraling, sluggish economic activity at best, rising unemployment, falling industrial output, and analysts around the world wondering when, no longer if, Brazil will have to restructure its debt. Throughout the campaign the PT insisted problems had nothing to do with the campaign and the possibility that Lula might win, and everything to do with Brazil's "vulnerability to external factors", caused, of course, by the current government's policies. That view is politically convenient in the middle of a campaign, but it simply doesn't hold water. The fact is that when Brazil's economy began to seriously wobble just a few months ago, all of the country's economic indicators were in better shape than a year before. Although some indicators remain comparable or better than a year ago, generally this is no longer the case because what's been happening is taking its toll. As the currency loses value for example, and interest rates rise, the debt load grows, as does the debt to GDP ratio—and that one really makes analysts sweat bullets. A devalued currency helps exports, but puts pressure on internal prices and leads to higher inflation, so interest rates move up, which further restrains economic activity.. and on and on rolls the snowball.
The Lula Factor
APE
The Brazilian economy wasn't exactly booming before things began to deteriorate, but very clearly, the downward spiral began as one disBRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
tinct variable was introduced—the one that could affect perceptions about Brazil, and negatively impact its economy in the way that it has. That variable was the growing possibility that, this time, Lula and the PT could actually win Brazil's highest political seat. , For those who still have any doubts whatsoever that this was "the" factor, newsmagazine Veja dated October 23, 2002, describes as "mesmerizing" the pace of money transfers out of Brazil in recent months. No figures are mentioned, but the magazine does say that in September alone, the total amount sent abroad from Brazil was six times greater than what went out in all of 2001, with no signs of a slowdown. Enough said. Along with shunning the discomfort caused by Lula's imminent victory as a major reason for economic turbulence, the PT has also argued that some sort of resistance exists in Brazil to different parties and political tendencies alternating in power. But the PT itself exemplifies the absence of that type of concern in Brazil. The party has reached power at all levels throughout the country, in both wealthy and poor states, major and smaller cities, with mixed results. The unavoidable fact is clear and obvious. As Lula and the PT inched ever closer to winning the presidency, the party's 20-year history of siding with radical "solutions" simply didn't—and couldn't possibly—jive with what the party and its most emblematic icon and founder, Lula, are now saying. T,he difference is so profound that it almost seems like the PT have adopted an entirely new language, along with the new image taken on by Lula. Beard neatly clipped, Armani suits and silk ties are now the norm, with Lula at times referred to as "little Lula peace and love"... Then and Now To better illustrate where things are and where they've been, and why it's enough to wreak havoc with anyone's notion of what makes sense—politically or otherwise—here are a few "then and now" examples—the PT and Lula have moved: * From backing unilateral default on Brazil's foreign an internal debts, to stating that a PT government will "fulfill all existing commitments". Before this change of heart, the PT had gone so far as to support a plebiscite organized earlier this year by the Catholic church, asking Brazilians ifthey thought the debt should BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
ZERO HORA
Lula o presidente
lies that have jumped on the PT bandwagon. These include a number of oldstyle political warhorses, many accused of blatant, multi-figure acts of corruption in the past. People the PT completely and loudly execrated until not that long ago... Money Is the Object
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r Edicao be paid at all; * From constantly demonizing he World Bank and the IMF as instituti ns at the service of big capital and dire ly responsible for the miserable existe ce of so many in Brazil, to declaring a w 11ingness to deal with and accept ter s negotiated with these institutions; * From stating frequently that Br zil has "no need" for foreign investment to declaring a future PT government open to foreign capital, which is now "welcome"; * From explicitly backing the MST, the extreme left-wing landless peasant movement known for often violent land invasions on the Brazilian countryside, to pledging that land reform will be iolence-free and respectful of private pr perty rights; * From promising to revise all privatizations and reversing them wh re it felt the need, to no longer question'ng the legitimacy of privatizations already concluded; This is just a partial list of the sh rp changes characterizing the PT's c mpaign discourse. When asked to exp amn such drastic revisions, party leaders eander into lengthy explanations a• o ut having grown politically, and gaini g a better understanding of the way thi gs are and how they work. A newly acquired grasp of the nee to negotiate, and never shut the door on those who think differently, is also fr ntrow center these days—which, ofcou se, explains the hodgepodge of unlike! al-
While exhibiting this impressive list of flip-flops without so much as blushing, the PT has consistently said it defends the need to dramatically change economic policies in order to redirect funds to social initiatives. This actually matches what the PT has said throughout its existence. The trouble begins when they're asked to explain precisely how they intend to change the economic agenda once in power. At that point, the PT and Lula provide scads of rhetoric, but no details that make any sense to anyone who can add and subtract. Attempts to explain this point usually expose an old PT wish list, which could be any party's wish list. Its basic requirement is cash, which doesn't exist. Of course, if one is to place these new social priorities ahead of fiscal responsibility, they can certainly become reality. And it would make all kinds of sense for the PT to do just that once in power, since it strongly opposed the Fiscal Responsibility Law. This is the law that prevents Brazilian administrators at any level from spending beyond their budget limits, and leaving behind unexplained debts (not contemplated in their budgets) for the next office holder to sort out. •But, the PT insists, that was then and this is now: the PT is now all for fiscal responsibility, and its social objectives will be met without sacrificing Brazil's hard-earned fiscal restraint. How you ask? People have been trying to get an answer for that in Brazil for quite some time, to the point where the media are being considered an irritant for asking... Lula and the PT, on the other hand, are not penalized by the public for not explaining how it'll come about. Indeed, Lula is now protected by a Reagan-like Teflon coating. Nothing ever sticks... So, is there reason to worry about what might happen in Brazil? Certainly not if Lula and the PT have in fact gone through a most incredible, detailed and thorough political repositioning, as the campaign they've just run would indicate. If what Lula and his party are now saying is indeed to be believed, Brazilians—and foreign investors—should have nothing to worry about, since all the 31
right promises have been made, feasibility notwithstanding. But of course, in order to outright believe that, one must necessarily ignore the 20-year history of the Worker's Party and its founder, the once brash and outspoken former metalworker Luiz black) Lula da Silva. Chances are it's not all smoke and mirrors, and Lula and the PT truly hope to make good on what they're now saying. And they want to do it "their way", even though they haven't told voters exactly what that is in many instances. But to make it all happen, the PT will have to work with the allies it has attracted in order to form a government and a viable support base in Congress. And that's where it's bound to get messy, simply because Brazilian politics are what they are—through two administrations, the Cardoso government did not accomplish nearly as much as it hoped because of the heavy horse-trading involved. Numerous main objectives were shoved aside, because to go through with them and appease political interests would have meant settling for the unacceptable. The PT and Lula are about to get a taste of that bitter reality, and given the how dramatically they say
they've changed, one can only wonder how they'll deal with it. Bottom line: in order to reach power at the federal level, the PT resorted to the exact same tactics and strategies it condemned for 20 years, in one of the bestever examples of "if you can't beat them, join them" in Brazilian political history. They threw their doors wide open, allied themselves with totally antagonistic past enemies, reversed positions and denied their own traditions. In doing so, they disfigured the PT, the only political party in Brazil that still resembled a properly functioning political party because it stood for very clear, well-defined positions. Agree or disagree with the PT, you always knew exactly where they stood and what they were all about—until now. This is no small loss. As someone who has been close to every election campaign in Brazil since the end of the military regime in the 1980's, I had always seen the stability and clarity of positions displayed by the PT—and the party's gradual growth on the Brazilian political scene— as a hopeful sign. Perhaps other parties would pick up on this, and begin to function like real political parties, committing
to programs and ideas, identifying and attracting those who think alike, and turfing out those who are only in it for themselves. Perhaps others would realize that being focused and consistent, and sticking to your guns, does win votes... But, alas, it seems the PT's patience ran out, and instead of being copied, they, unfortunately, became like their opponents. Adhemar Altieri is a veteran with major news outlets in Brazil, Canada and the United States. He holds a Master's Degree in Journalism from Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois, and spent ten years with CBS News reporting from Canada and Brazil. Altieri is a member of the Virtual Intelligence Community, formed by The Greenfield Consulting Group to identify future trends for Latin America. He is also the editor of InfoBrazil (http://www.infobrazil.com ), an English-language weekly e-zine with analysis and opinions on Brazilian politics and economy. You can reach the author at
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Rio's Holiest View Faced with the PT's fine standing after the first round the international press may be reveling in a cold war pastiche, but deep within the Brazilian electorate the PT's main rivals are evangelists NORMAN MADARASZ
FOUR DE S.PAULO
LULA x SERRA
tiponta segundo Nunn; Ciro armada !Joie ano
BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
Fro the air, the cidade maravilhosa' was not so much • aped in red as blanketed in white. Millions of paper iackgrounds, pieces of political propaganda, sticker , pamphlets, slips and posters, shot back light to the spr ng sun. Some were still swaying in the bay breeze as they spiraled to the ground in a last bid to encrus i the face of candidates onto the conscience of voters. Gliding down into the melee, people's faces now in iew, spontaneous socialist marches were breaking out in many districts. The red flag, symbol of blood and str ggle, healthily breathed the spicy humidity of a victory set in the tropics. In t e aftermath of the first round in Brazil's 2002 presid tial elections, the Workers' Party (PT) is celebratin their best result in a two-decade long history. Barely a week ago, though, the residents of Rio were remind d for a few hours of how daunting the challenges re which lie ahead. On onday September 30, the city awoke to a week bound or history. The national currency hovered dangerous y close to the psychological 4-to-I mark with respeci to the dollar. Weekend polls had Luiz Mad° Lula d Silva, PT presidential hopeful', stretching tautly over t e 50 percent high-bar, possibly hurdling to power in the first round. Despite the international suppo brought to the country's economy by the IMF's $30 bi lion loan a month ago, many questioned the curren government's ability to draw the country intact to Jan ary 1 when the new president would take over. Apart om the desire to govern, the PT rank and file soberl contemplated what they would be able to achiev under these highly sensitive financial conditions. Ye on that Monday the Real would in fact gain streng Economists glared confidently with the news of are ord $US 2,349 billion third-quarter trade balance s rplus, setting the total for the year at $US 7,727 billion Few had expected the momentary scenes of panic s arked in the city as narco-gang lords provoked the shutdown of shops in 40 different districts, including Co acabana and Ipanema. Classes in 40 percent of privat schools were hindered, while 22 percent of public chools had unexplainably failed to open at all. Buses packed, creating chaos for workers and leaving 800,00 commuters without service. At the same time the civilian police, managed at the municipal level by Mayor Cesar Maia, had simply seemedto vanish. In the end, businesses suffered losses estimated at $US 40 million. Wqs it a menacing rumor of reprisal that spread like brushfire? Or had the gangs fully, and finally, taken over from their favela outposts? For the state government, seated in Rio's south zone and headed by Ms Bened ta da Silva from the PT, it could only have been a poliflcal ploy meant to destabilize her chances for reelectioh. He insinuations were not a preconceived partisan attack. This was politics of a broader sort. It was the kind t at lets you speak of the battle waged between the democ atic Republic and drug-traffic gangs as a continuin medium-intensity civil war. Benedita summoned all of e state's police forces to the streets. Further threat to destabilize Sunday's elections led her to seek protec ion from the federal government, which promptly dispat hed the army to watch over risk areas and ensure 33
safety for Rio's battered residents. Red Wave Such scenes should in no way deter the celebrations justly being held for Lula, leader of the first round results with 46.44 percent of the tally. The country has been swept over by a red wave, with the PT now the best represented party in the Lower House of Congress. In the Senate, it has nearly doubled its representation. Apart from the federal votes, Brazilians were also asked to select their next state governor and some state representatives. There was a lot of button pushing in Brazil's second entirely electronic vote. Voting is obligatory here, the expression ofrepublican duty. As allorth American attending his first elections in Brazil, this obligation stirred up conflict with my homebred individualism. Shouldn't it be up to each and every individual to decide on whether to vote? Ushered into national pride by my companions who strode in solemn tranquility in Catete on their way to voting booths, I've concluded that: No, voting is a binding matter of civic responsibility. If there is anything a State owes to its citizens, it is to enshrine voting as their rightfully unalienable duty to choose who is to govern them. Our North-American political leadership, perhaps more so in the US than Canada, is far too content to be victorious in a climate cleaved of the voting majority. The Soviet-style two-party system that has taken over the US will last well into the future. Meanwhile, the population folds in dejected desperation at the impossibility of seeing progressives govern at home. As for the Elected, their minimal concern is legitimacy. Either a Republican or Democrat achieves this easily from the subservience ofthe establishment media, notwithstanding the street smart postures of the latter. Television debates in Brazil had set the cut-off point to four candidates. Who had the jurisdiction to bar Ralph Nader from the American presidential debates? Was this another act of individual and democratic free will? Despite the PT's brilliant performance, on the day after there remained a shrill sense of disappointment in the streets of Rio. Some Rio residents awoke with the odd sensation that their aerial view had not been mistakenly skewed from red into white after all. There was a palpable perception that the state had voted contrary to the national tendency. The PT had a disappointing finish here, with the State being only one of three in which Lula was defeated. But for a bare minimum of districts in the city itself, Rio 34
had indeed chosen the white veil. Costly Alliance Where you live in Brazil will undoubtedly color your perception of the election. Lula took over 50 percent of the vote in three states, including very prosperous Minas Gerais and Santa Catarina. In Rio, we have been given an ominous sign of the country's future. Its national rival, the Brazilian Social Democratic party (PSDB), did not beat the PT here. If there was a stunned silence in many parts of the South Zone and downtown on Monday, it was because Rosinha Matheus Garotinho had been swept to victory in the first round of the gubernatorial race with 51.3 percent. Rosinha, as she is commonly known, is only one half of a pair. Her husband, Anthony, or simply "Garotinho" (which means little boy in Portuguese), is the former state governor. For the longest time, his bid for the presidency failed to leave a languishing fourth place standing. Early in August, there was even talk of him dropping out. But in his home state, he ended up beating Lula by two percentage points. Countrywide, Garotinho suddenly became a contender, finishing third with roughly 18 percent of the tally. This result makes the inevitability of forming an alliance with him a strategic and costly challenge for either Lula or his rival, Jose Serra (ofthe PSDB). The Garotinhos are far from receiving respect from Rio's middle classes. During the campaign, Anthony's obvious populism was self-indulgent to the point ofbeing repulsive. Rosinha prances about pretending that she's the lollypop queen of the nation's disenfranchised children, when she isn't assuming protofascist imagery in citing herself as an Evita-like figure: an honest wife loyally supporting her husband through thick and thin. Recall that behind every Evita scurries a Lady Macbeth, misguidedly blaming her husband's political opponents for what, when the record has been set straight, was caused by his own megalomaniacal mismanagement. More to the point, however, is that behind the populism, the couple stands for something much larger and more ambitious. It goes by the name of the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God. Founded by Edir Macedo in 1977, the 'Universal' has grown expansively. With over 7000 churches in Brazil alone, it owns a national television station, Record TV, and countless radio stations. Rio de Janeiro is its Bethlehem, with a megatemple in suburban Del Castilho, the "Catedral Mundial da Fe", able to greet up to 10,000 faithful.
