Brazzil - Year 12 - Number 181 - March 2001 by Brazzil Magazine

Year 12 - No.181 -

CARNAVAL: THE SACRED AND THE PROFANE

ECOLOGY: DIOPIRACY GOES ON

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Sao Paulo residents had enough reason to get into panic mode in mid-February. Suddenly, a group of prisoners that they haven't heard about before, took over the control of 29 prisons in 19 different cities in the state. What ifthe close to 30,000 prisoners were able to escape, spilling on the streets and putting in danger public security? The nightmare scenario didn't finish this way, but for 10,000 hostagesâ€” relatives and friends who went to visit the inmatesâ€” there were moments of sheer terror. The crisis lasted 26 hours. The military police was able to regain control, but not before 18 inmates had been killed, most of them by their own colleagues. Authorities who were unprepared and taken by surprise are now afraid of a next time and it seems inevitable that it will be a next time. Prisons all over the country are overcrowded. There are now 230,000 criminals in jail while there is room for only 170,000 of them. And conditions in prison are dreary: no soap, no hot water, no toilet paper, not even a mattress for 30 percent of the inmates. The price to fix it? An investment of $2 billion a year, but the government is having a hard time to find half of this amount. The super-uprising served at least a purpose: to wake up the nation for a crumbling system that needs urgent overhauling. Just hoping it is not too late. RAI

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BRAZZIL (ISSN 1091-868X) is published monthly by Brazzil 2039 N. Ave. 52, Los Angeles, CA, 90042-1024.Periodicals Postage rate paid at Los Angeles, CA. Single copy sold for $2. One year subscription for 12 issues is $3 (three dollars) in the U.S., $15 in Canada and Mexico, and $18 in all other countries. No back issues sold. Allow 5 to 7 weeks to receive your first issue. You may quote from or reprint any of the contents with proper copyright credit. Editorial submissions are welcome. Include a SASE (self addressed and stamped envelope) if you want your material mailed back. Brazzil assumes no responsibility for any claims made by its advertisers. The Library of Congress ISSN: 1524-4997 POST MASTER : Send address changes to BRAllIL P.O. Box 50536 - Los Angeles, CA - 90050-0536

WWW. BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

Cover Prison system: sitting over a powder keg slo Campos

Contents Carnaval It pays to misbehave

Health Fighting AIDS and making waves Emigration Brazilians for export

Sao Paulo Still on intensive care

Nation Prison privileges

Brazil-Canada Mutual misunderstanding

E onomy Wall Street courting the Portuguese

iopiracy Where are the Amazon's royalties?

Guide You'll find cachaga here

Short Story "Vestido de Noiva" by Nelson Rodrigues - Part 2

Travel Rio is Penedo and Cabo Frio too

Immigration The decline of slave labor

Profile Monteiro Lobato for beginners

Music Jota, the other Velloso

Review Joao Gilberto's latest

Special Blacks searching for their place

Departmests ,

06 Rapidinhas 16 letters 47 Cultural Pulse 49 Classifieds 50 That's Brazilian

.COM 5

Carnaval for All Senses With a certificate of virginity in hand issued by Rio's IML (Instituto Medico Legal— Medical I. ega, Institute), stripper Ana Flavia Tarcitano, 22, breasts exposed, was shining by hersel at the Obsession Flower float, part of escola de samba Unidos da Tijuca's The Virgins' group. "It is a paradox to pose as virgin in the Carnaval parade, but I do my work honestly You cannot mistaice liberty for libertinage, Eani the only here who proved her own virginity." As for keeping her virginity among so much temptation the belle was emphatic that she didzilmake any vow of chastity and is not thinking about joining the Carmelite sisters. ": haven't met anyone that's worthwhile. 'That's all,' Ana Eavia was only one of the hundred" of naked or semi-naked women taking part in the popular Rio's escalade sambas' parade that happens every Carnaval season broadcast live to the whole country. Other virgins werea't that adamant about their virginal condition. Gisele de Oliveira, 22, confessed Ming a virgin "only once in a while" And CristianaMomeiro, 19, arhnitted that "it depends on which virginity you're talking about" Rio's Camaval can't live without international celebrities and this year was no exception. Among the big naines who made it this year to the Sam bOdromo---the venue for the parade--wastop model and homegrown GiseleStincichen and I toll) wood tough guy Arnold Schwarzenegger. The actor was so mellow, accessible and seemed to he enjoying everything so 'mica that he gat the nickname of +Machu '`,pronounced shoo-shoo). Full of contradictions, Carnaval in Rio, while exhibiting nude bodies and debauchery expores also religiotts themes. Practically every big escola de samba chose this year to highlight religiosey. While samba club Penis., do Tuiuti exalted Islamism and Ju- deism_ Mocidade Independente, Grande Rio and Caprichosos de Pilares had Christian Nenae Vai-Vai levantam o sambodromo messages to fit the COMMA theme of the parade: peace. Beija-Flor and Imperatriz LeopoldMease, on the other side, paicltrihutelocandombM (African religion) and witchcraft SeveralescotarcelebratedthearrivaloftheEraofAquaritun keeping in synchwith the peace locus. Incidentally, R.enato feage and his wifeMarcia Lavia, from Mocidadelndependente de Padre Nleguel, hac a hand from the Catio:'.iic Caurch to organize their escola. It was catholic priest Marcelo Guirmunes, a peace activist, who provided several suggestions ne ae on how teadevelop the peace theme. The cleric, who thinks of the Carnaval parade as an ecumenical celebration, helped to shape the ese-ala's celebrations this year. Lege was •mspired by the Bible's Apocalypse to creme the opening of the parade and he read Saint, Augustine ia order tcawrite the samba plotfor his escola. Using poetic license he transate • formed characters as distinct as social activst Betinho, environmentalist working leader W Marto vai Anhern hi Chico Mendes and auger-composer JohoLemon into Buddhist monks. Once again when the envelopes were opened to reveal who had won the title of Rio's best escola de samba—tie vote is given for a variety of items by a panel of 40 experts few people werehappy. Escola de samba Beta Flor, which for the third year in a row lost • to the champ ImperatrizPeopoldinense accused its riial of buying the judges. "As long as Luizinho '1,uiz Pacheco) is in the league, they will never win a Carnaval," said Carlos Rodrigues, one- cf hnperatriz's director. Coincidentally or not, the president of honor of , • Imperatriz, Luiz Pacheco Drummond, is also the president of Liesa (Lige das Escolas de Samba—Samba Clubs' League), the body responsible for organizing the , Carnaval parade. Rodrigues wanted o know how Imperatriz could have won three 10 (the 'mailman score) in harmony when it was evident that the escota was rushing during the parade. faiperatriz could not have made it better. The club from the north neighborhoodofRamos won 300 points ofapossible 300, receiving 1.0 points every judge in every item evaluated. Beija-Flor came in second with 299.5 points and yenerableMangueiraeridedup inthirdwith 29&.5. They were followed by Salgueim (2965 points)and Viradouro (293). The two last placed—Unino da llha (274 tt points) and Para%) do Tuiuti (260)—will not be able to parade next year with the elite escoias. In their place will be F orto da F`edra and SA° _ Clemente. The defeat was particuluiy bitter for Beija-Flor, which was favored to win this year. This sentiment was shown by leader Negainho da BeijaFlor who, visibly irritated, told Sisters Elaine, Valeria and Claudia Valenssa rePcreers:"Secandplace forme the same as last place,"

APIDINHAS

BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

Imperatriz Leopoldinense's samba -enre Cana-caiana Samba by Marquinho Lessa, Guga and Tuninho Professor Sung by Paulinho Mocidade

(plot)

Caiana sugar cane

WONTit /IMMO 4lot

Cana-caiana, A cultura que o drabe propagou Apesar dos cruzados plantarem, A cana na Europa no vingou. as conta a histOria que em Veneza 0 act:rear foi pra mesa da nobreza. Virou negocio no Brasil, trazida de alem-mar. E, nesta terra, o que se planta dd. Gira o engenho pra sinhO, Bahia faz girar. E, em pernarnbuco, o escravo vai cantar. (quero ye) Quero ve desce o suco ate meld Na pancada doce do ganza

Caiana sugar cane, The culture the Arabs spread Despite being planted by the Crusaders Cane did not thrive in Europe. But, according to history, in Venice Sugar was introduced to the nobles' table. Brought from overseas it became business in Brazil And, in this land, if you plant it thrives Turns the sugar-mill for the master, Bahia makes it turn. And in Pernambuco, the slave will sing (wanna se) Wanna see the juice flow until it sweetens With the sweet thump of ganzci

Pinga... Olha a cana virando aguardente. No mercado do ouro atraente, Paraty espalhou a bebida. Pra garimpar, birita tem. Na Inconfidencia foi preferida. Pra festejar, o que é que tern? Tern Carlos Cachaca, nao leve a mal. Tai verde-e-rosa em meu carnaval... (vem provar minha cachaca)

Sugar carte liquo See the cane turning into liquor. In the market of the attractive gold Paraty spread the drink. For gold digging, there is booze. was the favorite in the freedom fig t. To celebrate what do we have? We have Carlos Cachaca, don't get upset. Here's green-and-pink in my Carnaval (come taste my liquor)

a cachaca, amor 6, 6, 6, 6' 0 sabot é verde-e-branco. Passa a regua e da pro santo Que a Imperatriz chegou. (na cana-caiana)

.imwort 1.~.0

Come taste my ,liquor, love 0, (); piv It tastes like green-and-white Pass the ruler and give it to the 'Cause Imperatriz has come. (in the Caiana cane)

All the results from the special group: 1° Imperatriz - 300 points 2nd Beija-Flor — 299.5 points 3rd Mangueira — 298.5 points 4 th Salgueiro — 296.5 points 5th Viradouro - 293 points 6th Grande Rio - 289 points 7th Mocidade - 287 points 8th Tradicdo - 286 points 9th Unidos da Tijuca — 2803 points 10th Portela — 280.5 points 11th Imperio Serrano -280 points 12th r' aPrich7sos — 2773 13" Uniao da 24 points 14th Paraiso do Tuiuti - 260 points

With thereal yarned at hal of it was a few years ago—then, one real was worth one dollar— the behavior of Brazilian tourists has changed, according to some observers of the overseas Brazilian tourist. New York and Miami, chosen mainly for their shopping potential, are giving way to more cultural and picturesque tours like the American Pacific Coast and the cities of Boston and New Orleans as well as European circuits. However, this hasn't prevented Brazilians going overseas from spending 13.6 percent more than in 1999. While a foreign visitor to Brazil spends an average of $244 per capital, Brazilians spend $385 (it was $339 in 1999). According to ABAV (AssociacAo Brasileira das Agdncias de V iagem—Brazilian Assoc iation of Travel Agenes) and Embratur (Empresa Bras i leira de Turismo—the number of Brazilians traveling overseas also increased in the year 2000 with the trend continuing this year. While 9.11 million Brazilians went on abroad in 1999, spending $3.09 billion, the number increased to 9.29 million last year with $3.55 being spent in shops and tourist attractions. ABAV estimates that the number of Brazilian going overseas will increase by 10 percent this year. In 1999, Brazil collected $1.63 billion from foreign travelers. In 2000 there was a slight increase to $1,,66 billion. It means that foreign travelers in Brazil spent 53 percent less than Brazilians going to foreign locations. In an interview for 0 Globo, Antonio Carlos Silva, manager of Rio's major tour operator CVC, explained this Brazilian euphoria: "The Brazilian tourist is more confident today. He knows the dollar is more expensive, but he also thinks that the economy is much more predictable today. Oversea has become attractive again and it has been difficult to book flights." Air companies are also benefiting from the current trend., \Tart, the main Brazilian airline, for example, has en selling 80 percent of the seats for their international flights. During the last high season CVC saw a 70 percent increase in business. For Stella Barros, another tour operator, there were 65 percent more tickets sold in 2000 compared to the previous year. It is also expecting a 100-percent jump in its upcoming summer season business.

Still Spending

BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

•If there' s atime intense work for an gels and devils it has Rubber Safety to be the four days of Carnaval in Brazil. As always happens during that time, both creatures were quite busy during the Carnaval season. They were even recruited by the Health ministry to promote the use of condoms a product that was distributed for free by the government at a rate of 22 million units—double of what was distributed last year during the same period together with 10 million fans, 1.5 million posters, 609 billboards, and 3,500 T-shirts. The government spent $2.6 million and the material was sent to all state Health Secretariats and o each of the 3356 municipalities in which at least one case of AIDS was found. According to a 1999 survey on Brazilian sexual behavior, 54 percent of siidglp,peo.le]Use a condom for intercourse. This rate falls to 13 percent among those who are marrie in the commercial prepared for TV Curitiba's ad 'agency MasterWas in'charge of the ad—a little devil encourages a youngster to make it with a brunette girl during a ball. That's when the angel intervenesreminding the reveler that he doesn't have a condom. To which the devil retorts: "Ah, you blockhead."From the angel perspective there is a happy ending with the guy foregoing sex and the 'ad flashing its slogan: "It doesn't matter whichd s 'you're rgeeorenedf.fbUset ao rubber." fi ni The campaign entitled Above Good and Evil ilw fti foeaslalaunh a Health minister,, Jose Serra, who presented the Carnaval crusade as p t AIDS. "One of our biggest challenges," he said, "is to bring awareness to people who think they are have no risk of getting the disease." As expected, the Catholic Church which is against the use of condoms and other con1. traceptives in any circumstance—condemned the official campaign against '4,-IDS alleging that you cannot put an angel and a devil together the way it was done. "This campaign is harmful," said bishop Raymundo Damasceno, general secretary of CNI313 (Conferencia Nacional dos Bispos do Brasil—National Conference of Brazil's Bishops), "We mustnot ,confuse good and evil. Good is good. Evil is evil. And we must always he on the side of good." Auxiliary bishop Ladislau Biernaski, from Curitiba, who is known as a liberal Catholic -ORTA t Ot IADO USE CAPASIMIKA. leader, didn't like the condom ads either. He was more to the point accusing the campaign a of promoting libertinage. Said he, "This effort is completely equivocated inducing debauchery and promiscuity. The Health Ministry believes that Carnaval is licentiousness, that there is no Carnaval without sexual relations. This can lead to the destruction of many families and, mainly, the destruction of youngsters, who start this phase in their lives thinking that's all there is to Carnaval. To distribute condoms is to spend people's money in an inappropriate way. Not that we are against the use of condoms, but it has been proved scientifically that this is not a 100 percent safe method for avoiding HIV " Jose Serra, Serra Health Renato Cavalhere, Master's vice-president for creation, knew his campaign would be . Minister controversial and would draw the ire of theChurch, urch,, but decided that the problem was too serious for him to be worried with religiousbeliefs. 'We cannot preach during Carnaval," he explained. "This would be throwing money away. We need to speak a language that everyone understands." `.:=1 Even more controversial was another spot prepared by Lux Video from So Paulo, which attacked the Catholic Church directly. "If the Church took centuries fto take responsibility for the Inquisition," the piece asked, "and decades to assume its responsibility for of the Nazi crimes, how long will it need to admit that it is contributing to the spread of AIDS?"This work, however, was vetoed by the Health Ministry afraid that it would provoke aocnrisis m between the Church and the government. Brazil has 196,000 cases of AIDS, 146,472 in and 49,544 among women. The disease seems to have gone full circle. After its initial impactg the gay community, spreading later to heterosexuals with many women infected by their husbands' it has come back to haunt younger homosexual men.These ese are gays who didn't lose friends to the disease and who have lowered their guard under the mistaken impression that the new medicine cocktails will spare them from certain and swift death. In 1998,38 percent ofthose infected with AIDS were heterosexual, in 2000 this number jumped to 42.8 percent. The situation is worse among women. Beeen 1994 and 1998 there were nine times more new cases of AIDS among women than among men • In the year 2000,36 percent ofthe $301 million nttobny these drugs distributed among 100,000 patients were used to purchase Efavirenz and Nelfinavir The financial burden became so heavy for public health organizations in Brazil that the government threatened to break the patent of Merck and Roche, the laboratories that manufacture the medicine Brazil expects to be able to produce these drugs on its own until the mid of the year.

vto

BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

and raphave o theltoticui ipgo

,ublished in 120 books re than 60,000 terin Serra, who is from F He believes Rio Paulo's daily lornal ckt anguage of Brazilians

Double Speak recently to the spread of argot peppering the Portuguese e Emjoeror's New Grcmve" with slang el, Universidade de Brasilia's Communication professor, after . onary Diciondrio de Gfria, is now compiling all the material nit the subject to organize a super slang dictionary containing 1976, has been Waging a one-man fight to preserve raslila sin breeding grounds for Brazilian slang. In an interview to Sao point "Slang is not something for outlaws. Slang is the second ewal of the classic language, he official one."

ng from funk

Slang from rap

ball or Uproar Chapa q te rallY, Darpressao to apply F1l (beef tenderloin)—pretty ' Frmou got finn-C) it worked Juvlta—dumbbell pita (nugget)—pretty Pichadao—pretty man e and narcissistic Pit-bioka—stroni ' . tb Nr-0 barrqco 0 0break e shack)—to get into trouble Sufocador (choker)—disagreeable flirter

Adore (1 adore)—no Way Glria de Rarbosa ,(Barbosa'$ slang)—repetition of the interlocutor's las.' words Maifeirdo--it didn't work Ales° bonito (pretty guy Ron:miler—wash out Saigack, stnistro (sinister)--respectable person

People Greener Pastures

Foraliüostfiveceituriesas 1 has be immigrants, from morep pee eI anreceiv recent study Estimation of Migratory Balanc , Liquid Rates of Migration and internaforeign places. According tional Emigrants, 2,355;057 **Wens left the country betvveen, 1986 and 199 while only 169,303 immigrants entered Brazil. This represents a negative balance of 2,185,755 people. If dmixodus has helped in somewaytnalleviate the unemployment problem the country and is allowing those overseas • send hard currency backtntli *homeland, the emigration of Brazilians is ma ily a negative fact for the country as most ees. To make matters worse, a high perc ntage are between the ages of 20 and 35. emigrants are people with don Meant numbers," says professor Jcis6 Alb rto Magno de Carvalho, director of Minas "Brazil is losing population in ear° de Desenvolvimento e Planejame o Regional—Center ofDevelopment and Gerais Federal University'SCed clearly an emigrant county. The Brazilian o is emigrating has a better than average Regional Planning) "Today, socio-economic level and schooling. Naturally, apoor person has no means to y to illegally enter the United States. If we don't change course, in,the -Medium and long run, Brazil will be investing people to lose them soon after." In an interview with Brasilia's daily Correia Ilmiliense,Carvallio, who got is PhD in London in the early '70s, talked about the difference between Brazilian college students from his time and toda : "The students of my generation used to get their PhD and come back to Brazil because the universities were absorbing researchers and perspectives were promising. The education of a doctor costs $150,000 to the society. But today, this odor prefers to stay in the United States and make up to $30,000 a month instead of returning to Brazil and earn a sal that at best might reach $3,000 a month. Carvalho estimates that in ten years the population of Brazil will start tog • down if the drop in birth rates continues. While at the end ofthe 60's a Brazilian womanwould have an average of 6 chili en by age 50, today this number has fallen to 2.2 children. The country is very close to the 2.1 children by woman neede to keep the population stationary. "That means in 20 years those emigrated Brazilians will be missed even more," say Carvalho. For sociologist Mary Garcia Castro, who coordinates the CNPD's (ComissIto Nacional de Populaclo e Desenvolvimento---National Commission on Population and Development) hit motional Migrations Work Group the age of the people emigrating is the most worrisome fact of the phenomenon: "The loss of workers is still not high enough to destabilize the Brazilian ccii only, but it is a disturbing trend. What worries me the most is it is not the lack of educate people, but that of youngsters, who are to become Brazil's educated people." She says she cannot understand why some Brazilian sectors are worried abo the number of foreigners in Brazil: "Foreigners represent less than 3 percent of the total wo kforce. The best thing in a crisis of employment is to look for a scapegoat. We cannot close the country's door as the United States does by creating restrictive measures forthe foreign wor orce, while at the same time using aggressive recruiting to draw qualified workers.'

BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

Has Sao Paulo left the ICU? At the beginning of March it didn't seem as though the largest city in South America was ready to leave the Intensive Care Unit, as it new mayor, Marta Suplicy, had promised. On January 25, the anniversary of Sao Patio, and five days short of a month of her inati==: guration, Suplicy had said that by the end of February, the city would be ready to leave ICU to occupy a room in the hospital. The mayor's closest ides agree today that they boss was too hasty in her assumption and that they need more time to correct a situation close to chaos left by the,, past two administrations. For the men and women in the streets, Sao Pea) seems as abandoned as ever despite some emergency measures taken by City Hall, includ ng the Belezura (Beautifying) Operation. Potholes, abandoned parks, lack of street lights and trash on the streets are the main complaints. Talking to daily 0 Estado de S. Paulo. bar owner Eduardo Zacharias, who lives and works in Penha, an east neighborhood, cornmented: "Na-hing has changed. For s x months we have been complaining about high wild grass and weeds in the area to no avail." Residen:sfrom Granja Julieta, a wealthy enclave in the city's south side, whose security is done by private police, are also hawing this feeling of abandonment. Tired of waiting for a public solution, a group ofresidents from the upscale Jardins neighborhood raised money to install new • lights on their street. For the director of I lume (Departammto de Iluminacao Publica Department of Public Lighting), Newton Jose Guaraldo, th hear future is not very promising in his sector. He acknowledges that 4 percent of the 530,000 lights that Sao Paulo maintains are not working right now. In some instances the service isn't being Cone because the contractor in charge of the work hasn't been paid regularly. Some of them haven't been paid since October of last year. Potholes lead in the number of complaints. In some areas the problem has Cragged for so long that the holes have celebrated their first anniversary without a solution. In the west side neighborhood of Alto da Lapa all the administration cou d do to avoid accidents was to install a wood panel around a big hole. Even this hasn't preventec ca-s from falling into the hoe during the night. Every Secretary is dealing with a lack of resoirs. According to Finance Secretary's chief of cabinet, Fernando Haddad, his department will he the last to leave "intense therapy". "We are in the nervous center of the system and were able to disarm the time bombs left by the past administration in order to avoid a collapse of ser /ices." The Finance Secretary has already cut personnel and took other money saving measures todeal with the crisis, but Haddad believes that there will be no solution to the problem before the country starts to grow again, allowing an influx of taxes to city hall. Matters in the social sector aren't better either. social Assistance secretary, Evilasio Farias, has complained about the slowness of the public mach ne and believes that noth - ng that he is doing• now—backstage work as he calls it—will show befcre July. Eduardo Jorge, the Health secretary, is not more upbeat than his colleague and says, "=t's impossible to catch up in two months following eight years of misgovernment." Patients have complained about the lack of personnel and medicines in public clinics. Close to 25 percent of the drugs normally dispensed by the municipality are out of stock. In some cases people have to wait three weeks or more to get an appointment with a doctor. For Supply secretary, Jilmar Tatto, his department has already done something since "the paient is eating better". He is referring to the more balanced diet that children now are receiving at school. But he also has complaints about the lack of staff, which should be alleviated when a new decree will allow for parents and other members of the community to work as volunteers in the , schools' kitchens." Things will get better in the second semester, he promises.

Urban Problem far from Discharge

BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

Qii3 0 ESTADO DE S. PAULO Govern° isola lideres do PCC e lirnita visitas Pr*

CORRHOIRA7iLIENS .4L

E foi aLsam a maior rebeliao de presos da hist6ria do Brasil...

They were practically unknown from people outside the jail system until they staged the largest rebellion Brazilian prison had ever heard of. Then, the PCC showed how powerful they were by taking control of 29 prisons for 26 hours in 19 different cities throughout the state of Sao Paulo. For a time the authorities and the populace feared that 30,000 inmates would state a huge and terrifying mass escape.

Brawl nia mak toma hisrreirs moire aka do pule arwaitino

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Brazil never saw a prison riot like this and possibly no other country has seen it either. More than 27,000 mutinous inmates took 10,000 hostages, all of them people who were visiting the prisoners. It all started at noon on February 18, a Sunday. After 26 hours of tension and despair, which finished when the Military Police invaded the Carandiru Penitentiary in Sao Paulo, there were 19 dead prisoners, two of which were decapitated by their own colleagues. Most of the dead were enemies of the PCC (Primeiro Comando da Capital—Capital's First Command), the jail Mafia that orchestrated the uprising. "Peace, Justice and Liberty", read the banners outside the windows of the rebelled prisons. They all came signed with a number: 1533. A little charade, since the P is the 15th letter of the alphabet and C is the third. 1533, therefore, spells: PCC. Thanks to cellular phones allowed in the Carandiru prison by the guards—for a mere $300 paid to the warden any inmate can have a cell phone—the PCC leadership was able to get in touch with the movement's leaders in other prisons. In all, 29 facilities—there are 75 of them in the state—in 19 different cities took part in the mutiny, which was plotted in 10 days. Cells measuring 150 sq. ft that normally accommodate 10 people were transformed into rooms for 20 or 25, including children, sweethearts, wives, and parents of the inmates. The rebellion started to be planned when authorities decided to transfer 10 inmates from Carandiru to other prisons. Notorious for their violence, those transferred belonged to the second echelon of the PCC and had been involved in the death of at least 10 companions. The PCC leadership, which was locked in the maximum-security sector of the prison, didn't like the news and decided to "turn the system upside down," as they put it. For a whole week the prisoners stocked food and even disposable diapers, knowing very well that there would be babies among the hostages. Seven of the PCC leaders and founders were sent to jails in Mato Grosso do Sul, Parana, and Rio Grande do Sul, among them: Cezinha (Cesar Augusto Roriz Silva), Geleiao (Jose Marcio Felicio), and Marcola (Marcos Willians Herbas Camacho. Others, such as the Sombra (the Shadow, Idemir Carlos Ambrosio) and Edmir Vollete, were transferred to Taubate's CRP (Centro de Readaptacao Penitenciaria—Center of Penitentiary Readaptation), a high-security institution. The announcement that the action had begun came in the form of gun shots into the air. Other prisons joined in after receiving phone calls that the uprising had started. When the mutiny began in the Carandiru complex, word seemed to pass from mouth to mouth; food was shared; each pavilion had its own representatives; and with all cells open, prisoners and visitors could circulate freely inside the prison. As the military police started the Carandiru takeover, the prisoners' wives made a barrier to prevent them from reaching the inmates. Some of the women were verbally offended, spanked and hit by rubber bullets. Alessandra Silva Santos, who was visiting her boyfriend, told what happened: "One of the inmates came in running and sent everyone to the patio. There, women and children joined hands in a cordon while their husbands remained seated on the floor. The police started to call us bitch. The prisoners responded by setting mattresses on fire. Then the lights were turned off and the police started to spank everybody. It was horrible." Marcia de Souza tells that her right arm was broken during the police invasion. "A policeman," she revealed, "threw me against the wall and I fell on the floor. They ended up stepping on me." The authorities were completely taken by surprise and at first 12

didn't know what to do to counter such an organized and daring action. The rebels had a well-established communications network and possessed powerful fire weapons. Violating an unwritten rule, the prisoners didn't care about putting in risk their own relatives, including children who numbered about 1000. Any misstep from the authorities might have provoked an unthinkable tragedy. Luckily, the fear of a mass escape, which would result in thousands of prisoners out in the streets, didn't materialize. A search throughout Carandiru and among its 7200 prisoners after the rebellion had been brought to an end netted 30 cellular phones, 200 cocaine bags, six revolvers and 376 stilettos. Pictures taken the day after the uprising had finished showed inmates on the windows, talking on their cellular phones—an item forbidden inside the prison. For Tülio Kahn, researcher with the United Nation's LatinAmerican Institute for Prevention of Crime and Treatment of the Criminal, the PCC members themselves must have been surprised with the number of people that joined their rebellion. "In a large number ofprisons there was-adherence by contagion," said Kahn in an interview with 0 Estado. "The fact is that, to a certain extent, they put in risk the families of other prisoners and! don't know how these prisoners are going to react to this. This might damage the PCC. All in all, the rebellion was not a success for the rebels. The movement did not have the populace's sympathy and it can provoke a counter-reaction both from other prisoners, as well as from the authorities." Kahn believes that many prisons joined the rebels in a domino effect: "The prisoners watch TV, read newspaper and listen to radio. I believe many of the other prisons joined in the revolt because of what was happening. But it's also necessary to recognize that there was some planning. You can see that by the fact that the mutiny happened at the same time in at least seven or eight prisons." When the police came in with bombs, dogs and horses, there was panic outside and inside Carandiru. People feared a repetition ofthe 1992 Carandiru massacre. Outside the prison, women on their knees were heard crying: "I want my husband alive." PCC who? Who are these PCC people who so boldly took over the control of the Sao Paulo jail system? For prosecutor Gabriel Inellas, who probed the organization in 1999, this is a powerful prison Mafia that must be eradicated. His recommendations that a couple ofprison authorities be investigated and that PCC's activities be stamped out were ignored, though. "Their power is in their external arm, which is formed by gangs of burglars and drug traffickers," says Inellas. "They control the whole state and have organization, power and communication capabilities." According to the Federal Police, the PCC has been acting throughout the country not only by promoting the escape of prisoners from jail but also by financing big robberies against armored bank vehicles, banks and airports. A recent investigation by the Federal Police showed that members of the PCC were involved in all of the big robberies and that the group has started to lend its criminal experts to commit crimes in other states. In exchange for know-how, weapons, intelligence, and sometimes vehicles to carry out the actions, the organization charges at least 30 percent of the loot. It is believed they were behind an attack against a Vasp airplane. Says one police chief, "Nowadays, when there's a big robbery in Brazil, you can be sure that the PCC is behind it." Besides robbery, sale of drugs and donations of "irmcios" (brothers) who contribute from the outside, the PCC also raises money by selling prison cells or barracos (shacks) as they call BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

