Brazzil - Year 12 - Number 180 - February 2001

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Cover Even the IBGE was surprised. In the latest census they found 3 million Brazilians more than they expected. IBGE is the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics and the new finding at a cost of close to $250 million has shown that we are now close to 170 million Brazilians or more precisely 169,544,433 souls.

It was a massive effort that used an army of interviewers who visited morethan 54 million residences including those built in odd places like bridge spans.

The data are still preliminary, but we--the world's fifth largest country in population—already know a little better who we are. Eighty one percent of us live in cities, making of us one of the world's most urbanized countries. In Sao Paulo, the most urban ofthe states, 92.80 percent ofthe population lives in urban areas. This information is even more revealing when it's known that until 1970 there were more Brazilians living in rural than in urban areas. As for gender, there is an average of97 men for every 100 women. In the city of Sao Paulo alone there are 490,000 more women than men and in Recife, state ofPemambuco, for every 100 women there are 86 men.

Birth rates have fallen significantly. While there was an average of3 .5 children per woman in 1984, that number went down to 2.6 in 1990, and has dropped again to 2.1 in the 2000 Census. The population growth, however, is revealed too by good news on the front of life expectancy. A Brazilian woman today can expect to live up to 72.3 years while men live in average 64.6 years.

Send mail to: P.O. Box 50536 - Los Angeles, CA 90050-0536 Ads/Editorial: (323) 255-8062 Subscrip.: (323) 255-4953 Fax: (323) 257-3487 Brazzil on line: http://www.brazzil.com E-mail: brazzil@brazzil.com Publisher and Editor: Rodney Mello Assistant Editor: Leda Bitten court Art&Design Director: Marina Yoshie

(marinayoshie@hOtmail.com) Entertainment Editors: Sam & Harriet Robbins Book Review: Bondo Wyszpolski Music Editor: Bruce Gilman Brazil Bureau Chief: Marta Alvim E-mail: mltdalvim@yahoo.com TIME TO RENEW? Sorry, we don't send reminders. Look at the label to know when your subscription ends.

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170 milllion. We grew more than expected

Contents 11

Behavior Longing for a longer penis

17

People The pride of being Indian

11

Obituary Magic of Luiz Bonfa is silent

11

Music The favorite tune

11

Oly pics Goodbye to Adhemar Ferreira da Silva

11

Politics Ah, these reforms that never come

21

Violence

nemployment, murders, fear and much more

22

Impressions Come on down to the feira

25

Reviews Two by Josiie Saramago

27

Short Sto

"Vestido de Noiva" by Nelson Rodrigues

31

Travel Mountain refuges in Rio

31

People Stepping over the bodies

37

Carnaval Some hints to enjoy it

31

Entertainment A little history of Camaval

41

Music Electrifying Moraes Moreira and Armandinho

52

Special Bahia! That's Camaval

Departments 06 Rapidinhas 18 Letters 47 Cultural Pulse 49 Classifieds 50 That's Brazilian

5

Try This On For Size

Between September 1999 and'-Aiigust'of laSt year, 1676 ti people called or e-mai led lbrasexo (Institut° Bram ma para., Sande Sexual—Brazilian Institute f-:fpr ae),tual Health) with ques- < tions related to the size or thickness*iite penis-fThat's by far EiELE 0.111.14 the most common question among,tiose who utilize Ibrasexo's free service. The subject seemian'serious and important that weekly magazine /sto E dedicated a covet story to the subject I in January. Highly respected, is/0 it has juStbeen awarded the -,4 traditional and most respected media prize in Brazil: the Premio Esso de Reportagem. Additionally, the magazine has received the Premio Esso de Criacao Grafica and the PremioEsso de Infoi macaocientffica, Tecnolegica, and Ecologica, for graphic design and for scientific,. technological and eco-

logical information According to experts, the Brazilian male has a normal size penis, but this does not prevent many of them from worrying about the length .of their anliness. So much so that they are ready to endtile ahnostanything, includ major surgery, to get a bigger tool. ./.s to cites studies by urologists from California and Rio Grande do Sill showing that the average Brazilian erect penis is 14.5 cm (5.71nohes) long while it& American counterpart is 12,9 cm (SA inches). "Sometimes we have difficulty convincing the patienthe is normal," says doctor Paulo Palma, president of the Sao Paulo branch of Sociedade Brasileira de tfrologia (Brazilian Society of Urology).

The fantasy of having a big phallus—something derived mostly from the porno movie industry—is ahnost universal in Brazil, reveals the magazine. Rarely does a porn star with a penis smaller than 17 cm (6.7 inches) land a job. One of the most • famous Brazilian porn actors, Tortiigrao, attainedhis stardom , mainly because of the 22 cm (8/Jita) length of his member According to investigative reporting by /sto E, Tigreo, which means Big Tiger, the former butcher has hurt some female companions during filming and some of them had to resort 4jubricants r even the anesthetic Novocain—to be able to get4itinigh the action.

The respected magazine has also ittterViewecl several celebrities to learn of their impressions on sizes andshapes of penises. TV celebrity and transsexual Roberta Close declated:"It's obvious that the size of the penis is not the onlything, that matters in a couple's , life. You need to know how to live together." Ludnula Rosa, an- ,. other TV personality, stressed the factor of campatibility: "Size is not important. It's the fitting that matters: For sex to be good you need the psychological fitting and the kiss besides the sexual one. What is important is to be appetizing."

"Size? I'd rather have a playful little penis that a foolish big one," revealed ; 'model and actress Suzana Alves. Promoter Alic in ha Cavaleinti went straight ' to the point: "A big dick is only good to contemplate. It's troublesome when it is time to play. Too small won't dvitilther. A crooked one doesn't evoathink. It's ugly and bothersome. What yonneedis basic penis. I don't ow what the measurements are because I don't waite my time with this.

Basic is basic." Nonagenarian actress Dercy poncei ves wasn't bashful either: "A dicgiS koktonly to make kidw"atiasto pee. I never thought I could have anyOleasurewitlithat thing. Ifthe:mati iS no good what's the use having a big one? A woman does not even need that to come. I prefer an honest man with a small dick."

Only in rare cases Brazilian doctors recommend medical length6

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

ening of the penis. This is the case, for example, when the man's organ is less than 7 cm (2.7 inches). But the procedure is complicated and the CEA Indigenous peoples surprised Brazil in the year 2000. In the northeast, southeast, anc (Conselho Federal de northern regions, indigenous peoples and communities that had been forced to live in hidin, Medicinaâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Medicine Federal orto di sgui se their ethn ic identity inthepastbecauseofthecolonialistrepression, have showr that they are intent on resisting and building a different history of Brazil. Old indigenow Board) only allows the operation peoples have reemerged as well as urban indigenous communities. Ten peoples that are no on an experimental basis. The' included in the records of official population censuses claimed the right to have their ethnit penile lengthening can only be identity respected and their lands demarcated.

The peoples in question and the places they live in are the following: in the north region done in a university hospital with the approval of an ethics com- theNdua in the National Divisoi Mountain Range Park (state of Acre) and the Tupinamba Naitap(i, Aipim and a Mundukuru community in the High Tapajos River tstate of Para) mission and signed consent of in the southeast region, the KaxixO in Martinho Campos and Pompeu and the Aran a in th the patient. The procedure will :Jeouitinhonha Valey (state ofMinas Gerais); and in the northeast. another Tup inamba corn add a maximum of 2 cm (0.8 munity in Olivenca and the Tumbalala in Abare and Curaca (state of Bahia), the Kalankc in Pariconha, the Karuazu in Agua Branca (state of Alagoas), and the Pipipa. in Ibimiritr inch) to the penis and may cause mpotency. Last October, the (state ofPenambuco). These ind igenous peoples want Funai(FundacaoNacional do Indio National Foundation ofthe Indian) to recognize their ethnic identity and respect their con ealth Ministry approved the stitutional rights. use ofthe dynamometer or extenThe indigenous peoples living in cities, who have been suffering acts of prejudice ant sor to stretch the penis a few cen- have been discriminated against by the surrounding society, resent the fact that Funai ha. timeters. Even in this case a not registered their existence. According to official data, there are 366,778 indigenou individuals belonging to 215 indigenous groups in Brazil. edical procedure must be folAccording to the results ofasurvey carri ed out by CIMI and reported to the Human Right wed.

Committee of the Organization of American States (OAS). which covered the reemerge There is a story circulating on peoples and individuals living in cities, the indigenous population in Brazil amounts t( 551.210 people belonging to 225 groups. Of these, 358,310 live in villages, 192,000 liv the Internet. In it, Argentinean in cities or their outskirts, and about 900 live in isolation or have never been contacted b President Fernando De La Rua the agency officially in charge of indigenous affairs. places an urgent call to Brazil's Data provided by Funai suggest that there are at least 50 places in Brazil where indig President, Fernando Henrique enous peoples and communities never contacted by the national society can be found.

Cardoso. "Our condoms are runIt's still difficult to determine the exact number of reernerged peoples, since reaffirm ning out," says De La Rua. "We mg their ethnic identities involves a long process. It is likely that in the next few years w urgently need your help." "No will have news of other peoples and communities that had not previously assumed their in ,digenous identity. problem," replies Cardoso, "we "You' ve got to overcome your fears to deal with this situation. In order to survive, man have plenty of them." Before indigenous peoples have mingled with established communities and have assumed othe ending his call the Argentinean identities, while others have simply den i ed thei r own ethnic origins. The prospect ofrecov leader adds: "Don't forget ering traditional territories, and the examples set by other communities, have encourage4 many of these peoples to reassume their ethnic identity," speculated Egon Heck, Cimi' though that we will need condom executive secretary. for 20 cm (7.9 inch) penises."

Officially, Funai acknowledges the existence of 563 indigenous areas However, in 'dhangs up. Cardoso then calls digenous communities want 178 additional locations to be included in this list. These art some of the government's pro- areas claimed by reemerged indigenous peoples and communities that want to expand theii Yiders without forgetting the villages and/or areas that have been reoccupied by indigenous populations who previously were forced offby invaders. Considering all such cases, there are 741 identified indigenow etail stressed by his areas in Brazil.

Argentinean colleague, always Reoccupation actions have been furthling the demarcation process. Last year in tht adding at the end of each call: southern tip ofthe state of Bah ia, the Pataxo were the indigenous people that most en gagec "And don't forget to write in the in this kind ofmovement. Between March and April of2000, four communities reemerge( as a result oftheir actions, namely, A ldeia Nova. Guaxuma, Aguas13elas, and Barra do Cal box: Small Size."

All these villages are only waiting for the Technical Group that wasset up to demarcate tilt 44 Patax6 indigenous area to complete its work, leaving the Pascoal Iviount, which was reoc. cupied in August 1999, within its bounds.