As most churches, their role is not merely to provide comfort to the weak and destitute. Federal University sociologist, Maria das Dores Campos Machado, has been following the role of the evangelical movement in the elections. She shared her observations with Veja Rio magazine: "When the Universal Church launches a candidate, the ecclesiastical structure gets heavily involved in the campaign. The Universal Church has invested massively in assistencialism and advertising for its social work. They are fully making use of the mass media." The Garotinhos are Presbyterian evangelists with no explicit ties to the Universal. In political terms, they merely represent the Universal's secular wing. Yet they have made abundant use of its infrastructure as a springboard to power. Though they each ran under the heading of the PSB, i.e. the Brazilian Socialist Party, actual use of the word 'socialism', or even 'worker' was muted under that of "Garotinho" and "I/me". • Meanwhile, Lula's main contender, the "government" candidate Jose Serra, designated as the official successor to outgoing president Cardoso, managed to slip into the run-off elections with 23.2 percent. This figure showed no significant increase over what the polls had projected when predicting that Lula would head straight for the Planalto Presidential Palace in Brasilia. Who cut down Lula's stride in Rio was Garotinho. Power-hungry Clown Garotinho would be best described as an unpredictable electoral clown, were it not for what has quickly been exposed as his unquenchable thirst for power. What he wants is as perplexing as how he got 18 percent of the nation's popular vote. Exceeding 15 million voters, this is an astonishing result for someone who gave only the most ludicrous promises and displayed an utter ignorance of economic issues. He spent three years as governor in Rio de Janeiro State. Until resigning in his bid to run for the presidentials, he polished over what has since exploded as empty state coffers and drug-lord control of the greater metropolitan region. Early in his term, city progressives were filled with hope for this new, young "socialist". Gradually disabused, they soon caught the real hue of his socialism. An alliance with the state-level PT led him to power. It also allowed him to co-opt its reputation. His most pompous campaign promise was to boost the minimum wage up to $R 400 ($102) upon taking office. By contrast, the PT has called for a gradual increase to $R 300 ($77) over three years provided the BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
economy grow by 4.5 percent. His maddest posture was to reject the conditions of the IMF loan. Given that roughly 95 percent of the 2003 budget has already been allocated, no victor will have much breathing space on social spending in the first year. A vastly undereducated people, however, may not understand such constraints when the powerful relentlessly insist to them that nothing is impossible provided one be willing to try. His elegant vice-governor and former federal senator, Benedita da Silva has struggled with a chaotic situation since assuming power last spring. Her team has been determined to fight organized crime head on. Running mate and current public security and citizenship coordinator, Luiz Eduardo Soares, was subsecretary of public security under Garotinho' s government. Under threat to him and his family, Soares fled the country once the governor dropped his support and protection for him after he began exposing the circle ofcorruption among the state police hierarchy. While in exile in the US, he spent time studying the New York City police force. When he and Benedita went into action earlier this year, the gang lords began attacking state buildings. The governor herself came close to being assaulted one weekend. As nationals of any country subjected to intensive political marketing, Brazilians have shown fascination for the old vertical identification phenomenon. Benedita grew up in Mangueira, a poor hillsidefave/a community in Rio's north zone and legendary home to samba greats Nelson Cavaquinho and Cartola. In spite of arresting two drug kingpins and partially smash ingtheir organizations, Ms de Silva has at times been found guilty of expressing shame on her face. Many ofthe disenfranchised seem to prefer turning their awe-stricken gaze to the saintly image of Rosinha instead. In the months leading up to the elections, the international press has emphasized the discomfort that torments investors and creditors wrought by the thought BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
of having to do business with the PT. ut various Church groups have set in their the picture drawn by Wall Street and he ambitions for Brazil. One of the two IMF, as Kenneth Maxwell recently p t it senators Rio will send to Brasilia is bispo in the Financial Times, is only an ext• n- (i.e. bishop) Marcelo Crivella, nephew ion of the Latin American literary fa of ofthe founder ofthe Universal. His switch magical realism by other means. T eir s from a church pop pastor symbol, with demonization of Lula is typical to no h- millions of CDs sold, to the pastoral em power brokers who only leave hi e model of political leader has been strikto find themselves sequestered beh nd ing, to say the least. And as the Church the secure walls of five-star hotels nd prepares to run a candidate for the federal elections in the future, one can alyachts. No amount of dialogue seems to be ready sense the possible tendency for its, la and Garotinho's, drive for alliances. enough to calm an edgy creditor. If Garotinho can be taken at his word and the PT; including much of the Bra ilian media and business class, have pa s- for any type of commitment, which is takingly emphasized his pro-busi ss doubtful, he vehemently rejects any allialliances, best represented in his ch ice ance with the PFL (Partido da Frente of Senator Jose Alencar from the P as Liberal—Liberal Front Party). One of his vice-presidential running mate. E en Brazil's most powerful parties, the PFL more, Lula accepted the terms of the 30 represents the interests of the notorious billion IMF loan granted to Brazil am dst northeastern oligarchs and is well represented in the Lower House and Senate. its currency crisis in August. Undeniable to his position, which in The PT has had to temper the sparks it my view is whatreally disturbs the An .lo- may launch toward the PFL if it at all American golden person set, is Lu a's hopes to govern. That's owing to how passionate nationalism and that of ra- much more the executive branch is conzilians in general. Never for a mo ent strained by congress than it is in the US. has the Brazilian business class, reg d- In trying to expose the compromises beless of political stripe, accepted the sp cu- tween these two parties, Garotinho has lation on the Real as justifiably du to donned an image ofpurity, claiming to be Lula' s standin in free of all alliances—save for the the polls. The t th Church's, which is not alliance in his is that when ver view, but a creed. With ever stroke meant the south sp aks to destabilize the PT, one can't help but critical econ m- sense that an unraveled alliance with the ics, the north t es PFL will only increase Garotinho and the it as a rebuff o the Universal's own opportunities in the self-proclai ed Brasilia/Rio tandem. With the international press' general superiority oft eir reluctance to accept Lula and the PT, it's ways. Church ' clear that in the eyes ofmany the cold war has never disappeared. Pundits keep conAmbitions What is the fusing progressive political projects with north offerin to vapid populism. In their eyes, if Stalin the south now hat equals Hitler, then it only stands to reait grovels a idst son that Lenin and Trotsky do as well. growing reces ion That this perspective is deeply rooted in and a string of or- half-digested knowledge of second-hand poration cor up- readings popularized by the most consertion cases? he vative political commentators is clearly unilateral be av- reflected in the utter ignorance of what is ior of the Bus re- at stake in Brazil's criticism of the Free gime has not snly Trade Agreement of the Americas as it impeded dialogue with the south. I has now stands. On November P'• at the ministerial cast a shadow on shareholder capital sm, and on the very nature of the econ mic meeting to be held in Quito, Ecuador, the growth the north reveled in for the I tter US and Brazil will assume the co-presipart of the nineties. This is the senti ent dency of the FTAA until January 2005. the PT has analyzed, and in regar.I to In his charismatic trade-union style, Lula has shone when describing how hard the which it is delicately proposing act' I n. Nonetheless, the face-off bet een Brazilians will negotiate against protecSerra and Lula is diverting attention rom tionism, especially on steel, orange juice those who, remain their mutual o po- and other produce including soy beans. Ifthere is one thingNorth-Americans nents. With popular education only sl iwly progressing during the Cardoso y ars, must understand at this point, it's that the 35
PT's proposals for the FTAA is a fuller expression of free-trade market principles than is the Bush administration's. If North-Americans refuse to share their wealth, that's one thing. But they should not deny their greed by distorting reality and disinforming its own public. It should not be a mystery to anyone that the current lines for instituting the FTAA are largely favorable to the North. Brazilians are not about to vanquish their country faced with the corruption and protectionism of the American business and political elite. Economic indicators are suggesting that nothing will be easy for the next president, whether he be Lula or Serra. Thus far, though, little has been measured of the consequences behind the thrust of evangelical representation in state and federal government. A split has surely occurred in the middle classes in which the PT has been revving its power. In fact, the PT may not be far from being marred by its direct consequences, as the main party with which it has run, the PL, is also filled with the most 'bishops' of the Universal Church. The messianic message pronounced away from the eyes of the mainstream
media has been heard by the nation's disenfranchised. Even then, it is hard to speak in terms ofclass lines. The Church's ambitions are community forming. Executives and office workers alike have their roles to play. With nothing but platitudes involved in Garotinho's political speeches, the short-comings ofwhat were by far the most open and hotly debated campaign the country has ever seen, have now bared a blind spot. Serra's campaign has been the most tainted by a marketing strategy whose effect was to water down his political output. But he will have to make some hard choices regarding policy questions. Serra wants to represent the Cardoso government, yet aim for a vision that Cardoso either failed to achieve or did not strive for. Either way Cardoso's support for Serra is understandably under the press' scrutiny, as Brazilians have overwhelmingly asserted—with 76 percent of votes—their desire to see change from the president's path. With Serra at on ly 23 percent, he'll have to move harder against his mentor ifhe hopes to accumulate votes. As Garotinho's antics have now been sidelined at the federal level, whether Serra has anything as solid to
bring to debate as he has been boasting, is what the next three weeks will most likely reveal. The disappointment of Lula' s partial victory on Sunday has started to settle into a realization of the vast support his vision does have for Brazilians—regardless of Rio de Janeiro State. That Lula has beaten Serra in his home state of Sao Paulo, Brazil's industrial and financial capital, has not only dispelled the stereotype of the Paulista's disgust for those from the northeast, the land of Lula' s birth. It has confirmed the trust of a large sector of Brazilian industry in Lula. Now all Lula' s got to show is that he's able to keep it. The honesty game is about to begin. On that score, Lula' s main rivals are clearly the evangelists. And their conditions for delegating votes are already mounting. Norman Madarasz is a Canadian philosopher. He lives in Rio de Janeiro, where he works as a communications consultant, translator, journalist and philosophy researcher. He welcomes comments at normanmadarasz2Ahotmail.com
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Led by President Luiz. macb.Lula da Silva Com m4nistsire taking over Brazir the strategy is to prepare thepublic mind in such away that the transition to a communist society would happen naturally, in a painless way. Evolution, instead of revolution. HUASCAR TERRA DO VALLE
BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
According to the well-known Braz 1ian philosopher and journalist Olavo e Carvalho, a former communist himse f, since 1964 it is under way in Brazil a w 11 planned and highly successful sche e aiming at establishing a communist r gime in the country. This view was e• pressed in an interview on August 21 t, last year, to Gancha Broadcasting St tion, in Rio Grande do Sul State. The philosopher declared that, n Brazil, following the tactics devised Lenin and refined by the Italian revol tionary Antonio Gramsci, many pubic offices, labor unions, public schools, t e media and almost all organizations th t influence public opinion have been in trated by reliable members of left wi political parties, mostly communists. In all sectors of the government, s well as in the congress and houses f representatives of all 26 states and n about 5,000 municipalities of the cou try, most politicians came from form -r leftist movements, many of them ex-t rrorists, including high rank officials. Ev n president Cardoso is a former leftist w o lived in exile for m years. 11 Practically unions are ruled by natical communis The number of in 1trated agents amo g newspapermen a d teachers is staggerin Especially in pubic schools, history •s taught under the Mar 1st point of view a d tapes dealing with cla s struggle, agrarian r
form, colonialism, imperial ism and other communist themes are exhibited to the students, who are asked to make compositions on these subjects. According to Carvalho, this strategy of gradually changing the values of the society follows the ideas of the Marxist theoretician and founder of the Italian communist party, Antonio Gramsci. The strategy is to prepare the public mind in such a way that the transition to a communist society would happen naturally, in a painless way. Evolution, instead of revolution. The pain will be felt only when the communists reach power and the bloodshed begins, as has always been the case. Even the last 1988 Brazil's constitution, promulgated prior to the fall of the Berlin Wall, has been put to the service of Marxian principles, and grants amazing privileges to the Brazilian Nomenklature (highly paid public officials, as in the former USSR), such as the privilege of public servants to increase their own lavish salaries; the right not to be fired, simultaneously with the right to make strikes; public pensions ten times bigger than that ofthe private sector, and so forth. Instead of being an instrument for protecting the citizen, the leftist oriented constitution really creates privileged castes and protects them from the legitimate claims of the people. In Brazil, communists are acting in three fronts. The labor union CUT has infiltrated members in the great majority ofun ions and is always supporting strikes and every kind of mass movements and riots. There is also the rural branch, the MST (Landless Movement), which fol37
lows Mao Tse-Tung's doctrines in performing guerrilla actions against farmers and ranchers in accordance with the basic communist program of abolishing the property right. The so-called "landless" peasants, heavily infiltrated by professional members of communist parties, are invading farms and even public organs, under the accommodating eyes of the government, who is buying huge areas and distributingthem amongthe landless peasants, besides providing them with cash and other benefits. Money given by the government is used to fund more guerrilla actions. The MST uses guerri Ila tactics learned in Cuba and Nicaragua, such as using human shields (putting children and old people in front on the mob, to be hit first by the police, with propaganda dividends; executing detailed invasion techniques planned months in advance; invading farms at night, before holidays (to avoid judicial measures) and using a lot of vehicles, most ofwhich were bought with money given by the government. The invasions may involve thousands ofmembers, led by highly trained communist agents and they make tents, destroy fences and even sow the soil as rapidly as possible. Urban violence is exploding in big cities, and all types of criminals may count on the protection of leftists political parties, who consider them their allies in the fight against the "bourgeois" (the capitalists). The alleged human rights are always claimed in favor of bandits, never in favor of their victims. Part of the Catholic church, the so-called Progressive Church, adopted a Marxian approach to social problems and has been used as "dupes" (useful innocents) by the leftist wing. Even Catholic masses have been transformed in communist indoctrination. The communist movement has also its political branch, the PT (nicknamed "Labor Party"), led by the charismatic Lula, an ex-trade-unionist. Trained in Cuba on terrorism, Lula, who almost won the presidency of the country in the last three elections, finally won this time, due to the great success of leftist parties in the last municipal election, held in October, 2000. The PT won elections in almost 200 cities, including the most important city ofthe country—Sao Paulo. The winning Sao Paulo mayor celebrated her victory offering a banquet to hundreds of beggars and urchins from the streets of Sao Paulo. The Porto Alegre elected mayor, also from the PT, was inaugurated in office under the International anthem. Lula celebrated the victory taking 38