them. The transaction is made through corretores (brokers) who data, dozens of irmates were killed upon returning to jail after charge up to $500 for the sale of a unit. The rent is $100. The being freed, or r captured after an escape. In a statemen released over the cell phone to the media soon individual for-sale cells are located on Pavilion 4. The authorities know about the scheme, but haven't done after the end of th rebellion, the PCC revealed its desire of being anything to stop it. Inmates without money may end up in an known not as cri inal organization, but as a union. "We don't area called "security", the worst place in the prison, reserved want to be know as a party of crime, but as the Union of the for rapists and those who have been threatened with death by Marginalized an4 Condemned... All labor categories have their other prisoners. Relatives of the inmates revealed that 10 cells— own union in order to make their rights respected." They have one in each Carandiru pavilion—are kept empty during the also vowed to c lenge some of their violent methods while whole year. The PCC leaders use them for meetings in which keeping others, since "the best defense is the attack". The statethey not only discuss strategies but also charge and condemn ment also asks die government that prisons have no more than 500 inmates aril that all prisoners be assured a private cell. to death traitors and other foes. As if it were an immaculate organization, the PCC threatDuring the confrontation with the police force that invaded the Carandiru penitentiary, the PCC people were cornered into ened to sue retired PM colonel, Jose Vicente da Silva, for havthe prison's Pavilion 3 after taking dozens of prison workers as ing accused the roup of robbing other prisoners and forcing hostages. They also started several fires that ultimately led to visiting women o have sex with members of the organization. the damage of more than 30 percent of the prison installations. The statement a1mits that there were cases of sexual violence Not only has the PCC its own articulate statute with defined involving PCC p ople, but guarantees that "those people responobjectives, but the group had the 16 items of this document sible for these a ocities were duly punished and expelled from published in the Diario Oficial, the state daily which prints the the party." acts of the government. The text was part of the conclusions Inevitable reached by the Inquiry Parliamentary Commission on Prisons in 1997. At that time, the jail Mafia—which has "irmaos" (brothWhile some people wondered how all this could have hapers, those initiated into the group) and "soldados" (soldiers, sympened, others, more realistically, were compathizers)—had already threatened to shake menting that it was sheer luck that it hadn't Sao Paulo's prison system in order to change IS1493 happened before. Others feared for the futhe way inmates were treated. In addition, it ture. "This was just the beginning," warned had plans to work jointly with Rio's Comando Vermelho (Red Command), an- PCC arneaca govern° com a95es fora de presidlos the president of the State Penitentiary Agents Union, Nilson de Oliveira. "Someother powerful organization of inmates. thing bigger is coming our way." According to the document, the PCC was Instead of isolating the criminal some of born in response to the 1992 massacre of reBrazilian prisons have become a hub of belled prisoners in the very same Carandiru criminal activity. Brazil's prison system has Penitentiary. Then, 111 inmates were killed a maximum capacity for 170,000 people, when the prison was stormed by the Sao but there are 230,000 inmates in jail right Paulo military police. The statute's text says now. The conditions in police precincts are in part: "We need to remain united and organized to avoid the occurrence of a new massacre. We from the even worse. The homicide rate inside Brazilian prisons-1000 command are going to shake the system and force authorities per 100,000 prisoners—is ten times larger than in the world's to change this prison practice which is inhumane, filled within- most violent regions. In the year 2000, the prison population in sao Paulo exjustice, oppression, torture and massacres." ploded. There Were 25,000 new inmates. By comparison, Rio And the text continues: "Together with the Com ando Vermelho (Rio's prison mafia) we will revolutionize the coun- de Janeiro, wNjch has the second largest prison population in try from inside the prisons. Our armed arm will be the terror of Brazil, doesn't have more than 23,000 prisoners in its jails. In Sao Paulo—and the story repeats itself throughout Brathe powerful, the oppressors and tyrants who use the Taubate annex and Bangu I (jails of high security in which prisoners live zil—inmates on' t get soap, toothpaste or toilet paper. The in isolation) to fabricate monsters, as society's instrument of shower is alw ys cold, and they don't get clothes to put on— revenge." The final statement of the document reminds us of not even a uniform. Moreover, 30 percent of them don't have a motto used throughout the world by the left: "We know our a mattress to sleep on. The construction of new facilities cannot strength and the strength of our powerful enemy, but we are keep pace with the number of prisoners, which is doubling every prepared and united, and the people united will never be de- five years. To lave enough room for all inmates the government would have td invest $2 billion a year, but it is spending only feated." Public Security secretary, Marco Vinicio Petrelluzzi, said half of that. The statewide riot coincided with a time in which the adminthe government would never negotiate with the PCC on how istration had been able to reduce crime mainly by the construcdiscipline should be carried on in the prisons: "Inmates, in the first place, need to have discipline. If they don't have it, they tion of new jails. During the Mario Coves administration (a PMDB governor who won his first 4-year term for office in 1995 won't have other rights either." Talking about "freedom, justice and peace" for the prison- and died from cancer on March 6), a record 24,000 prison ers, the PCC text reads as the manifest of a political organiza- vacancies were created in Sao Paulo, thanks to the construction tion and the word "party" is used throughout the document. Item of 22 new facilities, the hiring of 10,000 military policemen to 7 talks about death for those "irmaos" who leave prison and work the streets and the purchase of cars, weapons and equipwon't help the ones who remain incarcerated: "He who is free ment for the police. During this period, there was a 10 percent and in good shape but who forgets to contribute to his brothers increase in the number of criminals sent to jail annually. While who are in prison, will be condemned to death without forgive- in 1994 there Were 55,021 people jailed in the state of sao Paulo ness." This rule has been taken seriously and according to prison this number has increased to 92,552.

Cidadel4

BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

Despite the better numbers, crime rates in the state are still identical to those from countries dominated by drug trafficking, such as Bolivia and Colombia. In Sao Paulo city, for example, homicides had fallen 1.7 percent last year, leaving the state capital with a rate of 53 murders per 100,000 residents. State governor, Geraldo Alckmin, admitted that there is organized crime inside Sao Paulo's prisons, but he denied that his government has lost control ofthe system. "We will not make concessions," he declared. "In reality, what happened was a response to the government's decision to disarticulate organized crime by transferring leaders from one prison to another." For retired judge Walter Fanganiello Maierovitch, former chief of Senad (Secretaria Nacional Anti-Drogas—Anti-Drugs National Secretariat) the only way to prevent the prison system from being dominated by a Mafia of criminals is to modify the whole system structure. "The first thing to do is to establish discipline and the duties of the inmate. Today, prisoners kill and rob inside the prison and nothing happens", he says. In the '80s, Maierovitch was one ofthe loudest voices opposing the creation of intimate visitation, which allows prisoners to have sex in jail. "I warned that prison would become a big motel for casual sex and I was not mistaken." The American and European press all opened space to expose the Sao Paulo rebellion. London's BBC called the prison system in Brazil "the reinvention of hell"—using the expression from a national congress inquiry—and told readers that prison upraises had become an epidemic in the country. The New York Times reminded that international observers connected to human rights groups were closely monitoring the situation of the Brazilian prisons. On March 5, the New York paper came back to the subject, writing: "The strength and discipline of the group, First City Command, has set off a nationwide debate about a problem many of Brazil's 170 million people would prefer to ignore. Some are calling for harsher treatment of prisoners, others for more humane policies, but nearly everyone agrees that the penal system confronts "problems of Amazonian proportions," as the daily Jornal do Brasil put it, and is on the verge of collapse." Why? For some experts the rebellion was a dramatic demonstration ofthe failure of a model that is more concerned about putting people in jail than preventing crimes from happening in the first place. For Tulio Khan, a researcher from Ilanud (Instituto Latino-Americano para Prevencao do Delito e Tratamento do Delinqiiente—Latin-American Institute for the Prevention of Crime and Treatment of Delinquents) the approach to crime in Brazil should be changed. In an interview with Brasilia's daily Correio Braziliense, Khan declared that "It's time to rethink the whole system, because to build prisons neither solves the security problem nor offers better chances for inmates to resocialize. The result ofthe government investments was insignificant to change the reality of public security in sao Paulo. We need to look for new alternatives to punish and resocialize inmates." In the days following the Carandiru rebellion, the Ordem dos Advogados do Brasil (Brazil's Bar Association), the Sao Paulo Conselho Regional de PSicologia (Regional Council of Psychology) and the Teotemio Villella Commission wrote a joint document asking the government to close down that penitentiary. For 14

judge Walter Maierovich, it's time to implement a 1995 plan created by the state government, which among other things would privatize prisons: "The time has come to definitely face this question. We need to humanize prisons to fulfill its mission of resocializing criminals and at the same time impose a more severe regime to avoid that the inmates control the prisons." For national secretary of Justice, Elizabeth Sussekind, the sao Paulo rebellion could have been prevented if there were a network of spies in the jails. In an interview with Folha de Selo Paulo, she defended the creation of an intelligence service to act inside jails in every state. "Maybe we will need to infiltrate people inside prisons. We need to see the complexity of this visa-vis the law, however. It's possible that this cannot be done. The intelligence agents would pass information on breakouts, gang activity and would be able to find out about prison workers Mafia. Electronic instruments for monitoring might be used. A system like this is not only viable, but also indispensable. If we don't do this we'll continue to use weapons that are disproportional to the ones they have. These are not tamed, immobilized criminals; they continue to act as criminals inside the prison. We need to have ways to stop these time bombs." Answering a question about how the rebellion is detrimental to Brazil's image overseas, President Fernando Henrique Cardoso concluded that "The most important thing is that such an action affects us. The biggest indignation is ours." In his first response to the PCC two days after the rebellion, Nagashi Furukawa, secretary of Sao Paulo State's Penitentiary Administration, announced that all weekend visitations had been suspended. The measure, seen as a punishment, provoked even more unrest since some 30,000 visitors were being expected in the period that coincided with the extended Carnaval weekend, which starts Friday night and lasts until noon on Wednesday. However, after meeting with representatives from the four cellular phone companies—Telesp Celular, Tess, BCP and Nextel—that serve Sao Paulo, Furukawa was not optimistic about the possibility of b locking the reception of cellular phone signals inside prison facilities. Since most of them are in urban areas, such a blocking would be very hard to implement. Preventing the entry of cellular phones should be more easily implemented if it weren't for all the help prisoners get from the personnel who work inside the jails. Omission While the crisis was still going on, the president of the Sao Paulo Prison System Workers Union, Nilson de Oliveira, informed that he knew about PCC's plans to kidnap prison workers and authorities in order to force the release of the group's leaders. He believes that the PCC is still strong inside the prisons and intends to use its armed militia outside the jail to intimidate authorities, judges, and politicians that would be executed in case their demands are not met. Oliveira has also threatened with a strike by the prison system workers to demand betters salaries and more job security. "The government," said Oliveira, "will continue to be unable to control the prisons for omission and lack of political will. The PCC is dangerous and they are going to counterattack. They have 12,000 members and they are decided to dominate BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

are dphenomenon almost exclusively and destroy the jails." In his opinion, the transfer of the at the same t ited to the metropolitan area of Sao Paulo, movement's leaders from Carandiru to hich includes the capital and 38 cities other jails was a bad move that will The events ound it. Ninety percent of the 90 massacres only serve to create new focus of rethe state last year occurred in that region. bellion inside the prison system. Sunday By comparison, in middle-class and upAnd that's what has been happenFrom 7:00AM to 11:00 er-middle-class neighborhoods like ing for some time now. According to AM—Visitors get inside oema, Perdizes, and Pinheiros, the number a Folha de Sao Paulo story, the PCC Carandiru. f homicides per 100,000 people is only has leaders spread in eight states, due 12:00 Noon—Rebellion ee. In these neighborhoods the most comto a policy to send these inmates to out starts at lunchtime. PCC leaders on crimes are those against property like of state prisons to isolate them. They tell prisoners and visitors about urglary and car theft. In 1999, there were are in Rio Grande do Sul, Parana, Mato the uprising and inform that they .79 thousand cars stolen per 100,000 yeGrosso and Mato Grosso do Sul, have become hostages. ides in the state of Sa° Paulo. This total Roraima, Ceara and Alagoas. It all 12:30 PM—There is a shootent up to 1.8 thousand last year. The situseems to have started in 1997 after a ing at Pavilion 9. Nobody gets tion is worse in the capital, where 2,310 cars rebellion in the Carandiru penitenhurt, er 100,000 were stolen in 1999, compared tiary. At that time, five leaders of the 1:00 PM—Visitors are taken o 2,391 in the year 2000. uprising were transferred to Parana to the prisoners' cells, but cell "The poor suburbs are an area abandoned state. doors remain open. Prison worky the public power," says Eduardo Brito, Three years later, three of these ers are locked elsewhere. other researcher at USP's Nucleus of Studmen were accused of leading the long2:00 PM—Inmates and prises on Violence. "Without schools, leisure arest prison insurgence Parana had ever oners from Pavilions 8 and 9 start as, police stations and health clinics, the had. In response to the disturbance, the to keep watch over the prison. owerful outlaws end up becoming the state's authorities sent 16 inmates to They are afraid the police will osses in the area." Without the presence of Alagoas, Mato Grosso, Mato Grosso enter the prison at any moment. the police or the justice system, all kinds of do Sul, and Rondonia. In Mato Grosso 4:00 PM—After exploding violence, including homicide have become do Sul, five prisoners with links to the three gas tanks, the prisoners set s uite common in the poorest areas. A simple PCC have being maintained in isolamattresses on fire to prevent the show of interest for a woman in a ballroom tion to prevent a rebellion. military police from entering the slice can provoke a fatal fight. "The conprison. sumption of alcohol and the possession of Lobbies 5:00 PM—Authorities shut weapons also contribute a lot for this kind of off water and electricity. 'ustice by one's own hands," concludes Brito. While many people are clamoring 7:00 PM—Three people are for changes in the security model killed during a shooting on PavilThe others ions 8 and 9. Witnesses blamed a adopted in Sao Paulo and throughout military policeman for the killBrazil, there are those whose motto is: While the PCC with its 1500 initiated ings. "the worse the better." Among them, 9:00 PM—Everybody eats by members is the largest group of criminals in the private security industry, which sharing the food brought in by the Sao Paulo, there are at least three other known has been growing rapidly in recent visitors. After that, those who are gangs: Seita Satanica (Satanic Sect), CDL years, thanks to the inefficiency of the able to sleep do so in the cells to(Conselho Democratic° da Liberdade— state. Their operations range from gether with the prisoners. Freedom' s Democratic Council), and CRBC supplying not only private security (Comando Revolucionario Brasileiro da guards, but also bodyguards, bulletMonday Criminalidade—Criminality' s Brazilian proof shielding for cars, surveillance Revolutionary Command). They are all rivals equipment for houses and offices, as 1:00 AM—Everything seems between themselves. well as construction of gates and walls. calmer now and many apparently The CDL was created in 1996 in Avare's For Luis Ant8nio de Souza, rehave gone to sleep. (city in the interior of Sao Paulo) Penitentiary searcher with USP's (University of 5:00 AM—The first hosI. It has 650 members and is active in five Sao Paulo) Nucleus of Studies on tages, mostly women and chilprisons. The CRBC command is in Sorocaba, Violence, the solution for the security dren, are freed. another inland city. Formed in 1998 in problem is not that difficult and From 6:00 AM to 12:30 duarulhos, in the greater Sao Paulo, the doesn't require large investments. PM—Groups of20 hostages each CRBC was founded by a group that abanSays he, "We need to increase the are released at 20-minute interdoned the PCC. Their two main leaders, neighborhood watch programs and vals. Ant8nio Carlos dos Santos, nicknamed Bicho invest in other initiatives that would 12:30 PM—Only a few men Feio (Ugly Beast) and Max Luis Gusmao, promote a better relationship between and a commission of 80 wives of known as Dentinho (Little Tooth) were the police and the community." prisoners who volunteered to stay murdered by the PCC during the December Throughout the state of Sao Paulo continue inside the penitentiary. upraise that destroyed the Taubate's prison. the location of crime areas is quite pre2:00 PM—The police retake The PCC has also murdered six members dictable. While rich neighborhoods, control of the prison. from Seita Satinica in recent weeks, five of found either close to the capital or in them during the latest uprising. According the interior, enjoy a low rate of crime often obtained through the use of private security, gates and to Hugo BerniNeto, Sorocaba prison's director, "The CRBC alarms, the poorest areas have by far the largest indexes of inmates don't accept the practices of extortion, persecution homicide. Massacres—when three or more people are killed and drug trafficking promoted by the PCC in the jails." BFtAZZIL - MARCH 2001

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bon of Brazilian culture. What might explain this phenom- artist in his native county, Yugoslavia, where I live. Your enon? Some Brazilianists have proposed the idea of a article is, as far as I know, the only one found through large Brazilian inferiority complex, an insecurity that leads Bra- research on the Internet. Your article is the only Internetzilians to desire and depend on things foreign. available guide to Suba's music & work. Language is a Trojan Horse! People like Deputado Suba is one of a few genius musicians who finally Rebelo and organizations like the MNDLP have a right to plotted Yugoslavia at the music maps on the right way. be concerned about the state of Portuguese in Brazil There are a few of us still researching his recordings, today. It is alarming that President Fernando Henrique guessing what was hidden in his studio at the moment of Cardoso is addressing citizens with speeches in English. the accident. Something beautiful and unique, we're sure. It is alarming that the UFMG (Universidade Federal de Nebojsa Krivokuca Minas Gerais) is excluding the use of Portuguese in sponYugoslavia sored events. And yes, it is even more alarming that English words are continually being adopted into PortuI'm doing some research about street children in guese without being modified. This is disturbing because Brasil. I already have a lot of information and the more I it goes against the Brazilian anthropophagous spirit of read the more upset I get. I really need some more creating something anew. That is the spirit of Brazil. That information, some numbers and some new information is brasilidade. about FEBEM and other organizations. If you have anyJean Marinho da Silva Pinner thing at all, I would be so happy if you send it to me. I also University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill have another question: Do you know anything about the organization Happychild mission? Marta, tread with pleasure your paper and also your Sofia interview with Aldo Rebels. I liked both of them. The E-mail: sofiakopia@hotmaitcom question you put to him are excellent. I expected him to answer the way he did. He has a right to his opinions. I am Hi there Bruce, I just finished reading your article on pleased that he has modified his position of the imposition the 30th anniversary of Tropicaliaâ€”it was one of the best, of fines. I certainly agree that we have to improve the study most informative pieces I've read about the movement in of Portuguese here in Brazil. I plan to show your paper and English. Congrats! I've been a fairly hardcore Brazilophile interview to colleagues and students here in Brazil for for about 20 years and recently came back from three debate. months traveling all over the country. (Do none ao I In addition, I want to congratulate your and your have many hundreds of CDs in my collection but I have a editor for the articles in Brazzil are very interesting. Do hunch you may have a few thousand more! If you're ever many teachers of Portuguese as a Foreign Language in in NY and would like to get together for a bate-papo, I the USA use Brazzil in their classes? I would use it if I were always enjoy meeting other folks who know the scene. teaching Portuguese as a foreign language. Michael Cowan John Brazil, Via Internet

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' I Danielle Thompson, I just want to sincerely thank you I've just been looking at your brilliant website as part for the Joao Gilberto biography It was a fascinating and of my research for a new BBC TV series called Ghetto uplifting article. Fabulous. As you can probably guess from the title, we're Andrew Jenkins looking for stories of over the top opulence from around the Via Internet world! I'm currently trying to find great examples of Ghetto Fabulous-ness in Brazil (shouldn't be difficult, I know!) and Hi, I am from Peru and I adore listening to Brazilian would love to get some ideas from some experts in the field! I know you must be busy, but I'd love it if someone music. I need the song lyrics for "Meu Irmacin from Toquinho. Can you help me? My e-mail is yitamaurilia@hotmail.com. might have the time just to go through a few ideas with me. I'm going to try to look on the Internet, but this is not easy Please get in touch if you think you might be able to help, for me because I don't have a computer. and I can then send you more details about the show and Maria the sort of thing I need! PS: We're also looking for LA Peru, Via Internet stories...

This letter is in response to Gabriel Medeiros' letter printed in your last issue. Gabriel, you chastised Brazzil magazine for emphasizing sex in the Brazilian culture and added that it "gives a very skewed view on Brazilian culture." tarn an American living in Brazil (the opposite of yourself) and it is obvious that you haven't been here in quite a while. You haven't been here in so long in fact that you must have missed: "A Banheira do Gugu" TV show, which has had porn stars and Playboy bunnies wrestling in a bubble bath with male models and pop stars for over ten years Caroline (this is a family program shown for three hours on SunI'm 16 years old. I'm a student in Brussels, in Belgium. Swing Productions/ BBC 7V days); Domingao with Faustao with his hoards of scantily I have adored the film Central do Brasil. This film has United Kingdom clad ladies dancing behind his enormous figure for the changed my rife and I was very impressed. entire three hour program (also shown on Sundays); Uga I'm searching for a website from the film or an e-mail Dear Mr. Gilman, I was delighted reading your article Uga, which in its eight months run as the soap-opera at address or a postal address for director Walter Salles or seven showed in practically every episode men's butts and about Mitar Subotic Suba (Brazzil, March 2000), and I the company Videofilms. It's very important for me. women's naked breasts; Globeleza in her ten-year stint as would like to thank you for your good work. I was looking David the muse of Camaval involving her twisting and turning for a complete Suba story, because he is a kind of forgotten Lasne, Belgium throughout the day, every day, wearing only a small triangle of paint on her most private of privates; and the FOR MORE LETTERS AND ENTIRE Can't you find Brazzil at your Brazilian magazines Sexy, Brazil, Intima, and many, many more LETTER SEE: consulate? showing everything on the cover, plastered on every httpliwww.brazzilcom Don't ask us why, ask the consulate. newsstand (no brown paper wrapping here). I'm certainly not condemning Brazilian culture. On Allow 5 to 7 weeks to receive your first issue No back issues sold. No subscriptions by phone. the contrary, it has led me to look at my own inhibitions Make check to Brazzil and mail it to: brought on by growing up in a more conservative culture BRAZZIL - P.O. Box 50536 - Los Angeles, CA 90050-0536 (i.e. the United States of America). I would suggest to you, however, that before you chastise Brazzil magazine you take 1 year (12 issues) Se4 come back to Brazil and remember exactly why the magazine prints what it prints. It is, after all, your culture that NEW El RENEWAL Brazzil magazine is representing and quite truthfully at For info: (323) 255-4953 E-Mail:brazzil@brazzil.com that. Benjamin Goo gins WHY NOT SEND A GIFT TO 10, 100, EVERYONE YOU KNOW?

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The Portuguese spoken in Brazil is simply undo. Brazilian Portuguese is beautiful because of the melodic sounds of words like Sapucai, Jacarepagua, and of course saudade. Through my study of Portuguese literature and personal travels to Brazil, I too have noticed the incursion of English into the many facets of Brazilian culture. In fact, as Marta Alvim points out in her recent article, "English Spoken Here", it is impossible not to notice. Brazil has a history of receiving ideas from abroad, consuming them, and then in turn, producing something distinctly national. This is a sim plistic sketch of antropofagia, an ideology that emerged during Brazil's modernist movement in the early 1920s. Today, the permeation of English seems to be representative of a large trend, the devalue16

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U IIprinciples Justice MinisterJose Gregori has proposed new legislation to specify just what special status means, and because of pressure over the ongoing Judge Nicolau affair, it will likely mean a whole lot less than has been the case until now. ADHEMAR ALTIERI

The past few weeks have offered Brazilians a chance to put some thought into a serious, decades-old distortion in the country's legal and penal systems. Created in 1941, it guarantees the distance between haves and have-nots, which characterizes Brazilian society, is maintained even in prison. For it does just that: guarantee special status for anyone who ends up in jail but has a university diploma, or meets several other criteria that in the end, spell "upper echelon". For decades, this disturbing, backward aspect of Brazilian law went virtually unchallenged. Accepted by police, the judiciary and the public as normal procedure, it was seldom openly discussed, let alone seriously questioned. But it became a topic of debate among legal specialists and society in general, following the arrest last December of the most wanted man in Brazil in recent years—former Labor Judge Nicolau dos Santos Neto. He stands accused of orchestrating the siphoning of $90 million in public funds from the construction of a new labor courts headquarters in Sao Paulo—a project he supervised. Preliminary hearings leading to his trial are now under way. As a retired judge and former occupant of a senior post, Judge Nicolau was entitled to "Prisao Especial", as the privilege is known. After eight months on the run from police in Brazil and abroad—a time federal prosecutors say the Judge and his associates spent shifting the stolen millions between numerous accounts in the U.S., the Caribbean and Europe, to keep the cash out of reach of investigators—his lawyers negotiated a surrender to Federal Police. Terms are said to have included several guarantees: as a prisoner, he would not be subjected to public humiliation (meaning police would not parade him in front of TV cameras as is usually the case with "regular" prisoners), nor would the Judge have to wear handcuffs (again, too humiliating...), and of course, his right to special status would be respected. He would be kept in proper quarters, as called for in the law. The people who created "Prisao Especial" obviously believed that if an exception is going to be written into law, it might as well go all the way. The law is aimed at periods when a person is in custody prior to the conclusion of a trial. If the person is found guilty, the privilege ends and the inmate joins the tens of thousands who inhabit the modern-day dungeons that most prisons in Brazil closely resemble. Terms ofthe law written sixty years ago also indicate that dungeon-like conditions are not a new phenomenon in the Brazilian prison system—the law was clearly an attempt to spare the elite who happened to get caught, from the sub-human realities of penal institutions. Most are desperately overcrowded, poorly built and managed, corruption-filled powder kegs where attempted breakouts and deadly rebellions happen frequently. In 1941, as in 2001, Brazil's prisons are no place for university-educated raiders of public funds or other white-collar types who go astray, really... Higher education however is just a detail. The decree says "Prisao Especial" must be available for federal cabinet members, state governors and secretaries, mayors, city councilors, chiefs of police, state and federal legislators, armed forces and police officers, judges, and anyone who has ever served on a jury. It also specifies that special inmates must have "adequate" quarters, unlimited access to legal assistance, unrestricted visits from friends and relatives, uncensored mail, religious assistance when possible and medical assistance when necessary. The inmate is guaranteed the right to regular sunshine, does BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

not need to wear a prison uniform, and does not need to eat what other prisoners are served—relatives are allowed to bring outside food. Transportation to hearings and court appearances must also be "different" from that afforded "regular" prisoners—this is widely understood in Brazil, but needs explaining to readers abroad: "regular" prisoners are usually thrown in the back of police wagons, in a trunk-like compartment without seats. "Different" in this case simply means special prisoners get to use a seat in the vehicle. None of these details escaped Judge Nicolau' s lawyers, and they demanded that each detail of his custody match what is specified in the law. Temporary basement holding cells at the Federal Police custody house in Sao Paulo were deemed "inappropriate", so a room was set up for the Judge in the second floor. It included abed, a couch, no bars on the door or window, a TV set and a video cassette player. Still not good enough lawyers said, and they complained to a federal judge who agreed and ordered Judge Nicolau moved to "proper" quarters. That was when the limit was reached, and the debate over the very existence of special status truly began: as it turns out, there are no holding cells anywhere in Sao Paulo, Brazil's largest city, that meet legal requirements for "Prisao Especial". Judge Nicolau was actually moved to what the Sao Paulo police consider to be special holding cells, at the 77th Police Precinct in a central part of the city. Once lawyers had a look at what police say are "the best cells available", reserved for "special prisoners", they obtained a new court order sending Judge Nicolau back to his inadequate but cozy second floor room at the Federal Policy custody house. I had a chance to visit the exact cell which Judge Nicolau shared for a single night with a lawyer accused of stealing court documents, and a journalist who confessed to the shooting death of his girlfriend—both awaiting trial. This "special" cell amounts to a hole in the wall—no more than 15 square meters ofbare cement shared by four, sometimes five inmates who sleep on foam mattresses on the floor. A functioning shower is the main amenity, and there is definitely no sunshine to be had... All of this has been taking place as Judge Nicolau' s alleged doings with millions in taxpayer money have been extensively detailed in the Brazilian media. His trial hasn't even begun, but he has already gone from most wanted to most despised person in Brazil. Whenever the Judge is transported anywhere, there's a media frenzy and crowds gather to shout obscenities. And things can only get worse for the Judge: his lawyers continue to go on television to complain about his inadequate imprisonment, and calling on the courts to allow Judge Nicolau to wait for his trial at home "since there are no cells that meet legal requirements for special prisoners". With the public becoming increasingly outraged at the situation involving the Judge, a laborious Justice Ministry official introduced a new twist in the past week. After digging through old files, he found that the government decree specifying the special status details Judge Nicolau's lawyers have been fightBRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

ing so hard for, was revoked in 1991 during a bit of housecleaning—ironically, by then-president Fernando Collor de Mello, himself driven from the presidency because of a massive corruption scandal. In other words, for a decade now, "Prisao Especial" has continued to exist, even though there is no valid law detailing what it involves. Justice Minister Jose Gregori has proposed new legislation to specify just what special status means, and because of pressure over the ongoing Judge Nicolau affair, it will likely mean a whole lot less than has been the case until now. As he advanced a few details, Gregori revealed that "Prisao Especial" in its new version will include three basic points: the prisoner will be held separate from convicted inmates, will be guaranteed an environment "adequate for human existence", and will not be transported together with regular prisoners. According to the Justice Minister, "unjustifiable privileges" will be eliminated. It is unfortunate that Gregori did not see fit to take this opportunity and do away with any kind of spec ial status in Brazil. He might have listened to the advice of Carlos Velloso, the presiding judge at Brazil's Supreme Court, who said special status in prison is in itself an unjustifiable privilege, "because it defies the constitutional principle of equality, which is the basis ofthe Republic". Velloso then suggested that Brazil look at prisons in the broader sense: "It is necessary to build new prisons, and improve existing ones". A very diplomatic way of rem inding the government that Brazil's prison system is simply disastrous, and that guaranteeing abetter deal for a selected few is no solution at all. There is, however, a silver lining in this cloud, and it's an important one. In recent years, several high-profile prisoners benefited from special status, and that gradually helped to alert Brazilians to this outrageous piece of pure discrimination. Every time a politician or prominent business personality received special treatment in jail, it raised eyebrows. The positive aspect is that a dent, however small, is being made on Brazil's tradition of impunity: more and more, the rich and powerful are being taken to task. Judge Nicolau and his lawyers went a step further, actually complaining and demanding more, and that may prove to be the total undoing of"Prisao Especial". There is every indication the government wants to redefine it quickly, and officials have already said that whatever it calls for in its new version will be applied immediately to Judge Nicolau. Adhemar Altieri is a veteran with major news outlets in Brazil, Canada and the United States. He holds a Master's Degree in Journalism from Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois, and spent ten years with CBS News reporting from Canada and Brazil. Altieri is a member of the Virtual Intelligence Community, formed by The Greenfield Consulting Group to identify future trends for Latin America. He is also the editor of InfoBrazil (http://www.infobrazil.com ), an English-language weekly e-zinc with analysis and opinions on Brazilian politics and economy. You can reach the author at editors@infobrazil.com 19