Like the Pataxo, si x other i ndi genous peoples have decided to reoccupyindigenous areas the Kaiova (state ofMato Grosso do S ul), the Guarani (state ofSanta Catarina), the I upini kin and Guarani (state ofEspirito Santo), and the Xukuru and Kambiwa (state of Pernam buco) The Guarani of the Araea'i indigenous area and the Pataxo ofthe Barra do Cal village havc been expelled from their traditional land. All the reoccupied areas were invaded while the) were being demarcated or even before they were officially demarcated. Others have not beet included in the official list of indigenous areas so far.

Reoccupation actions have been marked by violence and conflicts with the civil, mill tary and federal police departments. city halls, farmers, and gunmen. Ifs a reality not likely to change, not even in the new millennium. "The new history of Brazil will be built witl the courage and determination indigenous peoples have shown already. This is a new perioc in an old fight for respect for the identity of indigenous peoples," says Egon Heck.

This report was originally published by the Indigenist Missionary Council (Clly

New Native Pride

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2301

"Manh a de Carnaval" is the song that most people think about first when they talk about 78 year old composer/ guitarist Luiz Bonfa, who died January That Was Magic 12, 2001, in Rio, from prostate cancer complicated by ischemia. According to the Guinness Book of Records, "Manha de Carnaval" is one of the top ten songs played around de world.

Frank Sinatra and Joan Baez are two of the many singers who recorded "Manha de Carnaval" ig the '60s. More recently, Andy Summers, the Police guitarist, and classical singers Placido Domingo and Luciano Pavarotti ±iave also recorced the introspective tune. Bona, however, had much more to his credit, taking part in over 500 records and creating movie sound tracks including the one for Ruy Guerra's much-praised Os Cafajestes.

Born in Rio on October 17, 1922, Luiz Florian° Bona, as a kid, taught himself to play the guitar. At the age of 12 he had a chance to take classical guitar classes with Uruguayan instructor Isaias Savio. For that he had to take a train from Santa Cruz (a remote place in the west of the city), and then walk for a long time to the teacher's home in the hits of Santa Teresa. "The good thing is that he appreciated my effort and refused to receive payment for the classes because I wouldn't have money to pay the weekly lesson," Bong wrote in the liner notes for his CD Luiz Bonfa e as Rakes da Bc..ssa.

He would become better known in the '40s when at age 24 he was invited to play at Rio's Radio Nacionat, a 4iowcase for the hest talent in the country at the time. In the '50s his songs were recorded by Dick Farney giving Bonfa even more exposure. Thanks to Farney he met Tom Jobim and Vinicius de Moraes and played the guitar on Orfeu da Conceicao,the anthological play that would give origin to Marcel Camus's masterpiece film Black Orpheus. Etonfa wrote some ofthe original songs for the movie, including "Manha de Carnaval" and "Samba de Orfeu" Even though one might have foreseen the revolutionary musician in 1948 when he was with the vocal group Quitandinha Serenaders, it was from 1951 on that he became one of the leaders of a trend that would give origin to bossa nova. Together with Dick Farney he recorded "Cancao do Vaqueiro" (Cowboy Song) in 1951, followed by "Sem Esse Ceu (Without This Sky) in 1952 and Perdido de Amor (Head over Heels in Love) in 1953.

A bossa nova show in November, 1962, at New York's Carnegie Hall opened the door for Bonfa in the U.S. Here he would record such albums as Black Orpheus Impressions,Jacaranda, and Introspection. In MGM's Live a Little, Love a Little, a film from 1968, Elvis Presley sang "Almost in Love," a Bona composition. About the influence of Yankee sound in his music he wrote: "I absorbed a lot from American music,! achieved a suave sonority, without prestidigitation, further enriching the harmonies. When everybody used just the nail to play I was already using the pick. Sometimes I put both things together and would get a new sound. My execution is practically noiseless."

He was instrumental in spreading the budding bossa nova, especially in the U.S. where he lived during the '60s, playing with such names as George Benson, Stan Getz, Quincy Jones and Frank Sinatra. He went back to Brazil in 1975, but stayed connected to the United States. His last CD, A bnos t in Love, released in 1997, was a partnership between with Brazilian singer Ithamara Koorax. Earlier, he had recorded The Bonfa Magic in 1991. Both records were released in Brazil and the U.S. He was rarely seen in the last few years while recording companies and his heirs fought over his royalties.

Commenting on the importance of Bonfa on Brazilian music, critic Mauro Dias wrote: "No aesthetic movement is born instantly. It starts by being molded, its elements integrating into the language--written, sung, painted until, at a given moment, it crystallizes. Joao Gilberto was the catalyst for what would be called bossa nova. He crystallized, in the defmitive format, what was being suggested by Tom Jobim, Joao Donato, Johnny Alf Luiz Bonfa. Like Tom, before Joao Gilberto had defined that guitar beat, Luiz Bona was a samba-cancao composer.

"Angela Maria and Nora Ney had his songs—always sad, always reflecting a kind of nostalgia, oflonging ofwhat one neverhad, something close what in black culture is lmovvn as banzo— in the ir reperto ire. Nora Ney recorded "De Cigarro em Cigarro," ("From Cigarette to Cigarette") in 1953. Angela Maria would re-record the tune, a little later. Angela had enormous success, in 1955, with the melody "A Chuva Caiu" (The Rain Fell), by Bonn and Tom Jobim.

"These are all fundamental songs for the history of bossa nova, although its syntax didn't fit the one required by basso nova. The samba-choro Chega de Saudade (Enough Longing), by Tom, became (thanks to Joao Gilberto's guitar) the inaugural classic of bossa nova. De Cigarro em Cigarro didn't suit the genre. However, it started to be shaped through a harmonic melodic language, a colloquial language:

Goodbye

Vivo s6 sem voce •I live alone without you E nao posso esquecer And I can't f3rget Urn mornento sequer Not even a n-oment Vivo s6 sem amor I live alone without love A espera de alguem Waiting for S3meone E esse alguem rat) me quer And this someone doesn't want me Vejo o tempo pacsar 0 inyemo chegar S6 nao vejo voce Se outro amor em meu quarto baler Eu fiat) you atender

I see the time passing Winter arriving I only don't see you If another love knocks on my room I will not answer

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

incograpny

Music

Almost :in Love—Mu-imam

Luiz Bonfa 1996 CD The Bonfa Magic 1991 CD , Non Stop to Brazil 1989 CD I. Bonfci Burrows Brazil 1978 Manhattan Strut 1974 LP Jacaranda 19731P, CD Introspection 072 LP, CD., Sanctuary 197112 The New Face ofLuIz Bonfa 7 Bonfa 1968 LP Black Orpheus Impressions 1968 LP, CD ,Luiz Bonfoi Plays Great Songs 1967 LP Steve & Eydie, Bonfa & Brazil—Steve

Lawrence, Eydie Gorme and Luiz Bonfit 19671Z7 , Luiz lionji 1967 LP Maria Toledo Sings the Best of Luiz Bonfci

1967 LP The Brazilian Smut 1966 LP Braziliana Luiz Bonn & Maria Toledo,'

1965 LP Viol& Boemio—vd 2 1963t1 Recado Novo de Luiz Bonfd 1963 LP Jazz Samba Encore!—Stan Getz &LUiZ

Bonfa 1963 LP, CD

.

Caterina Valente e Luiz Bonfa 1963 LP Luiz Bonfa Plays and Sings Bossa Nova ,

1962 LP, CD Brazil's King of the Bossa Nova and:, Guitar 1962 LP 0 Violet° e o Samba 1962 LP Bonfci e Norma A Voz e o Suety 1960 LP 0 Viola° de Luiz Bonfa 1959,, Amor—The Fabulous Guitar.ôjtuiz Bonfa 1958 LP -Meu Querido Vi0112- 0 1958 LP Bonfaft—Fafa Lemos and IBon

1958 LP Ritmos Continentais 1958 L Viol& Boemio 1957 LP , Alta Versatilidade 1957 Ll';` Noise e Dia—Luiz Bonfa and Eduardo

Lincoln 1956 LP

De Cigarro em Cigarro-44z,13onfa and

Jorge Henrique 195612.........

1955 LP Ltd,' Bonfci ,

Desert Strawberry What was your favorite song last year? IBOPE (lnstitutoBrasilefródeOpiniAc , blOpmionand Statistics) as , k Pilblica e E statistictizil ian Institute ,, ., .. es to thosequestioned. "Morangc all over Brazil without suggesting any ' do Noideste," by Walter de Afogados and Fernando Ives, *asthó sang rnot:oite4, beiig preferred by 4 percent of the Brazilian public. , , , When that same question was posed to people with a college'degree,

by Caetano Veloso led with 8 percent of those with a higher education choóshigThai ourthpl ' song. Veloso was also cited by the general publie m.

Oitgli were `by 1 he shared this distinction with atiotlier, 1.1 othersOngs; percent of those interviewed. orded ° The winning song, "Morango do Nor eSteNortheaSt , i several rhythms, including country, agode and axe. The lynes tell thetory o . e .,„ Ileac an from the backlandkwho falls crazily in love with a girl wit ., ' ills in love, the man Confesses that he would do anything foran4with1ebeloyec oió even going to war. aitmg by the Window) won seco :place ilberto,011' s "Esperanclo na Janela in the list of fivorite songs chosen by the general public. The next most-selected song was'Amor sem Limite,(Boundless Love) byReberte.Carlds, with 3ver,e0 of th unprompted answers. Veteran romantic singer-composer Roberto 'cariosà1so clic well among those with a college degree, getting an honorable th ird plate; '' s cast , p shared the position with Gilberto who also got 4 percent of the votes.

Marisa Montewith her song "Anioi;o_ I Leye Youget the preference of 6 percenl ofibbse with a higher education, witie guarantees heasacondPlace among those . be1ong ng to that group. °

oratater ngol •

o- cite, %gados/ IveS

Estava o tristOnlio Quando e a apareceu Seus olhos, q e fascinio!

Logo me staneceu

rtheast Strawbe

I was so sad When she showed up Her eyes, what a lure!