about two hundred of his comrades in a visit to his mastermind, Fidel Castro, in Cuba. Many of Lula' s followers, including the president of the party, have already been before on the island, to be trained in guerrilla and terrorism techniques. Lula even offered Fidel Castro a title of Doctor Honoris Causa from the University of Campinas, in the second greatest city of the Sate of sao Paulo, which is an institution well known for the its concentration of leftist adherents. So far Brazil has survived a series of attempts of taking over the power by the communists, in 1935, in 1964 and in 1968. A recent book by Professor Denise Rollemberg, from the University of Rio de Janeiro State, published in academic spheres, focus on three attempts by Fidel Castro to settle guerrilla movements in Brazil. Severe measures, including the establishing of an authoritarian regime had to be implemented in order to prevent the taking over of the government by the left wing revolutionaries. Signs of the "painless" communization of the country are visible only to trained eyes. The top-heavy government is already capturing about one third of the GDP as taxes, most of which are distributed among the members of the local Nomenklature, scarcely returning as benefits to the tax payers. The number of public servants is always on the increase and new competitive examinations are advertised almost daily in the newspapers. Even a leftist-oriented constitution has been promulgated in 1988 to easy the way to leftist taking hold of the government Hundreds of new public employees are also being admitted by politicians, which means that bureaucracy is increasing while the productive sector is dwindling. To meet increased expenses, the government is always increasing taxes, which are a deterrent to economic development. Each time, there are less people producing wealth and more people in the payroll of the government, as in communist countries. At the same time, tax collecting organs from the government, eager for money, furiously chase evading tax payers, most of them evading tax payments because it is impossible to survive paying all the almost sixty different taxes that are levied by the government. This will result in the closing of many business enterprises, whose former employers will have to look for positions in the government, resulting in an even greater decrease of the productive sector and in the increase of the bureaucracy. The federal government made some privatization but many privatized organs
have been bought mainly by public servant's pension funds. The privatized companies, formerly belonging to the federal government, now are owned mostly by public servants pension funds. Some foreign investors, afraid of the progress of leftist political parties, avoid making investments in the country and many local entrepreneurs are planning to leave the country now that Lula is the new president. Lula is clearly against privatizing programs and states that he intends to nationalize foreign companies, to revert privatized companies to the government and levy heavy taxes on "great fortunes". Of course he has the intention of not paying both the internal and the foreign debt. Olavo de Carvalho stresses that, as usual, leftist parties preach one thing and practice another. Publicly they praise democracy, freedom, social justice, equality and economic progress. However, if we look at their program, available through the internet, it will be obvious that their intentions are exactly the opposite. Before going to pay homage to Fidel Castro, Lula declared that people who think that he and his party is abandoning former communist ideas are completely wrong. Their ultimate goal still is to establish a dictatorship of one party, with absolute power in their hands and complete restriction to any demonstration of individualism. The party's program, as expected, favors all forms of collectivism. Freedom will be extinguished in Brazil and it is probable that other Latin countries will follow Brazil's example. Brazilian communist activists have not moved one inch from their original Marxist ideas. They even admit publicly (in their Internet site) that their intention is to resort to violence in order to reach their goals of socializing the country. The party program also declares that the PT party is just a branch of the international socialist program. Though all over the world communism is seen as a black page of history, marked by bloodshed and economic failure, in Brazil it is being hailed as the solution of all problems of the country, strictly in accordance to Marxian canons. If Cuba, with an area of only 114,500 square kilometers, is such an inconvenient country, imagine a communist Brazil as a replica of Cuba, however with 8,500,00 square kilometers and a population of about 170 million people? Huascar Terra do Valle is a Brazilian lawyer and writer and can be contacted at huascar.bhz(&,terra.com.br BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
Natives' Voice In 1998, we only had 14 indigenous candidates. In these elections, that number grew to 20. Not much, but still a trend to further the indigenous cause. If we consider the votes received by the 20 indigenous candidates, a little over 13,000 altogether, we see that they represent only a small percentage of the country's indigenous voters, who total about 200,000. This could lead us to the conclusion that the "ethnic vote" continues to be more a debate and an aspiration than a reality. If we try to identify the reason of the poor performance of indigenous candidates, we see that it was caused by various factors. Among them, special mention should be made of the party policy historically adopted in indigenous villages, the high cost of the campaigns, disbelief in the party policy, and the lack of a true understanding of the space for the exercise of power in the non-indigenous society. Despite this scenario, one can notice a greater interest and a higher awareness on the part of the indigenous movement of the importance of its participation in the country's political life. In 1998, we only had 14 indigenous candidates. In these elections, that number grew to 20. This number, although not very high in itself, reveals the trend to face the challenge of the ballot boxes as a means to further the indigenous cause and ensure the rights of indigenous people. The present electoral moment and the results of the elections should show to all the citizens of this country, particularly to its rulers, that the relations between indigenous peoples, the State and the national society should be urgently reviewed, so as to ensure their participation in the national life under rules and through channels of their own. That is, as in other countries, they should be able to have a differentiated participation in legislative circles. If, on the one hand, no indigenous person was elected, the indigenous candidates of left-wing parties won most ofthe votes (72 percent) and most indigenous people voted for candidates who want to see a change in the policies now in force. In the state of Acre, with the reelection of senator Marina Silva, her alternate Antonio Ferreira da Silva, a member of the Apurind people, will continue to play a role in the political scenario. The chart below shows the indigenous candidates and the votes they got (source: Cimi and High Electoral Court). Indigenous candidates for the position of House Representative: BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
Name UF* Amanua Seus MT Evilasio Pereira da Silva PE Jose Adalberto Silva RR Total votes: * Unit of the Federation
People Kamayura
Party N. Votes PMDB 1,504
Fuln
PPS
Macuxi
PC do B 2.291 4.282
487
Indigenous candidates
r the position of State Representative
Name Jose Osair Sales (Sia) Mario Karipuna Franciscode Oliveira Lima Jose Alirio Gomes Indio Marta da Silva Vito Mariano Justino Marcos Terena Laercio Marques Pereira Lncio Paiva Flores Tapiet Kayapo Almir Narayamoga Suruf ClOvis Ambrosio Jose Franca Miguel Gilberto Pedrosa Lima Rodrigo Batista Pinto Jonas de Souza Marcolin Sebastido Bento da Silva Gabriel Poti Total votes: 9.089 * Unit of the Federation
UF* AC AP . DF MG MS
People Party Kaxinawa PV Karipuna PSB1, Tabaj ara PSL Arand PMDB Guarani-Kaiowa PT
N. Votes 742 977 85 396 1.462
MS MS MT PA RO RR RR RR RR RR RR SC .
Terena Terena Terena Kayapei Surui Wapixana Makuxi Makuxi Makuxi Makuxi Wapixana Guarani
237 116 779 9 577 269 273 37 341 703 143 643
PST PV PT PSB30 PV PT PRTB PSD PFL PFL PFL PPS
1110-SP
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The Big American lie Is the US in the process of becoming a fascist nation with the blessings of the American people? The Brazilian government should learn with the US how to paint a rosy picture when the economy is falling apart, how to live in a world of illusion. RICARDO C. AMARAL
I was stunned and very surprised to find out of how little it took for the terrorists to put the United States on its knees. Today! have realized how fragile the entire American system is. I live in New Jersey, but only twenty miles from the World Trade Center site in New York City. About four miles from my house I have a beautiful view of the New York skyline and ! could see the two gigantic twin towers of the World Trade Center. Now, when I look in the direction where the twin towers used to stand I feel a strange feeling. The terrorists destroyed a few buildings and they killed about three thousand people. The attack will have a profound impact on the lives of the people who lost loved ones on September 11, 2001. It also had a negative psychological effect on the US population, when we realized how vulnerable we all are to any kind of terrorist attacks. We can consider the 3,000 people who died in the attack to be a very small Iloss in terms of people when we compare that number with the total size of the US population of 270 million people. The monetary loss of an estimated $100 billion dollars also can be considered a small loss when compared to the size of the US economy of $9 trillion dollars. The damage to the US seems small when put in perspective to the damage done to other countries in the last 20 years. For example, most Americans don't even know where Sudan is located • our globe, and they don't know that in ; they have had a devastating civil war going on since 1983, where more than 2 million have been killed. In the last 25 years we had a war in Angola that killed over 600 thousand people. In Rwanda over 500 thousand ' people were killed in that civil war in the 1990's. There are too many countries around the world that have been completely destroyed by civil wars such as !Congo, Ivory Coast, Colombia, Somaha, Liberia, Afghanistan, Serbia, and Bosnia, just to mention a few. If one watches American television here in the New York area on a regular basis, it would seem that there is only one problem around the world—between Israel and the Palestinians. Israel has the latest in war techn ology, including tanks, 1F-16 jets, helicopters, atomic bomb, etc. 1The Palestinians have stones, sling shots, .small firearms, and as a last resort they ;blow themselves up as suicide bombers. US on its knees? The terrorists did not only destroy a
40
BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
few buildings and kill over 3,000 people in the US. They continued to score victory after victory over the United States in the last year. They also destroyed the American way of life. Let me explain what I mean. In my opinion the US Constitution and the Bill of Rights is one of the greatest documents ever written. These documents are a masterpiece. These documents embodied the soul of the American nation. It is what sets the United States apart from the other nations. I wish every American would send a copy of the US Constitution and the Bill of Rights to all the politicians in Washington D.C. to remind them of what this country is all about. After President Bush declared war on terrorism, the US government took some drastic measures to wage such a war. On October 26, 2001 President Bush signed into law the USA Patriot Act of 2001. This law is based on the assumption that Americans are willing to give up their civil liberties in exchange for safety. A legislative analysis of the USA Patriot Act by the American Civil Liberties Union shows the following: 1) For immigrants, the law is a dramatic setback that gives the government the authority to detain—indefinitely in some cases—non-citizens who are not terrorists on the basis of vague allegations of a risk to national security. 2) Allow for indefinite detention of non-citizens who are not terrorists on minor visa violations if they cannot be deported because they are stateless, their country of origin refuses to accept them or because they would face torture in their country of origin. 3) Minimize judicial supervision of federal telephone and Internet surveillance by law enforcement authorities. 4) Expand the ability of the government to conduct secret searches. 5) Give the Attorney General and the Secretary of State the power to designate domestic groups as terrorist organizations and deport any non-citizen who belongs to them. 6) Grant the FBI broad access to sensitive business records about individuals without having to show evidence of a crime. 7) Lead to large-scale investigations of American citizens for "Intelligence" purposes. There are 23 pages in this new act dealing with the subject of money-laundering. This extensive section ofthe USA Patriot Act dealing with money launderBRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
ing also gives the government new po ers and makes it easy for the governm nt to freeze and confiscate assets of anyo e, including American citizens. The U A Patriot Act increased substantially t e risk of doing business in the US beca se ofthe possibility of confiscation of ass ts and property. I wonder what the long-term full i pact of the USA Patriot Act will be on r e US culture and economy—the capi al flight from the US economy, the imp ct on immigrants and their families who re living in the US today, the impact on n w immigration to the US, and the impact n civil liberties of the American people The USA Patriot Act representS a major victory of the terrorists over e United States and its free society. We c n see another victory for the terrorists in the creation of the Homeland Secur ty Agency, a department which is exe pt from following the rules and guideli es set by the US Constitution and Bill of Rights. This is another example of h w the American people handed their ci il liberties on a silver platter to the terr rists' cause.,From what I understand, t is new Homeland Security Agency is an organization similar to the Soviet K I B or the German Gestapo. The US government has been oper ting for a long time with two fine orga izations; the CIA and the FBI. Both or anizations operate under the rule of I. meaning the US Constitution and Bill of Rights. This new Homeland Secur ty Agency looks very suspicious to mew th its secret intelligence court. Even American citizens were put on trial d denied the right to meet with a lawyer. s we all know, democracy and justice an die behind close doors. As reported in The New York Ti es on September 10, 2002, the Bush dministration unveiled the new TIPS p 0gram ( for Terrorism Information d Prevention System ) to recruit Am 'cans to spy on their fellow Americ s. These developments make me wonde if the US is in the process of becomin a fascist nation with the blessings of he American people. Two weeks ago when I was talkin in the telephone with an aunt of mine in Brazil, she asked me why Americ ns hate Brazilians. I asked her why she as asking me that question, because I had o idea what she was talking about. She tu Id me that she was watching on televisio in Brazil the story of about 30 Brazili ns illegal immigrants who had been cau t in the US when the federal govemm nt started using every available statute to hunt down and punish terrorists.