A bit of "disclosure" is required before the start of this column. Fora while, I considered staying away from this issue. The reader might understand why I felt this way: about halfmy living days were spent in Canada, the other half in Brazil, with a handful ofyears in-between in the U.S. In Canada I completed most of my education and learned my trade, which I now practice in Brazil where I live with my Canadian wife and Canadian-born, bi-cultural, dual citizenship-carrying children. My family has been described as an authentic "Brascan" by a handful ofBrazilian and Canadian acquaintances, who actually know that the "bras" in that venerable Canadian company name comes from Brazil, and the "can" from Canada. As I found myself constantly shaking my head at so many questionable developments involving Brazil and Canada, I suppose my deep roots in the two countries got the better of me... I suspect I see things in a way that only the few who are intimate with both countries are able to. So, here goes... Ignorance, it seems, is always a lot more dangerous than those who suffer from it realize. Being unaware or misinformed, the ignorant tend not to understand or care about the consequences of their possibly misguided deeds—they simply don't know any better... But what if ignorance is only a façade or excuse, and questionable acts not a consequence of lack ofknowledge? And what ifgovemments decide to behave that way, confident that most of their people—the Brazil's international trade policies and constituencies they must answer to—will not identify the true nature of what they're doing? In other words, what if it's intentional and not strategies must improve dramatically, always misinformed.., what do we have then? Seems in that case, we have the current status ofrelations between especially where high-tech, big ticket Brazil and Canada—two countries with far more in common than either items are concerned, there are no appear comfortable with for some strange reason, and an inherent difficulty in recent years when it comes to dealing productively with

Blindfolded

shoulders to cry on and it will be dog eat

one another at the government level. As a consequence, what is most obvious when Brazil-Canada relations are analyzed is the wasted potential for increased trade and other exchanges both might enjoy, to play with the big boys, it will have to should more enlightened approaches and open minds on both sides ever prevail. look and act like one. To most observers, the current trouble between the two countries began about five years ago, with the start of the subsidy dispute inADHEMAR ALTIERI volving aircraft manufacturers Embraer, from Brazil, and Bombardier, from Canada. Last year, the battle moved upstairs, no longer a tiff between companies: the two governments have taken over, which is questionable in itself given how successful and competitive both companies are. Good pro-market capitalists that they are, Embraer and Bombardier should duke it out without governments getting involved, and certainly without hurting entrepreneurs and consumers in both countries in the process—and ultimately harming bilateral relations. But there's a lot more to it than a squabble between aircraft makers that got out of hand. The real kick-off in terms ofbilateral ignorance came in the early '90s when two Canadians were jailed in Brazil for their part in the kidnapping of Brazilian supermarket tycoon Abilio Diniz, owner of the Pao de Acticar chain. The issue simply wasn't worth the effort it drew from diplomats in both countries over several years, primarily because of strong lobbying in Canada backed by the family of Christine Lamont, one ofthe convicted Canadians—the other, her boyfriend, was Brian Spencer. Canada's early response was actually perfect. After the Canadian media reacted by questioning the validity of the guilty verdict against the two Canadians (nothing wrong there, Brazilians frequently question their own Judiciary as well, and for good reason), Ottawa sent legal specialists to Brazil to investigate the proceedings, and the evidence

dog for the most part. So if Brazil wants

BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

used to convict the pair. When they returned and submitted their fmdings, then-External Affairs Minister Barbara McDougall said in an interview with Canada's top-ranked television network, CTV, that Canada was satisfied that all was in order. And she added a phrase that should have put an end to it all: Canadians can't travel abroad, break laws and expect the government to come to the rescue... There was good reason for McDougall to say this at the time. Canadian media outlets had researched how many Canadians were being held in prisons around the world, and wondered out loud: if Ottawa was going to try and bring home two convicted kidnappers jailed in Brazil, what kind of precedent would that set, and wouldn't all other jailed Canadians around the world, guilty or not, be entitled to the same treatment? So at first, it seemed the Canadian government wanted no part of trying to answer those questions. But things gradually changed, as the Lamont family brought out its heavy lobbying artillery. It reached a point where Canadian diplomats stationed in Brazil made direct contact with Brazilian legislators to push for the pair's release, in away that came dangerously close to being interpreted as outside interference. So this is where things really began to get sour and uncomfortable between the governments of Brazil and Canada. Many in Brasilia found it hard to believe that Canada would exert so much pressure on behalf of Lamont and Spencer, while far more productive trade matters were brushed aside. The couple were eventually allowed to fly home to serve out their sentences, even though kidnapping is considered a heinous crime in Brazil. That whole incident is often rehashed in the Brazilian media, with Canada always cast in a questionable light. This is happening even more frequently now, as an unthinkable common thread is identified between the release of two kidnappers and the Embraer-Bombardier dispute. In both cases, the Canadian government moved decisively on behalf of very specific interests. A frequent comment heard from business leaders in Brazil recently goes something like "we had no idea Bombardier had so much pull in Ottawa." A few years ago, similar questions were being asked about the Lamont family's ability to get Canadian diplomacy to privilege their convicted daughter's cause. In the minds of Brazilians, all that was visible was a government from the "civilized" part ofthe world, working hard to free a pair of criminals. As it turns out, Brazilians really had no idea how much pull Bombardier could muster, until the Canadian government imposed a dubious ban on Brazilian beef, based on a flimsy suspicion, not supported by any significant scientific argument, that mad cow disease had made its way into the Brazilian herd. The past week saw the demoralizing withdrawal of that ban by Canada, but only after the U.S.—which never really bought the idea that a problem existed in Brazil in the first place, moved before Canada to liftthe ban. Because ofNAFTA commitments, the U.S. and Mexico had reluctantly joined Canada when the ban was first announced. With each disappointing incident between Brazil and Canada in recent years, Ottawa dealt with Brazil in misinformed, condescending, "I don't care what you think" fashion. There was also an apparent certainty that public opinion back home wouldn't really be a problem, almost like betting few people would care. And Brazil responded in kind, seriously mishandling each event, and counting on domestic ignorance about Canada as well: obviously a place filled with igloos, polar bears and not much else Brazil should care about... Brazil, for example, allowed the case involving the two Canadian kidnappers to be depicted as a humanitarian problem, or even a case of political persecution, with help from the al•ways-opportunistic Brazilian left wing which openly clamored for repatriation of the two Canadians, and seven other convicted BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

kidnappers. Brazil refused to deal with the request as it should have, rejecting any notion of repatriation and upholding its own laws against people who commit a crime inside its borders, regardless of their origin. Brazil also played the case differently, depending on the audience: internally, Brazil chose the poor little Third World nation role, under pressure from the industrialized bad guys again. Externally, it was far too accommodating, waiting as it did or an opportunity to release the kidnappers as Canada wanted while suffering the least possible internal damage before still outraged Brazilian public. The Brazili approach to the Einbraer-Bombardier battle has been equallyi isguided, not designed for long-term success. Brazil says it "c 'twin one" at the World Trade Organization because the rule were made by rich countries, to benefit rich countries. If this is so, given that the dispute between the plane makers is five ye old, it's high time Brazil came up with more than the usual d scourse, and showed the world precisely how it is that WTO les—to which Brazil is a signatory—hurt developing nati ns. Brazil should also push for full disclosure from Canada re arding its support for Bombardier, since anything that happ ns under the much-maligned ProEx program used by Brazil o subsidize Embraer is quite public, unlike secretive Cana Account transactions. The bottom the is that Brazil's international trade policies and strategies ust improve dramatically, and go beyond waiting for s pathetic eyes to show approval whenever a problem arises, specially where high-tech, big ticket items are concerned, thee are no shoulders to cry on and it will be dog eat dog for the ost part, so if Brazil wants to play with the big boys, it will ha e to look and act like one. While whining and crying foul wil not do the trick, well-researched, professional diplomatic acti ins will, especially ifthey clearly expose what's wrong with th way the other side is behaving, when that happens to be the • . e. It's a choice between turning pro and joining the big lea ues, or stepping aside. The most cent incident, involving Brazilian beef, was perhaps them'st blatant display of ignorance—intentional or otherwise—o the part of both countries. Hardly ever before have Canadi government officials acted in so decidedly unCanadian fashi n, gagging and punishing experts who disagreed with the ban, iting threatening letters to those with "offendand offering a defense for their actions that ing" viewpoi borders on lau able. Ottawa can argue until the entire cabinet is blue in the ace that its decision to ban Brazilian beef was strictly a heal issue: it has not, and will not, convince the rest of the world, r even Canadian public opinion. There's far too much out th that says otherwise. A simple, factual example: technically, the recent trip to Brazil by NA TA experts, supposedly to "inspect" packing plants, farms and labs, was really a useless exercise, at best designed to a ch some seriousness to the Canada-led ban. Both governments ew this, the experts involved knew this, and the media events ly saw it for what it was, when it was explained that no meat sacker in Brazil can become an exporter unless it is inspected' officials from the country it exports to at least once a year. I other words, the facilities visited by experts from Canada, the .S. and Mexico, who all tried to look very curious, had bee inspected by U.S. and Canadian officials not that long ago—t ere was really nothing new to be discovered or uncovered. S eptics might also consider what a straightforward answer to thi question might be: would Canada have imposed a similar, pot ntially very harmful ban in terms of trade, withoutthe com on courtesy of prior notice, and based on circumstantial, tins • 'entitle data, if another country was involved— perhaps a W stern European country which doesn't manufacture competi ve regional aircraft? Obviously and most certainly not. 21

Again, Brazil was guilty on all counts in the beef exchange as well. First, by downplaying the fact that forms sent by Canada two years before, requesting information on measures against mad cow disease, were not sent back. Agriculture Ministry officials looked quite foolish stating they had no idea where these forms were. This detail actually highlights a cultural clash: while the matter of the unreturned forms would be "no big deal" to a Brazilian government official—they routinely blow deadlines and misplace forms and important documents, as any Brazilian taxpayer or entrepreneur can attest to—it would be almost unpardonable behavior to a Canadian official. The two governments definitely function by different standards, and surely, in this exchange, both sides lacked a better knowledge of how the other does business. Although the barbecue-protests that took place in Brazil, featuring Mounties in clown noses and the odd cow delivery to Canadian diplomatic offices, were small and good-natured for the most part, Brasilia was wrong again when it pushed to turn this into an anti-Canada tidal wave. It was an underhanded attitude on Brazil's part to encourage the pseudo-nationalistic flag waving and whisky-dumping for the cameras: while that went on in Brazil, Canadian consumer groups openly questioned why consumers might have to pay higher prices, for products that would have to be imported in substitution of Brazilian goods affected by a looming Brazil-Canada trade war. That was a far more mature approach, which put the EmbraerBombardier debate in its rightful place, which ought to be anywhere but harming others involved in Brazil-Canada trade. Again, Brazil chose to play victim and tell the world "here we are being harmed again," rather than defending its views with solid, practical arguments. What is it, then, that allows ignorance to prevail when major, or uncomfortable issues, are on the table between the governments of Brazil and Canada? First, both countries, and not just their governments now, are guilty of a widespread lack of awareness about the other. A Canadian media colleague, who has spent time in Brazil, was rather blunt when I recently asked to what extent he thought ignorance explained the way Canada has behaved when dealing with Brazil. "To most Canadians, everything south of Texas is about the same: poor, backward, problematic," he said. In the minds of most Canadians, that makes Brazil about the same as Belize. That's if the Canadian in question happens to know where Belize is... Brazilians have a slightly better idea ofwhat Canada is about and where it's located—the fact that about 10,000 Brazilians live in Canada, compared to about 2,500 Canadians in Brazil, might have a bit to do with that. On the street though, most Brazilians are unlikely to name a prominent Canadian or a Canadian product—although now they might think of the whisky they saw being dumped on television. They might also remember singer Alanis Morrissette, since a number of radio stations announced they would not be playing her music because of the beef ban. Until that happened, most Brazilians thought Morrissette was American, as is often the case with Canadian music stars who gain prominence in Brazil and other parts of the world... What a small percentage of Brazilians and Canadians— mainly government officials and businesspeople—tend to remember about each other, is that the two countries have very similar GDPs. This becomes an unexpected source of friction, again based on ignorance. Some Brazilians believe Canada is not really that big a deal, perhaps even a pushover, if its GDP is about the same as Brazil's. That reaction actually is a result of the unwarranted, low self-esteem that afflicts most Brazilians: in their minds, if Brazil has "caught up" to some other country, there is no merit for Brazil, only weakness on the part ofthe other country. Meanwhile, some Canadians feel uncom-

fortable about a poor, problematic and backward Belize-like nation from somewhere south of Texas that matches Canada in terms of GDP, and wants to sell airplanes to boot. How presumptuous... And of course, as they concentrate on the overall figure, both sides forget that while Canada's GDP is spread over 30 million people, Brazil's must support 170 t million... The fact remains that both Brazil and Canada are big losers for not having a better handle on each other. The two countries are complementary in many ways, and there are several positive private sector experiences, mostly involving Canadian investments in Brazil—especially in telecommunications: Nortel, Bell Canada and others are major players. There are also Brazilian investments in Canada, the highlight being steel giant Gerdau's pair of mills in Ontario and Manitoba. Improved Brazil-Canada relations would present an excellent opportunity for both countries to further diversify their international trade, a much more urgent need in Canada's case since 85 percent of Canadian exports go to the United States. This might even contribute to reduce all the talk about the "Americanization" of Canada, a trend supported by recent studies that show most Canadians not terribly concerned about becoming Americans in the future. A nation, especially one like Canada, is a terrible thing to waste. Even amid tense moments between Brazil and Canada, like the events surrounding the recent beef ban, there are positives worth mentioning that seem to escape both sides. During the recent visit by NAFTA inspectors because of the beef ban, Brazilian officials thought they pulled a fast one by forcing the visitors to use Embraer planes to get around in Brazil. They probably didn't realize that Embraer turbo-props were equipped with Pratt & Whitney engines, made in Canada. Because of that, for years airplane engines were near the top of Canada's list of exports to Brazil. Proof positive that even when it comes to aircraft, Brazil and Canada can compete and also cooperate. A little more civility and less ignorance by both sides is all it takes. Otherwise, both should give up any talk of an Americas-wide free trade zone, as obviously neither is prepared for so bold an undertaking. Related sites: Bombardier - http://www.bombardier.com Embraer - http://www.embraer.com Norte! Brazil - http://www.nortelnetworks.com/corporategloballcalalbrazil Gerdau Steel—Canadian operations http://www.canadiansteel.ca/members/ gerdau_courtice_steel_inc.html http://www.c anadiansteel. ca/m embers/ gerdau_mrm_steel_inc.html Brazil-Canada "Trade War" section created on the website of Brazil's most prestigious daily newspaper, 0 Estado de S. Paulo (Portuguese only) http://www.estadao.com.br/ext/brasilcanaaa Adhemar Altieri is a veteran with major news outlets in Brazil, Canada and the United States. He holds a Master's Degree in Journalism from Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois, and spent ten years with CBS News reporting from Canada and Brazil. Altieri is a member of the Virtual Intelligence Community, formed by The Greenfield Consulting Group to identify future trends for Latin America. He is also the editor of InfoBrazil (http:// www.infobrazil.com ), an English-language weekly e-zine with analysis and opinions on Brazilian politics and economy. You can reach the author at it.editors@infobrazil.com BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

bus ines speop le are much inore involved with Wall Street deals The Brazilian press has been making a huge fuss over a and international trade (even more than the Mexicans are), so recent proposal by Communist party congressman Aldo Rebelo it is an advantage to be able to communicate with them in their which could create laws "protecting" the country's official native language even though most of them are quite fluent in language, Portuguese, from excessive influence from foreign English. tongues, especially English, as has recently been done in some Esteban Ab d also has other reasons: "A lot ofpeople learn European countries, such as France. languages thes days. Speaking three languages is good, but Rebelo, in his proposal, wants to stop the so-called abuse that no longer p ovides one with the edge it would have done, of English-language words in situations when there is a suitsay, ten years a o. Learning a fourth language shows my cornable translation, such as in "cash"(dinheiro),"teen" (adolesmitment to dev lop myself and to become more marketable. cente) or "delivery"(entrega). The controversy has generated A key reason hy I have chosen Portuguese over other Iana reasonably heated debate in Brazil, and no one sees an endguages is the fa t that it shares the same Latin root with Spaning of the ongoing discussion over the issue in the near future. h, making it far easier to learn than, for exIn the meantime, U.S. businessmen have repie, German or Russian." cently flooded New York language schools deI asked both Mr. Abad and Mr. DiPreta (who manding to learn Portuguese, to a point that most ere interviewed separately) if either of them of them cannot find suitable instructors to comply ad been pressed into the task of learning Porwith the current demand for Portuguese, as related guese by their respective employers. Both to me by a foreign language program coordinator tated that the drive to learn it came from their at a popular school in the Wall Street area. wn personal and professional needs and interIn an informal conversation, he told me that the ests and not from internal pressures from demand has been troubling for them, their corporations. since it is hard to find fully qualified Portuguese teachers can't complain. native speakers of Portuguese who are After all, the once exotic foreign language not looking to work illegally in this counthat few were interested in is now a hot try. I wonder why those centers don't commodity, and those teaching it are make the move to sponsor Portuguesebusier than ever, and many are having speaking immigrants if the need is so trouble juggling their hours to accommogreat. date the ever-growing number of stuHe was unable, though, to give me dents. Large corporations are conducting any information as to why Portuguese in-house Portuguese language training to has been more sought after than other fortheir employees, and individual students eign languages. Although it is true that are constantly registering in the many lanthe globalization of economy has forced Americansâ€”the ultimate monolingual New York language schools are guage centers in the New York-New Jersey area. citizensâ€”to learn the languages spoken surprised by the interest that Wall In the past, Americans looked for Porby their foreign, better-trained, Englishtuguese as an advantage in their tropical speaking competitors, students have Street businessmen have romantic conquests during the country's more recently sought out to learn the Portuguese language more than they have recently been taking into famous Carnaval holidays. Today, those students mean businessâ€”serious busilooked for Spanish (the most obvious opPortuguese, Brazil's official ness. tion), German, French or, say, Japanese. Brazil has been growing a lot ecoEsteban Abad, 25, is a Spanish young language. What is going on? nomically since its government opened man employed by a well-known multiits markets to new, foreign investors in the national banking corporation with ofearly nineties. Back then, international infices in New York. He has been taking ERNEST BARTELDES vestors were skeptical of the potential of a course in Portuguese for the last two the then slow-developing country. After months, and he has his own ideas on the Brazil proved that it could become politisubject. According to Abad, "most large cally and somewhat economically stable multinationals will soon be covering the 111,,tne (despite of the inaccurate, overblown recent Iberian peninsula (Spain and Portugal) as pessimistic predictions), investors started one business unit, with the headquarters pouring in, and the country's positive cash normally in Madrid, Barcelona or Lisbon. flow also caused local investors to make their It therefore makes sense to be able to cover bets overseas instead ofjust hiding funds into the whole area linguistically. Similarly, numbered accounts in Switzerland. given the fact that I am a Spanish and EnIt is a happy time for Brazil and its "english speaker, I cover the nearly totality of dangered" language. America language wise. A career in emerging markets-related activity, and in particuErnest Barteldes, the author, was born lar covering Latin America is always a in Michigan USA and has been possibility. The biggest economy in Latin a teacher of English in Brazil for over America by far is that of Brazil, which is a ten years. He is a graduate from Cearl Portuguese-speaking country. Learning State University and recently married that language will , therefore, allow me to a Brazilian. Barteldes has been a regular cover the whole area." columnist for the Greenwich Village Mario diPreta, an Italian-American Gazette in New York City and has also employee of a large banking corporation collaborated to a number of magazines who has also been taking a course in Porand newspapers in the US and in Brazil. tuguese, shares the same ideas. He also adds He can be contacted at that Brazil is not only the biggest emerging ebarteldes@yahoo.com market in Latin America, and that Brazilian

Portuguese, Anyone?

BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

BID Plunderers The Biodiversity Convention signed by 144 countries, at ECO 92, held in Rio de Janeiro, has established that if a company uses plants, animals, genetic material or traditional knowledge of a country, it has to pay royalties of between 3 to 5 percent. The great majority of the countries, however, never ratified that document. ANA PAULA CORAZZA

Bio-piracy is just another one of the threats the Amazon has to face since Brazil's colonization period. It emerged in the last 30 years as a consequence of the development of a new line of science, the biotechnology. Differing from the prospectors and smugglers, the bio-pirates don't carry guns, but act mixing up with the tourists who arrive everyday in order to see the beauty of the forest. Their interest, of course, is not in the rain forest tourism, but it's based in the chance of making a great amount of money with the species of plants and animals found exclusively in Brazilian territory. The Amazon has been inhabited since immemorial times. When the first European colonizers arrived in the XVI century, a few million Indians lived in the region. While the Amazon occupation started around the year 1540, until the end of the Second World War, the human presence in that environment didn:t cause a considerable change to the natural vegetation and fauna. A new period started when the Brazilian government decided to use these lands for agriculture and immigrant settlement. With 5.033.072 km' of area in Brazil and being the home of 50 percent ofthe world's biodiversity, the Amazon is a natural target to the action of companies and bio smugglers interested in researching and exploring it with profitable purposes. Covering 6 percent of the earth surface, the rain forests of the world concentrate half of the living beings on the globe. Of the 240,000 species ofplants with flowers, for instance, 150,000 are in the tropics. Of these, 55,000 are in Brazilian territory, many can only be found here. Besides it all, the Amazon rain forest is house of 24 percent of the primate species, 23 percent of the amphibious, 30 percent of all the superior plants, more than 300 species of mammals, 2000 of fish and 2.5 million of anthropoids. In this ocean of life, sail the biological plunderers. Accordingly to general Germano Arnold Pedrozo, of the Military Command of the Amazon, in a testimony to the National Congress of Brazil in 1997, the bio-pirates arrive with tourist visas, under the protection of international environmental NGOs or religious missions. It's not easy to catch them. For less than $250 per day, anyone can rent a boat in Manaus city and adventure through the immense labyrinth of the region's rivers. And with hundreds of illegal airports and 12,000 kilometers of border guarded by only about 22,000 military soldiers, it's impossible to avoid the come and go of smugglers. Agents of the Ibama (Instituto Bras ileiro do Meio Ambiente e dos Recursos Renovaveisâ€”Brazilian Institute of the Environment and Renewable Resources) have learned from the Indian and the catalog a French company left with them, the price insects can cost in the international market. A beetle of the species Titanus giganteus, for example, can be worth $1,000 if sold to collectors. Police suspects that the responsible for the distribution of the catalog is a Belgian, Robert van der Merghel, arrested in August 1997 carrying 200 beetles and butterflies at the airport ofthe city of Tefe, in the Alto Solimaes. Merghel was sentenced to one year in prison but stayed only six months and was released through the intercession of the President. Another responsible for illegal trades is an Austrian naturalized Brazilian, Ruedger von Reininghaus, president of the Ecological Association of the Alto Jurua, a non-governmental organization. Ruedger was looking for people interested in buying the secrets of medicinal plants of the Indians ofthe Acre State. He escaped from justice only because ofthe lack of proof against him. It's crystal clear that the two outlaws were amateurs in an BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

activity in which the most common professionals show off their master and doctor in science titles. And feel as comfortable in a research lab as in the middle of the jungle. But masters and doctors in science alone cannot be blamed for taking samples of animals and plants to other countries, according to Othrio Jose de M. Fonseca, former director of Inpa (Instituto Nacional de Pesquisa da Amazonia—National Institute of Research ofthe Amazon). In an article written to the Amazonas em Tempo newspaper, he talks about the importance ofresearching and studying animals, plants and microorganisms in the Amazon in order to improve mankind's quality of life. He also stresses that serious researchers are not getting the necessary support and suggests that it is necessary to search for national and international agreements. "The development of projects based on agreements allows the training of Brazilian scientists and researchers, making possible the sharing of knowledge, technology and new materials between thc partners that can legally patent their discoveries", writes Fonseca. "The material that leaves the research institutions is closely inspected", adds Fonseca, "but one thing we don't know is the name of the heads of civil institutions that have its people coming and going in the Amazon or the pastors and priests who live in traditional communities in the forest collecting information and maybe material that can easily leave the country through its wide hydrographic net". For Fonseca the only way to avoid the harm of illegal exploration of the Amazon is to research and patent first every product of biological origin. And put pressure on the government convincing the nations in the world to sign a treaty forbidding any product with biological source to be patented before its origin is absolutely clarified. Making a fortune In 1965, physician and researcher Sergio Ferreira, from the University of sao Paulo (USP), discovered a substance in the poison of the jararaca snake responsible for a high decrease in blood pressure ofpeople who are beaten by this snake. Patented by the Wellcome laboratory, the substance originated a line of anti-high blood pressure medicines that brings $40 billion per year in income. Brazil hasn't received anything for the discovery. The pharmacist and researcher Evandro de Arafijo Silva of the Universidade da Amazonia (University of the Amazon) explains why it is so hard to produce medicines in the country: "In the '40s, the cost until the launching of a new medicine was $40 million. Today its cost is around $500 million and might go as high as $1 billion soon". Ever since the first gene was isolated, in 1973, genetic engineering has experienced a spectacular progress, creating a market for the major companies in the chemistry-pharmaceutical, agricultural and medicinal areas. And the impact of these changes is only in the beginning. In the next decades, new products will invade peoples every day life, generating business of incalculable value. In the middle of these new discoveries we find an unexplored new world, where life is a precious valuable good not only in the philosophic-legal point of view but also in economic matters. Patents over these products will be huge sources of fortunes now in the 21" century. The Biodiversity Convention signed by BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

144 countries, at KO 92, held in Rio de Janeiro, has established that if a company uses plants, animals, genetic material or traditional knowledge of its country population, royalties between 3 percent and 5 percent over the products sales will have to be paid to that country. The great majority of the countries, however, haven't ratified that document. To put things in perspective: One single North-American company has catalogued over 7000 Amazon plants without paying a cent for it. Blood and DNA samples of native Indians Karitianas and Suruis of the State of Rond6nia are sold to foreign countries. Frogs, snakes, scorpions and other poisonous animals are extremely valuable to biotechnological researches due to the toxins they produce and distil. In January 1998, researchers of the Abbot laboratory, one of the giants in the chemistry-pharmaceutical sector, announced the synthesis of a new composition, the ABT-694, made through the toxin found in the skin of the Amazon fog, Epipadobates tricolor. According to the Abbot scientist, the ABT-694 might become the first of a family of analgesics fpr pain, able to substitute the opium derivates. With the d velopment of genetic engineering, there is no doubt the bio-r4racy will continue to increase. And, despite the disagreement 4mong scientists and foreign parties on the research agreem nt, at least in one point they all agree: Brazil needs to take place ii the vast biodiversity heritage of the Amazon, invest in research and do it before others do. That the A azon Forest is an immense lab on open air we all agree. But i is important to find a point of agreement on how to explore its r chness in a way mankind can enjoy the benefits of the new dis overies and at the same time respect the laws, borders and ri hts of the people who live in the Amazon and in throughout the country. The Ama on in our lives Most of u don't know that several products that we use in everyday life bome from the Amazon. Here are some of them: British company Body Shop buys Brazil nuts' oil, • extracted by the Caiap6 Indians and uses it to make skin creams and shampoos. American company Aveda produces cosmetics using • the urucum, a vegetal bleaching. The vegetal leather used to make Hermes purses is a • result of the work of the Kaxinawa and Yawanawa tribes of the Acre state. The shampoo of the Amazon babacu from L'Oreal is • a sale succes in Paris. The sophisticated perfume Channel No. 5 has in its • formula the au-rosa (rosewood). This tree is in the list of the "becoming e tinct". Th seat head support of the Mercedes-Benz trucks is made of Am zon coconut fiber. Th active substance of Flaxedil, a muscle relaxing • medicine, is based on a solution made by the Indians from vegetal extracts. An Paula Corazza, a 25-year-old journalism student, born in Ao Paulo city but living in Rio de Janeiro for two years, has Worked as translator and writer at some Brazilian publications. You can reach her at acorazza@hotmail.com 25

Where to find Spirits In the next few months various brands of Brazilian cachaca will be appearing on liquor store shelves all over the country as the Brazilian organization of cachaca producers in the state of Minas Gerais, Ampaq, unleashes ten premiere export brands through its distribution networks in San Francisco, Miami and New York. JAMIE SUNDQUIST Since writing the article about cachaca in the November 1998 issue ofBrazzil, I have received hundreds of inquiries from readers all over the world interested in tasting the increasingly popular sugar cane derived liquor. As cachaca carries its notoriety beyond its Brazilian borders to bars and restaurants in every corner of the United States, it is no wonder that the Brazilian government is working hard to expand into the newly discovered American market. Chalkthis new interest in international markets up to current consumption in Europe and cachaca producers' desire to tap into the large population of Brazi lians stateside who have influenced American culture with their beverage of choice (well, besides a "lourinha bem gelada"—very cold little blonde—, also known as a cold beer). Fortunately, in the next few months various brands will be appearing on liquor store shelves all over the country as the Brazilian organization of cachaca producers in the state of Minas Gerais, Ampaq, unleashes ten premiere export brands through its distribution networks in San Francisco, Miami and New York. As cachaca aficionados know, quality depends on the means of distillation which can influence the price, taste and aroma ofthe liquor. Before buying a bottle of cachaca, varying in price between $2.00 and $20.00 per liter depending on the brand, here is a quick five-step method that makers of the Riacho Doce brand cachaca use to determine quality: 1)Hold the bottle up to the light. Quality cachaca is clear and without impurities. 2) Shake the bottle. The froth and bubbles should disappear in less than 30 seconds. 3)(This one is tricicy unlessyou can try it before you buy) When poured slowly down the sides of a glass, it should appear like a fine oil. 4) Check the aroma of the cachaca in a glass or on the palm of your hand. If it does not smell like sugarcane, it probably isnot a good cachaca. 5)Request to taste the cachacabeforeyou buy it. Ifyou sense a buming sensation in your mouth or on the back of your throat, it is of poor quality. In anticipation of the cachaca craze, I have put together a comprehensive list of locations where Brazilian fare could be coupled with a caipirinha or batida (common Brazilian drinks made with cachaca) for yourtasting pleasure. Although I would have enjoyed sampling each restaurant myselfto recommend the best, this listing of locations came highly recommended by Brazilian consulate officials, Brazilian social/community organizations and colleagues throughout the United States. If you discover a restaurant that is not on the list thatyou would like to recommend, send me a review. Enjoy! Born Apetite!