It just made me shiver

meus igos falam My friends say üeeu já tou demais That I'm becoming a bore hilas 6 omente e la But only she Que me satisfaz Satisfies me omente ela Only she Qu me satisfaz Satisfies me

v. e ss5 colheu

ntle Rain - Soundtrack for the

Bona,/ Eumir Deàdatoi96S LP Rio—Paul Winter 1964 LP Bossa Nova at Carnegie Hall 1962 LP OrfeudaConceicab 1956 LP,

Enciclopedia Musical Brasileira—Luiz Bonfoi e as Raizes do Bossa 2000 CD Aloysio de Oliveira ApresertN Gemos do iolao: Garcia e Luiz Bonfd 1996 CD

n the Inteñie .littp://kanji*p --yasuokalbonfai

1,144C,11

You only gathered 0 que plantou What you planted or isso q e eles falam That's why they say Que sou son.hador That I'm a dreamer E digo que ela Signi Ica pm mim Ela é morango Aqui no Nordeste Tu sab s, nao existe ra da peste Sou Ap ar de collier As b tas da terra Co • essa muffler Eu you ë pra guerra

And I say what she Means to me She is a strawberry Here in the Northeast You, it doesn't exit I am brave man Despite gathering The land's potatoes With this woman I will even go to war

Ah, 6 amor! Ah, it's love Ah, é amori Ah, it's love E amor It's love

://wWw.tuitbonfa.nom.br BFtAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

9

is dream was to become a soccer ace. For the boy with thin legs born in the neighborhood of Casa 2 V7erd4, 1 Tios w Paulo on September P dneve r happen. lva But Adhemar Ferreirada would become famous anyway twiceiMitning an Olympicg old medal in the triple jump. He started his training in jumping at age 18. He won his first prize in Marc* 1947, with a jump of 13.05 m, then breaking his personal best two months later with a 14.22 m j p.

There followed a series of prizes and medals: Sao Paulo champion, then winner of the Athletics Brazil Trophy. Guided

by German coacltDietrich Gerner, he first participated in the Olympics in 1948, in London. He came in 14th place, however. superb talent would be recognized in the next two Olympic Games. He won the Olympic gold medal for triple jump ltiBelsinki, Finland, in 1952 (16.22 m) and again in Melbourne, Australia, in 1956 (16.35 m).

Da Silva was the only Brazilian who was able to twice become an Olympic champion even though Brazil has particiin the Olympics since 1920:The present world record in the triple jump belongs to British Jonathan Edwards (18.29 ..Americtui Kenny Hanson who lumped 18.09 m is the present Olympic record holder.

Adhemar died January 14from cardiac arrest at age 73. The triple-jump champion was buried to the sound fthe National them at the Chora Menino cemetery in Sao Paulo in the Imirim neighborhood (north zone), in the same tomb where his le and his son had been buried. His body was carried by a fire truck in a 9-km procession through downtown Sao Paulo.

Ainongthe 500 or so people who came for the funeral was Carlos Arthur Nuzman, the president of CtOR (ComiteOliMpiCO Brasileiro—Brazilian Olympic Committee) • Adhemarwas born the son ofrailroad worker Antonio Ferreira da Silva and domestic servant Augusta Nebregada Silva.

The athlete started to develop all of his potential at the Sao Paulo Futebol Club. Adhemar himself liked to say how he got interested in the sport that would make him an Olympic champion: "One night, I saw an athlete practicing for a different kind of sport. I asked what is it called? Coach Evald Gomes da Silva told me it was the triple jump. I told him rd like to try. Evald gave me a few explanations and I made my first jump- 12.90 m He was impressed and called Gemex (Dietrich met, the German coach)." He was 20 years old by then.

From then on, Gemer would be his coach and mentor. In 1952 in Helsinki, Adhemar was continuously cheered byihe public on a memorable day in which he broke the world record for triple jump four times in a row and ended up g e gold medal. Around 70,000 spectators gave him a standing ovation screaming his name: "Da Silva, da Silva, da Silva."After he got his medal, the judge asked him to go around the field to salute the public in the bleachers. Some people believe that his gesture gave origin to the Olympic tour, the habit of athletes going around the stadium to greet the audience.

Adhemar was praised for the elegance with which he ran and jumped and for his graceful movements, flights and landings. Tuberculosis ended his career in 1960. The habit of smoking acquired at age 16 had already damaged his lungs.

The Olympic champion confessed that one of the mains reasons he practiced sports was to maintain his physical appearance, and this vanity followed him till the end. He had a special appearance as Death in Black Orpheus the 1958 Marcel Camus's movie that won the Cannes Golden Palm and an Oscar for Best Foreign Language film. When the athlete died he was still in very good shape and didn't show his age.

Unlike many of his fellow athletes, Adhemar gave great importance to academic life graduating in Law, Physical cation, Public Relations and Arts. He also became fluent in six languages, English, French, Italian and Spanish, among them.

During the '50s and '60s he was a columnist for daily newspaper Ultima Hora. In several Olympic Games he woked as a TV commentator. The goldrnedallist was the cultural attache at the Brazilian Embassy in Lagos, Nigeria, between 1964 and 1967.

As a way to pay his debt to athletics that gave him so much satisfaction, as he used to say, Da Silva helped prom(;tesev. eral projects, including a showcase example in Ponta Grossa, state of Parana, in which poor communities received sports ,, "Sport, especially among the poor, is the sole and best way for social advancement complexes from city hall. He used to say: and for escaping violence and drugs Very active until the end, he led the Un li a Anna t Sports Coordination from 1996, where he helped createthe Program to Help Sports, a plan to assistprom is ing athletics students in the fields and also in the classroom. Just lastyeirhe had joined the National Commission ofAthletes, a group created by Sports Minister Carlos Mel les, to define the hee ed federal e policy on sports Melles called Adhemar one of his gurus. "The first thing I did when I accepted the Sports Ministryasw to ca Adhemar and Fele for a talk," he said "Adhemar was my number one helper in the commission of athletes."

Even though he was not .forgotten by Brazil and Brazilians, Adhemar used to say that he was bst known overseas. In some countries he was even pictured on postage stamps. In May the athlete had received the Olympic Order, the International Olympic Committee medal given only to the best athletes of all times. A new Brazilian sport medal be named after Adhemar and the COB president announced that a sports arena would be built his name When the International Olympic Committee paid homage to him in Sydney, Australia, during the 2000 Olympic Games, he commented: "I am happy to be so remembered. I was afraid that this would only happen after my death. Then all that would happen would be for someone to name an avenue after me.'

Sports Final leap

AU the Gold 1920—Guilhenne Paraense (shooting) 1952—Adhemar Ferreira da Silva (track and field) l956—Adhemar Ferreira da Silva (track and field) 1980—Alexandre Welter e Larsi3jorkstrom (yachting) 1980—Marcos Soares e Eduardo Penido (yachting) 1984—Joaquim Cruz (track and field) 1988—Aurelio Miguel (judo) 1992 — Men volleyball.

1992—Rogerki Sampaio (judo) 1996—Jacqueline eSandra Fires (1)each olleyball 1996—Robert Scheidt (yacthing) 19 Torben Grael and Marcelo Fare (yachting) Oef/

10

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

The populatio of Brazil has, since the 1991 census, increased by 1.6 per ent to total almost 170 million persons. Of this number, 81.2 percent live in cities, compared to a Latin American total o 75 percent and a world total of 46 percent.

While Brazilian ur i anization has historically been the byproduct of industrializatio in the cities, the rates of urbanization seem at is the dispersal of population in Brazil and to have slowed, why has there bee a deceleration of urbanization in Brazil? Why do women genera ly outnumber men in urban—but not rural— areas?

By looking at the 2000 Census and the preliminary statistics released by e Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (Instituto B sileiro de Geografia e Estatisticas, or IBGE), we find that urb ization has slowed because of a combination of diminished fall ily sizes and a rise in rural jobs not directly tied to agricultu e. We also see that because jobs are geared towards men in t e countryside, women migrate in larger numbers to the cities, a place where the mortality rate is higher for men due to viol nce and accidents in the workplace. By analyzing these num s ers—Brazil' s population growth and tendencies (including le to female rations), we can better understand the demographi future of Brazil and her place in the world.

Urban Man Since the last census in 1991, the population of Brazil has increased by 1.6 percent, to total 169,544,433 people. The total population of Brazil increased 22.7 million in relation to the 1991 census—over 3 million more than the IBGE predicted. There are increasingly more women than men because the mortality rates for women is decreasing at a faster rate with the better medical technology.

Total Popu tion: Since the la census in 1991, the population of Brazil has increased by 1. percent, to total 169,544,433 people. This means that in t e last nine years, there has been a population increase of 22,7 8,968 in the country. As a whole, Latin America and the Caribb n, in 1999, made up 8.5 percent of the world population. Th total demographic growth in Brazil for the past four decades ar as follows: 2.8 percent 1960s 2.4 percent 1970s 1.9 percent 1980s 1.6 percent 1990s Thus a slo mg of urbanization can be seen.

In the 2001 Census, the North is the region which had the largest percen ge of increase-2.9 percent annually. The following is the erage increase by region: 2.9 percent North 1.6 percent Southeast 1.3 percent Northeast 1.4 percent South Center-W; st 2.4 percent

And in the Southeast 90.5 percent of the population lives in cities.

KIM RICHARDSON

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

Thus, acc ii ding to the IBGE, the Northeast increased by the lowest percen • ge due to lower birth rates and migration to other cities, and the South was subsequently small because it lost so many people o other regions. The growth of the Center-West, also high, wa mainly the product of growth in the periphery cities.

The state of sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro increased their population m inly in the interior, the percentage of which being greater than t at of their respective state capitals. In the other Brazilian stat s, the opposite is true; the capitals had a population increase above that of their state averages. These demographic cha es reflect a process of decentralization of economic activt The urb population is 81.2 percent of Brazil. This is in comparison o 75 percent in Latin American and 46 percent in at this means, is that Brazil is one of the most the world. urbanized ci untries in the world. It was in 1970 that the IBGE registered, fir the first time, more people in urban than rural areas. This . - cade was marked by the civil construction boom 11

and industrialization. While the population concentration in the cities has continued to growâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;it was 75.6 percent ten years agoâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;there still persists differences in the demographic distribution of geographic regions; while in the Southeast 90.5 percent of the population lives in cities, in the North only 69.7 percent do and the Northeast this is only 69 percent.

Gender Ratios: In Brazil, there are predominantly more women than men, with an average of 96.87 men for every 100 women, or 86,120,890 women (50.8 percent of the population) versus 74,340,353 in 1991 (50.7 percent of the population). What this means, is that there are 2.7 million more women than men in Brazil. This is in comparison to 1991 where there were 97.5 men for every 100 women and 1980 when there were 98.74 men for every 100 women. There are, then, increasingly more women than men in the country as a whole.

The reason for the increasing numbers of women (in comparison to men), according to Alicia Bercovich, the coordinator ofthe 2000 Census, is because the mortality rates for women is decreasing at a faster rate with the better medical technology.

But it is more than this; the numbers of women versus men is in direct correlation to the urban/rural population in Brazil. In rural areas there are more men than women, while in urban areas the opposite is the case. Thus since Brazil is 81.2 percent urban, there are and should be more women than men in the nation as a whole.