These people were not terrorists, they were immigrants trying for a better life in the US, but they were treated as if they were dangerous people. These people were deported from the US. They were not allowed even to go home to get their personal belongings. They arrived in Brazil with only the clothes they were wearing when they got caught in the US. What happened to the belongings ofthese people, including the contents of their houses, cars, etc? The same type of treatment is being given to illegal immigrants from other countries. I bet that when they are deported to their original countries, the local media also are reporting on the mistreatment received by these immigrants in the US. I am sure that this kind of reporting is not helping the image of the US in foreign lands. The American media usually does not report on these issues which impact our lives here in the US. The American media would rather expend half of their daily broadcast on the subject of Israel and the Palestinians, and the other half demonizing Saddam Hussein and Iraq. I told my aunt that they are not giving this hash treatment only to Brazilians. They are giving this treatment to immigrants in general. Just God knows what really is going on here in the US, since the current government administration has a policy of doing things in secret. The American overreaction to the terrorist attack of 9/11 has major longterm consequences to the US economy. The New York Times reported on October 13,2002 that "slowdown on US visas stalls business, science, and personal travel plans. A global slowdown in the issuing of American visas to foreigners is disrupting lives in the United States and abroad. It is interfering with scientific research and business deals, forcing some people to postpone medical treatment and weddings and stranding others away from their homelands, say government officials and advocates for immigrants. Foreigners have been waiting months for security clearances to the US." Life Is Hell Life has become a nightmare here in the US for illegal immigrants (It is estimated that there are over 6 million illegal immigrants living in the US today. To put it in some perspective, that figure represents twice the entire population of a country such as Uruguay, and most of these people are living in fear in the US.) Most of these illegal immigrants came to 41
the US looking for a better life. I asked a friend of mine who has a large Brazilian restaurant in Newark, why the restaurant was so empty. I used to go there for dinner on a regular basis and I noticed that lately the restaurant was empty during some weekdays. He told me that a large number of illegal Brazilian immigrants who lived in the Newark area were returning to Brazil, because of the new situation here in the US. The job market is dead in the New York Metropolitan area and they can't find any type of work. On top of that, they were afraid most of the time of being caught by the US government and ending up in prison, and then of being deported to Brazil. On many occasions when I was waiting for my food at the restaurant, I heard the conversation ofthe other patrons, and they usually were complaining to each other about how hard it was to find any kind of work today here in New Jersey. About a year ago, before 9/11, I was leaving this Brazilian restaurant in Newark, when on my way out I heard the private telephone conversation of a Brazilian young man in his mid 20's. He was very upset and was saying that he had been looking for any job in Newark for days and he could not find anything. He also said that he had no money and that he had had nothing to eat in more than two days. He told his friend that he was starving and did not know what to do. I tapped on his shoulders and when he turned I could see on his face how desperate he was. I gave him enough money for a meal and wished him well. To make things even worse, most of these illegal immigrants can't even speak English and they don't know where to go to find any kind of help. Brazil's Chance I have first-hand experience as to what is happening here in the New York/ New Jersey job market, since I also have been looking for a job for a while. I see a large number of qualified people every day when I go to the labor department and nobody is finding decent jobs in accordance with our education level. We have all the skills but where are the jobs? If we can't find a job here in the New York Metropolitan area, then forget about finding a job in the rest of the country. In an article entitled "Out of a job and no longer looking," The New York Times on September 29, 2002, wrote that the real unemployment rate in the US is completely misleading. It is close to double the numbers reported by official government statistics. Millions of discouraged 42
unemployed people have turned to disability insurance. Instead of 5.8 percent, the real unemployment number is close to 12.0 percent. People who run out of unemployment benefits are not counted anymore as being unemployed. The government statistics are all smoke and mirrors, and hype of meaningless information. I wonder ifthe stock analysts that covered Enron, WorldCom, and other worthless companies also worked on the published numbers of these government statistics. Many of the people that I meet at the labor department on a regular basis have exhausted their unemployment extensions, and they are living now by depleting the nest egg that they have accumulated for the retirement years These people are in their 50's; they don' tknow how much longer they can keep going on in this fashion, and they don't know what they, will do when it is time for retirement and the money is all gone. Seems to me that we are in the process ofm lking the American economic system dry. I hear people from other lands saying cial markets are destroying the Real, the that American politicians don't care about Brazilian currency, when Brazil has only other countries. When I hear that, I think a total $250 billion of debt, and at the to myself, why should the American poli- same time the US dollar is so strong in the ticians care about the people of other international financial markets, when the countries, when they don't cart even US government has over $8 trillion dolabout the American population? For ex- lars of debt, and many states are choking ample: those bastards left Washington with red ink here in the US. American for the elections break, without giving an consumers and American corporations unemployment extension to the Ameri- also are all choking in debt. The numbers are so ridiculous today can people who most need their help at that they don't make sense to me. The this time. The new Brazilian government should total Brazilian government debt is conlearn here in the US how to hype mislead- sidered high at $250 billion dollars. And ing information and show how things are at the same time the total US government going well when in reality they are losing debt is so high, at over $8 trillion dollars, money or are falling apart. How to live in that the US government has to pay as interest on its debt the amount of apthe world of illusion. There is one thing no one can take proximately$200 billion dollars per year. , away from the US government and US The US pays in interest per year an amount corporations: they are the masters of illu- close to the entire Brazilian government sion. We can see that on a daily basis not debt. Something is wrong here. The total only in Hollywood and on the Disney US government debt is 32 times the Amusement Parks, but also in the busi- amount ofthe total Brazilian government ness world and the government's eco- debt. nomic statistics. The US Deflation I am sure that Brazil also can become a world economic power if Brazil is alSeems to me that the financial marlowed by the world community to borrow " itself to a ridiculous amount of $8 trillion kets of the world lost any common sense, dollars of debt, such as the United States. and they are driven only by hype and Today economics and finance are so nothing else. In the new deflationary enmuch out of touch with reality. The finan- vironment that we will be living in the
PRIOR
BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
future, God knows for how long, the US economy is in a That means that on the conservative side, the value of contracts position for a repeat performance of the great depression of the in the derivatives market must have grown by over 300 percent 1930's. since March 1994, and the estimated value for them at the year It is like a recipe for big trouble to be in debt during end 2002 should be over $ 50 trillion dollars. deflationary times. The housing bubble is ready to be burst, just I don't understand why, after such a sharp stock market like the stock market bubble. From that point on, consumer decline since January 2000, compounded by the economic confidence and everything else will go down hill. Companies losses of 9/11, the collapse of the telecom, and airline induslay off people, there is less buying power, they lay off even tries, and massive corporate fraud on corporate America, how more people, we have a deflationary spiral and so on. People come all this did not result in major losses for the banks, with no jobs can't pay the bills including credit cards and insurance companies, hedge funds, and other financial institumortgages. tions, creating havoc in this derivatives market. Massive losses People have to sell their houses, and the flood ofnew houses in this derivatiN es market can sink the entire US economy. on the market depresses even further the market price for The new deflationary wave which will hit the US economy houses. After a while, if you have some money, you can buy will be bigger than the Japanese wave. This will be the biggest what used to be a $100,000 house for about $ 15,000. The last deflationary contraction in world history. It is a record that time we had deflation on this large scale in the US was in the most Americans hope that they don't achieve. 1930's and very few adults remember those days. The New York Times on October 14, 2002 had an article: Recent experience in Japan and here in the US showed us "Auditors Say US Agencies Lose Track of Billions." Accordhow quickly asset values (in equities or real estate) can melt ing to the article, the US government accounting system is in away. Remember, asset values decline very fast but the liabili- shambles. The Enron corporation accounting system and inforties don't go away. If you just bought a house for $400,000 and mation are more accurate and reliable than the US government have a mortgage for that amount, when housing values decline system. We all know what happened to Enron. Auditors plug in the near future and that house is worth only $200,000 or less, numbers at government agencies by the billions of dollars. you still owe the bank the $400,000. Your debt doesn't go If the US government fmancial numbers are as bad as the away, as asset value is declining. lam not surprised that they are article describet, then I don't understand why the US dollar is trying very hard in Washington to change the bankruptcy laws. not crashing, and losing its value in relation to other currencies. The creditors know that massive losses are on the horizon The combination of all of the above opens the door to Brazil related to the deflationary wave that willaffectthe US economy. become the nex-, world economic power. In other words, Brazil Here is some further information which I am quoting from will pick up the pieces from the decline of the United States. the article "The Risk That Won't Go Away," in Fortune magazine dated March 7, 1994: Financial derivatives are Ricardo C. Amaral is an economist and author. He tightening their grip on the world economy. And nobody knows can be contacted at amaralalumnildu.edu how to control them. Like alligators in a swamp, financial derivatives lurk in the global economy. Deriving their value SAUDADE DA COMIDA BRASILEIRA? from the worth of some underlying asset, like currencies or LONGING FOR BRAZILIAN FOOD? equities, these potentially lucrative contracts are measured in trillions of dollars. But they also lie in convoluted layers in a tightly wound market of global interconnections. And that gives them the capacity to bring on a worldwide financial quake. "...The lead actors, small in number, are derivative dealers: the big commercial banks, the major securities firms, plus an occasional outlander from insurance. For these players, derivatives have become an imposing source of profits, earned largely on the fastest-growing, most controversial instruments of all: customized, over-the-counter contracts written between a dealer PLUS and another party. BAHIA FOOD "...Counting everything, including both derivatives traded FOR PARTIES OR DINNER on the futures and options exchanges and over-the-counter (OTC) derivatives, the notional value of derivative contracts outstanding is today an estimated $16 trillion. That leaves the SALGADINHOS E DOCINHOS PARA FESTAS, REUNIOES OU QUALQUER OCASIAO. GDP of the US, at around $6.4 trillion, in the dust. ...Most APPETIZERS AND SWEETS FOR PARTIES, chillingly, derivatives hold the possibility of systemic risk— MEETINGS OR ANY OCCASION_ the danger that these contracts might directly or indirectly PASTEL, COXINHA, EMPADA, RISOLI, CROINETE, OUIBE, ACARAJE, cause some localized or particularized trouble in the financial BOLINHO DE BACALHAU, BRIGADEIRO, BOMBOCADO, markets to spread uncontrollably. OUINDIM, BEIJINHO E MUITO MAIS "...An imaginable scenario i some deep crisis at a major BRAZILIAN STYLE EMPANADAS, CHICKEN BALLS, dealer that would cause it to default on its contracts and be the GROUND BEEF CROQUETTES, COD FISH CROQUETTES, TURNOVERS, CHOCOLATE BALLS, instigator of a chain reaction bringing down other institutions COCONUT BALLS, AND MUCH MORE and sending paroxysms of fear through a financial market that NO ORDER IS TOO SMALL OR TOO BIG lives on the expectation of prompt payments. Inevitably, that NENHUM PEDIDO E PEOUENO OU GRANDE DEMAIS would put deposit-insurance funds, and the taxpayers behind them, at risk." WE DELIVER IN THE LOS ANGELES AREA That Fortune magazine article also mentioned that the e-mail:brazilpany@yahoo.com (323) 255-4953 derivatives market was growing at a 40 percent rate per year. BRAZZL-NOVEMBER2002
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Na sala clara o gato dorme. Pousa a cabeca entre as patas, ressona. Contra a luz da janela seu corpo é uma sombra parda de pelos fofos. A manha indecisa infiltra-se pelas venezianas e na nossa vida, suave. Sera urn dia como outros nesta praia quase deserta de ares da cidade. Quase deserta. Levanto-me, escancaro a cortina, sondo o cOu azul, desenhos abstratos. Tomo café, saio, chapeu, sandalias, short, camiseta estampada, urn livro. Vou me sentar beira-mar, no banco de sempre, contemplando a paisagem que nao muda. Paisagem estatica que se contrapOe ao movimento das ondas provocantes. Gosto do vaivem belicoso. E a vida tentando quebrar a monotonia deste recanto de ferias, oscilando entre o fim da primavera e o comeco do verao. Neste intermezzo de estacao e ambivalencias, ponho-me a pensar ern Jerome, no dia em que nos separamos. Dia nada especial para a natureza. Para nos o rompimento definitivo dos fios esgarcados da nossa relacao, insustentavel. Foi assim como a Ultima distensao do elastic° que já perdeu a flexibilidade, estala ossos que nao tern, 44
The angel proved to be an insatiable satyr, I abandoned the bad witch's armor and surrendered to the pleasures of paradise. I kept the sharp nails to scratch the satin skin of the angel, who in turn sunk teeth and tongues into my breasts, abdomen, clitoris. TEREZA ALBUES
geme, arrebenta nervos, nao suporta mais a tensao. Que nao fosse o elastico, seria uma corda de embira, rota, como aquela que bamboleia no cais obsoleto do King Bay. Ambos sem serventia. Na essencia e no contexto. Nao sei porque estou aqui a buscar imagens, simbolos, metaforas, que em nada me ajudam na cura dos ferimentos da alma. Talvez esteja tentando visualizar sentimentos, talvez ao !hes dar aparencia material, seja mais facil lidar corn a dor. Ve sO? Os artiffcios de que nos valemos na hora em que nos vemos desamparados. E por que nao? Tudo é valid° quando se tem o vacuo deixado pelo amorque se supunhaeterno. Se bem que conferir eternidade a pactos humanos foi duma ingenuidade de querubim. Labios roxos, bochechudos, cabelos encaracolados de inocencia. Mas Jerome me dava essa sensacao. Mesmo quando mentia. Era demais a pureza de prop6sitos. De arrepiar a pele do mais insensfvel mortal. Ou a pele sedosa de violeta entreaberta, ainda virgem de abelhas. Ou a do botao fechado de liriodo-campo, tremulo de pudor. Jerome era belo e consistente. Na BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
mentira? Tenho dificuldades em rotular suas acOes. Hoje ado sei se era falsidade premeditada. Porque ele nao parecia um ator representando urn personagem. Como nos anfiteatros da Grecia antiga, a mascara que trazia pregada na cara, era ele. Ern carne e osso. Ele era o personagem. Que amava, sofria, gargalhava, conforme as experiencias vivenciadas. Ele devia acreditar no que fazia. Por isso a candidez. Mentira sincera, existe isso? Se no existe, Jerome inventou o genero. Ele podia criar acontecimentos e emocoes corn tamanha engenhosidade e realismo que o expectador ficava fascinado. Ele era todo seducao e carisma. Seus olhos verdes brilhavam de esmeraldas, a expressdo serenava, os gestos davam vida as palavras. Promessas, declaracOes de amor, pianos, trabalho, a familia, colegas, viagens, aventuras daadolescencia. Tudo. Uma certagraca o envolvia, ele se tornava quase translucido, angelical mesmo, as est6rias fluiam leves. De uma leveza de asas de borboletas, pirilampos, anjos peraltas brincando de esconde-esconde entre constelaceies invisiveis. Falando de anjos. Eu os encontrei num desfile de Halloween na Washington Square. Um grupo de cinco rapazes e duas mocas, entre eles, Jerome. Longas batas de cetim salpicadas de estrelas prateadas, asas compridas, penas macias de garca, aureola de brocado fosforescente. Eu e duas amigas, feiticeiras negras, rostos verdes, chapeus pontudos, unhas posticas, vassouras de palha, dancando ao redor de fogueiras imaginarias. Comecamos a conversar, separamo-nos do restante do grupo, varamos a noite juntos percorren do os bares lotados e barulhentos de Manhattan. Divertimo-nos enormemente. Amanheci no apartamento dele, na Marks Place, no East Village. Minha fantasia de bruxa dorm ia no chdo, debaixo das asas e vestes do anjo nu, que agora me abracava entre almofadOes indianos. Ele tinha a cara verde, eu estava coroada de estrelas. Fizemos amor repetidas vezes. 0 anjo revelou-se urn fauno insaciavel, eu larguei a couraca de bruxa malvada e me entreguei aos prazeres do paraiso. Conservei as unhas afiadas para arranhar a pele acetinada do anjo que por sua vez cravava dentes e linguas pelos meus seios, ventre, clitoris. Tesdo, gemidos, sussurros. 0 corpo atletico de Jerome, inventivas sexuais, orgasmos nunca sentidos. Eu disse, ele tambem. Nenhuma mulher como eu. Homem nenhum como ele. Ndo mais nos separamos a partir daquele momento. Nossa paixdo, como fogo sagrado, nos envolvia mais que o BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
corpo, a alma. Tomamo-nos amantes, parceiros, cumplices, num pacto secreto de felicidade infinita. Ah, como foram maravilhosos os dias do East V Magi... Dias longinquos e rarefeitos no tempo. Como a nevoa que vem surgindo no horizonte destapraia quase deserta. Qu se deserta dos ares da cidade. Nao as lembrancas. Jerome nascera em New Orle ns. Quando tinha dois anos, a familia se mudou para a Califon ia. Tinhauma o ica irma de nome Geraldine, antropOlth• a, trabalhando num projeto no Kenia. Os pais, Gregory e Violet Porter, eram ri os proprietarios de grandes fazendas, ga os, plantacOes. Ele estudara Sociologia m Berkeley mas em pouco tempo desco riu que sua vocacao era outra. Queria ser fotografo. Interessara-se por fotogr ha desde os sete anos, quando ganhar a primeira Camara, presente de anivers rio do avo Barnard. Tinha caixas e caixa de fotografias acumuladas durante a os. Viera para New York, matriculara-se na Escola de Artes V isuais e pouco de ois trabalhava como freelance no Vill ge Voice e Daily News. Nunca pass ra apertos financeiros. Se ndo apar cia trabalho, a familia o ajudava prontame te. Assim ele vinha vivendo ha dois anos, corn urn certo conforto, ndo podia se queixar. Mas o seu sonho mesmo lera fazer fotografias de arte, ter o prOPrio estudio, ser conhecido internacionalmente. Para isso vinha se esforcando enormemente. Estudavamuito, nao per;dia exposicOes de fotografos famosos nas galerias do Soho, procurava etar inteirado de todos os movimento e novidades nesse campo. Frequent4va workshops e estava sempre fotografa do. Usava camaras sofisticadas, tenta do obter efeitos originais e surpreenden es. Vou conseguir o que quero, disse me certa vez, acredito no meu sonho. Eu do duvidei. Tudo isso ele me contou. Averiguar nem se eu quisesse. Andava muito ocupada corn a minha tese de mestrado em LiteraturanaN.Y.U., trabalhava trinta horas por semana na Barnes & Noble, fazia economias nipra poder pagar as contas nofim do es: aluguel, luz, telefone, etc. Dividia urn sala e quarto corn Marion, uma aspirante a atriz, outra que tinha de se desdobrar para se equilibrarnas financas. Vim dt4ma familia classe media, estudei as custas de bolsas e emprestimos bancarios, de de cedo venho lutando pra conseguir rieu ideal: ser escritora. Eu tambem tenho um sonho. Jerome entendeu. Foi o que eu the contei. Pura e simples, a verdade.