CALIFORNIA Espeto's do Brazil 8751 Van Nuys Blvd 818-892-5988 Terra Nostra 4020 B Chino Hills Pkwy 909-393-5926 Roda Viva 1600 Azusa Ave #166 626-939-9950 Green Field 381 N Azusa Ave 888-295-1306 / 626966-2300 Coisa Nossa 310-793-8275 Itana Bahia 8711 Santa Monica BI 310-657-6306 Rio Juice 11733 Barrington Ct. 310-471-0425 Bossa Nova Pizza 7181 Sunset Blvd By Brazil 1615 Cabrillo Ave 310-787-7520 Zabumba 10717 Venice Blvd 310-841-6525 Big Fish 4809 W. Marine Ave 310-676-9962 Brazil Tropical 1050 A Garnet Ave San Diego 619-273-8555 Rio Churrascaria 15122 E. Rosecrans Blvd 714-739-2000 or 888739-5005 Lulu's Alibi 1640 Sawtelle Blvd 310-479-6007 Yolie's 300 Oceangate, 2nd Fl 562-491-0221 Tropical Fresh Café 1437 #19 Promenade Santa Monica 310-260-1939 Café Brasil 10831 Venice Blvd 310-837-8957 Café Danssa 11533 W Pico Blvd Bossa Nova 865 N. Robertson Blvd 310-657-5070 Picanha 269 East Palm Ave 818-972-2100 FLORIDA Camila's (Miami) 129 SE 1st Ave 305-375-0992 Camilas's (Orlando) 5458 Int'l Dr 407-354-2507 Picanha na Brass 41 NE 2nd Ave 305-579-8657 Picanha na Brass 190 SE 1st Ave 305-579-0083 Churrascaria PorcAo 801 Brickell Bay Dr 305-373-2777 Brazilian Tropicana

Bossa Nova 2121 Ponce de Le6n Blvd 305-567-1718 Brazilian Grill 1177 S. Federal Hwy 954-421-1559 Steak Masters Bayside Market Place 305-379-7846 Brazin 1620 N. Federal Hwy 954-295-8284 Via Brasil Café 6616 Collins Ave 305-867-2929 Kabana 5360 N Federal Hwy 954-360-0661 Flavor of Brazil 4140 N Federal Hwy 954-565-4388 Feijao corn Arroz

559 East Sample Rd 954-784-0909 Tutto Pasta 1751 SW 3rd Ave' 305-857-0709 Aquarela Brasileira 8410 West Flagler St— suite 113-B 305-226-2888 Picanha's Grillk 13750 Biscayne Blvd 305-944-4114 Barroco 1630 Ponce de Le6n, Coral Gables 305-774-1934 Buzios 3428 E. Atlantic Blvd 954-785-8980 Minas Deli 10121 SW 72nd St 305-595-0330 Beco Brasileiro 11510 SW 147 Ave Bay 15 305-387-5651 Mannah Grill 171 SE Mizner Blvd 18, 561-338-0026 Brasserie 601 Brickell Key Dr 305-577-0907 That Old Time Pizza 146 SE 1st Ave 305-350-9977 Panorama 900 East Atlantic Blvd, #9 954-784-8136 Smokey's 613 E Atlantic Blvd 954-783-6669 Potato's Shop 2413 Galiano St 305-461-5774 Amigo — Bar & Grill

NEW JERSEY Boca Louca 88 Pulaski St 973-589-8430 Brasilia 132 Ferry St 973-465-1227 Meson Brasil

354 Lawton Ave 201-945-0705 Tradicao 70 Adams St

973-465-1022 NEW YORK Scala Brazil

35-50 31st St 212-243-4940 Danny's Skylight Room

346 W 46th St 212-265-8133 SOB'S 204 Varick Street (at Houston) 212-243-4940, 212307-7171 www.sobs.com Café Wha 115 MacDougal St 212-254-3706 Blue Note 131 W 3rd St 212-475-8592

www.bluenote.net The Supper Club 240 West 47 St, New York City 212- 921-1940 101 CLUB 101 7th Ave South 212-620-4000 WASHINGTON, DC Cactus Taberna 8064 Rolling 703-455-3737 Vida Loca

4615 Wisconsin Ave 202-537-3200

9700 Collins Ave 305-867-1511 ILLINOIS Mad Bar 1640 N. Damen Ave 773-227-2277 Mambo Grill 412 N. Clark St 312-467-9797 MASSACHUSETTS

410 N Federal Hway

Buteco

954-781-1113 Brazil Brazil 3485 N Federal Hwy 954-561-8200

130 Jersey St Silver Bull 18 Norwood St 617-389-3166 BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

What matt going to di but you'r I'll marr all. A v. thing, widower. 'NEL§0 OF THREE PARTS),

BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

• (Trevas. Luz no piano da alucinacio. Alaide e Clessi no mesrno lugar. Mas no chao, deitado, esti realmente urn homem— o mesmo de sempre. Roupa diferente.) ALAIDE (perturbada)--Que que tern meu casamento? Ele disse: "Letnbre-se de seu casamento." (Som da "Marcha Nupcial". Markle levanta-se. Faz um gest° como que apanhando a cauda do invisivel vestido de noiva. Faz que se ajeita.) CLESSI—Bonito vestido! Quern foi que teve q ideia? ALAIDE (transportada)—Eu vi nurn filme. A grinalda e que é eiferente. Mas resto é igualzinho a fita. (Alaide passa ao piano da mernoriaque se ilumina.) PEDRO (levantando-senaturalmente e passando tambem ao piano da memoria) (puxa o relogio)—Estaquasenahom.Ternos que andar depressa; depois do nosso, tern outro casa,mento. ALAIDE—Quer dizer que 0 outro casamento vai aproveitar a nossa ornamentaclo? PEDRO—Deixa.Naotern irnportancia. ALAIDE--Ah! Pedro! PEDI3t0—Que foi? ALAIDE (numa latitude inesperada)— Me esqueci que faz mal onoivo vet a noiva antes. NAo é born! (vita as costas) PEDRO--Isso é criancice! Agora nAo adianta! Já vi! ALAIDE (suplicante)---Va, Pedro, vat (Entra a ink de Alaide) ALAIDE (corn urn ardesonambuia.)0 bouquet, mamAe? CLESSI—Sua mAe riAo pode set. (A ink volta em marcha-a-re.) CLESSI—Ela so apareceudepoist Voc6 sozinha no quarto, sem ringuern, Abide? Uma noiva sempre tern gente perto. 0 qua? voce pode nAo se lembrar, mas la devia ter alguem, sem ser sua mAe! Lembre-se. (MarchaNupcial. Airide fazmitniCa de quern retoca atoilette. 0 pai e a mAe deMaide entram, corn roupa de passeio.) PAI—Tudo pronto? ALAIDE—Quase. VA° tocar mestno a Ave-Maria de Gounod, papal? PAI—Vao. Já falai na igreja. mAE—Esta ai D. Laura. ALAIDE (virando-se)--Ah! D. Laura. D. LAURA—Come vat? (Beijam-se.) ALAIDE (faceira, expondo-se)--Qua tal a sua nora? Muito feia? D. LAURA—Linda. Urn amor! ALAIDE—Olha, papai. Desculp D. Laura. D. LAURA—Ora, minha filha. ALAIDE (para o p)—Ou Ave-Maria de Gounod, ou entao, de Schubert. Faco questa°. Outra nAo serve.. PAI—Já sei. D. LAURA—De Schubert on de Gounod, qualquer uma muito bonata. Ah! (D. Laura pareceteraotado a presenca de uma pessoa que ate entio nAo vira. Dirigese a essa pessoa invisivel, beijando-a, presumivelmente, na testa.) D. LAURA—Deseulpe. Eu nact tinha visto voce.

Taws para urna ntsposta que ninguem ouve.) D. LAURA(risonha)—Quando6 o seu? (Pausa para uma resposta.) D. LAURA (rnaliciosa)—Qtal o que? Esta al, nAo acredito! Tao moça,tAocheiade vida. PA! tpara Alaide, que esti pronta)-Entao vamos! (D. Laura faz um gesto qualquer para a invisivel pessoa e vai para junto de Alaide.) D. LAURA—Cuidado corn a cauda! (D. Laura apanha a imaginaria cauda e entrega-a a Alaide.) ALAIDE (num illtiMO olhar)—NAo faint mais nada? MAL (olhandotambem)--Nad.a.Acho clue nAo. PA! (impaciente)—Ja 6 tank. VaMOS descer. (Mucha Nupcial. Trevas.) FIM DO PRIMEIRO ATO SEGUNDO ATO (Initda-se o seguncloato. Trevas. Voz cie Alaide e Clessi a° micnafone.) CLLSSI—E impassivel qua nib tenha havido mais coisas. ALAIDE (impaciente corn a proptia memoria)—Mas nAo me lembro, Clessi. Estou corn a rnemóriato mime CLESSI—Olha, Alaide. Antes de sua mAe entrar, quando voce pediu o bouquet, tinha alguem la? Sem set Pedro? ALAIDE (desorientada)—Antes de mamAe entrar? CLESSI—Sim. Tinha qua ter mats alguenu Ja di sse--uma noiva non= flea tAo abandoaa,da na hora de vestir! ALAIDE (como que fazendo um esforco de metnoria)—Antes dentamAe entrar.... So pensando. Deixa eu ver... (Luz no piano da merneria. vestida realmente de noiva, esti sentada numabanqueta. Agomo espelho imaginario sa transformou num espelho verdadeiro, grande, quase do tamanho de umapessoa. A grinalia nAo esti posta ainda. Alaide sozinha.) CLESSI (microfone)---A.hl Quer vet uma cc isa? Quern foi que D. Laura beijou na testa, eepois que falou corn voce? (Diante do espelho, Alaide esti retocando a toilette, ajettando os cabelos, recuando e aproximando o rosto do espelho etc.) CLESSI(microfone)—Ah!outracoisa! Quem foi que vestiu voce? Foi sua mAe? NAo? Pols d, Alaide! (Luz amortecida em penumbra. Entra uma mulher, quase que magicatnente. Um veu tapa-lhe o rosto. Luz normal.) CLESSI (microfone)--Nao disse que Intim que ter mais gente? Olha ail (noutro torn) A m,ulher de veu! ALAIDE (nervosa como competeaurna noiva)---Achou? MULHER DE VEU—NAo. Remexi tudo! ALAIDE (agoniada)—Mas eudeixei a linha branca la no seu quarto! Viu na comcda? MULHER DE VEU (taciturna)—Vi. NAo achei nada. ALAIDE—Na gave:a de baixo? 27

MULHER DE VEU—Tambem. ALAIDE (baixo)-0 que é que voce ALAIDE (impaciente, retocando urn sabe? detalhe datoilette)--Voce estatao esquisita! MULHER DE VEU—Se eu disser— (A mulher de veu procura ajeitar qual- Alaide—duvido, e muito, que esse casaquer coisq no ombro de Alaide.) mento se realize. ALAIDE—Quer chamar mamae um (Imobilizam-se mulher de yeti e Alaide. instantinho? Depois, trevas.) (Silen,cio.) CLESSI (microfone)—Voce parou ALAIDE (virandose)—Querchamar? quando a mulher de yeti disse: "Duvido MULHER DE VEU (virando-lhe as muito... costas)--Nao. Nao chamo ninguem. (agres(Acende-se a luz. S6 Alaide e a mulher siva) Va voce! de veu, na mesma posicao da cena anterior.) ALAIDE (sentida, poe rouge lentaCLESSI (microfone continuando)-mente; vira-se outra vez para a mulher de ...que esse casamento se realize!" veu)—Voce tern algurpa coisa! ALAIDE—Mas o que foi que eu lhe MULHER DE VEU (de costas)—Eu? fiz—diga? Para voce estar assim? Nao tenho nada. Nada, minha filha (ficando MULHERDE VEU (exaltada)-0 que de frente para Alaide, rapida e rispida) Voce foi? Sua hipocrita! sabe muito bem! (violenta) Sabe e ainda ALAIDE--Diga e,ntao o que foi! pergunta! MULHER DE VEU—Quer dizer que CLESSI (levantando-se e apanhando a nao sabiaAue eu estava namorando Pedro? cauda)--Chega. Eu mesma you chamar. ALAIDE (mais indignada)—Aquilo, (A mulher de veu, corn rapida e sinistra "namoro"?! Urn flirt, urn flirt i-toa! decisao, coloca-se na frente de Alaide.) MULHER DE VEU (mais indignaALAIDE (assombrada) Que é isso? da)—Voce quer dizer a mim que foi flirt. (noutro torn) Eu acho que voce nao esta Quer-me convencer? regulando bem! ALAIDE (teimosaFoi. MULHER DE VEU (intimativa)-MULHER DE VEU (violenta)—E Sente-se al. (as duas se enfrentam)Nao vai aquele beijo que ele me deu no jardim chamar ninguem! tambem foi flirt? (Maquinalmente, Alaide senta-se na ALAIDE—Sei la de beijo! Que beijo? banqueta, olhando, corn espanto, a mul her de MULHER DE VEU—Esta vendo v6u; esta rnostra-se bastante excitada.) como voce 6? Viu tudo! Voce apareceu no ALAIDE (numa alegacao ingenua)-- terraco e cntrou logo. Mos viu! Mas eu preciso da linha branca! ALAIDE (desesperada)--Eu nao admiMULHERDEVEU—Primeiro, vamos to quevoce venha recordar essas coisas! Ele conversar,! (sardonica) Linha branca! meu noivo! ALAIDE—Voce vai querer discutir MULHER DE VEU (perversa)—Viu agora! Agora! ou nao viu? MULHER DE VEU (exaltada)— ALAIDE—Nao! Entao! Por quenao sera agora? Queé que tern MULHER DE VEU—Viu, Sim! de mais? (noutro torn) Eu nunca ALAIDE (patetica)— falei, nunca di sse nada, mas agora Por que é que voce nao voce tern ,que me ouvir! protestou antes? Por que ALAIDE (gritando)--Tem nAo falou na horn? gente ouvindo! Fale baixo. , MULHER DE VEU MULHER DE VEU —Porque nao quis. (excitada)--Entao voce pensa Quis ver ate onde voce que podia roubar o meu namochegava. (noutro torn) rado e ficor por isso mesmo? Esperei por este momento. ALAIDE (entre suplicante e (Batem na porta.) intimativa)—Voce nao vai fazer ALAIDE (em panada! nico) ..01ha mamae! MULHER DE VEU (corn MAE (da porta)— desprezo)--Ah! Esti com medo! Alaide! (ironica)Natural. Casamento ate MULHER DE VEU na porta d igreja se desmancha. (baixo eresoluta)—Deixe ALAIDE (corn mais que eu respondo! coragem)--Mas o meu, nao., MAE—Voces abrem MULHER DE VEU isso? (aproximando-se)-0 seu nao, MULHER DE VEU coitada! (noutro tom) 0 seu, sim! (alto)—JA vai. (para Voce nao me desafie, Alaide, nao Alaide, baixo) Fique ai. me desafie. Olhe o que eu Ihe disse: ALAIDE (erguendo-se)— faco um escandalo! Entao nao fale nesse torn! , (A mulher de veu MULHER DE VEU dirige-se em direcao de (agressiva)--Falo, falo—e se uma prpsumivel porta.) voce duvida, faco escandalo agora mesmo. MULHER DE VEU (corn naturaAqui, quer ver? lidade.)—JA chamamos a senhora. Falta (Silencio de Alaidq.) pouco. MULHER DE VEU (ameacadora)-MAE—Oqueé quevoces estao fazendo Se eu di sser uma coisa que sei. Uma coisa que al? nem voce sabe! MULHER DE VEU—Alaide ja esti 28

qubse Rronta. MAE—Abre. Eu qupro ver. MULHER DE VEU (corn intransigenciabrincalhona)--Nao. S6 depois que acabar. MAE--Que menilas! MULHER DE VEU—Daqui a 5 minutos—esta bem? MAE--Entao andem. (Mulher de veu volta-se para junto de Alaide.) , ALAIDE (advertindo)—Mamae deve estar estranhando. , MULHER DE VEU—Nao f az mal. Deixa! (noutro torn) Se voce nao fosse o monstro que e. ALAIDE (rapida)—E voce presta, talvez? MULHER DE VEU (patetica)--Pelo menos, nunca me casei corn os sees namorados! Nunca fiz o que voce fez comigo: tirar o unicohomem que eu amei! (corn a possivel dignidade dramatica) 0 imico! ALAIDE—Nao tenho nada corn isso! Ele me preferiu a voce,—pronto! MULHER DE VEU—Preferiu o que? Voce se aproveitou daquelemes queeufiquei de cama, andou arras dele, deu em cima. Uma vergonhat ALAIDE (sardonica)--Por que voce ilk fez a mesma coisa? , MULHER DE VEU—Eu estava doente! ALAIDE—Por que entao nao fez depois? Tenho nada que voce liar) saiba conquistar ou... reconquistar urn homem? Que nao seja mais mulher—tenho? MULHER DE VEU (agressiva)-0 que me fqltou sempre foi seu impudor. ALAIDE (rapida)—E quem e que tern pudor quando gosta? , MULHERDE VEU(saturada)--Bem, nao adianta discutir. ALAIDE (agressiva)--Nao adianta mesmo! MULHER DE VtU—Mas uma coisa se eu quero quevoce saiba. Voce a vida toda me tirou todos os namorados, urn por urn. ALAIDE (ironica)—Mania de perseguicao! CLESSI(microfone)—Entao vocetirou os namorados da mulher de veu? (pausa para uma replica de Alaide que ninguem ouve) CLESSI (microfone)--Tambem voce nao se lembra de nada! Procure ve-la sem veu. Eland.° pode ser uma mulher sem rosto. Tern que haver um rosto debaixo do veu (Pausa para outra replica nao ouvida.) CLESSI (microfone)—Daqui a pouco voce se lembra, Alaide. (Trevas. Luz no piano darealidade. Sala de oper,acao) MEDICO—Pulso? MEDICO-160. 1° MEDICO (pedindo)—Pinca. 2° MEDICO—Bonito corpo. 1° MEDICO—Cureta. 3°MEDICO Casada--olhaaalianca. (Rumor de ferros cithrgicos.) 1° MEDICO—Aqui e amputacao. 3° MEDICO—S6 milagre. 1° MEDICO—Serrote. (Rumor de ferros cirargicos.) (A mem6ria de Alaide em franca desaBRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

gregacao. Imagens do passado e do presente se confundem e se superp6em. As recorda9Oes deixaram de ter ordem cronologica. Apaga-se o piano da memoria. Luz nas escadas laterais. Dois homens aparecem no alto das escadas, cada urn empunhando dois cirios; descem, lentamente. A luz os acornpanha. Urn deles é gordo, ventre considerivel, já entrado em anos; usa imensas barbas negras, cartola; o outro é urn adolescente, lirico e magro. Ambos de negro, vestidos a maneira de 1905. Colocam os quatro cirios; acendem. Depois do que, cumprimentam-se e vao se ajoelhar, diante de um cadaver invisivel. Fazem o sinal da cruz corn absoluta coincidencia de movimentos. Os dois cavalheiros estao no piano da alucinacao.) (Luz no piano da memoria. Alaide e mulher de veu.) MULHER DE VEU (continuando a f rase)—...mas corn Pedro voce errou. (luz vertical sobre cada grupo) ALAIDE (levantando-see atravessando entre os cirios corn ar de deboche. Luz vertical acompanha)—Vou-me casar corn ele daqui a uma horn, rninjia filha. MULHER DE VEU—Pois d por isso que eu estou dizendo que voceerrou. Porque vai casar!, ALAIDE (ironica)-,—Ah! e?Nao sabia! MULHER DE VEU—Voce roubou meus namorados. Mas you roubar o marido. (acintosa) S6 isso! ALAIDE (numa colerareprimida)—Va. esperando! (Alaide volta para o espelho e a mulher de yeti atras.) MULHER DE VEU—Voce vai ver. (noutro to,m) Nab é propriamente roubar. ALAIDE (ironica)--Entao esti melhorando. MULHER DE VEU—Vocepode morrer, minha filha nao morre? ALAIDE--Voce quer dizer talvez que me mata? MULHER DE VEU (mais a serio)— Quern sabe? (noutro tom) (baixo) Voce acha que eu nao posso matar voce? (Luz no piano da alucinacao ondejá esti uma mulher, espartilhada, corn vestido 1905, e f az o sinal da cruz ante o invisivel atande. A referida senhora, depois de cumprimentar os dois cavalheiros presentes, tira da bo lsa um 1 encinho e choraem silencio. Luz no piano da mem6ria.) ALAIDE (afirmativa)--Voce nao teria coragem. Duvido! MULHER DE VEU—Talvez nao tenha coragem para matar. Mas para isso tenho! (Esbofeteia Alaide. Esta recua, levando a mao a face. Luz sobre Clessi e o namorado. Clessi numarecamier. Namorado, uniforme colegial ciqui. 0 rapaz tem a mesma cara de Pedro. Plano da memoria.) CLESSI (carinhosa e matemal)--Eu gosto de voce porque voce é crianca! Tao crianea! FULANO (suplicante)—Vai? Vamos ao piquenique, amanha? CLESSI (negligente)--Onde FULANO--Paqueta.Todo omundovai na barca das dez... BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

CLESSI—Nao. FULANO (suplicante)--Amanha é domingo! CLESSI (sem Ihe dar atencao)—Tao branco-17 anos! As mulheres s6 deviam amar meninos de 17 anos! FULANO (sempre implorando)--Nao mude de assunto! Vai? (zangado) Nab pew mais! CLESSI (corn docura)— Amanha, irk). Tenho urn cornpromisso. FULANO (meigo e suplicante)—E aqui lo que eu lhe di sse? CLESSI—Nao me lembro! 0 quo? FULANO (meigo e suplicante)--Quer morrer comigo? Fazer um pacto como aqueles dois namorados da Tijuca? CLESSI (sempre terna)— Lindo! Tern os cabelos tAo finos! (Luz sobre Alaide e a mulher de vett) ALAIDE (superior)—Pode dizer o que quiser. (irritante) Sou eu que you casar, nao 6? Entao nao faz mal. MULHER DE VEU—Outra coisa: voce esti crente de que ele d so seu, nao esti? (Silencio superior de Al aide.) MULHER DE VEU—Esti mais do que crente, é claro! Pois olhe: sabe quern d esse namorado que eu arranjei? Tantas vezes vim conversar corn voce sobre ele! Contar cada passagem, meu Deus! (corn ironia) pois olhe: esse namorado,era seu noivo. Seu noivo, apenas! ALAIDE (cortante)—Mentira! Nao acredito! MULHERDE (superior)—Entao 6—entao é mentira! ALAIDE (afirmativa)—Nunca, nunca que ele lhe daria essa c,onfianca! MULHER DE VEU (irritante)--Mas nao é isso, que interessa. ALAIDE (agressiva)—Mentirosa! MULHER DE VEU-0 que interessa é que vocevai morrer.Ndo sei como, mas vai e eu entao... me casarei com o viivo. Se. Tipo da coisa natural, sena, uma mulher se casar corn um vinvo. (Al aide senta-se. Mergulhao rosto entre as maos. Luz no piano da alucinacao.) HOMEM DE BARBA (num gesto largo e voz grave, redonda oratoria)—Esta irreconhecivel. MULHER INATUAL—Tambem, uma navalhada no rosto! HOMEM DE BARBA (descrevendo o golpe)--Pegou tuck isso aqui! RAPAZ ROMANTICO (11rico)--Foi tao bonita--nem parece! (A mulher aproxima-se do invisivel caixao e fazque levanta urn lenco que estaria sobre o rosto de um cadaver invisivel. Luz sobre Alaide e a mulher de veu.) ALAIDE (ameacadora)—You dizer a Pedro o que voce me Fontou! MULHERDE VEU—Se disser,vai ver o escandalo que eu faco! Experimerrte! (Batem na porta.) MULHER DE VEU—Quem

MAE—Sou eu! , MULHER DE 'VEU—Agora esti quase no gm. MAE—Mas pareceprincadeira! MULHER DE VEU (cinicamente suplicante)—S6 mais urn pouquinho. Depois, nos chamamos. Esti bem? (Luz no piano da alucinacao. Outro dialogo, junto ao caixao fantastico, enquanto a mulher deveu voltapara junto de Alaide.) MULHER INATUAL—Que horas sao? HOMEM DE BARBA (Consultando o re16gio de corrente)—Tres horns da manha. RAPAZ ROMANTICO (patetico)—Pensei que fosse mais. HOMEM DE BARBA (tire laboriosamente urn vasto lenco, do bolso traseiro da calea)— (Assoa-se estrepitosamente) Tudo porque ela nao quis ir a um piquenique. MULHER INAque tinham combinado morrer juntos. Na hora, ela nao quis. Ele entao... HOME M DE BARBA—Me disseram o neg6cio do piquenique. MULHER INATUAL (filos6fica)— Dizem tanta coisa! A gente nunca sabe! (Luz no piano da memoria. A mulher de yeti aproxima-se de Alaide, depois de apanhar a grinalda.) , MULHER DE VEU (fria)—E a grinalda? , ALAIDE (recuando o corpo)--Deixe que eu ponho! MULHER DE VEU—Eu mesma ponho. Já fiz tudo. Faco mais isso. ALAIDE (corn rancor, olhando-a)—Foi por isso que voce pediu a mamae para me vestir. MULHER DE VEU (yiolenta)--Foi. ALAIDE (chorosa)—E eu, boba, sem desconfiar! Tambem a mamde deixou! (Mulh,er de veu quer colocar a grinalda.) ALAIDE (como que fugindo a um contacto repelente)—E na'o me toque! (Batem na porta.) , MULHER DE VEU (exasperada)— Oh! Meupeus, seri possivel? ALAIDE (sombria)—Entaovoce deseja minha morte! PEDRO (da porta)-Alaide! MULHER DE VEU (noutro torn)— Pedro! ALAIDE (noutro torn)—JA vai, Pedro (para a mulher de yett, rispida). Vi abrir. MULHERDE VEU (baixo)--Nao diga nada do que eu lhe disse. Sena° ja sabe! (As duas olham-se rapidamente. A mulher de yeti vai abrir a porta. Alaide col oca a grinalda.) PEDRO (jovial)—D. Ligia esti indignada. Me disse que voces se trancaram al e nao deixam ninguem entrar. 29

CLESSI (microfone)--Mas que coisa fizeram corn voce! ALAIDE (natural)—Bobagem de mamae! (A mulher de veu, fechada, permanece a distancia.) PEDRO (curvando-se)—Umbeijinho! ALAIDE (ainda olhando para o .espelho)--Voce da ou pede? PEDRO--Peco. ALAIDE (corn dengue)—Assim estraga a minim pintura. E, alem disso... (Alaide indica a mulher de veu.) PEDRO (cinico)--Ela finge que nao ve! MULHER DE VEU—Ate you-me embora! ALAIDE (cheia de ironia)--Ela emuito escrupulosa, Pedro! Voce nao imagina! CLESSI (microfone)—Se fosse comigo, eu desmanchava o casamento! MULHER DE VEU (corn lentidao calculada)--Voce se lembra do que eu lhe disse, Alaide? PEDRO (curioso) 0 que foi? ALAIDE—Nada. Coisa sem importancia. PEDRO (perverso, para a mulher de veu)—Voce tern namorado? MULHER DE VEU (fria)—Por que? PEDRO (cinico)--Por nada. Seu genio é do esquisito! MULHER DE VEU—Tenho. (corn perversidade) Tive. Ele vai-se casar corn outra. PEDRO--Entao o homem 6 urn vilao autentico! MULHER DE VEU—E. ALAIDE (sardonica)--Nao fazmal. Ela gosta dele assim mesmo. MULHER DE VEU—E gosto, sim. Ninguem tern nada corn isso! PEDRO (já para sa.ir)—Deixem D. Ligia entrar, antes que eta chore. ALAIDE (rispida)—Matnae é muito boba. Ainda pede licenca para entrar no quarto da filha! Fica do lado de fora, implorando! PEDRO—Esti quase na hora. Temos queandardepressa; depois do nosso, Mout° casamento. ALAIDE (queixosa) Quer dizer queo outro casamento vai aproveitar a nossa omamentacao? PEDRO (displicente)—Deixa. Nao tern importancia. ALAIDE (queixosa)—Ah! Pedro! PEDRO Que foi? ALAIDE (virando-se de costas corn dengue)—Me esqueci que faz mal o noivo ver a noiva antes. Nao é born. PEDRO (corn born humor)—Isso criancice! Agora nao adianta! Já vi! ALAIDE—Va, Pedro, va! (Imobilizam-se e emudecem Alaide e a mulher de veu.) CLESSI (microfone)—Bern. 0 rest° ja sei, Alaide. (noutro tom) 0 que? (Parece ouvir um aparte que ninguem ouve.) CLESSI (microfone)—Ah, voce tinha pulado outra coisa? Que foi? MULHER DE VEU—Nos somos tres cinicos: eu, voce e ele. Voce ainda é pior, porque quer ser inocente ate o fim. 30

ALAIDE (corn raiva concentrada)—E melhor eu calar minha boca! MULHER DE VEU—Ele tao natural, perguntando: "Voce tern namorado?" Que ideia ele faz de nos, meu Deus! ALAiDE (revoltada)--Euseique ideia! MULHER DE VEU (yeemente)—De mim, que sou uma pervertida! De voce, que é uma idiota! (sardonica) Em todo o caso, prefiro mil vezes ser pervertida do que idiota! ALAIDE (indignada)—Voce ainda acha preferivel! Ainda diz que é! MULHER DE VEU (sardonica)— Claro, minhafilha! Enta'o nao e?"Deixem D. Ligia entrar"... Como ele é infame--esse noivo que voce arranjou! ALAIDE (ir8nica)—Assim mesmo voce gosta dele! MULHER DE VEU—Gosto. Amo. Mas gosto sabendo o que ele é e por isso mesmo. Mas voce... Ah, meu Deus. Aposto que nao acredita em nada do que eu contei. ALAIDE (enfurecida)—Enao acredito! (Treyas para que novas personagens entrem no piano da memoria.) CLESSI (microfone)—Ah, entao a pessoaque D. Laura beij ou natesta--atal que voce nao se lembrava quem era-6 a mulher de veu? 0 que foi que as duas disseram naquela hora, Alaide? (Luz no piano da memoria. A cena do quarto de Alaide, no ponto em que dona Laura, j vestida de grande gala, esti falando a uma pessoa, que 6 a mulher de veu. Presente opai ea mae de Alaide, tambem vestidos para a cerimonia.) D. LAURA (para a mulher de veu, que esti urn pouco retirada)--Desculpe. Eu nao tinha visto voce. MULHER DE VEU— Nao faz mal. (D. Laura beija-a na testa.) D. LAURA (risonha)-Quando o seu? MULHER DE VEU— Tern tempo! (noutro torn) (corn certa amargura)Nunca! D. LAURA (maliciosa)—Qual o que! Esti al, nao acredito! Tao moca, tAo cheia de vida! PAI (para Alaide, que esta pronta)--Entao, vamos. (Som daMarchaNupcial. D. Laura faz urn gesto qualquer para a mulher deveuevai para junto de Alaide.) D. LAURA (solicita)-Cuidado corn a cauda! (apanha a cauda, que entrega a Alaide) ALAIDE (num Oltimo olhar)--Nao falta mais nada? (todos olham, estando situados como no final do 10 ato) MAE (olhando em torno)--Nao. Acho que nao. PAI (impaciente)—Já é tarde! Vamos descer! (Ao som da Marcha Nupcial, saem os personagens do casamento. Fica a mulher de veu, numa atitude patetica. Luz amortecida.