In the North region, where there are more rural areas than urban, for every 100 women there are 116 men. In the CentralWest, however, there are 99.38 men for every 100 women, thus demonstrating the urbanization process. According to the IBGE Coordinator, this is because ofthe nature ofthe rural work, which requires more physical force. While women can migrate to the cities and often work in the service sectors in the more urban areas, men tend to remain more in the rural areas. In the North region, then, since it is more rural, claims more men than women.

Novo Progresso, in the south of Para, is the city with the most number of men compared to women in the country. According to IBGE, there are 14,984 men and 10,001 women. This shows how women do not have the motivation to remain in the countrysideâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;there is no diversion, work, or other attractions, while men are more likely to succeed in finding employment. The largest part of the male population in the city is outside the city limits working in the mines or lumber mills. "The people that arrive here soon leave, returning when the rains come and it is difficult to work in the forest," one resident stated. Another example is in the state of Mato Grosso, where it is more rural, and hence there are more than 68,986 more men than women In contrast, the state that is the most urbanized, Sao Paulo, has the largest proportion of women in the nation. One example is Aguas de sao Pedro, where 54.47 percent of the population are women. In the city of sao Paulo alone there are 489,628 more women than men. In the city of Recife (the capital with the most women), for every 100 women there are 86 men.

In the city of Rio de Janeiro, there are 362,020 more women than men, or 88.35 men to every 100 women. In the state as a whole, there are 92.07 men to every 100 women, the reason being that in the capital, life expectancy for women is greater while many men die of accidents resulting from violence. To expound on this more, in the urban areas of Rio, there is an 12

average of 91 men for every 100 women, while in the rural areas there are 108 men for every 100 women. Thus, in the northern parts of Rio where it is more rural there are more men than women.

In sum, women to men ratios in Brazil are in direct proportion to urban to rural ratios; in the rural areas there are more men and in the urban areas there are more women. Thus, since Brazil is more urban than rural (81.2 percent more), there should be, and are, more women than men.

Demography and Urbanization: The percentage of the urban population (versus rural) has increased from 75.6 percent in 1991 to 81.2 percent, according to the 2000 Census. Of the 169.5 million Brazilians, 40.3 million (23.81 percent) live in the capitals. A fourth of these, or 10,406,166 people, live in the largest city in the country, Sao Paulo. (The state of Sao Paulo, incidentally, has 36.9 million people, or 21.8 percent of the Brazilian population). In comparison, the smallest city in the nation is also in sao Paulo; Bora, with 795 residents.

According to Rosana Baeninger, researcher of the Center for Population Studies at the State University of Campinas (Unicamp), the country today is in the third cycle of urbanization marked by intra-regional movements. In other words, people establish themselves in small cities and leave the region as they receive offers ofwork. The first cycle began in the 1970s, marked by migrations from the North and Northeast, principally in the direction of Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo. During this period, 30 million Brazilians migrated. In the second wave, these migrants went to medium-sized cities and the Southeast and, between 1980 and the beginning of the 1990s, received almost 10 million migrants. In the last 10 years, the migrants went from cities of the same region or the same state.

Today, (the third cycle), the movements that predominate are intra-regional movements, between cities of regions, with economic vocations well established. There has been a redistribution of the population for smaller cities and these cities can only be understood by their vocations in the context ofthe region that they belong to. One example is Campinas, in the interior of sao Paulo. Even though it has great economic strength, it did not achieve one million inhabitants in the 2000 census because its neighbor cities, such as Sumare and Paulin ia, grew at more accelerated rates.

As previously stated, 90.5 percent of the population of the Southeast region lives in cities while in the North and Northeast it is less than 70 percent. These numbers, however, are misleading. Urban areas, according to the IBGE, are determined by city laws which determine city boundaries. Did urban growth, then, increase because the cities increased their boundaries, or did the boundaries remain the same and the populations within them grow? According to Bernardete Waldvogel, the coordinator of the area ofpopulation studies of Seade, there are many people living in urban areas that are officially still rural because the city has not updated the definition of its urban perimeters.

The following is a comparison of the inhabitants living in urban cities in the western hemisphere: United States 80 percent Argentina 90 percent Uruguay 91 percent Paraguay 56 percent Brazil 81.2 percent BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

However, the United States and Argentina determine urbanity based on areas with a population of 2,500 or more, while the last three countriesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Uruguay, Paraguay, and Brazil, determine urbanity legislatively (by municipal legislations). For these last three countries, then, determining urban population is not as defined as simple as in the United States or Argentina.

One reason for the increased rate of urbanization in Brazil is a result of increased industrialization. For example, the city of Porto Real has grown at a rate of 5.12 percent, which accompanied the installation of the Peugeot factory. Porto Real' s neighbor city, Resende, also had increased immigration due to the installation of the Volkswagen factory. Thus instead of rural migration to the capital cities, laborers are now tending to remain in the smaller cities where they can fmd work with this new industrial boom.

Although many Brazilians are leaving the countryside for the cities to work, the urban growth is also the result of the increase in urban perimeters as rural areas are increasingly incorporated into the city. People that live in rural areas don't necessarily work in agriculture, since the 1990s have epitomized the fall of agricultural employment. However, those that live in rural areas are now often working in other areas such as rural tourism (rural vacation hotels, condos, and domestic work in country estates).

In addition, many rural dwellers are now commuting to the cities to work. According to Romualdo Rezende, the head of the Division of Research of the state of Rio de Janeiro, "We are observing a tendency for concentration along the coasts, principally of retired people that leave the capital and of people that come to these areas with the possibility of econom ic growth through tourism."

The frantic migration ceased with the increase in non-agricultural activities in the Interior and with the aging of the inhabitants ofthe rural zones. Brazil is still, however, one of the most urban countries in the world, although the rates of increased urbanization have slowed. And, because the urban areas are determined by boundaries rather than actual population, the total urban population may or may not actually be 81.2 percent.

Brasilia and the Center-West: Since the 1970s, there has been a decentralization of migration with the increase of industrial ization projects. The supreme example is the Center-West region. Between the 1940s and 1960s, the region was an expansion of small ownerships involved in the growing of coffee. According to IBGE technicians, migrations to the Central-West in the last few decades were motivated by the opening up of new agricultural areas in states such as Mato Grosso and Goias. This has diminished lately, and what is bringing immigrations in now is Brasilia. Since 1991, the city has increased 2.7 percent per year, more than the regional average.

Part of the migration to the Federal District can be accredited to the donation of urban lots to the lower classes that has been accumulating momentum in the 1990s. Today there is a new type of people migrating to the Center-West: qualified people that transfer from other regions of the country for the large and medium urban centers, according to the sociologist Aspasia Camargo. This is unique to the Center-West region, since in the rest of Brazil, immigration tends to be intra-, rather than inter-regional. Since 1991, there has been a 2.4 percent BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

increase in popul tion in the Federal District, or 42,000 inhabitants (the secon s largest increase in the country).

The four citie from the Federal District that grew the most from 1991 to 2010 were: 1. Recant das Emas (51.88 percent) to total today 92,996 inhabitants.

2. Riacho undo (54.96 percent) to total today 41,378 inhabitants.

3. Santa aria (24.32 percent) to total today 98,228 inhabitants.

4. Sao Se astiao (15.56 percent) to total today 60,000 inhabitants.

What does th's all mean? That each year Recanto das Emas, for example, gr a little over one-half in relation to the number of inhabitant the year before. Thus this city grew from 2,239 inhabitants in 191 to 92,996 in 2000.

These cities demographer Ana Maria Nogales of the Department of Stat stics of the University of Brasilia stated, came about due to th governments' solution to the problems of invasion (squa ers). In these cities, then, the growth was not spontaneous, b t was directed by the government. They have grown up as b droom communities, with only small, basicnecessity busi esses (such as small bars and neighborhood bakeries) with the inhabitants traveling to the , Plano Piloto to work. The Plano Piloto, the administrative region of Brasilia, "grew" at an annual percentage of 1 percent. In other words, the Plano was reduced from 213,083 in 1991 to 196,691 inhabitants in 2000. Why is this?

According to Ana Maria, this is because there have been relatively low numbers of births in the Plano Piloto and the middle classes that marry cannot find a place for their new families to live. So they go to neighboring cities, such as (and especially) Sobradinho, the city that, in growth, is the sixth largest growing in the last decade (an average growth rate of 5.25 percent to equal 128,682 inhabitants today).

Brasilia, where 196,600 inhabitants of the Federal District live, was not on the list of the 10 administrative regions that had the largest population in reases from 1991-2000. Brasilia, in the last decade, had a gr wth of 0.89 percentâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;it lost inhabitants to the satellite cities hich grew at 3.25 percent annually. Recanto das Emas, a city- atellite of Brasilia, more than doubled its population, registe g the largest increase of all the Federal District52.88 percen The Sout east: Beginnin in the 1940s when a mere 30 percent of the population o razil was considered urban, there began a gradual increase in u banization exacerbated in the 1950s with the development of the auto industry in sao Paulo. This attracted people from ral areas, principally from the north of Minas Gerais and t e Northeast. Today, however, there is a change; the rural po ulation increase is a world tendency. Family workers are iversifyingâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;some still work in agriculture and others choos urban occupations. In Sao Paulo, the number of rural worker has increased 0.78 percent in the last 9 years after 30 years of s ecrease.

In additi in, the facts show decentralization in population growth, alth ugh this doesn't mean that the larger cities are not overflowing or that migration between the states has stopped.

What this m ans, is that in the cities such as Sao Paulo and Rio that tradition lly attract waves of immigrants from other regions, 13

demonstrate a smaller growth rate throughout the 1990s (Sao Paulo at 0.85 percent and Rio at 0.73 percent). The expansion rate ofthese two largest Brazilian cities is lower than that oftheir states-this means that it is largely the interior cities of these states that are responsible for their states' population growth.

Of the state of Sao Paulo, the ten most populous cities hold 44.37 percent of the state population, or 16 million people. Of course, these five form part of the Sao Paulo city region (Sao Paulo, Guarulhos, Sao Bernardo do Campo, Osasco, and Santo Andre), which together make up 2&15 percent of the state population. But the ten cities that grew the most were small and medium-sized cities. For example, Bertioga grew to 30,900 inhabitants with an average growth of 11.76 percent per year.

And six of the cities increased in population due to the tourism industry and two (Porto Real and Itatiaia) because of new automobile industries.

Sao Paulo: According to the 2000 Census, the state of Sao Paulo has 5.4 million more inhabitants than in 1991 and three times more than in 1960. In the 1980s, the state (SP) received 3 million migrants, principally from the North and Northeast. In the last decade, one million people arrived in Sao Paulo while 600,000 left. Today the state has 36,966,527 inhabitants.