Depois me contaram. Outra versa() do que ele havia me contado. Os pais de Jerome, simples funcionarios do City Hall, moravam em Brooklyn, numa casa modesta. Era filho 'him Geraldine, uma fot6grafa que trabalhava para a National Geographic Magazine, a amante mais velha, bem sucedida que o sustentava. Ele passava os dias perambulando por Manhattan, em cinemas, galerias, barzinhos, enquanto ela viajava a trabalho pela Europa. As fotografias artisticas que havia me mostrado, como sendo tiradas por ele, mentira. Eram de Geraldine Jordan. Tudo isso me foi dito pelo seu amigo Michael. Urn dos anjos do Halloween. E, por coincidencia, na Washington Square. Quando urn dia nos cruzamos, casualmente. Eu voltava da Barnes & Noble, ele da N.Y.U. onde estudava Direito. Relembramos o desfile, a conversa recaiu sobre Jerome e ele desfiou a historia, espontaneo e natural, os olhos placidos de cordeiro, fitandome sem piscar. Escutei-o em silencio. Despedi-me, estou corn pressa, tenho um compromisso. Nem sei se notou meu desconcerto ou o desconcerto das aguas em que eu me debatia, esquecida de nadar. Bye-bye. See you soon. Michael ficou no meio da praca, penso que boquiaberto, ndo olhei pra tras. Eu me fui nadirecdo da Fifth Avenue, enxergando nada que nao fosse o desespero Intimo. Olhos secos, de lagrimas nem noticias. De vez em quando apenas urn anjo desnudo cruzava minha retina, gargalhando. Apressava o passo cego, meus pes e meu coracdo conheciam o unico caminho que naquela hora eu deveria tomar. 0 caminho de casa. Cheguei ao meu apartamento do Chelsea, tremendo de frio, em pleno verdo. A noite em claro, a noite clara como esta sala clara. 0 dia amanhecendo. 0 dia da confrontacdo. Manhd nada indecisa. Confrontei-o. Jerome me olhou como se ndo soubesse do que eu estava falando. Escutou em silencio, mdo no queixo, sereno. Quando terminei, urn sorriso brando brotava em seus labios sensuais. Aquele tipo de sorriso complacente, misto de ironia e candura de quem se coloca numa posicdo superior em qualquer controversia. Segurou minhas mdos, beijou-as, voce esta equivocada, meu amor. Michael estaria mentindo? Ndo exatamente. Porque ĂŠ assim que ele desenvolve seu raciocinio para compor minha histOria. Trabalhando corn dados imaginarios, constrOi uma fabula que 45
pensa corresponder a realidade dos fatos. E, de tanto Teconta-la, angariou uma legiao de adeptos que acreditam na veracidade da narrativa. A repeticao alegOrica é urn mantra poderoso. Se voce perguntar a qualquer urn dos meus amigos, eles vao confirmar a palavra de Michael. Todos eles me veem sob a mesma Otica. Acontece que nao participo desse enredo criado a minha revel ia. Sou construtor da minha propria fabula. Posiciono-me no mundo da maneira que desejo me ver e agir e sonhar. Sinto-me livre para criar e transformar a trajetOria do meu destino. 0 que lhe contei é a minha verdade. Que é a Unica. Porque somente eu, a semente-matriz da fabula, pode conhece-la. 0 resto nao passa de projecao alheia. Assim ele se defendeu. Poeticamente. Ambiguamente. Dentro da sua estranha filosofia, olhando-me altivo. Belo e consistente... No fosse o telefonema de Geraldine, eu estaria ate hoje, quem sabe? Naquele estado indefinido, suspensa entre a seducao de uma verdade inventada e a realidade conhecida por todos os conhecidos de Jerome. Porque eu nab tratei de investigar nada. Nao sei se por falta de animo ou de coragem. Talvez nao quisesse encarar as asperezas do avesso da fabula. Talvez porque quisesse prolongar o quanto possivel uma situacao que, embora eu suspeitasse ficticia, proporcionava-me tanta felicidade. Recolhime. Alias, recolhemo-nos. No refiigio de nossa privacidade, isolados. Paredes de ago, a prova de fogo, raio, bala, intrigas. All estariamos, segundo Jerome, a salvo da projecao alheia. Estrategia mais do que ingenua, fugaz. 0 telefonema de Geraldine Jordan conseguiu abrir crateras na superficie da pseudo fortaleza. Corn uma facilidade de estarrecer. Caiu como uma granada. Que nao chegou a explodir porque a intencao era apenas me prevenir do perigo. Largue o meu homem senao... Seu homem? Al ouvi o relato completo do caso de amor deles, que já durava tres anos. Desta vez eu compreendi. A mensagem era clara como a sala clara. Onde nao cabe mais o verbo ressonar. 0 gato acorda, espreguica-se, arregala os olhos amarelos, contempla seu reflexo na vidraca, assusta-se. Salta entre as poltronas, pelo ouricado, atento. Enrosca-se na cortina, espreita o "outro", no qual nao se reconhece. As orelhas, par de antenas sensiveis, a captar o possivel inimigo, retesadas. Vigilancia e astucia. Imovel a mirar a imagem daquele que nunca lhe foi mostrado como sendo ele—o gato pardo que em si nao percebe. Como se precaver do choque da projecao de Si mesmo? Nem os humanos. Cena pre-fabricada. Escape que engendro pra cortar o fib do que ainda me conecta a um estado eletrizante. Do qual eu nao soube e nem quis escapar no instante em que reconheci a necessidade do pub. Como posso antecipar os movimentos e reaceies do felino alerta, se a eles me desassemelho na lassidao e destino? Se ainda continuo na praia quase deserta, desguarnecida? Ah, os voos da imaginacao... A gaivota que vai sumindo no horizonte me lembra o anjo de outrora. Qual sera seu disfarce no proximo Halloween? Uma ventania sopra inesperadamente, o ceu se turva, parece que vai chover. Na praia, o vento em redemunhos, assovia sons estridentes. Ao lone, entre nevoas de areia, vem surgindo vultos indistintos que aos poucos vao adquirindo formas e movimentos. Sao os vampiros, freiras, garconetes, demonios, palhacos, anjos, principes, pierr8s, arlequins da Washington Square, dancando freneticos. Cantam, gritam, gargalham, loucos de alegria, como na noite antiga em que participei do desfile. A atmosfera ë igual na aparencia e sortilegio. Onde esta o grupo de feiticeiras? De repente, no meio da multidao delirante, uma mulher de negro, cara verde, chapeu pontudo, me acena. Estremeco. Tenho a sensacao de estar diante dum imenso espelho observando meu reflexo vivo que continua a atuar na outra margem do tempo. Preciso desfazer a conexao, se quero alcancar a serenidade. Desvio o olhar para o vaivem das ondas, o ceu escuro, a praia quase deserta. A chuva comeca a cair. Levanto-me do banco, pego a bolsa e o livro que nao Ii, you me embora do passado. Urn barco se solta do cais. As amarras se dissolvem entre seixos e algas.
46
I Wonder Where Are You How to find what you are not looking for? It's scary. Chimeras, was it a bar's name or something I nurtured inside myself? TEREZA ALBUES Era uma tarde, nem morna, nem purpura. Devassa. Pela fresta da janela a luz baca entrava e saiacom uma intimidade de clientes em cabares baratos. Nenhuma senha, contrasenha, reservas antecipadas. Os gestos aconteciam e se sucediam corn uma libertinagem assombrosa. Transeuntes desocupados ou empenhados em alguma tarefa tardia ou escusa, ou mesmo obtusa, avancavam sem pudor, nas entre! inhas do desejo. Nas calcadas movimentadas, pernas, calcas, saias, sapatos baixos, altos, sandalias, mocassins, tenis, tamancos, botas abafadas, ousadas, de doer. Nos olhos de verniz e no baque surdo do calcanhar. No andar suado, excitado, o resfolegar das temporas, narinas abertas, ouvidos moucos, zunidos abstratos. Quantos sobressaltos! Quanta falta de senso, contra-senso, contraponto. Na esquina da rua Augusta, nem tao astuta quanto quer parecer, a moca ausculta. Vem do interior, ausculta. 0 tempo, nem tanto. 0 tampo do esgoto aberto, detritos escorrendo vadios, gosmentos. No ar o odor pestilento, na cara a dor macilenta. Nos onibus e taxis lotados, urn sinal de que a vida se comprime. Como o espaco que divide corn outras mocas esperancosas. NA° ha vaga. Nem nos empregos nem no coracao de alguem nem nacidade caOtica nem nas sarjetas escon-egadias. 0 disponivel é urn ponto que nao se alcanca. Nem por acaso. 0 ocaso talvez. Dependendo do ponto em que se encontra. 0 sol se pOe a distancia. As luzes em breve vao se acender. Acenos da vida noturna. Outra face do cotidiano. Outra perspectiva do humano. Em busca de si mesmo, ou do deus no qual nao acredita. A noite comeca a cair. A cortina desce. De seda transparente e cinza, desce. Afaga os dissabores, entrava humores, amen iza dores profundas. Unguent°. Reavivam-se as esperancas. Quem sabe esta noite. Na avenida movimentada, encontrarei o que procuro. Mas se nem sei o que procuro. Como encontrar o que BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
no se busca? Assusta. Quimeras, era o nome do bar ou o que eu embalava dentro de mim, como uma cancdo que nem era de ninar, mas que tinha uma entonacdo de rede balancando, num rancho de palha de minha infancia? Ah, se eu disesse isso para as colegas paulistas...Tho longe da real idade delas, tao proximo da minha historia, tao distante do meu presente... 0 que nos colocaria numa igualdade sem igual. Quer contradicdo major? Em plena Sao Paulo das garoas decantadas, quem se assombra? 0 cinzento da cidade é diThio, como dübiaé nossa estadia neste planeta. Cabo Fernando Abreu que o diga. Onde quer que ele esteja. E quern sabe me inspira neste momento? Comecei a escrever um conto, depois virou cronica, depois virou o que virou, nada. Ou seja, nenhum genero especifico. Mas quern precisa se especificar? Afora os americanos do norte, que dizem na cara do latino estupefato: Be specific!---porque ndo conseguem I idar corn a obra aberta da vida—afora eles, ndo é Caio? Quem precisa de? Ora, direis, vamos ouvir besteiras. Estrangeiras ou caseiras. E a noite cai, sem altemativas outras que nap essa. As leis da natureza tambem tendem a ser especificas. E a nossa emocao e necessidades imediatas que se acomodem ao notumo. 0 tom do quadro se altera por conta e risco. 0 sombreado entra no cenario A nossa revelia. E a garota que pensa ser vivida, entra no redemoinho da cidade. Corpo e alma. Entrega-se As vibracoes do irresistivel, previsivel ateterto ponto. Perambularapela noite sem destino. Pelos bares e infeminhos, vinhos, vodkas, cigarros. Marlboro, Camel, Hollywood. 0 mundo é vasto. De incongrudncias, amores, traicOes, rancores, boas trepadas, dores de cotovelo e boleros e melodramas e sacanagens e beberagens infindas. Papos moles, soltos, tensos, banais, pseudo-intelectuais, deitando falacdo, aumentando a poluicdo do ar. Ar enfumacado. Garoa virando chuva. Vento gelando esperancas. Porres A vista. Na esquina, mendigos pedem esmola para a cachaca. Outros apenas pra sobreviver. Alguns nem dizem pra que, A mdo estendida, o olhar vago, a expressdo empedrada de esfinge tropical. Urn acordedo antigo murmura Astor Piazzola, a masica passa despercebida. A tragedia dos tangos se sobrepoe a miseria concreta de to-do o dia. 0 som se mistura a outros restos de melodias e se perde pela noite anonima. Urn travesti passeia e se exibe pela avenida, ponta a ponta, fuma o Ultimo cigarro, gesticula, ninguem parece percebe-lo. 0 tempo urge, a vida exige, a fome ndo espera, o aluguel atrasado, o telefone cortado, queixar-se a quem? Ao bispo, é piada caduca. 0 travesti, conhecido como Liana, redobra nos requebros, exagera o batido do salto das botas nas calcadas frias. Ressonancias apelativas, no exercicio do velho oficio. Nenhuma artimanha surte efeito. Odio acumulado. Desgraca de profissdo. Pelos becos o negrume, estrume, picadeiro de circo pobre, desmontado As pressas, a trupe aboletada nos caminhOes, A deriva da sorte. HA um clima ambiguo de luz e dor e sombras e soliddo e gritos e risos e urn leve tremor de terra insone. Exausta, Liana esta a ponto de desistir. Na Ultima tentativa, urn carro para, ela entra, o radio esta tocando Vida Breve de Cazuza. 0 homem pergunta, gosta da milsica? Adoro. Pois eu odeio, rosna o homem. terno e gravata, careca. Desliga o radio. Pisa fundo no acelerador. 0 perigo se anuncia na noite. Nem moma, nem devassa. Purpura. Liana apalpa a navalha na bolsa, as longas unhas pintadas de vermelho-cintilante. 0 mesmo torn do seu baton Reveron. BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
Island The Cicadas Island belonged to the cicadas. This undesirable leg on that plagued the island every year; a legions with ndless powers. Humans lived under their yoke. TEREZA ALBUES
0 silencio da il a, ao escurecer, ndo é cortado abruptamente. Quase imperceptiv 1, o som vem surgindo como urn leve sussuro dos galhos de arv res, ao balanco do vento morno. Ndo é o volume do som; premincio do tempo de duracdo, que traz arrepios. A sensaca de impotencia. Nada vai estancar a sinfonia obssessiva; em bre e oar sera tornado pelos estribilhos irritantes; o ar e as ruas, o co o, o ouvido, a mente, a vida dos habitantes da ilha. A sinfonia orneca corn acordes delicados, em diversos pontos; a desconex o das notas da a falsa ideia de que tudo nao passa de ruidos isol dos; ruidos de inofensivos insetos espalhados pela folhagem. 0 v rde da ilha é abundante, espesso, adocicado. Natural que atraia i irmeros e variados especimes. Seria natural, nao fossem os espe imes, da mesma familia. Sao. Nesta hora. E parecem estar unid s por urn minusculo eletrodo local izado no extremo das suas an enas sensiveis. Que ao primeiro sinal, aciona urn movimento sin ronico, comandado por maestros invisiveis; a mtisica se espalha como ondas mansas pela areia macia; cresce e se transforma em vagas aflitas, os provaveis naufragos que se acautelem. Ndo se s be se por instinto, ou se govemadas por urna inteligencia superi r, as cigarras sdo duma disciplina de fazer inveja a muitos m nges em anos de clausura. Com precisao e cadencia, assestam s baterias sonoras, como poucas academias mi 1 itares saberiam precisar. A cronometria da orquestra é impecavel. Nenhu a falba ou intervalo ocioso; conspiracdo de Primeiro Mundo. JA noite. Ninguem dorme. 0 zumbido estridente pretende continuar i interrupto ate de madrugada. Tortura chinesa, na repeticao da mel dia, para os homens. Japonesa, pelo arakiri vocal, para as cigarr s. Muitas amanhecerao mortas.Nas calcadas, seus corpos expost s ao sol; cinzentos, verde-escuros, cascudos, horrendos; os corpo ; carregados ou tido pelas formigas, van-idos pelos empregados a limpeza péblica, pelas donas de casa, alarrnadas corn a q antidade. Outros continuam grudados nas arvores; o pulmdo eco, patas secas, asas encolhidas. Alguns abracados ou agarra os As costas dos outros. Morreram copulando. 47