Os dois homens do velorio cochicham e afastam-se urn pouco para fumar. Acendem o cigarro num dos cirios e fumam.) CLESSI (microfone)--Entao a mulher de veu nap foi? ALAIDE (idem)--Nao. CLESSI (idem)—Por que? ALAIDE (idem)—Nao quis ir. De maneira nenhuma.Nao sei quern me contou depois que, enquanto nos esperavamos no salao a hora de sair, mamae voltou para buscar a mulher de veu. (Luz normal no piano da memoria. Entra D. Ligia apressada. A mulher de veu, na mesma_posicao.) MAE—Voce ainda esta al? Todo o mundo ja desceu! , MULHER DE VEU—Eu nao you. Eu fico! _ MAE (surpresa)-0 que é que voce tern? MULHER DE VEU (de costas)— Nada. MAE (desconfiada)—Voces duas brigaram? MULHER DE VEU (impaciente)-Nao sei, nao sei. MAE—Vamos! N,ao seja assim! MULHER DE VEU—Nao vou—nao adianta„ Esti perdendo seu tempo. MAE (olhando-a, chocada)—Mas nao vai por que? MULHER DE VEU (corn raiva concentrada)--Porque nab ora essa! (noutro torn) (de frente) Vou lá ao casamento dessa mulher! MAE (sentida)—Oh! Isso é termo "Mulher"? MULHER DE VEU (sardonica)—Nao tenho outro! _ MAE—Que foi isso, de repente? Voces, tao amig4s! MULHER DE VEU (corn amargura)—Amigas, nos? Oh! meu Deus! Como se pode ser tao cega! (noutro tom) Eu ir a esse casamento, quando eu é que devia ser a noiva! MAE (em panico)— Voce esti doida? MULHER DE VEU (violenta) Eu, sim senhora, eu! _ MAE (suspensa)--Voce gosta de Pedro! (pausa; as duas se olham) Entao é isso? MULHER DE VEU (sardonica)—A senhora pensava que fosse o que? (Luz no piano da alucinacao. A mulher inatual, junto ao esquife, levanta o lenco para ver a fisionomia da morta invisivel. Faz uma mimica de piedade. Alaide e Clessi aparecem no alto de uma das escadas laterais, sentadas num degrau. Penumbra no velorio.) CLESSI—Voce parece maluca! ALAIDE (ao lado de Clessi)--Eu? CLESSI—Voce esta fazendo uma confusao! Casamento corn enterro!... Moda antiga corn moda modema! Ninguem usa mais aquele chapeu de plumas, nem aquele BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

colarinho! ALAIDE (agoniada)—Tudo esta tao, embaralhado na minha mem6ria! Misturo coisa que aconteceu e coisa que nao aeonteceu. Passado corn o presente. (num lamento) E uma misturada! CLESSI (impaciente)—Voce falatanto nessamuljierquemorreu! Elaeo que, afinal? ALAIDE (agoniada)--Pois e,nao posso me lembrar.NAo consigo! Some lembro que estavam fazendo quarto a uma senhora corn urn chap& de plumas, espartilho, e dois homens corn bigodes, pastinha e colarinho alto. CLESSI—Essa moda é antiga. Entao isso foi ha muito tempo. ALAIDE (fazendo um esforco de memoria)--Estou vendo se me lembro de mais alguma coisa... (0 homem de barba fala, agora, sentado no chao corn a mulher inatual, em franco idilio.) HOMEM DE BARBA—Clessi nem podia pensar que hoje estaria morta!' CLESSI (no alto daescada, levantandose e descendo)—Clessi... (corn espanto e medo) Clessi!... ALAIDE (triunfante, levantando-se tambem edescendo)--Agorame lembro! De tudo, tudinho! Seu nome! E voce—a morta 6 voce! (Alaide e Clessi aproximam-se do esquife.) CLESSI (apontando para o seu proprio cadaver invisivel)—(Com melancolia)voce

nao tinhayneio de se lembrar! E eu aqui! ALAIDE (excitada)—E isso mesmo! Eu estava confusa! Mas agora sei. Li tudo isso na Biblioteca Nacional. Vi todas as noticias sobre o crime. 0 reporter descrevia tudo, ate as pessoas que fizeram quarto, de madrugada... CLESSI (corn melancolia)—Teve muita gente no meu enterro? ALAIDE (corn exaltacao)--Muita! De manha, comecou a chegar gente... CLESSI (vaidosa) Quanto mais ou menos? (0 homem de barba aproxima-se do rapaz romantico.) HOMEM DE BARBA—S6 nos aqui? RAPAZ ROMANTICO—Mas deixa chegar 7 horas! Vai ver como flea isso! HOMEM DE BARBA (consultando o relogio de corrente)—Ainda sao 4 horns. (Clessi e Alaide sentadas junto aos dois cirios.) CLESSI(doce)—Enterro de anjo emais bonito do que de gente grande. ALAIDE—Entao mamae disse a mulher de veu... CLESSI (repreensiva)—A gente esta falando numa coisa e vem voce corn outra muito diferente! (Luz no piano da mem6ria. Dona Ligia e a mulher de veu. A mulher de veu arranca o veu.)_ MAE—Já dissepara voce nao chamar sua irma de mulher, Lucia! LUCIA (exaltadissima) Chamo, sim!

Mulher_, mulher e mulher! MAE—Vou chamar seu pai! Voce nao me respeita! LUCIA (desafiante)--Pode chamar! (noutro tom) Bater em mim, ele nao vai! MAE—Isso é coisa que se faca! Rogar praga para sua irmal LUCIA—Entao! Depois do que ela me fez! MAE (indo sentar-se na banqueta, patetica)—A gente tern filhos... LUCIA (interrompendo corn violencia)—Eu mandei a senhora me botar no mundo, mandei? MAE (corn lagrimas, explodindo)—E, depois, é isso! (Entra o pai de Alaide. Dona Ligia levanta-se, rapid°. Lucia assume uma atitude discreta. 0 pai vem furioso.) PAI (gritando)—Voces vem ou nao vem? MAE—Vou, sim. (di sfarcando) Estava aqui conversando... PA! (azedo)—Isso é hora de conversar!?... (Sai Dona Ligia.) PAI—E voce? Nao vem? LUCIA—Nao. Eu fico... PA! (estranhando)--Por que? LUCIA—Nao estou me sentindo bem. Se for, you desmaiar na igreja. PAI (furioso)—Esta bem. SECOND OF THREE PARTS. TO BE CONTINUED.

AMERICAN CONTINENTAL DELTA KOREAN UNITED VARIG

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LAX. TO RIO OR SAO PAULO

BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

PENEDO bound buses daily, from 6 am to 11 pm. The bus services Finnish immigrants, led by Toivo Uuskallio, settled the three-km main street and continues past the end of the Penedo in 1929. If the beautiful Scandinavian woodwork paved road to Tiao, which is the final stop. doesn't convince you of this, the numVISCONDE DE MAUA ber of saunas will. The Finns planted Maud is prettier and a little more citrus groves along the banks of the tranquil than Penedo, and harder to Rio das Pedras, but when this enterreach. It's a lovely place, with streams, prise failed, they turned to preparing tinkling goat bells, cozy chalets and Finnish jams and jellies, homemade country lanes graced with wildliqueurs and sauces. flowers. There are horses for hire by Apart from jungle and waterfalls, the footbridge ($2.50 per hour), but Penedo has few attractions. The Museu some of them are pretty small. Kahvila, at Travessa da Fazenda 45, is Orientation a lanchonete which also displays Matta is actually made up of three Finnish clothing, books and small villages a few km apart. The photographs. bus stops first at Vila Malik the largest Things to See & Do village. Vila Marina, on the other There are three waterfalls worth side of the Rio Preto, is actually in visiting: Tres Cachoeiras (near Tiao), Minas Gerais, and has lots of the very pretty Cachoeira do Roman restaurants and places to stay. At the (which is on private grounds, 10 end of the bus route is Vila minutes' walk uphill from the Maromba, which has restaurants Pousada Challenge) and Cachoeira and pousadas, but not as many as do Diabo (right near the Pousada Maringa. Most travelers stay in Challenge). Maringa or Maromba. Hitching About 40 minutes of uphill hiking around here is fairly easy. from Hans Camping takes you into Information very dense jungle, although there are There are two places for tourist trails inside. Hopefully you will run information. One is a cabana at into the large bands of big monkeys the entrance to Vila Matta, where and steer clear of the wildcats. At the you'll find information about point where Penedo's main asphalt activities and a list of places to road turns to dirt, you can hire horses There is now only a stay, though not the cheapest ones. ($3 per hour) or a horse and carriage It's open Tuesday to Sunday from sprinkling of Finns among the ($6 per hour). 8 am to 8 pm (closed for lunch). Dances assortment of Brazilian people, The Casa do Turista has similar There is now only a sprinkling of information. It's one km further but they all get together for along Finns among the assortment of the road to Maromba. Brazilian people, but they all get Things to See & Do polkas, mazurkas, and letkiss together for polkas, mazurkas, and The Santa Clara Cachoeira, and jenkiss dances every let kiss and jenkiss dances every the nicest waterfall in the area, is a Saturday night at the Clube Finlandes. 40-minute walk from Vila MaSaturday night.. From 9 pm to 2 am, the Finnish romba in Maringa. For a jungle dancers put on Old World togs and experience, climb up through the do traditional dances. bamboo groves on either side of the Saunas falls. Next door and across the street from The young and the restless can follow the Clube Finlandia are the Sauna Bar the trail from Maromba to the Cachoeira and Sauna Finlandesa. These sweat shops Veu de Noiva in the Parque Nacional are open to the public from early afternoon do Itatiaia, a full day's hike each way. until 10 pm (later if enough people are It's possible to kayak the rapids of the interested). Rio Preto, if you are so inclined. The For Places to Stay and Places to Eat Rio Preto, which divides Minas Gerais read the book. from Rio, also has small river beaches Things to Buy and natural pools to explore. Penedo's many small craft shops For Places to Stay and Places to specialize in jellies, honey, chutneys and Eat read the book. preserves, chocolates, cakes and candles. Things to Buy Casa Encabulada, on Avenida das The Companhia Visconde de Maud Mangueiras, is an artists' cooperative. is a hippie store selling T-shirts, Getting There & Away embroidered blouses, natural perfumes From Resende, it's much easier to get to Penedo and and soaps. Itatiaia than to Visconde de Matta. There are 22 PenedoGetting There & Away

Cou

BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

The daily bus from Resende to Visconde de Maud ($3, about 2Y2 hours on a winding dirt road) leaves at 4 pm Monday to Saturday; to make it, you must hitch, catch the I pm bus from Rio, or pay for a taxi ($35). The bus leaves for Resende at 8.30 am every day, except Sunday, when it leaves at 5 pm. Getting Around If you get sick of walking, Bike Montanha, in Maringa, rents mountain bikes for $2 an hour. PARQUE NACIONAL DO ITATIAIA This national park, established in 1937 to protect 120 sq km of ruggedly beautiful land, contains over 400 species of native birds, as well as jaguars, monkeys and sloths. It features lakes, rivers, waterfalls, alpine meadows and primary and secondary Atlantic rainforests. Don't let the tropical houseplants fool you: temperatures drop below freezing in June, and some years, Itatiaia even has a few snowy days! i'104A,, w Museum The park headquarters, the museum and Lago Azul (Blue Lake) are 10 km in from the Via Dutra highway. The museum, open Tuesday to Sunday from 8 am to 4 pm, has glass cases full of stuffed and mounted animals, pinned moths and snakes in jars. Activities Mountain-climbing, rock-climbing and trekking enthusiasts will want to pit themselves against the local â€ž peaks, cliffs and trails. Every two weeks, a group scales the Agulhas Negras peak. At 2787 meters, it's the highest in the area. For more information, contact the Grupo Excursionista de Agulhas Negras (54-2587). A walk to the Abroucas refuge, at the base of Agulhas Negras, is a 26-km, eight-hour jungle trek from the park entrance. The mountain refuge can sleep 24 people and is accessible by car from the Engender Passos to Sao Lourenco road (near the Minas Gerais and Rio de Janeiro border). Reservations are required. Call IBAMA in Resende (0243-52-1461) and get maps and advice from the park IBAMA office before setting off. Simpler hikes include the walk between Hotel Simon and Hotel Repouso (where the painter Guignard lived, worked and left a few of his paintings), and the 20-minute walk from the Sitio Jangada to the Poronga waterfalls. For Places to Stay and Places to Eat read the book. Getting There & Away Every 20 minutes on weekdays and every 40 minutes on weekends (from 7 am to 11.20 pm), there is a bus from Resende to the town of Itatiaia. From Praca Sao Jose in Itatiaia, take the kombi with the 'Hotel Simon' sign up to the park. It leaves at 8 and 10 am, noon, and 2, 5 and 7 pm. The ride costs $2, and you'll also have to pay the park entry fee ($ 1) as you go through the main gate. A taxi costs $15. EAST OF RIO DE JANEIRO SAQUAREMA After the famous beaches of Rio and Baia de Guanabara, with their high-rise hotels and bars spilling onto the sands, the quiet, clean beaches east of Rio are a welcome change. Saquarema, 100 km from Rio de Janeiro, sits between long stretches of open beach, lagoons and jungled mountains. The town takes unusual pride in the natural

BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

beauty of its setting. Polluting industries are forbidden in the municipality, so it's still possible to find sloths and bands of monkeys in the jungles. Motorboats aren't allowed to muck up the lakes and lagoons, which means the water is still pure and the fish and shrimps are abundant. The long shoreline of fine, white sand and clean water attracts surfers, sports fishers and sun worshippers. Saquarema is a horse-breeding and fruit-growing center. You can visit the orchards and pick fruit, or hire horses and take to the hills. Adventurers who tramp the jungle trails in search of the elusive mico-/edo marmoset are sure to discover beautiful waterfalls, if not the primates. All in all, there are plenty of things to do away from the beach. Ah, but the beaches... Bambui, Ponta Negra and Jacone, south of town, are long, and empty save for a couple of fishing villages. The waves are big, particularly off Ponta Negra, and three km north of Saquarema in Praia Itaana, where an annual surfing contest is held during the last two weeks of May. History On 17 March 1531, Martim Afonso de Sousa founded a Portuguese settlement here and met with the Tamoio Indian chief Sapuguacu. Nonplussed by de Sousa's five ships and 400 sailors, Sapuguacu chose to ally the Tamoios with the French. In 1575 Antonio Salema, then Governor of Rio de Janeiro, decided to break the Tamoio-French alliance, and with an army of over 1000 men, massacred the Indians and their French military advisers. The next big event in Saquarema's history was the slave revolt of Ipitangas, in which 400 slaves took over the plantation mansion and kicked out their master. For a few days, the slaves held the town, and fought against the cavalry, which rode out from Niterdi. The town pillory, Bandeque's Post (named after the leader of the slave revolt), was in use as recently as the end of last century. Information Tourist Office The Secretaria de Turismo at the Prefeitura is quite useless. The best place to go for information, especially about places to stay, is Saquatur Toulouse Lagos Turismo at Avenida Oceanica, 165 in Itatina. Festival Saquarema hosts the Nossa Senhora de Nazare mass on 7 and 8 September. It attracts around 150,000 pilgrims, second only to the Nazare celebrations of Belem. For Places to Stay and Places to Eat read the book Getting There & Away From Rio to Saquarema, there are seven buses a day from 6.30 am to 6.30 pm (until 8.30 pm Friday to Sunday). The same number go the other way from 5.30 am to 5.50 pm (7.50 pm Friday to Sunday). The two-hour trip costs $4. To get to Cabo Frio, take a local bus to Bacaxa. From there, buses to Cabo leave every half-hour. ARRAIAL DO CABO Arraial do Cabo sits on a square corner of land, with Cabo Frio 10 km due north and Praia Grande stretching due west 40 km (continuous with Praia Macambaba). The village of Arraial do Cabo spreads out from the edges of four bays and has beaches that compare with the finest in Buzios, but unlike Bazios, Arraial is a place where people live and work. The saltworks of the Companhia Nacional de Alcalis, north of town, extract table salt and barrilia,

a type of phosphate tied to the salt. Information There's no tourist office in Arraial, but you don't really need one, as the layout is fairly straightforward and the attractions are the beaches. The post office is in Praca Castelo Branco. Beach es 'Discovered' many years ago by Arnerigo Vespucci, Praia dos Anjos has beautiful turquoise water, but a little too much boat traffic for comfortable swimming. The favorite beaches in town are Praia do Forno, Praia Brava and Praia Grande. Stretching along a pretty piece of road to Cabo Frio, Praia do Forte has bleached-white sand and a backdrop of low scrub, cacti and grasses. The Museu Oceanografico on Praia dos Anjos is open Tuesday to Sunday from 9 am to 4.30 pm. To get to the Gruta Azu I (Blue Cavern) on the far side of Ilha de Cabo Frio, ask fisherfolk at Praia dos Anjos for a tour—it should cost about $20. Be alert to the tides: the entrance to the underwater cavern isn't always open. To see the wild orchids between Cabo Frio and Arraial do Cabo, ask the bus driver to let you off at the access road, and then hike inland. For Places to Stay and Places to Eat read the book Getting There & Away Take the municipal bus from Cabo Frio ($0.40), which loops around Arraial and returns to Cabo Frio every 20 minutes. CABO FRIO The Cabo Frio district formerly comprised Cabo Frio (the most populous town), Hazios (the wealthy, sophisticated resort) and Arraial do Cabo (which has since become independent, politically and economically, because of its salt industry). History According to Marcio Verneck, a local historian, Cabo Frio was inhabited at least 5500 years ago. Before the Portuguese arrived, the warring Tamoio and Goitacazes tribes lived here. In 1503 the Portuguese armada, under the command of Amerigo Vespucci, landed at Praia dos Anjos in Arraial do Cabo. Twenty-four men were left behind to start a settlement, one of the first in the Americas. Fantastic reports about this community were the model for Thomas More's Utopia. The economy of the Portuguese settlement was based on the coastal brazil wood, which was felled and shipped back to Europe. Portuguese vessels were at the mercy of Dutch and French corsairs until 1615, when the Portuguese defeated their European foes, founded Santa Helena de Cabo Frio, and took the French-built fort of Sao Mateus to protect their trade. In time, the Franciscans joined the settlement and built the Nossa Senhora dos Anjos convent. They were followed by the Jesuits at Fazenda Campo Novo. By the 1800s, with the brazil-wood stands completely destroyed, the economy was geared toward fishing and, more recently, tourism, saltworks and chemical industries. Orientation & Information Canal do Itajuru links the Lagoa de Araruama to the

Atlantic Ocean. Cabo Frio lies to one side of this canal. The town is a two-km hike along Avenida Julia Kubitschek from the bus station. There's a map of Cabo Frio on the wall of the bus station. The tourist booth at Avenida do Contorno, Praia do Forte, has hotel information, but no English is spoken. There's a Banco do Brasil at Praca Porto Rocha 44. The post office is at Largo de Santo Antonio 55, in the center':' Forte So Mateus This stone fortress, a stronghold against pirates, was built in 1616, and is open from 10 am to 4 pm Tuesday to' Sunday. It's at the end of Praia do Forte. Dunes There are three sand-dune spots in and about Cabo Frio. The dunes of Praia do Pere), a super beach for surfing and surfcasting, are six km north in the direction of Buzios, near Ogivas and after Praia Brava and Praia das Conchas. The Dama Branca (White Lady) sand dunes are on the road to Arraial do Cabo. The Pontal dunes of Praia do Forte town beach stretch from the fort to Miranda hill. The dunes can be dangerous because of robberies, so get advice from the locals before heading out to the beaches and dunes. For Places to Stay and Places to Eat read the book Getting There & Away The old coastal road takes longer than BR-101 but provides a beautiful, level route winding around foggy green mounds. There are regular buses from Rio de Janeiro and NiterOi ($6, three hours). Getting Around To get to Arraial do Cabo from Cabo Frio, catch a local bus from the bus stop just up to the right as you leave the bus station. To get to Buzios, cross the road and catch a bus from the stop on your left. Local buses cost $0.50. BUZIOS 404:fte*, ir Buzios, a lovely beach resort, is on a peninsula (scalloped by 17 beaches) which juts into the Atlantic. A simple fishing village until the early sixties, when it was 'discovered' by Brigitte Bardot and her Brazilian boyfriend, the village is now littered with boutiques, fine restaurants, fancy villas, bars and posh pousadas. During the holiday season, prices here are twice those in the rest of Brazil. BUzios is not a single town but, rather, three settlements on the peninsula—Ossos, Manguinhos and Armacdo—and one further north on the mainland, called Rasa. Ossos (Bones), at the northernmost tip of the peninsula, is the oldest and most attractive. It has a pretty harbor and yacht club, a few hotels and bars, and a tourist stand. Manguinhos, at the isthmus, is the most commercial; it even has a 24-hour medical clinic. Armacao, in between, has the best restaurants, along with city necessities such as international telephones, a bank, a petrol station, the post office and a pharmacy. Northwest along the coast is Rasa and the island of Rasa, where Brazil's political dignitaries and the rich relax. Information Tourist Office The Secretaria de Turisrno (23-1143), at Praca Santos

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1.Dumont, 111 in Armacao, is not worth a special trip— any travel agent can give you the same information. From any newsstand, pick up a copy of Guia Vera() Bfizios ($3). It has information in English as well as in Portuguese including a list of places to stay (but not prices). Boat Trips The schooner Queen Lory makes daily trips out to Ilha Feia, Tartaruga and Joao Fernandinho. There is a 2/2-hour trip which costs $15 and a four-hour trip for $20. These trips are good value, especially since caipirinhas, soft drinks, fruit salad and snorkeling gear are included in the price. To make a reservation, ask at your pousada. ftft !L'N Beaches In general, the southern beaches .„ IS, i4 are trickier to get to, but they're prettier and have better surf. The 11111Y ut northern beaches are more sheltered and are closer to the towns. Working anticlockwise from south of Maguinhos, the first beaches are Geribi and Ferradurin ha (Little Horseshoe). These are beautiful beaches with good surf, but the Buzios Beach Club has built condos here. Next on the coast is Ferradura, which is large enough for windsurfing, and Lagoinha, a rocky beach with rough water. Praia da Foca and Praia do Forno have colder water than the other beaches. Praia Olho de Boi (Bull's Eye) was named after Brazil's first postage stamp. It's a pocketsize beach reached by a little trail from the long, clean beach of Praia Brava. Joao Fernandinho and JoAo Fernandes are both good for snorkeling, as are the topless beaches of Azedinha and Azeda. Praia dos Ossos, Praia da Armacao, Praia do Caboclo and Praia dos Amores are pretty to look at, but not for lounging around. Praia da Tartaruga is quiet and pretty. Praia do Gaticho and Manguinhos are town beaches further along. For Places to Stay and Places to Eat read the book Entertainment The center of action in BuZiOS is the Rua das Pedras in Armacao. And it all starts late—don't even think of getting here before midnight. There are some good bars, restaurants and nightclubs (on weekends and in season), but mostly, it seems that everybody just likes walking up and down the street looking at everybody else. Getting There & Away From Cabo Frio to Blizios, take the municipal bus (a 50-minute, 20-km, bone-crunching cobblestone run). There are four direct buses daily to Rio, leaving from the bus stop on the Estrada da Usina Velha. The three-hour trip costs $7, with the first bus leaving at 7 am and the last at 6 pm (8.45 pm on Sunday). Getting Around Rent a Bike, at Avenida Jose Bento Ribeiro Dantas, 843 and Casa Central Bicicleta, at Rua LUcio Quintanilha 152, both in Armacao, rent bicycles for around $20 a day. BARRA DE SAO JOAO Barra de Sao Joao, not to be confused with Sao Joao da Barra (which is further north up the coast), is an easygoing place set on a narrow spit of land between a small BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

river and the Atlantic. Old, well-preserved colonial horn:\ with azulejos give the town a warm, Portuguese feel, and the village architecture is protected by law. The long. quiet beach is good for surfcasting. For Places to Stay and Places to Eat read the book Getting There & Away Barra de Sao Joao, 35 km from Macae and 57 km from Cabo Frio, is serviced by 10 buses a day. MACAE Once a calm fishing village, Macae is now a fastgrowing petroleum-refinery city with Petrobras oil rigs 100 km offshore. A few years ago the place was swarming with American technicians working on the gas pipeline now being built to Rio. Due to helicopter traffic to and from the oil rigs, Macae has perhaps the thirdbusiest airport in Brazil, after Rio and sao Paulo. The best beach in town, Praia Cavalheras, is not polluted ... yet. For Places to Stay and Places to Eat read the book Getting There & Away If you're heading to Minas Gerais, there's a daily bus to Belo Horizonte, at 7 pm ($25, nine hours). To VitOria, there's a bus at 2 pm ($8.50, five hours). Three buses a day go to Salvador, at 10.20 am, and 5.20 and 8.10 pm ($37, 22 hours). RESERVA BIOLOGICA DO POCO DAS ANTAS A few km off BR- 101, between Casemiro de Abreu and Silva Jardim, the Poco das Antas Reserve was created to protect the endangered mico-leao (Golden Lion Tamarin monkey) and its natural habitat, coastal jungle. Fifty mico-le5es were sent from a breeding program in the USA. The small monkeys, with their golden, lion-like manes, are hard to spot. More monkey business is conducted in nearby Cachoeiras de Macaco, in the Instituto de Estudos de Simiologia (Simian Studies Institute). MACAF TO CAMPOS The stretch from Macae to Campos is rolling ranch land. Here and there are remnants of tropical forest, palms and scraggly undergrowth in uncleared ravines and hill clefts—A dark mountain range runs along the coast 50 km inland. Most of the land between the Atlantic and the mountains is planted with sugar cane. BARRA DA ITABAPOANA At the extreme northeast corner of Rio de Janeiro state is Barra da Itabapoana, which borders the Atlantic ocean and Espirito Santo on the far side of the Rio Itabapoana. There's not much to the town: a dilapidated church, a few riverboats, two or three street lights, a Telerj station, a fish market and a menagerie of pies, chickens, horses and dogs. The beach is two km from the church (turn left at the cemetery). Excerpts from Brazil - A Travel Survival Kit 3rd edition, by Andrew Draffen, Chris McAsey, Leonardo Pinheiro,and Robyn Jones. For more information call Lonely Planet: (800) 275-8555. Copyright 1996 Lonely Planet Publications. Used by permission.