With 21.8 percent of the nation's population, Sao Paulo not only continues to be the largest and most urban of the Brazilian states, but also has a growth rate higher than the national average (1.78 percent compared to the nation's 1.6 percent). From 1996 to the present, however, the state growth rate has fallen.

The city of Sao Paulo has grown less in his last decade than in previous decades-1.85 percent compared to 2.56 percent in the 1980s and 4.51 percent in the 1970s. The degree of urbanization in the state has thus increased 17.79 percent in the last 9 years to equal a total of five million people.

In 1991, Sao Paulo was 92.80 percent urban; in 2000 it is 93.41 percent and continues as the most urban of the Brazilian states. According to IBGE, there are two reasons for the increase in urbanization of the state-industrialization and better transportation. (The state spent $10.7 billion on industrialization in the last six years).

The rural population in Sao Paulo is increasing-0.78 percent per year in the last nine years, while the three previous censuses showed between -2.01 percent and -3.10 percent reduction per year. This 0.78 percent increase shows that people are still leaving the rural areas, although less than before. In the state of Sao Paulo, the population growth transferred progressively from large to small cities. In the last few years, the population of Sao Paulo has grown more in the outer peripheries where there does not exist an adequate infrastructure. The more central areas, in contrast, lost dwellers. Indeed, Sao Paulo is a city which has a population larger than that of most states, which a population of 10,406,166. In fact, there are only four states in the entire country with populations larger than this city: 1. Bahia (13,066,764) 2. Minas Gerais (17,835,488) 3. Rio de Janeiro (14,367,225) 4. Sao Paulo (36,966,527) However, although the city of Sao Paulo is demographically enormous, it, as well as Rio de Janeiro, have shown the least average in increase of the capitals. (0.85 percent and 0.75 percent increase respectively). Their growth also remained below their states' average. Thus it is the cities in the interior of these states that are responsible for the population growth. Accord14

ing to analyst Luiz Antonio Oliveira, head of the Department of Population and Social Indicators ofthe IBGE, the reason for this is that, as a reality, Sao Paulo has nowhere else to grow and rural areas are invaded by the city. Thus while Sao Paulo grew 6 percent since 1996, it is increasing in population badly. For example, it has gror more in AnhangUera (in the West Zone) and less in Campo Belo (in the South Zone). Thus this shows that the city is increasing (in population) the most where there is not adequate infrastructure. Sao Paulo, then, has grown mostly in the peripheries where infrastructure is weak.

In addition, according to professor Jose Roberto Graziano, during the month of September of this year, each five people that lived in rural areas in the state of Sao Paulo, only two were working in agriculture in 1990, which shows this change. The service sector is one ofthe principle explanations for the increase in the rural population.

What is new is that the state population growth is transferring from the largest cities to the smallest and medium-sized ones. The population of Sao Paulo, the third largest city in the world, increased at 1.41 percent annually. Sao Paulo has, today, 6 percent more inhabitants than in 1996 (when there were 9,839,066 inhabitants in the city compared to today's 10 1/4 million). It is also growing the most where there does not exist adequate infrastructure and people are moving out of the centralareas. The former municipal secretary ofhabitation Erminia Maricato stated that "The city is growing in a perverse way," with the central areas losing population-bairros (neighborhoods) such as Pan, Bras, Se, and Barra Funda.

Rio de Janeiro: In the last nine years, the population of the state of Rio de Janeiro has increased by 1.5 million (1,559,519). IBGE has noticed that the rural exodus has diminished and the coastal population has increased-the urban growth in Rio has been 1.39 percent. The state of Rio de Janeiro has the largest degree of urbanization in the country-96 percent. In the rural areas, the number of domiciles has fallen from 608,065 to 569,056, the smallest percentage of decrease since the decade ofthe 1960s (0.74 percent currently compared to 3.73 percent in the 1991 census). The reason for this, according to Romualdo Rezende, the head ofthe Division ofResearch ofthe state ofRio de Janeiro, is due to the industri ization and economic growth in the interior of the state.

Traditionally, Rio as a negative migration average, meaning more people leav4 the state than arrive. The Census 2000, however, shows a ch ge in this. The ten most populous cities in Rio (in 2000) di d 10 million people, or 74.5 percent of ithe state population. (The capital claims 0.72 percent of the state's population).

The augment in Rio's population is a result of economic expansion-of the 10 cities that grew the most in the state, two are situated in Bacia de Campos (Rio das Ostras & Casemiro de Abreu), which thrives off the petroleum boom. The population of the state of Rio grew 12 percent in nine years thanks to the recuperation ofthe state's economy, with the development of the tourist and petroleum sectors as well as the arrival of new industries. The number of inhabitants grew from 12,807,706 in 1991 to 14,367,225 this year.

However, although these numbers may seem high, Rio de Janeiro is the state that grew the least. It achieved 14,367,225, 1.30 percent annual increase. From 1980-1991, the increase was 1.15 percent peryear. The population ofthe city of Rio de Janeiro has increased only 1.3 percent annually while the nation has BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

increased 1.6 percent. The reason for this is that Rio has a low fertility rate, with 2.1 children per woman average. (Incidentally, in the city of Rio de Janeiro, there are 88.35 men to 100 women, compared to the state average of 92.07 men to 100 women). Because of the low birth rate in Rio, then, the popti lation growth rate is expected to stagnate in the next twenty or thirty years.

North, Northeast, and South: As has been stated, the capitals of the Northeast and North have growth more than the average of that of their respective states. The North region had the largest population growth of the decade-an annual average of2.9 percent The Northeast (1.3 percent), the South (1.4 percent) and the Southeast (1.6 percent) had the smallest annual growth rates. But 16 other states, mostly in the North and Northeast, have capitals which show growth rates much larger than their state averages.

The South, much like the North and Northeast, is traditionally rural, although its population growth was much less these past nine years. Besides the decentralization in Rio Grande do Sul, the increase in the number of cities also contributed to the number of non-agricultural-oriented jobs-from 1987-1999, 243 municipalities were created in the state. 18.4 percent of the 10,179,801 gauchos live in rural areas. This was 23.5 percent in 1991 and 32.5 percent in 1980. In other words, the South shows a trend of increasing growth in cities and non-agricultural rural and small city work.

The Census: The total population of Brazil increased 22.7 million in relation to the 1991 census-over 3 million more than the IBGE predicted. "The difference of three million people resulted from the quality of information and a larger coverage of the census," stated Martus Tavares, the Minister of Planning. The IBGE originally predicted that Brazil would have 167 million inhabitants.

According to the president of the institute, Sergio Besserman, the facts collected this year are more precise than that of previous censuses, because of new technology and management techniques."We are inaugurating anew era of the census." In order to count the population, IBGE divided the country in 215,811 sections, each one under the responsibility of a census-taker. There were 5,507 digitalized maps produced and 6,823 places to collect formulas. 54,332,651 domiciles received visits from workers. Even people living under the viaducts were counted, since IBGE considered them to regard their living quarters as "fixed residences."

The 2000 census cost the federal government $350 million and is taking three years to complete. The largest portion ofthe costs, $242.5 million, was concentrated this year in the payment of the salaries of 230,000 people contracted by IBGE as census takers, who worked between August and November.

The 2000 census will only be completely finished in 2002, so all of these are preliminary numbers. During the next two years, the IBGE will divulge other results from the census. In April of 2001 the average inhabitants per domicile, the number of occupied, closed, and empty domiciles-as well as occasionally used-will be divulged. And in August, the literacy rates, levels of education, sanitation and home garbage collection will be announced. The census will inform us about composition of family, color, religion, education, and migration, among other things.

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

According to arta Tavares, the Minister of Planning, "The more we know out the reality of our country, the better conditions we will h e to focus and make adequate public spending." Regina Mo teiro, architect and urbanist of the Defense Movenient of S o Paulo (Movimento Defenda Sao Paulo), stated "Half-the opulation lives in an irregular form. We need to know where these people are and why they are there." The demographic conclusions from the census will determine alterations in the public pc licies and in the decisions of private investment.

The Future of Brazil: According to Viaima (president of IBGE), in 1984 each woman had an average of 3.5 children. This is in comparison to 2.6 children per woman in 1990 and 2.2 children per woman in 2000. But this does not necessarily mean a lower rate of population increase, however, since these numbers e also accompanied with an increase in life expectancy-in th beginning of this century, it was around 35 years. Today, ho ever, it is 72.3 years for women and 64.6 years for men.

The state o Rio averages 2.1 children per woman. The capital is 1.9 chi dren and in Brazil overall, it is between 2.2 and 2.3 children. Be een 1960-1970, Rio was 3.13 children average while Brazi was 5.22. From 1970-1980, Rio was 2.3 while Brazil was 2.48 and 1980-1990 Rio was 1.15 while Brazil was 1.3. Thus we se that family size in Brazil is dramatically decreasing.

Latin AmeS a is the second fastest growing continent in the world, growing as has Brazil, at 1.6 percent annually. In the first place is Africa, with 2.4 percent and the growth of the world population is 1. percent. According to the UN, Brazil is the fifth largest country in terms of inhabitants) in the world. According to UN estim tes, Brazil could have 244,230,000 inhabitants by 2050. Tec icians of the IBGE say that for the population to remain stabl ,each family should have the equivalent of 2.1 Brazilian average is more than that. Latin children, But America and th Caribbean, in 1999, made up 8.5 percent ofthe world populati in and should be 9.1 percent in 2050 and 9.4 percent in 215 . Europe, on the other hand, makes up 12.2 percent ofthe orld population but should be 7 percent in 2050 and 5.3 percen in 2150. North America today comprises 5.1 percent of the t stal world population and will be 4.4 percent in 2050 anil 4.1 ercent in 2150.

Why is th growth rate slowing? According to Alicia Bercovich, thi is due to cultural. reasons, such as the diminution in the n ber of children that contributes to the slowing in population crease. "There are cultural reasons, such as the diminution of e number of children, which contributes to the deceleration," said Alicia.

In sum, the industrialization of Brazilian cities in the 1940s ed Brazil into one of the largest and most urban and 1950s countries in t world. Today, however, the rates of urbanization are decre sing, with the growth of non-agriculturally orientedjobs in th countryside. While Brazil has more women than men among h r population, this is mainly confmed to the cities; in the rura areas, men continue to dominate the population.

The Texas itnmig

uthor is a graduate student at the University of t Austin and is currently researching labor and ation in state of Minas Gerais, Brazil. He can be contacted at krichardson@mail.utexas.edu 15

foreigners are being hired to teach English based solely on their credential of 'native speakers'. (2) tourists are breaking the law by seeking and accepting gainful employment without a work permit, and (3) foreigners are immorally taking employment opportunities away from qualified Brazilians in a country where unemployment is so high and the ones who do have a job are paid a 'hunger salary'. For a foreigner who is taking advantage of this situation to brag about it and basically coach other potential opportunists to hop on the bandwagon is despicable.