Orgasmo mortal, o das cigarras. Extinguem-se du-ran-le, o que quer que estejam fazendo:o importante e nao parar de exercitar as membranas musicals. A estranha compulsao, nada se interpOe. A forma de morrer parece obedecer a urn pathos inevitavel. Já nascem sabendo como vao term inar. Os machos, espec ialmente, que trazem. de nascenca. uma bolsa musical no baixo ventre. Aceitam o destino tragic° e a eles se entregam corn a volirpia de herOis gregos. Nem todos. Ouvi dizer que num certo pomar italiano, do Tibet. E Hunno chegou, exausto, varias cigarras se recusaram a entrar na desnorteado, em pleno verao; e pousou, sinfonia; fizeram greve de voz, protes- al iviado, na I lha que nao sabia ser, das taram. Foram cercadas e golpeadas na Cigarras. Era. E a patrulha ideologica, que viceja garganta por urn esquadrao de machos as claras ou as sombras enfurecidos; minutos depois os assastambem nas sociedades sinos, lambendo as patas, se juntaram animals maioria e foram morrer de tanto carnal-. ou Conforme o costume herdado dos vegetais, ancestrais ou a sina atavica, sem qualquer farejaria a pista. explanacao lOgica. E em breve marcharia a sua Uma unica c igarra escapou ao massaprocura. cre da I lha de Capri. E veio pousar na I lha que ela nao sabia se chamar, das Cigarras. Uma cigarra expatriada, corn ideias Pousou, peito arfante, o voo longo, revolucionarias, poderiarepresentar uma cansativo; mas os pulmbes resistiram bem grave mega a Ordem e a Moral daquela a travessia dos mares; os pulmbes das cigarras sao possantes; o que as matam, comunidade. Desconheciam o treinamenja se sabe, e a compulsao do canto. E to de Hunno, mas presumiam que deveria Hunno, como ficou conhecida a cigarra ter tido mentores excepcionais de calibre exilada, tinha vontade ferrea e deter- internacional. Sabe-se la de que taticas minacao de propOsitos. Morreria sim, dispunha o subversivo? Tinha de ser urn dia; mas de morte natural; esque- eliminado antes que se infiltrasse entre as cendo-se que, entre as cigarras, a morte pacatas cigarras locals e as incitasse a natural era exatamente aquela da qual desobediencia. Morrer cantando é nosso fugia. 0 fim comum dos seres de sua lema, gloria e tradicao! bradaram os zelosos guardicies. E o Maestro (ou qual especie. Mas Hunno nao era uma cigarra fosse o codinome do !icier dos Cicadideos), ordenou a cacada e exterminio comum. do vil traidor. Tarde demais. 0 I SRUCC Por isso a rebeliao, que culminou em (Intel igencia Secreta do Reino Unido das fuga e exilio, o que (he daria direito a Cigarras Conservadoras) informou que asilo politico, se humana fosse, a figura em 48 horns o mal havia se alastrado, do fugitivo. Perseguido e ameacado de muitas cigarras mostravam sinais morte no seu pais, tinha todo o direito de contagio. Diante do inequivocos de invocar a protecao de urn pals estrangeiro. Tinha. S6 que, a ilha em que pousou, quadro alarmante, decidiram mudar o inadvertidamente, nao pertencia a esquema da Operacao Cacada. A ordem nenhum pals democratic°, que respeita inicial foi revogada, por unanimidade. E a falange alada, partiu coin a missao os direitos humanos, muito menos o de trazer Hunno - VIVO! direito de cigarras rebeldes, que tern a Politicamente, o assassinato nao seria ousadia de ir contra a tradicao secular a melhor solucao. Segundo os informandos Cicadideos. A Ilha das Cigarras, pertencia as cigarras. Essa legião indese- tes, a noticia de sua chegada e da atuacao javel que infestava a ilha, anualmente; no levante de Capri, já havia se espalhado uma legiab corn poderes ilimitados. Os pela Ilha inteira; formavam-se comites humanos viviam sob o seu jugo. Quanto de apoio, assembleias populares, crescia ao silencio noturno. Um jugo passageiro, o numero de simpatizantes; aquelaaltura, como a vida das cigarras. No verao, transforma-lo em martin seria urn erro de apenas, e verdade, mas de dominio estrategia. 0 piano era prende-loe obrigaabsoluto. 0 pesadelo daquele som lo a cantar ate morrer, como qualquer esganicado, constantemente a ferir os cigarra comum. Mas Hunno nao era uma cigarra ouvidos dos moradores, seria capaz de comum. desafiar a paciencia milenar dos monges 48
Considerava ignObi I procurar urn fim que nao desejava. Nao acreditava em destino cego e se recusava a participar dum ritual que via claramente como suicidio em massa, semelhante atragédia liderada por J im Jones, nas Guianas. Nao acreditava, nao estava disposto, e nao executaria a performance exigida por uma lei absurda. Fosse ela da Natureza, de Deus, ou dos Homens. Falou grosso, batendo as patinhas na areia molhada pela baba de seus algozes. Decidiram executa-lo au i mesmo, na praia, em plena manha de sol. 0 despudor dos tiranos. nao havia Tambern testemunhas...Moscas, mosquitos, caranguejos vadios, nao contavam. Nem perceberam que do alto das dunas, um pintor solitario acompanhava a cena; em rapidos movimentos, traps firmes, passou para a tela o instante da execucao. Tendo perpetuado o tempo e a acao na obra, desmontou o cavalete, enfiou tintas e pinceis na sacola de couro, saiu apressado. Carregando o quadro como se fosse urn estandarte sagrado, atravessou a ilha, solene. Enquanto isso os carrascos lancavam a mare alta o corpo daquele que eles nao desejavam, fosse martin A seguir, partiram em marcha lenta, zumbindo em coro - Que os tubarOes devorem, o proscrito! Que os tubaroes devorem, o proscrito! Nao devoraram. A mare baixou, o corpo de Hunno reapareceu, todo prateado, e foi visto por todas as cigarras da I lha. Muitas guardaram silencio naquela noite. In the original, these short stories were called "A Ilha das Cigarras," "A Fabula do Anjo,"and "Por onde andaras?" Tereza Albues is a Brazilian writer from Mato Grosso who has lived in New York since 1983. She has four novels published in Brazil: Pedra Canga (Philobiblion, 1987) Chapada da Palma Roxa (Atheneu Cultura, 1991), A Travesssia dos Sempre Vivos (UFMT, 1993), 0 Berro do Cordeiro em Nova York (Civilizacao Brasileira, 1995). She has also a novel published in France - A Danca do Jaguar (Editions 00h00.com, 2000) and a novel published in the United States - Pedra Canga (Green Integer, 2001, trans. by Clifford E.Landers). In 1999 the author was one of five winners of Guimaraes Rosa Short Story Competition, sponsored by Radio France Internationale, Paris, with her short story A Bouquet of Tongues. She can be reached at AlbuesnyAaol.com BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
deprived of sex and love, they rebel and tart a fierce confrontation with their mother. ext by Federico Garcia Lorca, directed by I one de Medeiros, with Grupo Ofic i n a Multimedia. Como Se Fazia um Deputado (How We Used to Make a Representative). Comed of costumes. In 19th Century Rio, two po iticlans decide to fabricate a candidate to in the elections, using Henrique, a young I wyer, for that. Written by Franca hinior and directed by Felippe Correa, with Adi son Pereira, Gildo Fontolan, Robson Stan ov, Patricia Bispo and Sandra Nagy.
U ma Onda no Ar (A Wave in the Air)— Brazil/2002—It seems like a war in the big favela (shantytown). The police start to go up the hill while a pirate radio station tells the population how to react. It's the radio station that the police are looking for. Directed by Helvecio Ratton, with Alexandre Moreno, Adolfo Moura, Babu Santana, Benjamim Abras, Priscila Dias, Edyr Duqui.
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III Buda (Buddha)—Comedy. Decided to get a man she loves, a young woman appeals to religion. Monologue by Clarice Niskier. Directed by Domingos Oliveira, with Clarice Niskier. Comemorando? (Celebrating?)—A guest is kidnapped and tortured during a party. None of the guests, however, does anything to stop the violence. Written and directed by Denise Weinberg with actors just graduated from CAL (Casa de Artes de Laranjeiras). 0 Homem sem Sentidos (No-Senses Man)— A man chooses to go into complete isolation and finds a world full of questions and conflicts. Written by Patricia Mess, directed by Elisa Barbato, with Andre Junqueira. Nervos de Deus (Nerves of God)—Based on German judge Daniel Paul Schreber's Memoirs of My Nervous Illness. Sigmund Freud, who read the book, was inspired by it to include paranoia as one of the psychic manifestations psychoanalysis deals with. Written and directed by Eugenia Thereza de Andrade, with Cassio Brasil, Carlos Alberto Escher, Jorge Luiz Alves, and Maira de Andrade.
$1.11 PAILI Nao Me Conies Verdades (Don't Tell Me Truths) Comedy. A group of people are shown talking while waiting to be seen by a doctor in a free medical clinic. Written by Tacit() Rocha, directed by Luiz Serra and Marcus Cardeliquio, with Enio Goncalves, Jose Ferro, Vania Barboni, and Lourdes de Moraes. 0 Homem do Sobretudo Escuro (The Man on the Dark Overcoat)—Drama. Based on several short storieS by Agatha Christie. A young couple, which owns a boarding house in England, receives the visit of the police while waiting for some guests. Directed by Silvio Tadeu and Ina Carvalho, with Tereza Penteado, Silvio Eisterso, and Andre Ruffo. A Casa de Bernarda Alba (The House of Bernarda Alba)—Drama. Widow locks her five young daughters for eight years, but, BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
INRUSH-LANGUAGE MOVIES: Mr. Deeds (A Heranca de Mr. Deeds), Bo me Identity (A -Identidade Bourne), Moth an Prophecies (A Ultima Profecia), he PowerpuffGirls (As Meninas Superpoder sas - 0 Filme), The Country Bears (Beary os Ursos Caipiras), My Big Fat Greek Weds ing (Casamento Grego), Windtalkers (Cod gos de Guerra), Road to Perdition (Estrada ara a Perdicilo), Changing Lanes (For. de Controle), Spiderman (Homem-Aranha), ilo & Stitch (Lilo & Stitch), Snow Dogs ( eve pra Cachorro), People I Know (0 rticulador), The Good Girl (Por um Sentid na Vida), Possession (Possesscio), Reig of Fire (Reino de Fogo), Scooby-Doo (Sco byDoo), Signs (Sinais), Spirit: Stallion o The Cimarron (Spirit - 0 Corcel Indomavel Adagio ao Sol (Adage to the Sun)—Br ill 1996—A couple in the early 1930s t to maintain a difficult relationship made ven harder by the arrival of a young man. he background is the Sao Paulo Revolutio of 1932. Directed by Xavier de Oliveira, ith Claudio Marzo, Rossana Ghessa, E win Luisi.. Paixdo de Jacobina (Jacobina's Passio )— Brazil/2002—Based on Videiras de Cr stal (Crystal Vines) a book by Luiz Antoni de Assis Brasil. Jacobina is a young healer ho preaches that people can save their soul by searching for equality and happiness. She foresees that the world will be consumes by purifying flames. Directed by Fabio Bar 'eto, with Leticia Spiller, Thiago Lace da, Alexandre Paternost, Antonio Calloni, and Caco Ciocler. Cidade de Deus (City of God)—Br zil/ 2002—Based on Paulo Lins's novel of si e name. An inside picture ofRio'sfavela Ci ade de Deus. How Dadinho e Buscape grow p in world of drugs and crime. Directe by Fernando Meirelles and Katia Lund, ith unknown actors, including Alexa dre Rodrigues, Leandro Firmino da Hora, Seu Jorge, Matheus Nachtergaele, and Phe lipe Haagensen. Abril Despedavado (Broken April, Be ind the Sun in the English Version)—Br ilSwitzerland-France/2001—Based on lbanian author Ismail Kadare's book Br ken April. In the Brazilian Northeast, follow ng a family tradition, a young man is compell d to avenge his brother's murder. The young ter, however, decides to question this blood c I de. Directed by Walter Salles, with Rol rigo Santoro, Jose Dumont, and Rita Assem y.
FICTION I. A IntimacAo (Rocco) John Grisham (1 — 9) 2. As Mentiras Que os Homens Contam (Objetiva) Luis Fernando Verissimo (4-94) 3. Harry Potter e a Camara Secreta (Rocco) J.K. Rowling (0 — 104) 4. Harry Potter e o Calice de Fogo (Rocco) J.K. Rowling (5 —65) 5. Harry Potter e o Prisioneiro de Azkaban (Rocco) J.K. Rowling (0 - 85) 6. Artemis Fowl, uma Aventura no Artico (Record) Eoin Colfer (6— 3) 7. Todas as Historias do Analista de Bage (Objetiva) Luis Fernando Verissimo (2 - 4) 8. Harry Potter e a Pedra Filosofal (Rocco) J.K. Rowling (0- 118) 9. Os Borgias (Record) Mario Puzo (9— 10) 10. Lagrimas na Lua—Trilogia do Coracao 2 (Bertrand Brasil) Nora Roberts (3 — 1)
NINFICTIIN 1. Quern Mexeu no Meu Queijo? (Record) Spencer Johnson (1 — 96)] 2. 0 Sentido da Vida (Sextante) Bradley Trevor Greive (2— 13) 3. A Casa da MAeJoana (Campus) Reinaldo Pimenta (4 — 13), 4. Corinthians: E Preto no Branco (DBA) Washington Olivetto e Nirlando Beirao (5 — I) 5. A Semente da Vit6ria (Senac) Nuno Cobra (7 — 70) 6. Cidade de Deus (Companhia das Letras) Paulo Lips (3 — 4) 7. Voce E Insu bstitu Nei (Sextante) Augusto Jorge Cury (9- 15) 8. Estacao Carandiru (Cia. das Letras) Drauzio Varella (6— 137) 9. Um Dia Daqueles (Sextante) Bradley Trevor Greive (8 — 76) 10. A Arte da Felicidade (Martins Fontes) Dalai Lama (0 - 104) The first number inside the parentheses tells the position the book was in the previous week. The second number indicates for how many weeks the book is in the list. According to /sto E Genie - Oct 28, 2002
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•Cons"tate Consulado G. do Brasil (312) 464-0244
• feeds Promotion
Samba 1 Dance Group (773) 486-9224
• MsWoos
Portuguese Lang. Ctr. (312) 276-6683
Dallas k Houston, TA
• Clubs llssiciotiens Brazilian Cultural Center (713) 961-3063 Fila Brasileiro Association (817) 447-3868
• food ft Products
Taste of Brazil Toll Free: (866) 835-5556
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Capoeira Golpe Bonito (713) 463-6584
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Boi na Brasa (817) 329-5514 Fogo de Chao (972) 503-7300 Samba Café (713) 961-7379 52
yang (800) GO VARIG
• Arts Clams
Julinya Vidigal De Vince (310) 479 2070
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Ar do Brasil (310) 473-6482 Bakari Art Studio (323) 857-0523 Folk Creations (310) 693-2844
Rottaumts ft Calls
(310) 787-7520 Café Brasil , (310) 837-8957 Gauchos Village (818) 550-1430 Grill from lpanema (562) 435-6238 Pampas Grill (323) 931-1928 Roda Viva Churrascaria (626) 839-9950 Sabor Brazil (310) 376-7445 Zabumba (310)841.6525 *SOW i.40t-INIS*,0 Touchdown Freight (800) 824-4399 Key International Shipping
• ilk OP" Cosmo Auto Parts (323) 259-9818 Pit Stop (310) 643-6666
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Banco do Brasil (213) 688-2996
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Verao Brazil Bikinis (818) 887-1776 • Chef t ' ' Samba Collection (562) 438-3669
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(800) 248-3880
Brazil-Cal. Chbr of Corn.