om Slaves to mmigrants The search for a replacement for slave labor in Brazil began in earnest in 1845 with the passage of the Aberdeen Act, which allowed the British navy to treat slave vessels as pirate ships. KIM RICHARDSON

Brazil claims the position as the last country in the western hemisphere to abolish slavery. When this country formally abolished slavery in 1888, the majority of its slaves toiled in the southeastern region of Brazil (Rio de Janeiro, Sao Paulo, and Minas Gerais) while less than half a century earlier the majority of the slaves resided in the northeastern region (specifically in the states of Pernambuco and Bahia). Why did slaves in nineteenth icentury Brazil migrate (were sold) from the Northeast to theiSoutheast? And why did Brazil look to immigration to suppOrt slave labor? By looking at works by Jeffery Lesser, Thomas Holloway, Douglas Cole Libbyi Marshall Eakin, and B.J. Baricicman, all renowned historians on Brazil, we can better understand this migration; slaves were sold to Southeastern Brazil due to the decline of the sugar industry and the rise of the coffee industry, as well as the imminent demise of the institution of slavery itself. By understanding why nineteenth-century slave owners transferred their slave population from the northeast to the southeast, we can better understand both slavery, migration, and immigration in Brazil. IVO Like other countries before it, Brazil also had to make the difficult transition from slave to free labor. Brazil, however, found this a difficult challenge, as did foreign companies operating in Brazil, who often relied more on slave labor en lieu of free. This transition has been studied for the major sugar producing regions of the Northeast and also for the coffee regions of the Southeast, particularly Sao Paulo. Yet with the largest slave population throughout the nineteenth century, Minas Gerais has largely been ignored by historians. The search for a replacement for slave labor in Brazil began in earnest in 1845 with the passage of the Aberdeen Act, which allowed the British navy to treat slave vessels as pirate ships. Thus, for the most pait, legal transatlantic slave trading ceased at this time. In Brazil's northeastern provinces, the growing shortage of slave labor after 1850 worsened with the interprovincial slave trade that transferred thousands of northeastern slaves to southeastern Brazil, where production of coffee for export expanded rapidly. Indeed, between 1853 and 1871, over 18,000 slaves were sent out of the province in Bahia alone. Whereas in the 1850s over half of all slaves were Africans by birth, by the 1880s only 7.6% were. The Aberdeen Act, then, decreased the number of African-born slaves and inadvertently forced !the slaves from the Northeast to the Southeast. These slaves in tl* northeastern provinces of Brazil, particularly in Bahia and Pernambuco, mainly worked in sugar production. During the first part of the nineteenth-century, Bahia exported more sugar than any other captaincy in Brazil. Also involved extensively in the tobacco economy, they exported nearly all theilltobacco to Europe. Pernambuco, much like Bahia, also had a large export market in sugar. Yet while the Pernambucan sugar export continued to rise after the abolition of slavery, the Bahian sugar economy collapsed. This is because Bahia depended much more so than did Pernambuco on slave labor. Bahia and the Northeast, then, saw a large decline in the slave population in the mid-nineteenth century. A half-century prior to this ending of the Atlantic slave trade, Bahia imported an increasingly large number of slaves. Thus this state continued to rely on the large number of slaves for their labor source BFtAZZIL - MARCH 2001

instead of investing in more expensive machinery. Pernambuco, which also failed to invest large amounts of capital into machinery, had less slaves to work the fields. The Pernambucantype plantations were much smaller and often consisted of free labor working alongside slave labor. In sum, Bahia enlarged its slave population in the first half of the nineteenth-century, but Pernambuco did not. While Pernambuco did not have a surplus of slave labor, they did have an excess of free laborers. These dwellers lived for the most part on unused portions of plantations. They paid nominal rent in either cash or kind, and performed odd services for their planter landlord in exchange for permission to live and grow subsistence crops on the land. With the decline in the slave population in the second half of the nineteenth-century, many of these planter landowners forced their free laborers to work increasingly harder in exchange for permission to live on the land. By the early 1870s, free labor outnumbered slave labor and these laborers slowly began to replace the slaves. The number of free laborers in Pernambuco increased in 1877 when a disastrous drought ravaged much of the interior of the Northeast. This drought lasted three years and resulted in at least 2,000 deaths. Many free rural workers fled from the interior to the coast and began working on these plantations. Thus, as we have stated, when abolition arrived in 1888, Pernambuco had already made the transition to free labor, partly because of this devastating drought and partly because of their smaller plantations. In contrast to Pernambuco, however, Bahia did not succeed in making the transition from slave to free labor. In Bahia, where the plantations were much bigger, slaves comprised the field labor and the foremen and mechanics made up the free labor. Right up until the end of slavery (1888), the Bahian sugar plantations continued to use slave labor. With the end of slavery, however, the free labor refused to work for the low wages necessary to permit revenue on the plantations. This would signal the demise of three centuries of Bahian sugar. As one historian explained it, "When abolition finally came in 1888, it resulted not only in the 'disorganization of labor', but also in the nearly complete collapse of the Bahian sugar industry, which, for over three centuries, had served as the mainstay of the province's export economy; from that collapse provincial production of sugar for export never fully recovered." The economy in Bahia suffered a huge blow due to abolition. In the Southeast region of Brazil, the states of sao Paulo, Espirito Santo, Rio de Janeiro, and Minas Gerais saw a tremendous increase in the rise of coffee plantations. As a result, plantation owners transferred a large part of the slaves to this Southeastern region. Because of the importation of immigrants and the influx of coffee, the situation here became extremely unique in comparison to the Northeast. By looking at the importation of immigrant-labor and also the rise of coffee as the region's most valuable commodity, we can better understand the reasons for the slave migrations from the Northeast to the Southeast. BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

With independence, foreigners were allowed to invest in industries. One example is that of the St. John d' el Rey Mining Company, own d by the British. The labor needed for this mine was simil to that needed for the sugar plantations of Bahia; monoton us and tiring work of crushing the rocks to extract the gold. s a rule Europeans worked as the department heads and supe isors, and slaves and free Brazilians worked as manual labo rs. In 1840, for example, slave labor comprised eighty pe cent of the work force. Immigration played a large role in the affairs of State during the latter part of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twen ieth. The government of SAo Paulo, from the 1880s until the 1 30s, spent $37,000,000 on the importation of immigrants. Yo can see the importance of immigration with the demise of slavery in the revenues collected by the government from 18921-1930, nearly ten times as much revenue from the coffee export taxes as it spent on all phases of the immigration program. Thus we can see that the reason that Sao Paulo and the Southeat successfully made this transition from slave to free labor ca : e from the large coffee revenues (and taxes paid) and the inimal investments required (coffee didn't require steam-driven sugar cane crushers such as on Bahian sugar plantations). The new coffee plantations did require, however, a large supply of laborers, which they acquired largely through immigration. In the coffee plantations of Brazil, then, the owners switched over to foreign labor as soon as possible. Luc io Kowarick from the University of SAo Paulo wrote in 1987 that "after Abolition manpower was never lacking either in the Sdo Paulo coffee region or for the industrialization which occurred in this State. On the contrary, the rapid process of economic expansion was able to draw on a vast upply of labor. This supply came particularly from the volu ii mous entry of foreigners." Immigrants now became the ma or labor source in the Southeast. In summa , this article has looked at the reasons why the slaves of the N heast migrated (or were sold) to the Southeast and why foreig immigration played such an important role in labor in the So theast. While the decline in sugar and the rise in coffee playe a large role in this, slave owners also read the writing on the wall and realized that abolition would soon arrive. As a re It, they first turned to free Brazilian laborers and then to for igner labor. By understanding the reasons for the transferenc of the slave labor source and importation of foreigners, we ot only get a better and more accurate view of Brazilian hist ry, but we also can better understand what Jeffery Lesser refers to as Brazil's "hyphenated identity"â€” African-, Asia-, and European-Brazilians. Kim Richardson is a graduate student studying Brazil an History at the University of Texas at Austin. he author is currently working on immigration in Brazil and can be reached at krichardson@mail.utexas.edu 37

Beloved Grumpy If Monteiro Lobato had written in English, there's no doubt that today he would be one of the great universal fabulists. He gathered all world fables together in his stories and his stories include not the oppressive fantastic but the delirious fantastic. Lobato's biographers, Carmen Lucia de Azevedo, Marcia Camargos and Vladimir Sacchetta, authors of the book Furacac na Botocandia (Hurricane in Botocundia), the most recent biography of Monteiro Lobato, talk about this important personage of Brazilian life and disclose to the public at large the multiple faces of the father of the Sitio do P ica-Pau Amarelo (Yellow Woodpecker Farm). To most people, Monteiro Lobato is the greatest author of children's books in Brazil. And he should be. After all, his books have illustrated our childhood for over sixty years with characters that are genuinely Brazilian. But his ideas go beyond his literary works and extend to various fields related to the country's development. From publishing books to prospecting iron and oil. In 1998, we celebrated the 50th anniversary ofthe author's death. The celebrations began in 1997 with the publishing of Furaceio na Botoctindia (Editora Senac) in which the authors rescue the life of Monte i ro Lobato with exclusive and neverpublished photos and facts. Their extensive research work reveal that Lobato was not only the "father of Emilia". What were the difficulties you faced in researching the life of Lobato, 50 years after his death? In spite of Lobato's great stature and relevance, there is no organized collection of this work. His overall archive was lost. To this day no Brazilian institution took any initiative to try to collect everything that is scattered around. We had to go after information in Sao Paulo, Rio, etc. But even his family members themselves have very little. The Monteiro Lobato Museum, here in Sdo Paulo, which is located inside the children's library, has some stuff but the rest is scattered. So it was a lot of work to gather and organize all this. Not oily that, but Lobato is himself a multifaceted character. He was an editor, an entrepreneur, he dealt in oil, he was a journalist and an art critic. You mentioned the several faces of Lobato. What were these faces? He was a curious person by nature. He was one of these people that when they discover something they want to look no it and find out what is new about that issue. A good example of this is his interest in steel: steelmaking already existed in Brazil, it was no longer news, but he wen: after an economic solution for the problem. You see, Brazil was rich in iron ore, but what to do to exploit it? So he went around the world and found anew process which was able to make good quality steel at low calory levels. So Lobato tried to bring this process to Brazil and he said: "This is the way out for us. 38

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Minas [Gerais] is a crown of iron; this is the solution for Brazil." If you have the means to use elements such as the bagasse (refuse) of the babacu nut as an alternative source of caloric energy... Another solution planned by Lobato was to use coffee as a caloric source: "See, we are burning coffee", this was in the middle of the crisis of coffee overproduction. "If you're going to burn it anyway, use it to make steel." But why the obsession, first with the iron and then with the oil? Lobato thought about development as translated into the image of the machine. In order to build those machines, you needed iron. To move the machinery, you needed oil. For him, the two fundamental pillars are these two things, and the third was bread, that is, food. These are the three elements of modern economic infrastructure. Why did these other characteristics of his, such as the great nationalist, the entrepreneur, the businessman concerned with the country's future, remain somewhat hidden when compared with his stature as a writer? First, because in the field of youth literature there was nobody else in Brazil, so he is unique. Now, the other Lobatos are polemic. He was polemic and he created controversy all his life. When he faced the modernists, which was the group coming out of the "Semana de 22" [the Week of 1922] who started to dominate literary criticism in Brazil, a complicated conflict was created. Just imagine his direct confrontation with Mario de Andrade, who then began criticizing Lobato relentlessly, trying to diminish his literature. And it all started with such a silly issue...

Aren't the ideas defended by Lobato outdated? Monteiro Lobato is totally contemporary. He lived though the whole first half of the twentieth century, following everything that was happening and looking at the country and at the Brazilian people with tenderness. That's the reason of his concern with Jeca Tatu. The first Jeca, in 1914, was sluggish and lazy. Four years later, he finds out that Jeca was that way because he was sick. Then he embarks on a crusade for health and sanitation. He says: "Listen, Jeca, you were not born like this. Your body is a zoo for protozoa." At the end of his life, in 1947, he rethinks Jeca for the third time and says: "Jeca, you are like this because you are landless and there's something called latifindio [large landed estate] that is bad for you." In other words, fully contemporary. Let's talk now about Lobato the children's author. How did he revolutionize the universe of children universe through literature? If Monteiro Lobato had written in English, there's no doubt that today he would be one of the great universal fabulists. First because he gathered all world fables together in his stories. Second, his stories include the fantastic element but it was not the oppressive fantastic, as in most imported fables, but the delirious fantastic. Lobato's formula has one foot in reality but also has an opening for fiction and dreams. Observe that Lobato, when he produces his fables, he also subverts the relations between children and adults. Suddenly children are interlocutors capable of talking with adults and the adults have to be available and to look at the child as a little human being who is intelligent and thinks. He used to say that he was a children's writer, not a writer of childish things. There is, in fact, a project behind all his children's literature. At the end of his life, when he was tired, the oil didn't work, the iron didn't work, Getnlio Vargas's dictatorship censured him, he said he was tired of writing for grown-ups. "What boring people!", he used to say, "let's see if I can help train better adults by writing for children".

What is the story about that disagreement? In 1917 Anita Malfatti opened an exhibit, Lobato hated it and said so. He particularly hated cubism. For him, imported abstract art had nothing to do with Brazilian artistic production. Now, in our research we found out that Anita Malfatti ended up doing covers for Lobato' s publishers later on. So this story was not told very straight. In the end, we found texts by Monteiro Lobato pointing to another direction. There is a text dated from 1926, published in the Dicirio da Noite, in Sao Paulo, entitled "Our Dualism", in which he says that the great role of the avant-garde crowd who promoted the Semana de 22 was to renew the Brazilian cultural production which would lead Brazil to stop thinking in French and to stop speaking and writing the Portuguese from Portugal. This article would generate the famous "necrolOgio" by Mario de Andrade which was responsible for the symbolic killing of Lobato in the newspaper A Manhti, in Rio de Janeiro. However, and on the other side, we also found the letters documenting the dialogue between Lobato and Oswald de Andrade, who was in Paris promoting and translating Lobato into French. This dispute, therefore, was nonsense. It was a form of prejudice that was slowly invented and became true in the end. The fact is that Lobato was always a free shooter. He had no affiliations. He never wanted to head any movement.

And 50 years later, did he succeed in building better adults? After all, most of the people leading the country grew up reading his books. Yes, he did. Author Jose Roberto Withaker Penteado wrote the book Os Filhos de Lobato [Lobato's Children] about this theme exactly. The book used extensive polling to explain the way that the values transmitted by Lobato became part of the imaginary world of those Brazilians who are now the country's governing elite. We also discovered a collection of some 400 letters written to Lobato by children. In these letters, we see first of all that Lobato corresponded with his readers and took them as seriously as he took all children, talking equal to equal, on the same level. His readers offered him ideas, discussed issues, asked to become his characters and confessed that his books had made them to learn world history, greek mythology, language and arithmetic. And many children made it clear that those values had come to them through him.

What about his positions on oil exploration? People used to call Lobato a xenophobe nationalist but that is one thing he never was. He never wanted to keep Brazil's oil closed. He did think that the oil issue was fundamental in terms of the nation's sovereignty. Today we hear that Lobato was the "father of Petrobras". Never! He was absolutely against the monopoly. In fact, he was a liberal in the truest sense of the word.

How did the Sitio do Pica-Pau Amarelo and all its characters come about? Slowly, piece by piece. The first book he wrote for children, published on Christmas in 1920, was the story LUcia, a Menina do Narizinho Arrebitado [The Girl with the Turned Up Nose]. Following that, he wrote a sequence, with several books. The stories are independent from each other but in the end they form a long saga. For example, everybody knows Reinacaes de

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Narizinho [Narizinho's Pranks] but that story was not born there, it was actually born with Lucia..., so he added several stories in sequence, then he condensed them and released them as one volume. All those stories of Narizinho Arrebitado, Principe Escamado, Reino, etc. were born on the spur of the moment. He was playing chess with Hilario Tasso (Jose Maria de Toledo's pen name) in the newsroom of the magazine Revista do Brasil. Hilario told Lobato the story of a small fish who drowned and died because he unlearned how to swim. Unfortunately, this first text is lost now. But even before that episode, Lobato had always thought about writing for children, because he believed that there were no genuine Brazilian youth tales. Parallel to this, he always talked about the backdrop for the work which was part of the development project he envisioned. How large is his volume of work? There are thirty volumes. Thirteen for adults and 17 for children, complete works published by Brasiliense, the last publisher he worked with. Besides that, there is his work as a translator and his adaptation work. We can't forget that Lobato translated and adapted Pinocchio, Alice, Grimm, Andersen, Robinson Crusoe. In fact, he didn't translate the text per se. He said that he did a "literary organization" of the text, which meant that, since he was a talented and creative person, he could translate the work from the original into a language that could be understood by Brazilian readers. Translation specialists say that Lobato's translations improved the original. Not only in the children's books but also in the grown-up books, and he translated Tarzan, Hemingway, Einstein. In the early part of the 1930s, he practically stopped writing for adults, except for things of a propaganda nature, to sell ideas. He wrote what we call "panfletary literature". One of the most important aspects of Lobato was his work as an editor. How significant was he in the Brazilian publishing market? It was fantastic. Lobato created the book industry in Brazil. Before him, books were either imported or made here but always according to European models. Lobato was the first one to think of books as products. For him, books needed to be atractive, to entice the buyer. In a few words, Lobato was a first-rate marketeer. He did something very interesting: he sent letters to merchants all over Brazil saying: "You have a notions shop, how about selling books over your counter? My book is a product that may be interesting, it can even bring you a profit", and so on. "If you want, I propose to send you the boks in consignment." And this was 1918! At that time, there were only some 30 bookstores in Brazil. By using this technique, he was expanding sales points. He used to say "Someone in [the state of] Amazonas is not going to come down to Rio de Janeiro to buy a book". Secondly, he said that "books are not essential products. Rice, beans, bread, etc, yes. Not books. Books are like dessert. And just like a dessert, it needs to be attractive". So he designed colorful covers and he was concerned with the title of the book, with the typesetting. Not only that but he built the first printing concern in Latin America in the 20s, which remained big through the 40s. When did he open the publishing house? It's a long story. He bought the Revista do Brazil and he created an editorial section there. After that, he created a publishing house. And suddenly Lobato understood that in order to publish he needed to have a printing company of his 40

own, so he started to buy printing presses. After that, he used the magazine to call on new writers who had work in their drawers, since at that time only known authors were published. Somebody even commented at the time that there seemed to be a sudden surge of good quality literary production. Given the initial success, he transformed the editorial section of Revista do Brasil into Monteiro Lobato e Cia., which in turn became Cia. Grcifico Editora Monteiro Lobato. What year was this? In 1925. He bought the Revista do Brasil in 1918. In 1924, he created Cia. Grafico Editora Monteiro Lobato. Besides being a publishing house, the company was also a printing company which went broke in 1925. But in the same year that Cia. Grafico Editora Monteiro Lobato closed, he opened Cia. Editora Nacional. How did Cia. Grdfico Editora Monteiro Lobato go bankrupt? He was a restless character. When he started to publish, things went right and he was excited. When he went public with the company to attract more money and to do more business, he made a projection expecting stability, increasing sales, etc. In the middle of all this came the revolution which destroyed Sao Paulo (the 1924 revolution) and the city stopped for two months. Nobody produced anything and all companies and industries stopped. After that, to hold on to the revolution, president Artur Bernardes launched an economic package. Add to this the violent draught that hit Sao Paulo at the turn of 1924-1925. And lastly, Jose Carlos Macedo Soares, who was a partner in the business, left to do the revolution and to run for city government. Jose Carlos ends up in jail and then in exile. Lobato gets enraged with these facts and sends a harsh letter to Artur Bernardes, detailing part of his project for the democratization of the country which included the secret vote. As a result, the government suspended the purchases of Cia. Grcifico Editora Monteiro Lobato. In fact, he was an angry little man. He followed no one, he listened to no one and he never lowered his head. That is why, I think, history erased him a little, because he clashed with everyone. And was he already selling much in the early 20s? Yes, a lot. While the modernist avant-garde published 200 to 300 copies per edition, Monteiro Lobato sold up to 20 thousand books per edition. Esccindalo do Petroleo [The Oil Scandal], in 1937, had huge sales. His work was for the great masses. He was someone with a very keen marketing sense and he was also a natural communicator. Everyone believed him. He used to say that people were writing about a Brazil that nobody knew. He used to say that the intellectuals were afraid to go in the woods because of the "carrapatos" [ticks]. When he clashed with the modernists, did it harm his work? The children's books, no. Because even when he was clashing with the modernists, the children's author was being born. He was damaged in literary criticism, in his work for adults and in the field of ideas. The modernist critics pictured him as this rather strange, exotic type which was swmming against the current, and a conservative, something he was not. But that was the image that stayed... It's hard to say if he really transmittted that image himself. It was a conjunction of factors. On one side, the literary criticism born from within modernism, on the other side the economic interests which opposed BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

the great projects for modernization of the country and on third place, the [Catholic] Church. When Lobato begins to subvert and indirectly question the Church, he includes observations, answers and questions in his children's books. But it is exactly this image that the book tries to de-mistify. How did Lobato's skirmishes with the Church take place? In the early 50s, there was a priest who wrote a 400-page book entitled The Literature of Monteiro Lobato: Child Communism. This priest was patient enough to read, in and behind the lines, the whole work of Monteiro Lobato and identify instances when the author would be doing ideological smuggling and questioning Christian values. In fact, Lobato did not condone the hypocrisy of the clergy who played the game of the powerful. Editora Nacional received letters from the Church asking not to publish Lobato's books. The correspondence between Lobato and his child readers was used by the Church to accuse him of subverting children's minds because they wrote: "now I think with my own head; you opened me up". Deep inside, Lobato wanted to bring an end to the notions of hierarquy, order and power. Lobato used to say that when he was writing, Emilia got out of the typewriter, sat by his side and told him what to write. Contrary to what this priest tried to prove, Lobato did not transmit any ideology or doctrine. He said that children had to enter his books and exit from them increasingly themselves. They had to learn to question everything, including supposed doctrines and supposed ideologies. Therefore, we can even joke and say that Lobato was a lot "worse" than they thought. He was a libertarian. How did Lobato's stories end up on TV? First, Lobato's stories conquered the radio, in the begin-

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ning of the 1940s. After that, he was discovered by TV, in 1952, by the Tupi station, and he was on the air for nine years. In 1968, the show "Sitio do Pica-Pau Amarelo" went to Bandeirantes [network] and around 1976, to Globo [network]. Even having reached the highest popularity on TV, today many children find it difficult to follow the language of Lobato... It's true. Last year there was a kind of a round table in a children's classroom and one girl asked why Lobato wrote so difficult. The teacher used that opportunity and made the children create a parallel glossary to the text that each one was reading. In fact, he used words that are no longer used in our daily lives. The letters that we read during our research show 7, 8, 9-year old children reading and writing a lot. The same way that the children today know all about video game, television and computers, at that time the little ones read. This article was originally published in Revista E, which can be seen on line at http://sesc.uol.com.brisesc/revistas/e/ index.htm. Questions and suggestions: webmaster@sescsp.com.br Translated from the Portuguese by Tereza d'Avila Braga. Tereza Braga is a Carioca working as a freelance professional translator in Dallas. Accredited member of the American Translators Association. M.A. in international management, English proficiency certificates from Cambridge and Michigan. Contract interpreter with the U.S. Dept. of State. Former trade promotion officer with the Consulate of Brazil in Dallas. Loves translating, writing, philosophy and ballroom dancing. E-mail: tbragaling@cs.com

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preserved there. Life in some quilombos 2 in Successive waves ofpowoutlying areas has changed very little in hundreds Jota Velloso wants to reveal the erful percussion emanated of years. And other African inspiredtraditions, a from Praca do Reggae, or music of Bahia, especially forms that product of miscegenated cultures, were estabReggae Square, in the dark lished and are contributing to a rebirth of African heart of Pelourinho Monday are less well known to the outside pride and purpose in the world. So this is an irony, night, 29 January. The forcethat the bitterness of sugar slavery should have, ful nature and overwhelming world. Throughout our conversation in the end, borne a sweet fruit. This fruit, with the momentum of each wave help ofsponsors like Iota Velloso and Mariene de Jota repeatedly inferred that his own seemed to echo and re-echo Castro, echoes the past greatness of African dythe pain and suffering of Afriefforts were merely an extension of nasties. can slaves. Successive Dani and I were attempting to honor Kirsten rhythms lulled and seduced the earlier successes of others. Weinoldt's request 3 to call on her friend Jota, the my senses until their under40 year old nephew of Caetano Veloso 4 and tow had pulled me far from Marlene, a music artist and Jota's 24 year old safe harbor. I fell completely PHILLIP WAGNER wife. The sheer volume of the sound, and the under their spell. WITH DANIELLE VALIM madness of the crowd there, made discussion all Praca do Reggae lies unbut impossible. But Jota assured us we could der a long shadow cast by meet after the proceedings and, besides, we were Igreja da Nossa Senhora do enjoying the performances. Included were many Rosario dos Pretos ';a church constructed by black slaves when Salvador was still capital ofBrazi I old sambas from Bahia and many songs of Afoxe 5. One of my and the only church in Pelourinho historically open to blacks. African Brazilian favorites, "Noite de Temporal", was sung. There Masses are still conducted there for blacks, employing distinctively is a mournful quality about that song that draws me close to it; African forms of musical expression such as the Timbau and especially the version Virginia Rodrigues recorded on her breakout CD Sol Negro. Other songs included Afro Bloco Ile Aiye's anthem Agog& Danielle Val im and I were attending a rehearsal ofthe Carnav al and some works of Gilberto Gil, including "Xodo". Aloiso Menzes, who regularly appears on stage with Mariene, bloco Cortejo Afro, founded by Jota Velloso and Roberto Mendes, the man with whom Jota composed his first song. The title "Cortejo performed many works associated with Blocos Afro and Blocos Afro" is taken from the tradition of sublimating to kings; to "court" lndios such as "Nezrume da Nolte" and "Ile ĂŠ Impar". This latter royalty by honoring them, by acknowledging their power and selection was co-written by Cortejo Afro president Alberto Pitta authority, by offering up gifts and praise. In this way the Cortejo and Aloiso. Guitarist Robson Leal, who also works with Mariene, bloco honors, reveres and celebrates the influence, impact, contri- performed, as did Paulo Dafilin, an acoustic guitarist and violinist butions and authority of African cultures that were forcefully who backs up AXE diva Darriela Mercury and has produced some ofher music. Paulo also backs up Vania Abreu and Caetano's sister relocated to the New World. Cortejo Afro is also contributing to appreciation of the histori- (Jota's aunt) Maria Bethania. He recently produced Aloiso's first cally bittersweet character offered lby the legacy ofAfrican commu- CD, Diamante Verdadeiro. Sarajane, famous for blazing the AXE trail before Daniela nities in northeastern Brazil. The bitterness of African slave trading is giving way to a widespread realization of the importance of Mercury elevated that form ofmusic and culturally institutionalized African religious and cultural practices that have been so well it, performed. Though not the household name she once was, 42

BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

Sarajane is redefining herself as a performer; now focusing on her interpretations of older works and classic Bahian sambas. She opened with a sparkling rendition of "NAo quero dinheiro" (Tim Maia), and reappeared throughout the night to reenergize the crowd. Ninha 6 the main singer for music group Timbalada 7 performed many of their standards. But, hands down, the most sustained, impressive and energetic performance of the night came from Mariene, who seems immune to exhaustion. Even at the very end of the night Mariene was leaping and exhorting her fellow performers and the crowd. I'd closely observed Jota throughout the night as rehearsal had unfolded, and was impressed by his calm and business-like demeanor. Watching him, I recalled from a documentary that Paul Simon had conducted himself similarly while organizing a rehearsal. I was curious to see how, if at all, Jota mirrored Caetano. Once the evening's performances were concluded iota, Mariene, Danielle and I drove around Salvador looking for an open-aftermidnight restaurant with a suitable atmosphere for informal discussion. Unable to find what we were looking for, Jota recommended we meet for lunch the following day at restaurant Vital g in Pelourinho; a suggestion we were more than happy to oblige. I quickly learned, over seafood and an agua tonica, that anything Jota might lack in terms of Caetano's poetic genius as a composer, lyricist, singer and/or performer he more than compensates for with an extraordinary talent for organizing and inspiring people to effectively develop ideas to fruition. It was just too easy to want to view Jota as living under the shadow of his revered uncle Caetano and aunt Maria (Bethania). I wanted to probe this with Jota, but felt awkward making an approach. Jota, though, was completely at ease discussing the issue. He made it clear he never had any problem with "being a Velloso", and added "no one ever questioned my work". "Of course" he said "some newspapers would point out" that he was the nephew of Caetano and Maria Bethania, "but at the same time any influence was more positive than negative. People and the media were curious and came out to see my work". Jota has performed two shows himself in Salvador, and opened each by acknowledging the example that Caetano and Maria set not only for himself "but for an entire generation". "Some people with famous relatives" Jota said "seem to wear a mask to try to hide the connection, or consider being so connected a burden", but Jota is "only grateful" for who he is. Among his family, he noted, are so many great personalities that his goal is only to make them happy. "These people gave me so much joy and happiness" said iota "that when they express admiration for my work it makes me happy too". iota indicated that he wants to reveal the music of Bahia, especially forms that are less well known to the outside world. I asked him if he thought he, Caetano, Virginia Rodriguez, Marisa Monte and others were formulating a Brazilian music preservation movement. Jota characteristically sidestepped accepting any credit by referring back to the Tropicalismo movement, so prominently associated with Caetano and Gilberto Gil. "Tropical ismo" said Jota "unintentionally began regenerating traditional music by incorporating it into newer compositions". Throughout our conversation Jota repeatedly inferred that his own efforts were merely an extension of the earlier successes of others. So what, if anything, bothers iota? "The injustice of the mechanics of current practices related to the marketing of mus ic". That and the pressure applied to artists "are negatively impacting creativity, quality and the development of new music forms and new talent". "What makes people famous today", he says, "is nothing like what took place in the era of Tom Jobim". His assertion that commercialism and corruption have overwhelmed the industry echoed complaints I've heard from other Brazilian music artists in previous interviews and discussions. iota and Mariene believe that what they're doing, the type ofwork they record and sell, "is running completely against the tide of what is being promoted today". Mariene complained that "tactics employed by promoters are vicious". "When simple people have access to the work we are doing", Jota and Mariene say, "they like (it)". The term "jaba" surfaced in our conversation. In this context, I learned, jaba is a nickname for illegal money; money passed under the table. "Payoffs" they said "are contingent not only on the work of certain performers being promoted" on targeted media outlets, but "also on seeing to it that the work of other performers goes BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

unheard". The media, they asserted, even seemed to have established a scale to assign the cost of playing a particular work or artist a particular number oftimes. "More well known radio stations" they say "charge more money, and there is an enterprise, like a Mafia, that helps to create a monopoly for their preferred artists". One such agency, said Mariene, "controls eight artists. It's all very well organized". Mariene rela.4d the story of a young female performer who "began to make a name for herself and naturally wanted to leave the band and strike qut on her own". Four weeks before Carnaval, the agency agreed to let her go. But then "they brought in a replacement whom they inten ively promoted to shift attention from the girl who left the band. Thy made every effort to see that the new girl became instantly famous in order to overwhelm any work ofthe old girl. The old girl quickly lipped into obscurity". iota and M ene also decry that "some blocos select girls for their European f atures 9, voices and body types so that you would believe they are ctually an European bloco". Mariene herself has emerged from e environment that she and Jota describe. But working with Jo she is now completely independent ofthe record labels and cheris es her freedom. Now she only performs what she chooses to perfo . "It's very difficult" she says, "with a family, to try to succeed un er the pressures "ofthe Brazilian music industry." How do they su ceed I wondered out loud. iota and M. 'ene, I learned, don't survive only on the income of their music nterprise. Jota is a veterinarian who currently receives income om a state agency charged with inspecting food. For fourteen ye iota had a veterinary clinic in his home community of Santo Ain o caring for small animals. But now he works out of his home in S lvador and only responds to few requests to treat animals. In 1983 Jota moved to the state of Rio de Janeiro intending to work with mi k cows, but felt such saudades that he returned home after only ye months. That's when he established his clinic in Santo Amaro. Eota, now 40, started in the music business in 1985 when he compo d his first song with Roberto Mendes, his current partner in Cortejb Afro. I asked Jota about his recent tribute CD to RiachAo, titled simply Riachao. I listened to every one ofthe 19 selections on Riachdo. At times it reminded me ofBuena Vista Social Club in that it represents a regionally (nordestino Brazilian) specific form of music infused with folkloric anft cultural material that was, in this case, performed by an icon of that form in its own element. Riachdo, said Jota, "is more happy than Batatinha", his earlier commemorative work, and that seems to be the case. Not very long ago I was introduced to the happy saudades of the forro 'Â° music performed by Flavio Jose " Riachao also performs forr6 I observed, "Vida dal Semana" being an example on the new CD. "This type ofmusic was played before the time of TV" iota responded "as the opening mu lc to the daily programming of radio stations". A stanza in "Vida la Semana" refers to "seca-gas" or "end the gas"; an obscure cultural reference to someone who wants to date but never marry. Riqcheio and forre, it seems, sometimes reveals the dry humor of people who struggle to survive in a harsh environment. Throughout the CD Riachdo exhibits the old samba tradition of speaking before singing. And the samba style ofRiachtio, Danielle noted, is samba de roda, the old samba of Bahia with small quick steps backward. "Everyone in the south says that Bahians samba backward" she said, and they don't emulate it. "Cariocas", she said, "do partido alto samba, which is only forward, and a third form is afoxe samba, which is to dance while making the movement of waters". The *re we talked and, later, the more I listened to Riachdo, the more I realized the importance of iota and Mariene's work; and the work that others in Salvador and Marisa Monte is doing in Rio '2 to sustain Brazilian culture by preserving its musical heritage.! also iricreasingly sensed Jota and Mari ene ' s commitment to society. I told Jota I was beginning to suspect that their compassion for the less fortunate in Brazil had something to do with the character of their work. "I came to come so concerned by mistake" Jota pleaded. He and Mariene kn w the priest of the Igreja da Nossa Senhora do Rosario dos Pre os, and Jota has had this idea of making a CD from the mass at that church. It would include local grupos or blocos performing alon side the children of a special program started there by the predomi antly Italian Jesuit priests. The program is called 43

Sementes do Amanhd, or Seeds of Tomorrow. Jota related that not long ago an orchestra had come from Bonn, Germany, to perform with the children in a series of benefit concerts. On the very last day ofperformances a problem prevented the orchestra from participating and the priest asked Mariene to step in and perform with the children in its place. That performance was more well received than the earlier ones involving the German orchestra. The spontaneity was regaled and the performance was regarded a huge success. Jota and Mariene later accompanied the children on an eight city tour in Italy and are continuing their work with the children and the church, all ofwhom are orphans. Mariene is coordinati ng that effort. They recorded some of the performances in Italy, along with some in Bahia, on a special CD that was something like a demo. Only 400 copies were produced and they quickly disappeared. Unlike that CD, it seems unlikely that Jota and Mariene will soon disappear from the Brazilian music scene and/or from their efforts to improve Brazilian society. That's good news for anyone interested in music and constructive social engagement in Brazil. 'The church of Saint Rosary of the black are communities that were established by escaped slaves in Brazil. Many such communities have continued to exist up to the present time. 3 Kirsten Weinoldt is a frequent contributor to Brazzil magazine. 4 A short explanation from Kirsten Weinoldt regarding the difference in spelling of the last name of Jota and the last name of Caetano: Some years ago the rules of Portuguese were officially changed to eliminate double consonants EXCEPT where pronunciation was affected Thus, Caetano followed the new rule and changed the spelling of his name, and the others didn't. It wasn't personal preference but rather a wish to "go with the times" on Caetano 's part. Thus, passado is pronounced with a clear sounding s and pesado with a z-sound. Group that performs candomble inspired songs 6 "Ninha" would normally be a nickname for a woman, but in 2 Quilombos

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this case it refers to a man. 7 Timbalada's "home" is the world class performing facility Carlinhos Brown established in Candeal ghetto in Salvador da Bahia. Vital is a restaurant that serves traditional dishes of the region of Reconcavo, where Santo Amaro, the city ofbis family and where Caetano was born is located. 9 This is not to assert that there are actually any Europeans among the candidates, but rather to suggest that girls who have features considered -passably European" are sought out to perform in the Camaval grupos. Daniela Mercury, with her European ancestry, long, straight black hair and slim, very full mouth exemplifies the ideal candidate in this case. The formation ofblocos with people from higher classes of society (and their more Euro like features) helps to facilitate a form of class based social segregation rooted in racial discrimination. Although the population of Salvador da Bahia is overwhelmingly black and mulatto, blacks are rarely seen in movie theatres and few are seen on airplanes. 'Â° Forr6 is said to be a bastardization of "for all". This music form is associated with the cultures that evolved in the dry areas of northeastern Brazil often referred to as the caatinga and the sertdo. Quadrillas, or dance troupes, perform choreographed steps similar to square dancing; particularly at the time of the Festa de Sao Joao ("Festival of Saint John") in June. See next end note. "Reference my September 2000 article "But we Survived!" 12 Marisa produced the Tudo Azul CD last year commemorating the work of one of Rio's most famous Samba Schools ("Old People of Portela"). The author is a freelance photojournalist and regular contributor to Brazzil. Phillip has an extensive Brazil Website at http://www.ielnett--pwagner/brazilhome.htm that includes photographs, recipes, information on the unique Afro-Bloco movement in Salvador, Bahia and more. He can be reached byemail at pwagnerAiei.net

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Bossa Nova Redux My personal favorite is "Isla° Vou para Casa" (I'm not Going Home), a humorous samba in which the singer is urged to go back home, but refuses to return "before the sun rises". Very good are also Tom Jobim's "Voce Vai Ver" (You'll See) and another Veloso composition, "Coragao Vagabundo" (Vagabond Heart). ERNEST BARTELDES Music, as any other art form, has creators, imitators and developers. Of the second category there is little to say; imitators basically jump the wagon and profit whatever they can from the creator, while the developer tries his best to make the original creation grow further. In Brazil, samba had been around for ages, but it took the genius of Bahia-born Joao Gilberto to develop the local beat and blend it with elements of cool jazz, thus creating a whole new style, bossa nova, which swept the planet during the late fifties and early sixties, and still influences a great number of musicians, from Charlie Byrd and Stan Getz in their time to George Michael and Tuck & Patty nowadays. Pray silence now, for the man who created the whole thing, with the support of Antonio Carlos Jobim (who, against his own will took the credit for himself), Vinicius de Morais and others has released a new studio album, recorded eight years after 1992's Joao and three after the live Ezt Sei Que Vou Te Amar (all titles, are, by the way, available in the U.S.) This time, alas, he plays by himself. Just the man, his guitar and his voice, and no audience sounds. The album, properly titled Joao Voz e Viola° (Joao, Voice and Guitar—average price $18.00) opens with Caetano Veloso-penned "Desde Que o Samba E Samba" (Ever Since Samba Was Samba). Veloso, also a son of Bahia, wrote the song in 1993 as a tribute to samba and bossa nova. In Joao Gilberto's voice, the lyric is taken to a whole new dimension: A tristeza é senhora Desde que o samba é samba é assim A lagrima clara sobre a pele escura A chuva fria que cai la fora Solidao apavora Tudo demorando em ser tao ruim Mas ha uma coisa no entanto agora em mim Cantando mando a tristeza embora..." Sadness is dominant Ever since samba was samba it has been like that The clear tear over the dark skin The cold rain falling on the outside Solitude is frightening Bad things taking so long But there is something inside me By singing I send sadness away... Caetano Veloso, who produced the album, is an innovator in his own right. He was the co-founder of yet another wave in Brazilian popular music, which blended bossa nova and other elements of Brazilian sounds with the influence of late sixties psychedelics and came up, in 1968, with a whole new sound, labeled tropicalismo. With time, he became more and more refined in his songwriting, and Joao BRAZIL - MARCH 2001

Gilberto's influence became more and more evident in his work, to the point of his recording a rare Gilberto composition, "Voce Esteve corn Meu Bern?" (Have You Been with My Sweetheart?", never recorded by its composer) in his 1996 Fina Estampa En Vivo. Veloso and Gilberto have since become friends, and the latter was instrumental in Veloso's return from his politically enforced exile after three years in Europe during the dark years of military dictatorship in Brazil. The album also contains two classic songs which are present on virtually every bossa nova or Joao Gilberto collection: "Desafinado" (Off-Key) and "Chega de Saudade" (No More Blues), which are both Tom Jobim cocompositions. The first was present in 1964's quadruple Grammy award winner Getz/Gilberto, an instrumental album in the popularization of the "new Brazilian sound." The second one is considered by music historians the song that, in 1959, started the whole bossa nova wave. In the new album, those songs are performed like Gilberto does onstage these days, with no accompaniment. I believe the singer and Veloso decided to re-make the two songs (specially "Chega de Saudade") in order to have a "proper" studio versions, since the earlier ones, recorded years ago, where too much in the musical format of the time, and Gilberto's guitar playing was not very well heard. There are, of course, the many live versions, but the applause somewhat damages the recording, specially when you're dealing with a very subtle vocalist and guitarist such as Gilberto. The other tracks are equally interesting. My personal favorite is "Nao Vou para Casa" (I'm not Going Home), a humorous samba in which the singer is urged to go back home, but refuses to return "before the sun rises". Very good are also Tom Jobim's "Voce Vai Ver" (You'll See) and another Veloso

composition, "Coracao Vagabundo" (Vagabond Heart). The only bad thing about the CD is that it is too short for the price; it has merely 35 minutes, which gives the listener a feeling of dissatisfaction as the album ends. The cover of the album shows a girl with her finger on her lips, requesting silence. It is a direct message to the public of Credicard Hall in Sao Paulo that booed Joao Gilberto during his 1999 performance, when, ever the perfectionist, he complained of excessive feedback from the sound system. He reacted by showing his tongue to the public and left Caetano Veloso, who was also performing that night, alone on stage to finish the show. One can be almost sure that the idea for the cover came from Veloso, who has a reputation for his caustic sense of humor... One fact that gives this CD great importance is the fact that many of the original bossa nova players are no longer in this world. Stan Getz passed away in 1991, Jobim in 1994, Vinicius de Morais in 1980 and Charlie Byrd left us recently. Of course they left us countless recordings of their music, but fresh work from them is very rare, as Joao Gilberto himself rarely does studio work. The album, yes, is short, but it is a very good addition to the collection of a listener of good music. A fine wine will go well with the album. A splendid time is guaranteed for all. Ernest Barteldes, the author, was born in Michigan USA and has been a teacher of English in Brazil for over ten years. He is a graduate from Ceara State University and recently married a Brazilian. Barteldes has been a regular columnist for the Greenwich Village Gazette in New York City and has also collaborated to a number of magazines and newspapers in the US and in Brazil. He can be contacted at ebarteldes@yahoo.com

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RIO Dois Perdidos Numa Noite Suja (Two Lost Souls on a Dirty Night)— Plinio Marcos's text, which has become a classic. Two tramps trying to survive in the big city. Directed by Tanah Correa, with Alexandre Borges and Jose Moreira. Isabel—The last hours of Princess Isabel in Brazil before leaving for exile. Isabel became famous for signing the law that liberated Brazilian slaves in 1888. Written by Aderbal Freire-Filho who is also one of the interpreters. Directed by Domingos Oliveira, with Clarice Niskier as the princess. A Mulher sem Pecado (Sinless Woman)— Nelson Rodrigues play about Olegario, a compulsive jealous man who lives to catch his wife in a wrongdoing. Directed by Luiz Arthur Nunes, with Jose de Abreu and Luciana Braga. Todo Mundo Tern Problemas (Sexuais) (Everybody Has Sexual Problems)—Six funny stories as told to psychoanalyst Alberto Goldin, who with Domingos Oliveira wrote the text and directs tie play. Goldin writes the column "Vida Intima" (Intimate Life) for Rio's daily 0 Globo. Pedro Cardoso stars. A Mentecapta (The Loony Lady)—Comedy—A gallery of odd characters who frequent a psychiatric clinic. Written by Mauro Rasi, directed by Ivone Hoffmann, with the troupe Grupo de Atores da CAL.

SAO PAULO Caixa 2 (Under the Table)—Comedy. It has been playing since October 1997 and vas seen by more than 600,000 people. Angela, a secretary, is used by her lover to hide money from the Revenue Service. Directed by Fauzi Arap, with Juca de Oliveira and Mauro Mendonca. As Sereias da Zona Sul (The Sirens of the South Zone)—Comedy. Play in four episodes about the adventures of women from Rio's south zone beach communities. WritBRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

ten by Miguel Falabella Vicente Pereir and. Contos de Seducdo (Seduction Tales Comedy—Love in Belle Epoque Franc through the eyes of Guy de Maupassan Written by J. E. Amacker, directed b Eduardo Tolentino de Araujo, with Bria Penido Ross, Clara Carvalho, Sandr Corveloni, and Zecarlos Machado. Retdbulo da Avareza, Luxdria e Mort (Retable of Avarice, Luxury and Death Drama—The public sits on tables sippin wine as if they were on a cabaret while th play is shown. Written and directed b Rodolfo Garcia Vazquez with Ivan Cabra Tadeu Peronne, and Germano Pereira. Ao Papagaio Verde (At the Green Pa rot)—Comedy—The day of the Bastill Fall, a tavern owner and former stage d' rector presents to a decadent aristocracy show in which actors play the role of ou laws. Written by Arthur Schnitzler, d rected by Ariela Goldmann, with Adrian Simpa, Alvaro Franco, and Carlos Morell Mercado de Fugas (Flee Market) Drama— Ponderings on slavery in Braz 1 in the mid 19th century. Written by Machad de Assis, adapted by Teatro de Narradore , directed by Jose Fernando Peixoto d Azevedo, with Carol Zilles, Marcelo Dahe , and Pedro Mantovani.

Just-released American movies: Witch (Bruxa de Blair 2 — 0 Livro das Sombras Dude, Where's My Car? (Cara, Cade Me Carro?), Chocolat (Chocolate), Hen Fool (As Confisseies de Henry Fool), Quil (Contos Proibidos do Marques De Sade Unbreakable (Corpo Fechado), Wh Women Want (Do Que as Mulhere Gostam), Duets (Duets — Vern Canta Comigo), The Exorcist - Director's Cut (ir Exorcista — Verstio do Diretor), Hannib,1 (Hannibal), The Invisible Circus (Um Historia a Tres), Vertical Limit (Limit Vertical), Cast Away (Naufrago), Th Emperor's New Groove (A Nova Onda d Imperador), Sweet and Lowdown (Pouca e Boas), American Psycho (Psicopat Americano) Babildnia 2000 (Babylon 2000)—Brazi / 2000—Documentary directed by Eduard Coutinho. (Brasil, 2000). Coutinho wh directed acclaimed Cabra Marcado par Morrer and Santo Forte shows the arriv. 1 of year 2000 on Rio's slums. Togeth with four other directors and using digit I cameras, he was able to collect touchin and candid testimonies at the Babiloni and Chapel' Mangeuira hills. Taind—Uma Aventura na Amazoni (Taina, An Adventure in the Amazon) Brazil/2000—Adventure movie for kid'. Directed by Tania Lamarca and Sergi Bloch. Brava Genie Brasileira (Brave Brazili Folks)—Brazil/2000--Historic drama. Th love story between Dom Diogo, a Portu guese colonizer, and Indian girl Anote. S t against the story of the colonization Mato Grosso's Pantanal. Directed by Luci Murat, with Diogo Infante, Lucian Rigueira, Floriano Peixoto. Um Anjo Trapalhdo (A Fumbling An gel)—Brazil/1996—Comedy. Release originally on TV. Simpleton Didi Moc

arrives at Vila Esperanca decided to make its residents once again believe in Santa Claus. Directed by Alexandre Boury and Marcelo Travasso, with Renato Aragao plus Isadora Ribeiro, Francisco Cuoco, Regina Duarte and Deborah Secco. 0 Auto da Compadecida (The Compassionate Lady Play)—Brazi1/1999—Comedy. Two men from the Brazilian Northeast, Joao Grillo and Chic6 have a hard to survive and to through some hilarious situations. Directed by Guel Arraes, with Matheus Nachtergaele, Selton Mello, Marco Nanini, Fernanda Montenegro, Mauricio Goncalves and Lima Duarte. Capitdes de Abril (April Captains)— France-Portugal/2000—The 1974 end to the military dictatorship in Portugal and the story of a group of military men who go to Lisbon to depose Salazar. Directed by Maria de Medeiros, who worked as actress in Pulp Fiction.

ooks best sellers FICTION 1. As Mentiras Que os Homens Contam (Objetiva) Luis Fernando Verissimo 2. Harry Potter e a Pedra Filosofal (Rocco) J.K. Rowling 3. Comedias pars se Ler na Escola (Objetiva) Luis Fernando Verissimo 4. Harry Potter e o Prisioneiro de Azkaban (Rocco) J.K. Rowling 5. Harry Potter e a Cam a ra Secreta (Rocco) J.K. Rowlin* 6. 0 Demonio e a Srta. Prym (Objetiva) Paulo Coelho 7. A Confraria (Rocco) John Grisham 8. 0 Ceti Estii Caindo (Record) Sidney Sheldon 9. As Mil e Uma Noites (Ediouro) Antoine Galland 10. 0 Mundo de Sofia (Cia. das Letras) Jostein Gaarder

NONFICTION 1. A Arte da Felicidade (Martins Fontes) Dalai Lama 2. Estacao Carandiru (Cia. das Letras) Drauzio Varella 3. Quem Mexeu no Meu Queijo? (Record) Spencer Johoson 4. Ninguem E de Ninguem (Caminheiros) Zibia Gasparetto 5. 0 Livro da Sabedoria (Martins Fontes) Dalai Lama 6. Mem6ria das Trevas (Geracao) Joao Carlos Teixeira Gomes 7. Ah, Se Eu Soubesse (Negocio) Richard Edler 8. Limites sem Trauma (Record) Tania Zagury 9. IBM e o Holocausto (Campus) Edwin Black 10. A Fantistica Hist6ria de Silvio Santos (Editora do Brasil) Arlindo Silva According to Lsto E Genie 47

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BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

FEIRA LIVRE flexible hours. Must have own sewing machine. Some Portuguese preferred. Gail (310) 849-5922 [177]

brazzil-AUS 13231 255-8082 ; 00 S CANDANGO BOOKS: On-Line Sebo http:// www.candangobooks.com [184] OSSOS English Classes - San Diego, Los Angeles, Las Vegas, Salt Lake City - $310 1 month - $675 3 months - $975 6 months, 1-20 provided, International Academy of English, 1-800-789-8068 PORTUGUESE CLASSES - Brazilian teacher. Fast, easy, efficient and pleasant way to learn Portuguese. (949) 240-8178 [184] Conversational Brazilian Portuguese Method - 1 tried several methods to learn BRAZILIAN PORTUGUESE, but when I started lessons with NILSON, I knew immediately that I'd found the best one. And in just a few months, I was able to communicate on a one-on-one basis." Individual, Total Immersion, Corporate Group and SemiPrivate. Phone (310) 379-0738 [181] Portuguese Courses in Salvador da Bahia, Dialogo, http://www.brazilstudy.com, E-mail: dialogo@brazilstudy.com, fax: 01155 71 336-6329

II er amen Experienced "Brasileiro" Guitarist; Brazilian native Joao Junqueira (MFA in Jazz Guitar at CALARTS) is available to play, sing and record, solo or accompanied, his specialty, Authentic Brazilian Music, Originals and Jazz. Please call (818) 716-9053 or write unqueira@yahoo.can [179] OP a e BRAZIL- Wildlife Refuge - 130 acres Atlantic Forest, near Recife. Also tropical fruits. Excellent income from tourism. $100,000. (310) 832-4367 [156] 0 I ON Procuramos mulheres para trabalhar como modelo exotic° na regiao do condado de Los Angeles e de Orange. Telefone para 310-2177615 e deixe mensagem e nOrnero de telefone em Ingres, Espanhol ou Portugues. Fale Portugues muito lentamente para que possamos entender. [179] Wanted: garment maker to sew clothing for individual'. Possible 'start-up" business. Part-time/ BRA77IL - MARCH 2001

r Ong Technical Recruiter (Head Hunter) needed for metallurgical engineer willing to move to Brazil from California. I have experience in nearly all aspects of Foundry Metallurgy, including Qua ity Control and Testing. Prefer work in a foundry that produces castings for automotive, power generations, or railroad. (This has been the majority of my work in steels, stainless steels, irons, brass, aluminum and a few exotics.) Would also consider work in any other industry where a metallurgist's expertise would be of need. (Power plants for corrosion project, etc). Would appreciate any help in gaining any contacts in Brazil. Résumé and references are available by requ st. E-mail me at: acsmeteng@hotmail.com [181] MCI MODS Looking for partner to buy or build pousada in Northeast Brazil. See the Northeast with our 4x4 tour, Natal to Jericoacoara on the most beautiful beaches. E-mail: zo@planetguides.com Phone: (941) 774-7458 [178] Brazilian Music in its totality. Samba, bossa nova, chorinho, baiao, axe, and more. Merchant Express (954) 785-2131

ewspapers agazmes Jornais e revistas do Brasil. Recebemos jornais diarios e todas as principais revistas, incluindo masculinas e femininas. Tel. (954) 785-2131

ersnna Homan see s man Educated, pretty Brazilian lady iso nice semiretired man. We'll teach English and enjoy beautiful nature in MaceiO, Brazil, most of the yqar. Write to 41 Sutter #1033 San Francisco 941104 [180] Brazilian mulata lady—a knockout at 35—seeks young nice looking young boy 18+. Preference to dark skin. For good times. Letter and pict to: Cida, PO Box 894, Wildomar, CA 92595 [165]

Brazilian man, lam looking for American person. I am single, I am 28 years old. E-mail: lindos@msn.com [178] Americano, jovem 49 anos, branco, olhos azuis, seminar) quer filhos, cavalheiro, honesto, music°, procura brasileira magra, jovem para casamento. Outramente procuro qualquer brasileira per amizade, ensinar Ingres, ou participar de musica folclbrica/rock. Escrevo portugues. John PO Box 10401, Glendale, CA 91209 [177] African/American Male, 40, Engineer, handsome, affectionate, romantic, in Houston, desire to meet Brazilian lady 25-35, send letter with photo; Wilfred Edwards, PO Box 2025, Missouri City, TX 77459, USA E-mail: wilfred.edwards@ usa.net [166] Brasileiro-Americano, 36 anos, romantic° e atraente, procurando relacionamento corn brasileira ou americana. (818) 344-1881 [166] Swedish gentleman, widower, 58, well educated, speaks Port., seeks independent, warmhearted, educated lady with humor, and good professional status in Brazil, USA or anywhere. Write Bjorn Gunnarson PO Box 17242, Stockholm, 10462 Sweden - E-mail:bjorn_s@dataphone.se [164] ' MOH

' an see s man Brazilian bottom, 33 y/o, 55", 123Ibs, white skin, seeks black, young top man who wanna move to Brazil and share a whole life. Valdeck Phone 011 5571 981 1990, valdecka@ hotmail.com [163] 'en a Copacabana. Apartment for rent. Furnished, security, two blocks from beach, one bedroom, cozy. $65 per day. Call owner Maria (323) 6624667 [180] Historical Santa Teresa, Beautiful 2 bedrooms, all furnished, big balcony with view to the city. Close to sambedromo (where the Carnaval parades happen), to the Christ statue and close to all beaches. For Carnaval orfor months. Owner lives in Los Angeles. Rent for only $50 per day. Call 310-450-7501 [179]

'EPSOM

an ee s 'man Handsome US Citizen, 5'8" tall, 159 lbs, seeks Brazilian or Latino girl, age 30+, friendship first. Fax or call (925) 609-9023. E-mail: petenaji@pacbell.net [183] American Male, 33, engineer, seeks sincere attractive Brazilian lady 21-35 for friendship and possible relationship. In the Bay Area/San Francisco, California. My interests are soccer, motorcycle, outdoors, travel, and Brazilian cultural enrichment. E-mail: acsmeteng@hotmaircom rrances-Amencano, 45, delgado, atraente, olhos azuis, professor, falo frances, ingles, espanhol, urn pouco de portuguOs, procuro brasileira delgada, 18-38 morando em Los Angeles. William (310) 305-2090 [181]

• FEIRA LIVRE RATES 5010 a word. Phone is one word • DISCOUNTS For 3 times deduct 5%, for 6 times deduct 10%, for 12 times deduct 15%. • POLICY: All ads to be prepaid Ads are accepted at our discretion. Your canceled check is your receipt Please, include address and phone number, which will be kept confidential. • DEADLINE: The 25th of the month Late material will be held for the following month if appropriate •TO PLACE AD Send ad with check, money order or your Credit Card number (plus your name and expiration date) to BRAZZIL P.O. Box 50536 Los Angeles, CA 90050-0536. 49