SEE MUCH MORE OF THIS LETTER ON LINE Ray Bentes Encino, California rtbentes@hotrnaitcom

II :1

You are invited to participate in thisdialogue Write to Letters to the Publisher P 0 Box 50536 Los Angeles, CA 90050.0536 or send E-mail to brazzil@brazzil.com 11111111MIKIMMLIAMI1111.1 have enjoyed reading your magazine throughout the years. however your last issue containing the work of journalist Janer Cristaldo, has me questioning whether or not I will ever allow your magazine in my home again. What were you trying to accomplish by exposing his work?

However experienced of a journalist Janer Cristaldo may THINK he is, his opinions relating to the struggle in South Africa, colonization, and indigenous rights are ignorant yet remarkably arrogant.

Cristaldo's article "Indian Arrogance" was a complete joke to read and it would be a complete waste of my time to refute his absurd writing. In his article on "How to Fabricate Racism" he informs the reader of the important point that journalists rarely get the "real" story and there is a tendency to over-sensationalize occurrences yet, he fails to state that this tendency can also be a double-edged sword. Most hate crimes and atrocities that occur rarely get reported or are silenced by journalists themselves.

I'm sorry, but I have seen more profound, credible and meaningful writing come from ten-year old children. It was a disappointment to find his work in a magazine that I have enjoyed for years. My reprimand goes directly to you, Brazzill If you find it absolutely necessary to print the contentious views of people like Janer Cristaldo then I would expect your magazine to simultaneously print the polar opinions from more credible and distinguished writers about the topic of Latin America's history of colonization. Perhaps you could summon a rebuttal from Eduardo Galeano or joumalists who share his same views?

To print two articles written by an extreme lunatic was a waste of paper. What s next? Are you going to publish the literature from the Klu Klux Klan or Hitler's militia fans?

Keep voicing the views of people like Janer Cristaldo and you may find your magazine being monitored by the Southern Poverty Law Center. Please tell Janer Cristaldo that he and his 'Eurocentric" opinions can kiss my ass.

Sincerely disgusted, Barbara Godoy-Borges San Francisco, California

CI11111.10-1.1111.111111111=1

I have been a reader of your magazine for a few years now and I am glad to see that improvements have been made both in terms of content (the Dorris line has been toned down, it seems) and also the qualify of the printing.

I would like to address the message that can be derived from the article "you're Hired', which I find quite disturbing. At least the author makes the disclaimer that he is not 'really a teacher,' but the fact remains that (1)

In response to Michelle Chom's letter to Brazzil, in which she gloats about the US right (?) to "sfick our nose where it doesn't belong", let me just say this: Wake up and smell the coffee. Michelle, my belle! This is the type of arrogant attitude that has produced a contemptuous response amidst most of this planet's inhabitants re America's attempts at world supremacy.

You wanna talk about the great American democratic model which the rest of the world is expected to look up to, Michelle? Then listen to this: In several countries throughout different continents, the US has either cut or drastically reduced aid as a punishment against not-so-perfectlydemocratic-regimes. However, when it comes down to free and fair elections, your country has always applied double standards to measure the democratic/political worthiness or unworthiness of its most valued allies.

For the sake of clarity, Michelle tell us WHEN and WHAT are you oh-so-self-righteous Americans gonna do about those little undemocratic and totalitarian family-run countries that supply you guys with endless cheap oil in return for billions of dollars worth of sophisticated US weapons systems???

Isabel Trajano Seattle, Washington Obtaining a visa to travel to Brazil is an annoyance, certainly. But the hoops that a Brazilian must jump through to travel to the US are absolutely absurd and even imperialistic. Unless a Brazilian can demonstrate that they are fairly wealthy, obtaining a visa to travel to the US is impossible. They must travel to a distant embassy, submit themselves to a humiliating interview, and unless they have a substantial bank account (to guarantee their return), they will be denied entry. I have a close friend that did me numerous favors during some of my travels in Brazil. I tried to arrange a visit for him to the US (which I would mostly pay for) but it was impossible. A round-trip ticket should be proof enough of intent to return.

What are we afraid of? That hordes of poverty stricken Brazilians will invade our shores? Come on! The idea that these people, most of whom don't make enough money in a year to pay for an airline ticket to the US, would start flocking here to "steal" jobs is absurd. When I was in

FOR MORE LETTERS AND ENTIRE LETTER SEE: httpdhvww.brazzil.com

elementary school, we were propagandized about people in foreign countries that couldn't visit other countries due to oppressive regimes. Clearly, that was true. Except that the oppressive regime is our own.

Doug Auwarter Via Internet

111111111MIEU1121112.1.1

Why in the world would you print excerpts from a dated travel book? Jazzmania has been closed for years.

The article failed to mention one of the most interesting and venerable dance spaces of all, "Casa de Mae Joana." Your otherwise excellent magazine is too good for this. There are many people, myself included, that could do a much better job of writing about the sights and sounds of "A Cidade Maravilhosa" than merely excerpting from a book published 5 years ago.

After reading the article on the music and culture of Curitiba by Daniella Thompson and the article on the Bahian medical society by Julyan G. Peard (both excellent!) I am even more puzzled It is almost as though an erudite literary review included a story by the likes of Homer Simpson. I know that you strive to cover a broad range of topics, but surely you can be a little more selective Doug Auwarter Via Internet

Thfi

, '

The stones of immigrant mistreatment are very saddening indeed. Injustice should be exposed wherever it occurs. The focus, however, should be on the causes of the exodus. The injustices within Brazil that result in people leaving their country should he the focus. Why are people leaving Brazil (one of the countries with the most natural resources in the world)?

Michael Serengeti Tucson, Arizona I would like to comment on your article "Prohibition Town Blues" published last November. As a Natalense, I just could not refrain from expressing my frustration and discontentment with such a narrow-minded and pessimistic view about my hometown, the city of Natal, one of the most popular resort cities in the Brazilian Northeast.

The author, Mr. Philip Blazdell, has made the worst comments I have ever heard about Natal. Perhaps he came here with the wrong spirit. Natal is a laid back city, famous for its amazing beaches, sand dunes, warm people (as the author also describes) and for its quiet and peaceful atmosphere, especially when compared to other Brazilian capitals. All of this has brought to Natal people from ail over the world, who enjoyed the city so much that actually ended up staying and living here. especially at Ponta Negra (not Porto Negrel), Natal's lively cosmopolitan neighborhood.

FOR ENTIRE LETTER SEE ONLINE Luiz Azavedo Lazevedo@digi.combr Natal, Brazil

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BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

Hyperbole Reruns Economic growth might have been higher in 2001 had the government completed various key reforms but have beemkept away from the priority list by politically minorities whose interests would be harmed.

ADHEMAR ALTIERI

As he delivered a speech at the grand opening of a new $600 million Peugeot-Citroen plant in the Rio de Janeiro state town of Porto Real recently, President Fernando Henrique Cardoso made headlines with remarks that speak volumes about where the 2002 presidential election campaign is headed. His comments also reinforce what both government and opposition seem acutely aware of in this very early going: both seem to agree the economy, or how its performance is perceived at election time, will decide who Brazil's next president will be.

Using the new factory as an example of what is expected for Brazil in the foreseeable future, Cardoso compared this year's projected GDP growth of 4.5 percent to that of Brazil's so-called "economic miracle" years during the 70's, when the GDP progressed at an average of6 to 7 percent per year.

Cardoso's rationale: 4.5 percent in 2001 will be accomplished in spite of unfavorable conditions like free-falling commodity prices (which negatively affect important Brazilian exports), high oil prices, and economic difficulties not quite out of the way in neighboring Argentina, a key trade partner.

Add to this the fact that demographic growth averaged 3 percent a year in the 70's, but is now down to 1.3 percent a year, and you arrive at the President's conclusion: growing 4.5 percent now he says, is comparable to growing 6 or 7 percent per year three decades ago. According to Cardoso, GDP calculations include a variable which, depending on demographic growth, makes the final GDP figure higher or lower.

A number of experts heard by the Brazilian media found it difficult to agree with the connection made by the Presidentâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;most

explained that at best, demographics influence about 10 percent of a GDP projection. To infer that lower demographic growth should imply a substantially higher GDP figure for the year, therefore, would seem to be quite a stretch. But the comparison is no surprise in the context of an electoral campaign that's clearly underway, although the government hasn't even firmed up who its candidate will be.

As Brazil's economic recovery began last year, it became obvious that it would not bring about explosive growth. While 4.5 percent is a healthy number, most economists agree that it is only enough to sustain what is there now and provide small improvements here and thereâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;it is not enough to make a broad, seriously noticeable dent on high unemployment figures for example. Economic growth might have been higher in 2001 had the government completed various key reforms that amount to serious obstacles for growth, but have been kept away from the priority list by politically well-represented, well-heeled minorities whose interests would be harmed. Now, with economic performance seen as the deciding factor in 2002, the government is obviously concerned the recovery may not be strong enough to propel its candidate to victory. Still, President Cardoso's comparison with the "miracle" years seemed like a rather simplistic attempt to make things appear to be better than they actually areâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;or may be, since we're still talking about projected GDP growth for 2001...

None of this goes unnoticed in the opposing camp, as it pushes in the other direction. Barely a month after newly-elected mayors took office throughout Brazil, a trend visible when the municipal elections were held last October is gradually taking hold among the more prominent mayors who belong to the leftwing PT, the Worker's Party. As results came in and confirmed the party's good performance at the polls, many of the mayors and councilors-elect indicated their "concern" with federal economic policies, and their negative effects on the municipalities they were about to take control of.

Barely a month after they've all taken office, these "concerns" are quickly becoming a favorite excuse for all that's wrong with cities now governed by PT members. The approach by mayors and councilors in different cities is so similar that it would be childish to imagine it's all just a coincidence. Clearly not: this is how the PT has begun to try and chip away at any gains the federal government might want to capitalize on come 2002, because of an economic recovery that hasn't even existed long enough to be properly assessed.