(323) 658-7402 Brazilian Sociocult. C. (310) 370-0929 Centro Cultural Gaucho (323) 256-6548 MILA • Samba School (310) 478-7866 Mov. Social Humanista (310) 281-6652 SambaLa -Esc. de Samba (562) 438-3669
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Tania Sayegh (310) 612-4S38 Solon G. Pereira (562) 924-9633 a Bossa Nova (310) 657-5070 By Brazil
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Transbrasil (800) 872-3153 yang (800) 468-2744
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Banco do Brasil (305) 358-3586
Banco Nacional (305) 372-0100 '
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,
•Clubs I Associattliit'
Brazilian Ch. of Corn.
(212) 751-4691 Brazilian Com. Bureau (212) 916-3200 Brazilian Trade Bur. (212) 224-6280
• Consulate
Brazilian Gen Cons (212) 75- 3080
BBJ (Br. Bus. Junction) (212) 768-1545 VaillffneffifL IMO Amazonia (718) 204-1521 Coma Nossa (201) 578-2675 Merchant Express (201) 589-5884
• MUNI
Emiliano Benevides (415) 648-2441
phystme41,
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Dr. Guilherme Salgado (415) 832-6219
Ciube Bras. 'San Diego (619) 295-0842 Sunday Night Cl. Brazil 88
M C. Printing (510) 268-8967
(619) 233-5979
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Vigo San Diego (858) 488-8303
San Francisco WOWS, Whig (209)475-1269 Laura Basaloco-Lapo (415) 288-6727 Manoel Faria . (510) 537-3533 1041104 M Nelson Auto Body (415) 255-6717 Matts Auto Body (415) 565-3560
* In* faro
Bibbo
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Car Mania Auto Repair (619) 223-7748
Bay Area Brasilian Club
, Luso-Brazilian Books (800) 727-LUSO
The Brasilians
1, Al
(415) 681-5355
New York /N. Jersey
flomRISIR
•IMO
. (415) 433-9441 Daiven 0 (415)786-6375 Neyde's
Luma Travel (305) 374-8635 Monark Travel (305) 374-5855 New Port Tours (305) 372-5007 Via Brasil Travel (305) 866-7580
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*
Brazil Exchange (415) 346-2284 Brazil Express-Vigo (415) 749-0524 Paulo Travel (415) 863-2556
»Homy Remittance
• Reel Estate
404listilling
Vasp (800) 732-8277 Joel Stewart (954) 772-7600
'",04-404'
(305) 935-2452 Dr. Roberto Shaffer (305) 535-1694 Dr. Neri Franzon (954)776.1412 • MOANS •`?,
*Mks 8
Celia Malheiros (650) 738-2434 Fogo na Roupa (510) 464-5999 Voz do Brazil (415) 586-2276
; WilivaeoR,
Dra Henrietta Faillace
*Mai EstatitiMlwrm*
(201) 491-9196
San Diego
Elizabeth Almeida, MA. (310) 470-0214
(323) 255 8062
Portuguese Lang. Sony. (415) 587-4990
(201) 313-0996 Odyssea Travel Service i4 (212) 826-3019
Katja Rego Johnson (954) 255-5715
Brazzil
•
• 11151111:11H
Brazil 2000 (212) 877-7730 Brazilian Pavillion (212) 758-8129 Cabana Carioca (212)581.8088 Indigo Blues (212) 221-0033 S.O.B. (212) 243-4940 Tapajos River
• leant
• Psydollitmoiste • Physicians
Brazil Express (415) 749-0524 Mercado Brasil (415) 285-3520
Barb Tour Service
• Psycluitliinglait
Dr. Jefferson Se (213) 207-2770 Tania Haberkom, M.A. (310) 840-580 0111INCIMIES
Los Angeles
(954) 424-5868
(818) 986-1295
Nativa Productions (408) 287-9798 Kidoideira Productions (415) 566-0427
Brasilia (212) 869-9200
• Caosolate
Consulado do Brasil (305) 285-6200 '•i• MINS Hedimo de Si
•legal Services
(212) 382-1630 Brazijian Voice (201) 955-1137 Portugal•Brasil News (212) 228-2958 www.verdeamarelo.net (732) 906-8039
Banco Real (305) 358-2433 Ban espa (305) 358-9167
, (415) 334-0106 iCapoeira Abada 8(415) 284-6196 Capoeira Institute 0(510) 655-8207 Ow MOM' , Micronet (415) 665-1994
• CURIO
•Brazilian Consulate (415) 981-8170 t.
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f„Aquarela (510) 548-1310 !Birds of Paradise (415) 863-3651 ;pings Brasil (510)428-0698 'Samba do Coragio (415) 826-2588
•onahtgarr .
Roberto Sales, DDS (510) 451-8315
•beets Frionithilf
Eyes For Talent (650) 595-2274 F. B. C. Events (415) 334-0106
•Paidicallos
Brasilbest (415) 731-1458 Brazil Today (510) 236-3688
Café do Brasil (415) 626-6432 Café Mardi Gras (415) 864-6788 Canto do Brasil (415) 626-8727 Clube Fusetti (415) 459-6079 Joao's Restaurant (408) 244-1299 Mozzarela Di Bufala (415) 346-9888 Nino's (510) 845-9303 Terra Brazilis (415) 863-5177
*Inanditiou
Port. Lang. Services (415) 587-4990 Raim undo Franco (916)443-3162 Roberto Lima (415) 215-4990 09800830 Paulo's Travel (415) 863-2556 Rio Roma (415) 921-3353 Santini Tours (800) 769-9669 Tropical Travel (510) 655-9904 Tucanos Travel (415) 454-9961
• faveiftlilailt#
ashinglon DC
• Neils Transbrasil 202)775.9180 Varig (202) 822-8277
.mks
Banco do Brasil (202) 857-0320 Banco do Est. de S. Paulo (202) 682-1151
•Clubs issiddlitesBraz. Am. Cult. Inst.
(202) 362-8334 Inst. of Brazil. Business (202) 994-5205 ✓ 4 Embaixada do Brasil (202) 238-2700
•
Amazonia Grill (202) 537-0421 BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
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After writing the article AFlip Side of Rio.- which was published in the August 2002 edition of Brazzil, I received many letters expressing concern for the favela residents. One reader who expressed special compassion and thought, Marcos Borges, put me on the path to find out what was currently being done to make a difference in the favelas and how readers could become involved. Due to space considerations and the inability to locate all the worthy enterprises dedicated to filling the needs, it is impossible to describe each one. However, the following list of alphabetically ordered organizations demonstrate a sample of the different types of agencies assisting the favela residents and the variety of programs available: ABC (Action for Brazil's Children) Trust Founded by Jimena Gomez Paratcha, wife of rock legend Jimmy Page. Patrons are J immy Page and Brazilian soccer great, Pele. Jimmy recently opened the new head offices in Suffolk, United Kingdom, and fan ,J can purchase Led Zeppelin mementos on the web site in order to help fund the projects. Area of Assistance: Rio de Janeiro's Santa Teresa district and state of Bahia in northeast Brazil PROGRAMS:
54
Casa Jimmy: In conjunction with sister charity, Task Brasil Trust, operates home for street children in Santa Teresa. Houses 15 children and 5 teenage girls. Task Brasil's other Rio projects include Crescer Programme, which maintains a home for young children up to age 6; Shi n ing Light Programme, which supplies a home for teenage girls either pregnant or w i th young babies; Street Approach Programme, which offers support and advice to young people living or working on the streets; and Epsom Farm, which dispenses healthcare, vocational training and takes in young rehabilitated women who have chosen to commit to studying ecologically focused agriculture, along with offering other incentives to leave the streets. Avante Lencois: Currently constructing a community center in abandoned miningfave/a area of Lencois, in the state of Bahia. The center houses a community newspaper and radio station, while additionally offering workshops and sports programs. Children take part in workshops to learn capoeira (dance martial art), care ofthe environment, radio broadcasting and journalism, as well as how to become involved in community activities. Adolescents intern in broadcasting and journalism and have plans to create a community garden to grow veg-
etables. Families receive education on general healthcare, sexual health and disease prevention, citizenship and self-advocacy. Seeds of Light Project: Soup kitchen in Lencois, Bahia, where hungry children and adolescents are fed, receive advice, and participate in activities and vocational workshops, which include tapestry production and recycling ofpaper in order to produce an income. Buscape: Run under the auspices ofthe Office of Investigation into the Music of Bahia in the city of Salvador. Street children and children with disabilities design and make costumes, play music, sing, and practice dance routines in workshops, which culminate in participation in Salvador's Camaval parade. Circo Picolino: Accepts children referred by local agencies in Salvador and trains them in the art of circus performance in order to provide an alternative source of income as opposed to life on the streets. Also admits some children from middle-class families in order to promote understandink between families of differing backgrounds. 'Current Needs: Monetary donations to pay salaries for teachers and community workers who look after the children. Does not need volunteers at this time. Contact Information:
BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
Head Office: ABC Trust 88-89 St. John's Street Bury St Edmunds Suffolk 1P33 1SQ United Kingdom Phone: 011-1284-747476 Fax: 011-01284-747478 E-mail: info abctrust.org.uk U.S. Support Office: Supporters ABC Inc. 2400 Las Olas BlVd PMB 262 Fort Lauderdale, FL 33301 Phone: 954-537-9440 e-mail: abcinflorida@yahoo.com Task Brasil Trust (sister org. ofABC) E-mail: info a, abctrust.org.uk P.O. Box 4901 London SE16 3PP England Phone: 0044-207394-1177 Fax: 0044-7394-7713 Web sites: www.abctrust.org.uk www.taskbrazil.org.uk Submission Source: Mark Ereira, Chief Executive info@abctrust.org.uk AJA (Associacao do Jovem Aprendiz) Area of Assistance: All states of Brazil, Portuguese speaking Angola, which is affected by land mines, and Botswana to those infected by the AIDS virus. Programs: AJA's interest in helping the impoverished is focused on those with physical challenges. ABRA (Acao Brasileira para a Acessibilidade): ABRA (Brazilian Action for Accessibility): Seeks to provide computer access to those with disabilities or special needs through adapting equipment, designing programs, which accommodate physical limitations, and training the person with disability in how to use them. LIBRA ( Lingua Brasileira de Sinais): LIBRA (Brazilian Sign Language) Trains the deaf in the use of sign language through a video course, which is taught in cultural context and prepares the deaf to function in daily life. PNE (Pessoas corn Necessidades Especiais para Professores do SENA1 Nacional) PNE (People with Special Needs for the teachers of SENAI National) A program oftraining for teachers and others on how to work with the deaf and incorporate them into the workplace. Emphasized is the fact that deaf people are good at jobs requiring attention to detail. Programa de Agentes Pfiblicos
BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
promovido em parceria com a CORD B Ministerio da Justica Program of Public Agencies in P nership with the Ministry of Justice Promotes accessibility and advan es legal rights of disabled persons. Programa de Prevencao de HIV-Al e DSTs para Pessoas Surdas— UN ESC Ministerio da A program for prevention of HI VAIDS and STDs for deaf persons in p nership with the Ministry of Health Seeks to educate deaf people ab ut sexual disease causes and preventions d help those who have contacted the IV virus or suffer from AIDS. Campanha Internacional para o Banimento de Minas Terrestres: An international campaign for the B nishment of Land Mines Offers program for young Ango an land mine victims to come to Brazil d receive vocational training and resour es towards securing employment upon eturning to Angola. Also strives to abol sh landmines. Ambiental e SOS Cerrado em def sa do Meio Ambiente: Gets young people involved in p otecting their environment. KIT ONG: Offers a kit of resources so interes d persons can start their own nonprofit wi hout the expenses traditionally associa d with establ ish ing anon-governmental bu iness entity. Parquinho WayBEscola Infantil: Preschool for disabled. Current Needs: Volunteers: Socially concerned individuals w th interests in a program area. Paid inte ships are available. Portuguese langu e skills necessary. Monetary Donations: To purchase supplies for programs Contact Information: AJA Caixa Postal 10570, Lago Sul Brasilia, DF 71620-980 Brazil Phone: 011-61-427-0140 Fax:- 011-61-427-0139 aja@aja.org.br, - aja@mail. Web site: www.aja.org.br Submission Source: Adoni Roc a, AJA Coordinator aja@aja.org.br Amazon Africa Aid Organ' tion (3A0) in partnership with Fundac o Esperanca. Area of Assistance: Amazon regi n, specifically western area in the state f Para, and also in Portuguese speaki g
Africa. PROGRAMS: Well Drilling Program: Trains members ofcommun ities to use low-cost hand drilling technology to dig wells supplying water for the community. Quilombo Project: At their request, sends doctors, nurses, and public health specialists to train and educate the members of27 remote villages where the descendants of escaped slaves currently live. These villages have almost zero access to healthcare, so one member from each receives intensive training to be able to minister to the needs of his own community. A Child's Life Program: Serves 24 poor neighborhoods. Teaches mothers how to better care for children through breast feeding, nutrition, recognition ofdanger sign s ofdiarrhea and pneumonia, family planning, and hygiene in order to lower infant mortality rate. Brazilian partner, Fundacao Esperarica, has helped in the production and distribution of educational materials. The Doug Jinks Children's Center: Monitors and cares for children under age 3 in afavela neighborhood in Santarem, state of Para. Serves approximately 500 children who are weighed and immunized while their mothers receive instruction on cooking nutritious meals, breast-feeding and child-care topics. Provides prenatal care and gives vaccines. Diabetic Program: Bestows community care for more than 600 diabetics, monitoring blood-sugar. Gives diet and exercise and community awareness instruction. Adolescent Health Program: Offers health care and education to more than 800 at risk youth through a local nonprofit organization. Aim of the program is to prevent teen pregnancy and the spread of sexually transmitted diseases. Woman's Health Program: Only integrated health program in the region. Nursing staff takes pap-smears, and renders menopause management, women's counseling and support, cancerscreening services. Medical/Dental Clinics & Laboratory: Medical clinic furnishes practical rotations for nursing and medical students (volunteers also) who treat regional illnesses and make primary care referrals. Also serves as a source for the preparation and selection of surgical patients and facilitates postoperative care. Dental Clinic provides full dental care. The laboratory handles processing of medical tests from pap-smears to urine and blood samples.