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Most African Brazilians today are poor and most of the poor in Brazil are African Brazilians. There is an active debate in Brazil over how to explain this situation. On the one side are those who say that the plight of African Brazilians does not derive from racial prejudice but from poverty. They point to the fact that slavery existed in Brazil until just over 100 years ago and that there are still people alive who knew former slaves; they conclude that a century is too short a time for the descendants of slaves to have emerged from poverty, no matter how accepting or racially unprejudiced the rest of society may be. The contrary view is that a century is long enough for much more social mobility to have occurred than is evident and that racial discrimination is the only persuasive explanation. Discrimination does not result from poverty, it is argued; rather, poverty stems from discrimination. There are also some defenders of Brazilian exceptionalism who agree with this last position, but insist that at least in Brazil, the state does not share in the blame for the plight of African Brazilians; that although it maintained slavery far too long, the Brazilian state has not, unlike government institutions in the United States, formally discriminated against free African Brazilians. What all sides in this debate forget is that African Brazilians have been free for much longer than one century. Attitudes and behavior patterns toward free men and women of color were built up over centuries and had sunk deep roots well before the abolition of slavery. Moreover, in preserving and building prejudice toward free African Brazilians, the state always played an important and pervasive role. Present-day cultural responses and practices must be understood in relationship to this past, and we should be skeptical of any suggestions that they may be significantly altered merely through the recent process of democratization and The principles of equality the end of authoritarian rule. This essay. then, focuses on the period from the mid-eighteenth century to the abolition of and individualism underslavery in 1888, and on the role of the state in maintaining mined the appeal of the free African Brazilians in subservient positions. How many free persons of color were there in Brazil irmandades. With their before the end of slavery? By 1872, there were 4.25 million decline, the opportunity to free blacks and mulattos, and they accounted for at least three-quarters of all African Brazilians (as compared to a have a voice and be consulted mere 262,000 or 6 percent of all African Americans in the by authorities disappeared. U.S. South on the eve of emancipation). Furthermore, at that same time, free blacks and mulattos made up more than twoirmandades had never spoke fifths of the total Brazilian population. Nearly a century for all blacks before the state, before that. in 1775, over a third of all African Brazilians in the city of Salvador (Bahia) were free, in this, the largest but in the nineteenth century, entrepot of the slave trade in the Americas. In the province they now spoke for no one. of Minas Gerais, a region of gold and diamond mining that had imported thousands of Africans in the eighteenth century, 41 percent of African Brazilians were free in 1786. And evidently, free blacks had been present in Brazil long before that. Even in the mid-sixteenth century, when the slave trade to Brazil was just beginning, over 7 percent of all blacks in Portugal were already free. These demographic features resulted from frequent manumission practiced over many years, and not just of the old and infirm, but of the newborn and the prized as well. Both cultural understandings and legal provisions made the granting of freedom to children and adults normal; such acts were regarded as praiseworthy, and foreign visitors were invariably startled to discover its frequency. Lest we get carried away with admiration for the Brazilian slave owner, it is essential to note that between two-fifths and one-half of the adult slaves who were freed paid for their freedom in cash or with the promise of cash. Thus, many masters. while granting some slaves the opportunity to accumulate savings of their own, also demanded as payment for granting freedom the rough equivalent of the price of a new slave. And not just any slave could purchase his or her freedom; even when paid for in cash, manumission was still considered a concession on the part of the master. granted to the

Slavery an Freedo

BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

obedient and loyal, from whom gratitude was expected. Furthermore, the relatively openhanded freeing of children can be partly explained by the high cost of credit, which made the investment in childrearing too high in comparison to the low cost of buying a slave just off the boat from relatively nearby Africa. As well, far fewer Europeans went to Brazil than to North America, so there were insufficient numbers of whites or at least too few who were willing to perform those innumerable tasks that could not be properly carried out by bondsmen. Still, the rate of manumission was impressive. During the first half of the eighteenth century, women were freed twice as often as men, despite an overall predominance of males in the slave population as a whole. The bulk of these women were of childbearing age. Approximately 45 percent of all those freed in Bahia were under age thirteen, and relatively few were freed after age forty-five. Whereas mulattos accounted for only 10 to 20 percent of the slaves, they were freed in equal numbers to black. In the city of Rio de Janeiro in the early nineteenth century we find the same patterns. Two-thirds of the freed persons in the period 1807-1831 were women and, whereas African-born men there outnumbered women almost two to one, freedwomen somewhat outnumbered freedmen even among Africans. Remembering that the free-or-slave status of a child depended on that of the mother is no wonder that free African Brazilians came to account for such a large proportion of the population. In considering the position of free persons of color in Brazil from the eighteenth to the late-nineteenth century, it is essential to examine the general structure of that society and the changes it was undergoing. Colonial Brazil, as was true for most ancient regime societies, was conceptually divided up into estates, reflecting the then general view that society was not formed by individuals equally protected in their rights and mobile in relationship to one another, but by castes, ranks, corporations, guilds, and brotherhoods, layered one atop another or arranged side by side. Under this system, the individual had multiple identities and multiple loyalties without a single, truly all-encompassing one, except as a Christian (and only marginally, as a subject of a king)— never as a citizen of a nation. It was what Roland Mousnier (1973) would have described as a "society of orders," and what Brazilian historians refer to as a sociedade estamental. Yet interfering with that conceptual construction was the reality of slavery driven by a profit-oriented mentality. The New World had provided to a few the opportunities to accumulate wealth, form classes, and gain power measured by their financial resources, not their status; the tragedy of the slave trade had introduced a group who had to be controlled by violence more than custom. So even in colonial times, Brazil does not entirely fit the estamental model. By 1822, at the very end of the colonial period, and even more so in the ensuing years, a new philosophy emerged. Nineteenth century elite Brazilians, at least in the cities, were not immune to the changes sweeping Europe since the mideighteenth century, and keenly felt the pull of a new system of ideas emanating from the world centers of political and economic power. With the overwhelming impact of the "Age

BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

of Revolution" c e the tenets of liberalism and individualism. A new para igm of the individual and society informed new political pr ctices. Every free person was now to be a citizen—at least in theory. A constitutional monarchy was instituted with a arliament as well as an emperor, and a long list of individual ights was enshrined in the Brazilian constitution. The new nderstanding contrasted sharply with the older corporate sne. The intermin ling of these two contradictory views of society, always i tension, had direct repercussions on the fate of free persons o color. On the whole and in practice, despite the new ideolog , the acceptance of a multilayered social hierarchy contin ed to be a characteristic of the Brazilian polity throughou the nineteenth century. The hierarchical paradigm provid d a means of assuring social order, for it diffused social te sion, allowing almost everyone to be (and feel) superior to ,s meone else. There is no equivalent word in current English u age for the Brazilian concept of condicao (literally, conditi n), a term used to indicate social quality and precise social pla e. The nuanced distinctions of social ranking restrained the hreat that freedmen might otherwise pose, and this partially explains why the manumission of slaves could be encpura ed: freed blacks would easily fit into one of many possible so ial niches. Nor were all of them deemed equal to each oth r. Those born in Africa and those born in Brazil were clearl distinguishable. Attention to variations of skin color furthe contributed to locating people along a continuum of stat s, some being either darker or lighter than others. Brazilians ook it for granted that people could generally be distinguis ed, as one writer put it, "according to the order, scale, or cat gory into which [they were] placed within society" (Wernec 1855, 28). This view meant that no one— black or white— ought himself equal to anyone else; all Met within a hierarch and found themselves either above or below everybody Ise. One proof of e continuity between colonial and national periods is found i the variations in sentencing for criminal convictions. In co onial times, there was no presumption of equality. Law wo ld punish an identical crime differently if committed by a b ack or mulatto, even a free one, than if committed by a w ite person. The same was true for "New Christians" (desc dants of forcibly converted Jews), and

commoners were treated differently from nobles. Still today in Brazil, a university graduate is legally entitled to better quarters and preferential treatment in jail than the rest of the population.

Nor did national independence end the authority that the male head of household held over everyone within his domain. It is important to note that a father could, legally at least, imprison even his own sons, no matter their age, if they lived with him and if he did it to "punish or correct bad habits or behavior." The law also treated the property of unmarried sons, again regardless of age, as belonging to their father. Moreover, a freedman remained in relationship to his or her former master as if in that household and, thus, under his authority. The law did not consider these two parties as equal; far from it. As we look at the legal status of freed and free persons of African descent, we have to bear in mind this seeming ambiguity that juxtaposed the practices of hierarchy with the philosophy of legal equality. Historians can draw some initial and general conclusions but they will not be clear-cut ones, for the dominant groups in Brazilian society have always dealt with racial issues through a complex mixture of force and co-optation. Take, for instance, the issue of arming free blacks and mulattos. In colonial times, there were two simultaneous policies on this matter. On the one hand, laws were passed forbidding them from carrying any weapon. On the other, separate militia units â€” bearing arms â€” were organized for free blacks and mulattos, commanded by officers of their own color. In short, it was believed that some could loyally serve in this corporate body, one so typical of the system of estates, but that individuals outside such corporations were a threat. After independence, militia units segregated by race were abolished in the name of egalitarianism, while in practice, men of color were all relegated to the lowest army ranks. This change was one of the stimuli to a virtual race war that broke

out in Bahia in 1837, to be discussed below. While one institution characteristic of the corporate society had been abolished, equality did not take its place. For, regardless of any law, state officials now acted discriminatorily toward free African Brazilians in carrying out the military draft. Conscription was used throughout the nineteenth century (and well before) as a means of disciplining the poor. Although under nineteenth-century Brazilian law all men of a certain age were legally subject to forcible recruitment, the list of exempt occupations was long and left only the poor as truly subject to it. It was common practice both before and after independence for a judge or chief administrative officer of any locality (capncies mores in colonial times; delegados after 1841) to round up allegedly unsavory characters and send them to the army or navy. So it would be significant if the army's rank and file were predominantly made up of African Brazilians early on. We do not yet have direct evidence on this point, but in an 1827 list of 271 captured deserters, 222 (82 percent) were free men of color. Even though a judge who sent in three recruits in 1840 described each one in terms of his malfeasance, he casually noted that two were mulattos and the other a black. Such examples could be multiplied at length. An Englishman in Rio de Janeiro in the late 1880 could still report that "the greater part of the privates in the army are Negroes or mulattoes". The fate of the draftee was a sorry one. Conditions in the army and navy remained so deplorable that the minister of war had to tell a provincial president in 1856 that recruits should march to Rio de Janeiro "with all security, but not in irons." Food was inadequate and lodging crowded; floggings were common. Desertion, therefore, can better be understood as a jailbreak, and the fact that African Brazilians were disproportionately represented in the ranks can only be seen as the result of prejudice and a state policy based on racism. Still, the state relied on blacks to fight its wars, even as it feared them. During the war with Paraguay (1865-1870), for instance, many slaves were purchased by the government and promised their freedom if they fought loyally. Since the bulk of the ordinary recruits were also black and mulatto, one can conclude that color determined who would be used as cannon fodder in that long and bloody struggle. This was the prize offered to free men of color; this was the benefit of citizenship. If liberalism undid the color-specific militia units and demoted their officers, it also weakened one of the principal institutions that built black community in the old society of estates: the irmandades. These lay brotherhoods and sisterhoods had, since the sixteenth century, provided a means for people of color, often from particular language groups in Africa, to maintain solidarity. Like their white counterparts, these organizations were formed to venerate a specific saint and perform charitable acts, but they also functioned as mutual aid societies. In Portugal, they often grew up around individual guilds; in Brazil, even without a strong guild system, they continued to project the notion of a corporate society. Many were organized exclusively for blacks or mulattos, some excluded slaves, and some did not allow the African-born; others were open to all corners, provided they

BRAZZIL- MARCH 2001

were of "good character." African Brazilian irmandades tended especially to honor Our Lady of the Rosary. They received state recognition through royal charters and their leaders were seen as spokesmen for the black community before government agencies. Members elected their own officers from their ranks. Frequently, they created funds to purchase the freedom of enslaved members. Irmandades usually had their seat in an established church where a side chapel was dedicated to "their" saint; sometimes, however, they acquired enough funds to build their own church, as happened in Salvador with Our Lady of the Rosary brotherhood. Religious processions were occasions to demonstrate the ranked order of society, with each irmandade in its predetermined social place, and each brother or sister ranked ahead or behind someone else according to the same principle. In the nineteenth century, the irmandades gradually lost their place as central organizing institutions of society (to be superseded by political parties or, later, trade unions), although some of them retained considerable prestige. While the exclusion of potential members by overt criteria of race or place of birth also seems to have ended, to be replaced by financial ones, being of color may tend to exclude one from the most prestigious confraternities even today." The principles of equality and individualism undermined the appeal of the irmandades. With their decline, the opportunity to have a voice and be consulted by authorities disappeared. Irmandades had never spoke for all blacks before the state, but in the nineteenth century, they now spoke for no one. One of the most striking innovations of the liberal era was the introduction of national elections. Elections embody the idea of equal weight in political decisions, the concept of citizenship, and the belief in the individual. The Constitution of 1824 set up a system of indirect elections that specifically allowed freedmen to vote, although they could not be chosen as the electors who would then choose the members of parliament. Other than this requirement, it made no distinction by race or color, and did not limit the suffrage to those who were literate. There was only a small income requirement for voting and, in practice; it was frequently ignored since the local panjandrums sought to gather as large a following as possible around the ballot box. With reference to the suffrage, the Brazilian state was far more liberal than contemporary European or North American ones. Yet the distinction between voters and electors was itself important since elections seem to have had as one purpose the visible demonstration of social hierarchies: the provision allowing freedmen to vote, but not to be voted for, publicly affirmed the differentiation between their rank and that of others. An important component of the voting public in rural areas was made up of agregados, that is, farmers who worked the land of others. It was a common practice for landowners to grant poverty-stricken agricultural workers the right to raise subsistence crops on some outlying patch of their large estate, in exchange for which these agregados worked occasionally for the landowner, and proffered allegiance at times of armed struggle against neighboring landowners as well as loyalty in electoral disputes. As one engineer described the

BRAZZIL - MARCH 2001

situation on coffee plantations in 1879, much land was not used by the planter or his slaves, yet on the "large remaining area,.., one notes a great number of people who settle there with the permission of the landowner or planter and who are called agregados. These agregados, far outnumbering the slaves, are impoverished citizens.... By their dependence on the owners these agregados constitute an enslaved class, which, although not subject to any tribute in money or labor.... are so, nevertheless, by the electoral tax [i.e., their vote], which they pay at the right moment at the ballot box, or else risk eviction." Direct evidence on the color of these men and women is almost totally lacking. But we know that they were poor, that the poor were likely black or mulatto, and that most nonwhites were poor, so we can reasonably conclude that most agregados were black or mulatto. Outside the few Brazilian cities, voters in the first stage of the electoral process were generally agregados. If we can see nonwhites participating in politics in this limited way, it should also be noted that within a patronage system such as this one, the state delegated to local potentates control over free blacks and other poor. Local judges, police commissioners, officers in the National Guard, and other vicinal authorities dealt with them and watched for signs of unrest. It was with these officials—mostly planters or ranchers, probably slave owners—that nonwhites negotiated on a daily basis and it was through them that free blacks encountered the state. Since there was no secret ballot, and the protection of a patron was crucial to an individual's success and even safety, it is not surprising that only the wealthy or wellborn were chosen as electors. Thus, the bulk of free African Brazilians were pretty much excluded from participation in politics at a higher level, although as we shall see, a few exceptional men of color did manage to enter the political arena. The actions of African Brazilians were circumscribed in more specific ways as well. In 1835, a famous revolt of Africans broke out in Salvador. It has mostly been portrayed as a rebellion against slavery, but a large proportion of the participants were freedmen. Indeed, it was precisely that it was led by men without masters that particularly frightened the white elites. It is, therefore, not surprising to discover that once the revolt had been put down, stringent new laws were passed in that province that overtly relegated freedmen and free blacks and mulattos to a legally inferior status, albeit recognizing subtle differences between them and the slaves. With the principle of liberalism on one side and the heritage of hierarchical social order on the other, Brazilian elites were often puzzled as to the right course of action. One example of this is a provincial law in Bahia regarding ganhadores— porters and stevedores—a group that had been prominent in the 1835 revolt. The legislators took it for granted that these men were people of color, for the first article of the regulation specified that it would apply to all "whether slave, free, or freed" (the fact that ganhadores were almost always African-born —that is, either slave or freed but never free—does not invalidate the significance of this legislative expression). All ganhadores were henceforth to be registered on a single list and were required to wear on their

right wrist a copper bracelet with their registry number engraved on it. The overseer of each gang, mandated to be a free ganhador, would also wear diagonally across his chest a black leather belt with a tin badge bearing the number of his group. If any ganhador failed to comply with these rules, his masters, if he were a slave, would be fined; if free, he would be forcibly employed at public works for a period deemed equivalent to that fine. No similar legislation applied to occupations in which whites predominated. Yet it is true that ganhadores ostensibly were singled out because of their occupation, not because of their color. As long as slavery endured, the distinction between enslaved and free blacks remained. Even then, however, there was a tendency to see free African Brazilians, especially those of darker color, as if they were slaves. It was not uncommon for people of low status, regardless of color, to be flogged or kept in stocks; still, it is symptomatic that, in 1802, when an official was accused of torturing a freed black man (preto forro), he dismissed the accusation by saying that all he had done was to keep him in wooden stocks from Thursday until Sunday morning and then have him join some slaves in sweeping the praca in front of the jail. He saw no contradiction between the free status of the subject and his treatment as if a slave, since their color was the same. Reenslavement was a constant fear among the freed and even for those born free. To be sure, sometimes the state played the role of defender. For instance, one sixty year-old woman and all her children and grandchildren were threatened with enslavement when someone claimed that she had never been free, but rather, had simply declared herself so when her mother's mistress died without heirs or an executor. In this case, a judge ruled in her favor, for she could show a baptismal record in which she had been labeled free. Others may not have been so lucky. The effects of their fear were apparent. When the government announced plans in 1851â€” the year after the end of the slave trade â€”to carry out a census, many African Brazilians concluded reenslavement was its true purpose. In various parts of the northeast, "free mulattos, blacks, and half-breeds [pardos, pretos, e cabras] " formed groups of 400, 200, or 80, "all armed" to resist. Plans for the census had to be abandoned. Leaving aside whether any such program of reenslavement was actually contemplated, it is significant that people of color believed this a likely action. They can only have come to that conclusion by their reading of official attitudes toward themselves. As well, if they acted violently to avoid reenslavement, it means they saw a real difference between their own status and that of slaves. This point may seem obvious, but it is often overlooked by those who wish to portray the sad fate of free people of color by equating it to that of slaves. The historical actors themselves knew better. And historians may also find objective data to verify that they were right. For example, table I reveals how the dependency ratio in Bahia parishes in 1788 differed by race and status. The lower this figure, the greater was the likelihood of infant mortality and/or a short life expectancy. In the population of free people of color, there were nearly twice as many dependents (under fifteen years of age or over forty-four) than among the slaves. The

free could and did legally buy and sell real property and bequeath it to others, even in colonial times, when one might imagine otherwise. Whereas sumptuary laws were sometimes passed to prevent those of lower status from displaying their wealth too ostentatiously, no law prohibited them from holding it. (Poverty, of course, did prevent most of the freed or free people of color from acquiring such property.) As well, the free could legally testify in court and often did so. Most of all, they could move from place to place. Their status was markedly different from that of the slave, even if lowly. TABLE I Dependency Ratios in Salvador, Bahia, 1788, by Color and Status Free whites 143 Free pardos 125 Free blacks 173 All free colored 133 Pardo slaves 85 Black slaves 67 69 All slaves Source: Schwartz 1985, 359. The number of those under fifteen or over forty-five years of age per 100 persons aged fifteen to forty-five. Occasionally a white man could even be made subordinate to a free man of color. In one case, a preto, (black) muleteer was placed in charge of a royal mule train. The viceroy found it essential to stress that, despite his color, he should be "treated with manners... making sure he is content and satisfied, providing him with food for himself and the slaves who accompany him, since this is the only way that the service can be completed in time with necessary regularity". In other words, the viceroy recognized that other officials were likely to mistreat the muleteer if not forewarned. In another instance, when a white soldier refused to take orders from a mulatto sergeant, saying that "he could not stand to serve in a company under a black [negro]," an officer spoke up for the sergeant: "although he is a light-skinned mulatto [pardo disfarcado], he is a man of exemplary conduct," while the complaining soldier was a bad lot. Presumably, if the sergeant were darker and the soldier better behaved, the complaint would have been taken more seriously; the defense was not that race was irrelevant. The fate of the mulatto who aspired to better himself was not easy. In one district, men refused to serve as juizes ordinarios (a kind of justice of the peace) where the notary scribe was a light-skinned mulatto. He was so light-skinned that it had to be explained that he was a "pardo and so understood and reputed by his own people and his parents [homen pardo e por tal tido e reputado pellos delle e dos sua ascendencia]. Another man who sought the position of scribe and notary for a town council was denied the appointment on the grounds that "he is a pardo.... son of a woman who was born a slave; this circumstance alone seems enough to produce some intrigues between him and the officers of the council.... who have some vanity respecting genealogy and know that all the scribes of other towns in this district are white men."

BRAZZIL- MARCH 2001

So we see that although the state sometimes played the role of protector, most of the time, it reinforced the prejudices of white Brazilians, acquiesced in maintaining a hierarchy based on color, and acted to prevent the absorption of free African Brazilians into society on an equal basis with whites. But another side of the question has to be considered, for there were some men of "color" who rose within the political system. Many observers have commented on the well-known Brazilian technique of co-optation in which some African Brazilians are allowed to succeed, thus "proving" that Brazil is a racial democracy. As one politician maintained in 1880, "We enjoy full democracy in Brazil.... We live with everyone; we sit the freedman at our table and rely more on the trustworthy freedman than on many Brazilian citizens." Trustworthiness was the key. To those who demonstrated loyalty and commitment to the general contours of that society, much could be given — but only to them. This same phenomenon can be looked at differently, that is, from the point of view of the upwardly mobile individual who took advantage of every opportunity offered by the ideology of the dominant class, without necessarily buying into that ideology. His actions may not spring from the success of the dominant group's attempt to impose a cultural hegemony, but from a clear-eyed weighing of alternatives on the part of the subaltern. In either case, there are several examples of freeborn mulattos (as distinct from freedmen or free-born blacks), especially light skinned ones, who succeeded in nineteenth-century Brazil. While these are exceptions to the rule, they display the outer boundaries of the possible; some of them not only made it into politics, but even into high positions. Perhaps the best known was Antonio Pereira Reboucas (17981980). He was born in the province of Bahia, the legitimate son of a Portuguese tailor and a mulatta ex-slave. With only an elementary formal education, he taught himself Greek, Latin, and French, and read voraciously. A man of unflagging energy, he became clerk to a lawyer and eventually learned so much law that his employer recommended he be allowed to take the bar exam —which he easily passed. When Brazil's political fate lay in the balance, with the Portuguese army in the capital city of Salvador hoping to reassert colonial rule, Rebougas astutely sided with the planter elite plotting independence and not with the Portuguese officials who were then offering freedom to those slaves who joined the loyalists. Reboucas was named a member and secretary of the planterled insurgent council meeting in an interior town, and when the Portuguese were finally driven out, he was rewarded with the prestigious Order of the Cruzeiro and appointed acting president of the neighboring province of Sergipe; that is, he

became the preeminent authority there, directly representing the emperor. When in 1837 radical elements in Salvador declared a republic, he decisively sided with the forces of order and the emperor, even though the war had quickly become a racial one, pitting the white planters against the free blacks and mulattoes of the city. Once the legalist forces regained control of the city, they slaughtered over 1000 men, mostly those of color, impressing another 1,500 into the regular army to i>erve in other provinces and sending a shipload of free Africans (together with one mulatto and a Brazilian-born black) to Africa. There is no record that Reboucas regretted his choice or saw those black and mulatto victims of repression as his fellows. He went on to serve in both the provincial and national legislatures, taking an active part in politics until his death. Although late in life he advocated the abolition of slavery, he had himself at one time or another owned several slaves. In these ways, he acted as did others of his class, and for us to expect race solidarity to predominate must surely be a form of racism itself. An even more egregious example of a person of African descent—although remote—who made it in the white world and defended slavery is the Baron of Cotegipe (1815-1889). His grandson and biographer, alleges an Indian great-grandmother and other sixteenth-century Indian ancestors, but contemporary abolitionist newspapers accused him of turning his back on his own kind. The son of a prominent landowning family, he came, through marriage, to own several more sugar plantations with numerous slaves. He entered local politics soon after finishing law school and was elected to the national congress at the age of twenty-seven. By 1853, he had joined the cabinet and was named a senator (a lifelong post) in 1856. Other cabinet appointments followed, culminating in the prime ministership in 1885. In this post, Cotegipe successfully defeated the effort to include more liberal provisions in a bill designed to free slaves once they turned sixty-five. When, in the last months of 1887, slaves took matters into their own hands by fleeing the plantations en masse, he advocated harsh ptnitive measures. Cotegipe accused the abolitionists of being anarchists and got the police in the city of Rio de Janeiro to disrupt one of their meetings. After the resulting riot led to his dismissal as prime minister, he continued to argue vehemently against any move to end slavery and, after its abolition in May 1888, he proposed that the slave owners be compensated. If he ever acknowledged his color, he certainly showed no solidarity with the slaves. And in this he was not alone. It is generally believed that most mulattos preferred to assert their European background whenever possible and to identify with whites insofar as they were

allowed to do so. Francisco Salles Torres Homem (1812-1876), a politician and newspaper editor, was less conservative. He is best known for his early virulent attacks on the monarchy and his later abrupt switch, when he became its staunchest defender. For such a somersault, he was rewarded with a place in the cabinet as finance minister in 1858, a post he occupied again in 1870, and the title of visconde de Inhomirim. According to one author, writing in 1894, his mother was a black street vendor; but another contemporary limited himself to saying that he came from "a family of modest means". He was particularly known for his conservative fiscal principles, which endeared him to the planter elite and offended the emerging group of industrialists. Unlike Cotegipe, however, this mulatto, though far from an abolitionist, did argue for emancipation and supported the "Free Womb" law of 1871, which declared free the children born thenceforward to slave mothers. A more critical stand was taken by the mulatto Francisco Otaviano de Almeida Rosa (1826-1889), a prominent publicist and reform politician. The son of a Rio de Janeiro physician, he graduated from the Sao Paulo law school, and was named secretary to the governor of the province of Rio de Janeiro at the age of twenty-two. Five years later, he was elected to the Chamber of Deputies, a position he secured again on various occasions, after which he then entered the life-tenured Senate. As a vehicle for his liberal ideas, he used the Correio Mercantil, a daily newspaper that he edited. He was sometimes called on to head difficult diplomatic missions abroad. He had a hand in almost every liberal advance of the era, forcefully contributing to the passage in 1871 of the "Free Womb" law. Later, he became an outright abolitionist. None of these men offended the powers that be. Some, like Cotegipe, allied themselves unequivocally with the forces of conservatism, while others advocated reform. All of them participated in government and were allowed to do so because they did not threaten its fundamental principles. Yet a distinct group, especially as the empire itself began to stumble and alienate some powerful people, took more radical stands. In doing so, they often found an outlet in the press, thus helping to form a civil society that debated public issues outside the administration. Editorial offices became virtual political clubs, where men gathered to discuss issues and policies. These institutions emerged from the growing urban middle class trained at law and medical schools, the pharmaceutical college, the engineering school, or the military academy, and not so much from the planter class. Such men could make a career through talent, hard work, and luck. Among them were several mulattos who took up the cause of abolition, and their role merits attention. What characterizes them as a group was that they did not enter the apparatus of the state, but remained outside it as critics. Although outside government, they were successful in working to secure a change in the law and, in doing so, moved skillfully not only to occupy the space the state allowed them but to amplify it. Neither repression nor co-optation would silence them. Three examples can be cited. One of them was Jose Carlos do Patrocinio, (1853-1905). The son of a slave-owning priestplanter and a free-black fruit vendor, he began work in a charity hospital at age fifteen and eventually got a pharmacy degree. Since he could not secure a position as a pharmacist, probably because of his color, Patrocinio sought employment as a tutor in the families of well-off whites. In one of these households he was well received and ended up marrying the daughter of his employers. Meanwhile, he had begun writing

for the newspapers and, when he quit one such job because of his disgust at the editor's conservatism, his father-in-law bought him a paper of his own, A Gazeta daTarde. Patrocinio transformed it into the premier abolitionist newspaper of the time, using as his motto, "Slavery Is Theft!". Another mulatto abolitionist, Andre Reboucas (18381898), was the son of the Rebougas mentioned earlier. The younger Reboucas heard his father's tales of how he had suffered racial discrimination but kept his peace in order not to acknowledge the slight Andre had entered the military academy and was a student there when it was transformed into Brazil's first engineering school in 1858. After graduation, he traveled to Europe to complete his professional training. He examined bridges, canals, tunnels, railroads, dock works, and factory buildings, seeking out the leading engineers of his day. Back in Brazil, he founded or directed a number of enterprises, ranging from railways to harbor works, and was employed as an engineer in the construction of wharves and waterworks. He also taught at the engineering school. Andre Reboucas believed Brazil should export nothing but manufactured goods, instead of remaining a supplier of foodstuffs and raw materials. He joined an abolitionist society early on and helped organize an abolitionist group among the engineering students. One of the few abolitionists to look beyond the end of slavery, he proposed a vast land reform, calling simultaneously for the -emancipation of the slave and his regeneration through land ownership". A final and even more radical example is that of Luis Gama (1830-1882). His mother was an African-born freed woman who participated in the revolt of 1837 in Bahia that Antonio Reboucas had helped quell. She was deported to Africa as punishment. When his Portuguese father fell on hard times, he sold Gama into slavery, and the boy was taken to Rio de Janeiro and then to Sao Paulo city, where he worked as a house servant at a boarding house. Befriended by a boarder, he learned to read. At age seventeen, he ran away, enlisted in the army, rebelled at its discipline—which reminded him of slavery—and was dishonorably discharged. He then found employment as a typesetter and soon began to write articles himself, signing his column, "Afro." Eventually he became a newspaper editor, joining those who advocated the complete abolition of slavery. Gama also proved in court that he had been born free. In doing this, he began to learn the lineaments of lawyering and soon put his knowledge to work for other African Brazilians. In the 1880s, he was especially successful in getting the courts to acknowledge that all Africans imported to Brazil after 1831 (when the slave trade was first declared illegal) were legally free along with their descendants. Although these men were exceptional, they demonstrate the complex way in which the Brazilian elite dealt with people of color. The state was deeply involved, as we have seen, in maintaining and perpetuating racial discrimination. At the same time—and even, it might be said, as one way of doing so—it admitted into the ranks of the powerful some lightskinned mulattos. This practice helped in the effort to construct the myth of a racial democracy in which a person's color was allegedly not held against him or her. The reality was quite different. The bulk of the free blacks and mulattos were discriminated against at every turn, and this was even truer once slavery was finally abolished in 1888. This text was excerpted from Racial Politics in Contemporary Brazil, edited by Michael Hanchard, Duke University Press, 1999, 226 pp

BRAZZIL- MARCH 2001

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