18 BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

Last week, the mayor of Sao Paulo offered up a selection are. And the op osition will yet again try to discredit the of quotes that illustrate what appears to be a nationally-orches- government's ec nomic policies—a strategy that failed misertrated early strategy aimed at 2002. The very visible Marta ably in 1994 and 998, and won't improve simply because a few Suplicy is well aware that as mayor of Brazil's largest city, her well-placed may rs are willing to help deliver the message. words weigh far more than those of her colleagues elsewhere Adhemar Alfieri is a veteran with major news in the country. This is how she responded to a com0 tlets in Brazil, Canada and the United States. ment by President Cardoso, that she ought to do "less holds a Master's Degree in Journalism from whining" and stop blaming others for the problems orthwestern University in Evanston, Illinois, faced by her city: a d spent ten years with CBS News reporting "Today, the city has this level ofviolence and unom Canada and Brazil. Altieri is a member of employment not so much because of policies devele Virtual Intelligence Community, formed by oped in the city of Sao Paulo proper, but as a consee Greenfield Consulting Group to identify quence ofthe economic policies ofthefederal governr Latin America. He is also the editor of future trends f ment" "I believe the federal government must share responsibil- InfoBrazil (http //www.infobrazil.com), an English-language ity for the city's social policies, because the difficulties the city weekly e-zine ith analysis and opinions on Brazilian politics isfacing are a consequence ofan overvalued currency and high and econom . You can reach the author at interest rates, whichresulted in enormous unemployment in our editors@infobr il.com city" Just as President Cardoso's comparison with GDP growth in the 70's was a stretch, so is any attempt to blame the federal government, primarily or exclusively, for local problems, especially in sao Paulo—a city that has just emerged from two consecutive administrations in which widespread corruption schemes were the norm. Mayor Suplicy was elected largely on her pledge to deal with that, and certainly not because 60 percent of "Paulistanos" have swung to the left.

She would do well to check the numbers on the effects of federal policies as well. Figures from IBGE, the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics quoted by former Central Bank President Gustavo Franco in his Sunday column for the MASTER BADARO daily 0 Estado de S. Paulo are most telling. They show that between DRUMMERS& 1993 and 1999, 5.2 million people DANCERS rose above the poverty line, while Special Guest Singer incomes grew by as much as 33 percent between 1993 and 2000— all thanks to those federal policies Mayor Suplicy would like everyone to condemn. and Prizes These are early developments, and a lot can change between now and election time in late 2002. But Brazilian voters would do well to BRAZILIAN FOOD bY AUREA push as of now—more than that, to demand a different approach from would-be candidates and their parof GREAT MUSIC, ART, ties. Otherwise, voters will surely be facing yet another low-quality camVIDEO, SLIDES & FUN! paign in 2002, with vague propos4 4 44 4 4 • • • • • • 4 4 • for more info dmission is $20.00 includes Parking als, ill-defined platforms, and the BAKARI Advance Ticket Sales at usual abundance of mud-slinging.

323 857 0523 MEIRCADO BRAZIL Growth remaining at projected levARIEL 310-837-4291 els, the government will be doing its 213 624 6120 Culver City, Ca best to make the numbers appear to be more and better than they actually

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19

It's War VI

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The violence contained in fictitious budgets, like those of so

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many of the social programs, is not normally reported in the

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Germany.

HAMILTON OCTAVIO DE SOUZA

Violence caused by elites, their governments, and their public policies devoid of basic rights, causing economic and social exclusion, has truly left Brazil in a state of dissolution. Some even say a state of war. Not a conventional war, formally declared with all sides neatly defined, organized armies, and politically and publicly defined objectives. But a brutal war, nonetheless, with just as many victims. The number of murders in the cities and countryside, the crimes committed by the police force, the deaths related to malnutrition, curable diseases, lack ofmedical attention and government neglect are too alarming for this country to be considered in a state of peace.

Two reports recently released, one by the CPT (The Brazilian Catholic Church's Pastoral Land Commission) and the other by the University of Sao Paulo's Violence Research Center—both regarding violence in the country— alarming in themselves, only touch the surface of the reality with which we live.

Besides these reports, another released by Representative Nilmario Miranda and the Human Rights Commission reveals yet another drama being played out in the country: in the last three years 2,500 people were murdered by so-called death squads.

Brazil is the 10th largest economy in the world, but it has one of the poorest income distributions and is in 79th place in the UN's ranking of quality of life. On average a Brazilian is worse off than any of his/her neighbors in the Mercosul countries, and even worse off than those who live in Colombia, a country which has had armed conflict for 30 years.

According to studies done by Fluminense Federal University in 1999, violence was the biggest factor which has reduced life expectancy in Brazil: on average, each Brazilian loses 2.71 years due exclusively to violence. This is not counting the violence camouflaged by political and economic structures that are directly responsible for the hunger and misery which causes so much death. Such violence and death is rarely attributed to governmental decisions and choices.

Unemployment Currently Brazil is third in the world in terms of absolute numbers unemployed. With nearly 8 million people without jobs, the country is third only to Russia and India in unemployment. Part of the responsibility for this kind of violence must be laid at the door of BNDES (the National Development Bank), which uses public monies for loans given to national and foreign companies even when such companies do not generate jobs.

Various studies have already proven that in a country like Brazil where there is no system ofsocial protection and where 40 million live below the poverty line, unemployment is a major cause for unequal distribution of wealth, benefits and social services.

Such disparities grew rapidly in the 90's after the elites of the country bought into programs of neoliberalism and globalization as promulgated by rich nations. Such programs have brought on dependency and controversy around payment of external debt. In short, they have caused more and more violence. The distance between the minority rich and majority poor, in terms of opportunities and possessions, is so great that when the two meet there is generally conflict if for no other reason than lack of a language for effective communication.

Further, the privatization of many public services, from education and health to public transportation, electricity and telephone services, has squeezed out a great part ofthe population further augmenting the distance between the rich and the poor. One can see evidence of this in the national scholastic exam: the average scores of the rich students are twice as high as those of students from poor families.

Genocide

20

BRAZZIL - FEBieUARY 2001

In a report released by Unicef recently, Brazil ranked 105th in the world in infant mortality with 42 per 1,000 live births. The principal cause is lack of basic sanitation for more than 30 percent of the Brazilian urban population. In rural areas, the situation is worse. Further, INESC (the Institute of Socio-Economic Studies) revealed that only 6.19 percent of the $358 million in the government's budget for sanitation was released that year.

The violence contained in fictitious budgets, like those of so many of the social programs, is not normally reported in the media, but the effects are just as noxious as the genocide in Bosnia, Cambodia or the practices ofNazi Germany. How many adults or children died or had their health permanently damaged in the dry Northeast during the drought of 1999 after the federal government stopped distributing food and delayed payment to workers for more than five months?

In an interview with Adunicamp, journalist Aloysious Biondi commented "It is the first time that I've seen a government that has the audacity to swindle drought victims out of money." This violence, deliberate and calculated, certainly is not counted on the list of other violations committed by the state.

Nonetheless, it exists and is practiced every day. Just as the police use a revolver to repress people searching for food or occupying land and abandoned buildings, so a golden pen somewhere is being used to sign documents which bring on just as much violence.

il

ety, has served to protect properties, owners, to defend privileges, and to control low-income populations. In fact the major battles that have occurred in Sao Paulo and other urban centers have been between the police and street vendors, tax drivers without permits, the homeless, and other such groups who are struggling to eke out an existence.

In the countryside conflicts related to the struggle for land continue to increase, demonstrating that the current government is not effectively handling agrarian reform. It seems that agrarian reform only happens when there are illegal occupations of land.

All of these facts suggest that if the state, institutions and organized sectors of society do not immediately create bridges between the rich and the poor, policies of income distribution, investments in public services, and plans to promote social solidarity, then it will become more and more difficult to create a climate of peace for the next generations.

This article was originally published in Revista Sem Terra

TOUCHDOWN FREIGHT INC.

BRAZIL CARGO SPECIALIST "Ship to Brazil with the company that really knows how."

Extermination In the capital of Sao Paulo this month, two million youths had to stop their studies because of lack of money. These same youths were not able to find jobs. Without an occupation or hopes of one, they usually become entrenched in urban violence fed by organized crime, contraband and drug trafficking. Statistics from the sao Paulo police department show that 51 percent of victims of police violence were between 18 and 25 years old. Eleven percent were younger than 18, the age group that should be in school.

According to official statistics, in November of last year, the metropolitan area of Sao Paulo had an all time record of homicides, with 505, an average of 16.8 deaths per day. From January to December of last year another record was broken: the number ofpeople shot and killed

by Sao Paulo police at 593 deaths.

Already in January of this year there have been 10 shootouts with a total of38 deaths. This type of crime has been increasing in the main capitals of the country and usually happen among gangs and vigilante groups, the latter of whom are generally made up of off-duty police officers and paid by businesses.

The police force, which ought to be looking out for the good of sociBRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

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The feira Do you prefer chicken? Take your choice: A live one you can carry off flapping; one with its throat slit but still feathered; one cleaned and gutted; or any selection of poultry parts, even a clump of feet, if you fancy them.

NORMAN WEEKS

One ofthe early lessons in my study of Portuguese was the names ofthe days of the week. Monday, I learned, was segunda-feira, secondfeira. Tuesday was terca-feira (thirdfeira), Wednesday was quarta- (fourth)feira, Thursday quinta- (fifth) feira, and Friday sexta- (sixth)feira. What was this feira? It had to be something important, if five of the seven days of the week had the word in their name.

The dictionary translates feira as fair, but the similarity in sound is deceiving. If we Americans think of a fair, what first comes to mind is a county fair or state fair, which are agricultural expositions and displays of home cooking and various domestic handicrafts. The American county or state fair is a nostalgic throwback to the days when most Americans lived on farms. Today, suburban and urban families go to the fair, as they would go to the zoo, to see animals that are exotic to them. Most state fairs are characterized more by amusement park rides, games of chance, and country music shows. That's not what a Brazilian feira is.

We also have our crafts fair or arts fair. In those the wordfair means a product line for show and sale. We would never name the days of the weeks of our lives after such trivial events as a crafts fair or arts fair.

I found out what a Brazilianfeira was in the best way to learn anything, that is, by experience. When I went off as a Peace Corps Volunteer to Brazil in 1968, 1 was assigned to a small town named Penedo in the state of Alagoas. Penedo was not a place you would describe as lively and jumping,â&#x20AC;&#x201D;except for one day ofthe week, feira day.

Thefeirais an all-day open-air market, in which rural producers converge upon the town to supply the needs that the townspeople cannot supply for themselves, principally fresh food. The townspeople, in turn, give the peasants what they lack, namely, cash money, with which the peasants can buy town goods.

Every small town in the Nordeste (northeastern region) of Brazil has its designated day of the week for the feira. On that day, the number of people in the town multiplies with the arrival of all those with wares to sell.

When I lived in Penedo, most of the local people did not have a refrigerator, so they could not store perishables for very long. They had to buy fresh at the feira. Of course, meat and fruit and vegetables will not stay fresh for a whole week, so Penedo, like other towns, had a daily feira too, but it was only a half-dozen stalls where people could get a few things to tide them over until next feira day.

So, the Brazilianfeira is the open-air market in which the rural people and the townspeople gather to meet one another's needs and sustain one another. It is human economy at its basic.