55
Current Needs: Volunteers: Physicians and dentists for the clinics Monetary Donations: To finance programs. Gifts of supplies are not needed at present. Contact Info: U.S.: Daniel Weiss, Ph.D. Executive Director P.O. Box 7776 Ann Arbor, MI 48107 Tel.: (734) 769-5778 E-mail: info(amazonafrica.org Brazil: Fundacdo Esperanca Caixa Postal 222 Santarem, Para CEP 68040 Tel.: 011-55-91-523-1940 or 522-2726 E-mail: fesperanAaltemex.com.br Web site: http: Hamazonafrica.org Submission Source: Dan Weiss, PhDBExecutive Director E-mail: Dan(iDamazonafrica.org
work experience program in the works, which is hopefully going to be implemented next year there. Portuguese speakers are needed to help with the web site translations, but for other volunteers knowledge of English is sufficient. Monetary Donations: Helps to fund program needs, i.e. purchase of computers and other educational materials for the Center. Contact Information: Bahia Street 1005 NE Boat St. Seattle, WA 98105 206-633-1724 E-mail: bah iastr@scn.org Web site: www bahiastreet org Submission Source: Margaret Wilson at bahiastr@scn.org Brazilian Children's Outreach Field name: Sociedade Evangelica Beneficente Betania
Area of Assistance: Parelheiros (outskirts of sao Paulo) PROGRAMS: Founded by Billy .Joe and Josephine Hart in 1974. the organizaBahia Street tion assists an average of 160 children in Area of Assistance: Salvador, Bahia one of the most impoverished areas outPrograms: The purpose ofthe organi- side Sao Paulo. Nutrition: zation is to educate women from Salvador's Serves three meals Monday through favelas to enable them to pursue careers that will elevate them from the poverty Friday under nutritional supervision. Education: cycle. This is accomplished through suppleCoordinates with Maanaim Educamenting the 4 hours ofregular public school per weekday with an additional 4 hours at tional Center to offer preschool classes. Supplements public education for ages the Bahia Street Center. Emphasis is on literacy, science (the lab has 5 micro- 7-14 in communications. math, science. scopes, books, other lab equipment, a fire social studies, and computer science Offers vocational training for ages 15extinguisher, and first-aid material), technology (though more computers are 18 in accounting basics and computer scineeded), art therapy, and the production of ence. Presents a sports program. short videos focusing on community isMakes available counseling and edusues. The curriculum for older girls includes Portuguese, science, math, humani- cational seminars on hygiene, child educaties, English and Spanish. Younger girls tion, psychology, and job placement. study reading, math, English and how to Health Care: Operates a medical/dental clinic staffed develop study skills. Both age groups receive instruction regarding health, repro- by volunteers, one day per week. Current Needs: Volunteers: Profesduction, sexual violence, and race/gender inequality. The staff is composed of all sional medical and dental personnel to African-Brazilian women who come from assist in clinic as it is one of only two in an thefavelas or rural areas and have gone on area, which has 500,000 impoverished to become university graduates residents and can only operate when there are professionals available to volunteer to Current Needs: go on the site. Volunteers: Currently needed in the Seattle home Monetary Donations: Will be used to office to help coordinate events, fundraise, provide school uniforms and school supand maintain the web site. There is also an plies, procure the food given out in monthly internship opportunity for someone to do food baskets (cestas basicas), and puradministrative work in the Seattle office. chase more computers for the lab (there is Volunteer workers are not currently needed currently only 7). Brazilian Children also in Brazil. However, there is an unpaid wishes to expand classes to include wood-
56
working and silk-screening and to acquire a van and music equipment. Prayers are encouraged Contact Info: United States: Brazilian Children's Outreach P.O. Box 4135 Long Beach, CA 90853 Phone/Fax: 562-434-0592 Web site: wvvw.brazilianchildren.org E-mail: TEvans1396Aaol.com Brazilian Field Address: Sociedade Evangelica Beneficente Betania C.P. 42001 04073-970 Ski Paulo, S.P. Brasil Phone/Fax: 011-55-11-5920-8148 E-mail: Maanaim(br2001.com.br Submission Source: Teena Evans, daughter of founders. E-mail TEvans1396@aol.com Casa Esperanca (House of Hope) sponsored by Saints, an associated chapter of Iris Ministries Area of Assistance: Morro (slum) of Cordoeira in Nova Friburgo, Rio de Janeiro. Programs: House ofHope atthe Igreja (church) Comunhao na Colheita de Nova Friburgo, which is a center for impoverished youngsters that furnishes the space and resources to do schoolwork and learn computer skills, both functional and vocational. The center also offers classes in ceramics and handcrafts, celebration of special events, and an opportunity for recreational outings such as visiting nearby caves. Aided by the Lutheran Church, there is also an outreach distribution of blankets and food parcels to needy individuals and families. Current Needs: Volunteers: Music teachers to conduct keyboard, drum, and guitar lessons Teachers for English classes People to maintain web pages giving updates on the work being done through Casa Esperanca. (Overseas workers need to know Portuguese and be familiar with Brazilian culture). Prayer Partners: People to pray for the work at Casa Esperanca and the people involved. Supply Donations: Used computer parts such as RAM memory, hardware drive, CD drive, etc. These are used to teach the kids about assembling computers. Sometimes the children bring old ones that have been discarded and are able to fix them in order to have their own. Monetary Donations:
BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
To fund program stipplies Contact Information: Saints at Igreja Comunhao na Colheita de Nova Friburgo Caixa Postal 96.868 CEP 28.601-970 Nova Friburgo, RJ Brazil 011-22-9226-0515 or 011-22-25330/11 E-mail: pcull(ig.com.br Web sites: http//members.truepath.com wvvw.pcebrasil.org www.paulcull.org Submission Source: Paul Cull pcullAig.com.br EvangeMed Ministries (Ministry of the United Methodist Church) Area of Assistance: Rio de Janeiro t Institut° Central do Povo, Gamboa district. Has Mobil clinics in Chapeu Mangueira& Rocinha, outreaches in other Rio favela bairros), Manaus (Amazon). Plans to expand into the Northeast region. Programs: Medical Clinic: Institut° Central do Povo health clinic olunteering free services of physicians, urses, social workers, nutritionists, physiologists, health care workers, and a pastor. CEMAG Ecological Center Reforestation projects. Grows 60 species of herbs, which are used to produce medicines sold at reasonable prices. Education: Founded Bennett Social Science and Medical Training College for women. Manages 435 child nursery/preschool open from 7:30 a.m.-5:00pm so parents :an work outside the favela. Camp and Retreat CenterBCamp John Wesley Clay Hosts summer children's camp providing recreational experience in the mountains located 70 miles outside ofRio. Camp also functions as retreat center year for youth and women's conferences. Recreation •
Playground on Institut° Central o Povo's property for daily leisure use. Lo sports association donates free soccer trai ing programs for 150 children of impov rished families. Nncleo de AO° Comunitaria (Nucle s of Community Action) Program: Mobile unit contributing intermur I services to outlyingfave/a areas (i.e. Morro da Providencia) which includes: arranging for documentation such as birth certificates; distributing food; medically treating children with HIV, TB, deafness, etc.; holding informative classes and meetings for mothers; facilitating educational & job training classes; conducting educational/ recreational trips to places such as the zoo. Currently developing plans in connection with the Ana Gonzaga Methodist Institute to build homeless children's shelter for youngsters from Rio's Central area, whic will be constructed next to the Institut Central do Povo. Drug Rehabilitation Administers a drug rehabilitation clini through Taquara church program; con ducts drug and AIDS education. Evangelism: Teaches about Christ and Christi morality to community in accordance wit Christian belief as understood within th Methodist Protestant Denomination. Current Needs: Volunteers: Health professionals to assist in Medi cal Clinic Christian outreach workers for corn munity evangelism. Monetary Donations: May be made to Methodist Wonl Evangelism Fund in U.S. or sent to hea office in Rio. Contact Info: Rio de Janeiro head office: Evangemed Rua Marques de Abrantes, 55 Flamengo Rio de Janeiro, R. J. 22230-06 011-21-2557-3542 or 2557-7999 United States contact: World Evangelism ofUnited Methodist Church Scarritt-Bennett Center Nashville, TN 37212 615-340-7547 Institut° Central do Povo Rua Rivadavia Correa, 188 Gamboa Rio de Janeiro, RJ 20220-290 E-mail: infoAworldmethodist.org Web sites: evangemed.tri pod . com evangemed.tripod.com.br
BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
www.worldmethodist.org/evangemed Submission Source: Internet search in connection with United Methodist Church Iris Ministries Area of Assistance: Sao Paulo area, serving the bairros of Agua Rasa, sao Miguel Paulistaand Guarulhos. Hopingto expand to eventually encompass 42 neighborhoods. Programs: Iris was originally founded in 1995 to minister to African families and has now expanded to 9 different countries, including 2 years ago to Brazil. The emphasis of the organization is to meet practical needs of widows, orphans, the homeless or those with inadequate housing and teach practical Christian values. Community Development: Distributes food baskets to 50 needy families. Hopes to expand to 350. Builds wooden living structures for those dwelling in tents. Conducts projects with the homeless (both street kids and adults), and has drug rehabilitation, and recycling programs. Education: Offers fundamentals of basic education. Hosts day-care center. Teaches programs involving the arts to prepare participants for generation of income. Instructs in practical Christian spiritual principles. Radio & Television Foundation: Production ofradio and television programs. Current Needs: Volunteers: (Portuguese/Spanish speaking preferred, but English OK) Doctors, nurses, dentists, psychologists, and therapiststo render medical care. Teachers to provide basic education or work in a day care center. 4Manual artists to help teach skills for working in trades. Journalists to produce radio and television programming. Material Donations: Construction materials, nonperishable food, clothing, shoes, furniture, and areas for storage. Monetary Donations: Will be used toward programs as described above. Contact Info: Associacao Ministerio no Brasil Av. Sapppemba 1.162 Bairro Agua Rasa sao Paulo, S.P. 03345-000 011-55-6128-9062 or 6121-6561
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OVA P10 E-mail: irisministriesafricamail or prdribiero(a)bol com br Website: www.irismin.hpg.com.br Submission Source: Dirceu Ribeiro, associated minister at prdribeiroAbol.com.br Students Helping Street Kids International Area of Assistance: Rio de Janeiro, Recife, Sao Paulo, and Goiania in Brazil. Tanzania in Africa. Programs: Sponsors scholarships for favela youngsters, 23 in Brazil and 4 in Tanzania, allowing them to attend private schools in their own communities. Funds are used toward tuition, books, school supplies, uniforms, school transportation, and, if necessary, a monthly food basket. Donors are able to follow progress of a selected child throughout their education until graduation from high-school, thus allowing for cross-cultural learning, social awareness, and international solidarity. Students Helping Street Kids aspires to involve entire classrooms who utilize the charitable process as amulti-cultural learning tool. Brazilian facilitators include internationally recognized human rights activist, Yvonne Mello, chapters from local Rotary Clubs, and Brazilian street children programs. Contributors include American and Brazilian students, individuals, families, church and dental groups, and Rotary Clubs. Current Needs: Scholarship Providers: Each scholarship costs approximately US $1,500-US $2,000 annually and is tax deductible. In the U.S., classrooms, individuals, or groups may contribute whole or part ofthis amount and in turn will be put in contact with the child whose education they are sponsoring. Volunteers for Internship Program: English as a second language teachers
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to serve for 3-6 months at Escola Profissionalizante Dalka de Araujo, a Rotary owned vocational school in Recife. Assistants to serve at Movimento Pr& Crianca, a street children program. Contact Info: Students Helping Street Kids International 2720 Fillmore Street P.O. Box 50236 Eugene, OR 97405-0973 1-877-543-7697 (toll-free)or541-6861396 E-Mail: bcritesAhelpthekids.org Web site: www.helpthekids.org Submission Source: Bob Crites, Founder/President at bcrites@helpthekids.org Viva Rio (Umbrella organization for the programs described below) Area ofAssistance: Low income communities in Rio de Janeiro including Favela da Rocinha. Programs: Education: Telecourses for children and adults at primary and secondary levels. Music instrument classes under the direction and coordination of professional musicians (V illa-Lobinhos program ). Gardening programs, which train young people to care for the city's landscapes (I ardine iros de Bairro program). Computer science services either providing access, use training, or practical application of skills (Servico Civil Voluntario, Zeladores Comunitarios da Cidadania, Crianca Esperanca, Viva Favela, Viva Micro Clubes de Informatica programs). Entrepreneur development (Viva Credit, Comercio Solidario programs). Violence Prevention: Conflict resolution for young people between 12 and 25 years of age given in connection with the Brazilian Federation of Boxing Luta pela Paz program). Legal aid (Balanco de Direitos program), reduction of weapons and disarmament (Desarmamento program). Police Junior Cadet positions utilizing materials produced in conjunction with the Institute of Public Safety (Capacitacao de Policiai s program). Peace raising promotion/consciousness (Campanhas program). Community Development: Reconstruction ofhomes damaged by floods and construction ofnew housing (Rio da Flores program) Library Service Improvement: Project to furnish computers, Internet connections, scanners and printers to 500 libraries (Bibliotecas FUST program). Environmental: Reforestation and natural environment maintenance (Oeste
Verde, Viveiro de Mudas. Reflorestamento programs). Development of Praia de Ramos area into an environmental park (Parque Ambiental da Praia de Ramos program). Current Needs: Volunteers: People with knowledge in areas covered by one of the programs listed above. Viva Rio will match volunteers with the correct project and train them to work in thefavelas based on their experience, interests, and skills. Basic Portuguese language skills are necessary (or provide own interpreter). Monetary Donations: Will be used to finance the social projects prioritized by immediate need. Contact Info: Viva Rio/ Viva Favela Ladeira da GlOria 98/Sala 13 Gloria Rio de Janeiro, RJ 22211-120 Phone: 011-55-21-2555-3767 Web site: www.servoluntario.org.br E-mail: albertoAvivario.org.br Submission Source: Alberto Almeida with volunteer program of Viva Rio. E-mail:alberto@vivario.org.br Readers do need to be advised that information for this article was compiled from various professional and personal sources, including from readers ofBrazzil. To the best extent possible, the author has confirmed the information submitted. However, neither the author nor the editor of Brazzil knows these organizations personally, so each reader who wishes to become involved should carefully check outthe listing and verify the details on their own before volunteering or contributing. Like anyone else,favela residents need hope, encouragement, and prayers. As you can see, there are organizations and individuals who sustain that and welcome your involvement with them. Jennifer Grant wishes to thank Marcos Borges if Rio for initiating this article and Eduardo Borgerth of Niter6i for his future contributions toj'aveta youth through his upcomihg radical sports enterprise's sponsorship of programs or events. Also, Los Angeles residents Jazon da Silva Santos formerly of Macei6 and Ana Paula Duarte, formerly of Rio, and Mary Schwichtenberg of Lake San Marcos, CA, for helping her develop and maintain the Portuguese language skills, which made this article possible. She is a free-lance journalist with an interest in facilitating better understanding between the U.S. and Brazil. E-mails in English or Portuguese may be sent to siennig(a)Nahoo.com
BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 2002
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