Like the United States, Brazil today is becoming more urban and its economy global. We are ever farther removed from economic basics. The traditionalfeira in a small town in Brazil returns us to what economy used to be, that is, local and person-to-person.

The Nordeste in 1968 being one of the poorest regions in the Americas, some of the people who were my neighbors on the rural road outside Penedo lived on little or no money. They were day laborers. A man might 22

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

hoe a field all day, but not receive cash for his labor. Instead, he would be given some mandioca (manioc, a staple, like our flour), or beans or rice or a chicken or two. It was a hand-toâ&#x20AC;˘ mouth subsistence.

If, however, that laborer happened to have a mango tree in his backyard, one that was bearing heavily, he might gather up some bushels of those mangoes, go into Penedo on feira day, and sell the fruit to the townspeople for cash. One old lady neighbor of mine eked out her living by selling bananas off the plants in her little yard.

Penedo in 1968 had a few small food shops, but nothing that could by any stretch of the imagination be described as a supermarket. As for the canned goods and processed foods sold in those stores, they were too expensive for most of the locals.

Only such people as shop owners, bank clerks, and other members of the small middle class could afford to buy much in the food shops. Besides, fresh local was always preferred to old preserved.

As a Peace Corps Volunteer, I received not a salary but a subsistence allowance, which, as I remember, was sixty dollars a month, paid in cruzeiros, the Brazilian currency of that time. Of course, sixty 1968 dollars bought more than sixty 2000 dollars, but, inflation or no, I defmitely lived on a level not much higher than the locals.

Even so, I could buy filet mignon to eat. How so? Because the feira eliminates all middlemen and the costs they add to everything you buy in a store. You'd be surprised how cheaply you can buy directly from the producer. In the feira, it was the herdsman himself who raised the steer, brought it into town, butchered it, and cut slices to my specification.

(Before you think that I was living too high on the steer, however, you should know that Brazilian beef is not our meltin-the-mouth Angus. The cattle ofthe Nordeste are the Brahma cattle brought from India. The Brahma is one tough, muscular beast, but it is preferred because, unlike our pampered American breeds, the Brahma can shrug off the heat, attacks of hordes oftropical insects, and the nightly feedings ofthe vampire bats.)

And so, onfeira day I would proceed down the streetto stock up on the food I needed for the next week. (I was lucky to obtain a small usedrefrigerator, that, when there was electricity, served me well.)

The Penedenses (townspeople of Penedo) used to marvel that I did my own shopping,â&#x20AC;&#x201D;I a man, and an American man working for the United States government at that! (We know the word macho from Spanish, but Portuguese too has the word and Brazil the sexist cultural value.) When I informed the locals that I even washed my own dishes, they were further confounded. Well, the Peace Corps was meant to be an agent of change of social attitudes.

Luiz Gonzaga, the grand old man of Nordestino folk music, has a song called "A Fei_ra de Caruaru".

Caruaru is a town in the Nordeste state of Pernambuco, Luiz Gonzaga's homeland. In the song, which is a very cheerful tune, Luiz brags that "at the feira of Caruaru everything that there is in the world they've got for tale". The whole song is just a long inventory of all the items you can buy at the feira of Caruaru, up to and including "pants, so that the matuto (rustic) won't have to go around naked".

On my nostalgia trip return visit to Penedo in 1995, I had the perfect timing to arrive in town right before feira day. I wouldn't have to go from door to door looking for old friends, because they would all be out and about inthefeira. And I had the immediate opportunity to re-experience the stimulation that the feira.gives to small-town Brazilian life.

If Linz Gonzaga can sing the praises ofhisfeira in Caruaru, let me do the same for my beloved Penedo. Please accompany me, who, after all, used to be a local, down the street and into the feira of Penedo.

BFtA7211- - FEBRUARY 2001

First ofall, the setting: Thefeirastretches out before us down through many bl cics of a straight main street of the town and spills over onto a ew parallel and intersecting streets. Thefeira is colorful, nois and crowded too, so we will have to make our way slowly rough it.

The vendors ork a variety of venues, There are the huge, warehouse-like, pen buildings, with long counters on which meat or produce s displayed to those who file through. There are also storefro ts open to the street.

But thefeira not contained by buildings. The vendors sell from the back o open trucks or from wooden carts or steel wheelbarrows. ey operate out of sidewalk stands shaded by black plastic, or n rickety tables, or, lacking those, on a sheet of plastic laid o the stone-block pavement.

You would t ink that the sellers would set up their display and let the cust mers come to them. But, no, there are two strategies of sel ing. Some sellers are indeed stationary, but others mill in th streets, wandering about and shouting their offerings, obs cting the free passage of the customers. Boys carry trays of W s supported by a strap around their necks. itinerant peddlers see the same number of Wouldn't people, if they j st stood still? Wouldn't that be a more effective presentatio of their goods? I would think that the wanderingpopsicle alesboy might become overheated and dip too much into his o stock, or, worse, get his stock all melted.

Better if he fo nd a shady spot, stood there, and shouted, "Picole"!

There are al o strategies for buying. I myself don't have the temperament for haggling or tedious comparison shopping, but you can try both in the feira of Penedo. The vendor will quote a fixed price per weight or quantity, but you might get it for less if the vendor h s more stock than he thinks he can sell in one day or if you bu in quantity or if you are one ofhis best regular customers.

You can al get things cheaper if you go toward the end of the day, wh the vendors are anxious to dispose of all the perishables the have brought. The disadvantage of that strategy is that ally u might fmd for sale are the pickings and leavings and tejec of all the other shoppers.

There mi be some barter transactions going on among the vendors th mselves,â&#x20AC;&#x201D;barter, the most simple economic exchange. On vendor might swap a chunk of beef for a live turkey another vendor has brought, or trade a dozen eggs for some choice o ions and carrots.

And now, hat can we fmd in our one-stop shopping in the Penedo feira?

Here are th fruits and vegetables, in all their colors, shapes, and sizes, in al their forms and varieties, as tasty to the eye as to the tongue.

Of fruits, ere are bananas in abundance. (Brazil has over tw nty varieties.) Oranges, of course, and all the ot r citrus family members. Coconuts; the state of Al goas is said to have the most coconut trees in all Br il. (There are a lot of coconut trees in Brazil.)

Th mangoes and maracuja (passion fruit) will qu nch a tropical thirst.

You won't find such temperate-climate fruits as pe ches, pears, and apples in the feira of Penedo, bu how about trying some local tropical?: Caju (the fruit of the c hew nut tree), carambola (star-fruit), goiaba (guava), jaca (jack-fruit), or jabuticaba, pitanga, and other fruits that I' v never seen in an American supermarket or even know the n es of in English. You can also buy sugar-cane stalks to che on. Penedo is in the sugar-cane region.

Of vegeta les, the most luscious is the tomato, so luscious, in fact, that s e insist on calling it a fruit. On a walk near my sitio (little rur Ivilla) outside Penedo, I once happened to come across a plan growing like a weed by the roadside. I plucked its tiny pulpy ed fruit and squeezed out its sparse juice. From 23

the smell of the plant that came off on my hand, I knew immediately that I had found the wild ancestor of our own cultivated tomato plant. The tomato is indigenous to our Americas.

In the feira of Penedo, you can also buy corn and potatoes and sweet potatoes, other vegetables unknown to Europe before Columbus and Cabral and their successors brought them home with them. (It's hard to imagine no potatoes in Ireland, no tomato-sauce in Italy.)

Almost every shopper in the feira of Penedo will buy a quantity of black beans and rice, which, in combination, are the mainstay staple of the Brazilian diet, like our bread. In Penedo, as in much of the rest of Brazil, beans-and-rice are served as a side dish at every lunch and dinner. A bit monotonous, you might say, but cheap, solid food and excellent nutrition.

"What, no coffee?", you exclaim as you look around thefeira of Penedo. No, thefeira has local produce only. Coffee is grown in the south of Brazil; the state of Alagoas is too tropical for its cultivation.

Brazil is no place to get a cup of coffee, anyway. I won't say that I never had a good cup of coffee in Brazil, but when I lived there the best grades of coffee were exported to get foreign currency, while the Brazilians got only the standard grade oftheir own prime crop. I suppose there is excellent coffee in Sao Paulo or Rio—maybe even Starbucks by now—;! confine my reporting to just my Penedo experience.

No coffee, but for fruits and vegetables, a tropical cornucopia is spilled onto the streets of Penedo on feira day. Less savory is the meat department. Here the head of a pig, its eyes shut tight in its last wince, there a row of bovine hearts—not still beating, thank God!—, over there a pile of livers and a tableful of intestines. A large tongue lolls over the edge of the table. The stench of blood and offal rises in the crowded heat. It's enough to turn you into a vegetarian.

Nonetheless, if your stomach is as strong in the looking as in the eating, there are some choice cuts here. Brahma beefsteak in abundance, cut just the way you like it.

Do you prefer chicken? Take your choice; A live one you can carry off flapping; one with its throat slit but still feathered; one cleaned and gutted; or any selection of poultry parts, even a clump of feet, if you fancy them. You can buy some live chicks to take home and raise for some future meal, perhaps when the in-laws drop in on anon-feira day. Hear the parting squawk of a cock just executed on a customer's orders. There is murder most fowl in Penedo on feira day.

Penedo is located on the Sao Francisco River, not very far inland from where it discharges into the Atlantic. Because of Penedo' s favorable location, itsfeira can offer both seafood and riverfood. There are plenty of delectable piranhas or tucunare (peacock bass, a sportfish but also good for the table). Some of the riverfish, however, have a crude unappetizing look, like carp.

The fish are fresh. In fact, the catfish (peire-gato, same name in Portuguese) are still panting on the dry ground. Or you can get your fish dried-and-salted. ' There are also crabs, lobster, and shrimp. If you want to buy seafood in the feira of Penedo, I suggest you shop early, for it all sits in the sun, and such slow cooking, I fear, does not enhance its flavor.

Missing from the harvest of the river these days is jacare (alligator, or cayman) from the swamps of the Sao Francisco.

Now that it has become extinct, it's on the protected list.! recall that during my two years of Peace Corps service in Penedo, I'd occasionally see a jacare brought in trussed alive, its jaw wrapped tight shut with twine. Jacare was sold by its length; it could be as long as a man is tall. I never bought one, because, living alone, I would have had too much leftovers.

There was one restaurant in town that hadjacare on its menu.

My Peace Corps colleague Mark and! tried it one evening. The jacare was stringy in texture but quite edible. (When I returned 24

to the United States and happened to mention I had eaten alligator in Brazil, I *as asked what it tasted like. "Crocodile,"! answered.)

If, by philosophical conviction or mere squeamishness, you incline toward vegetarianism, the feira can cater to your scrupulous diet. Besides the innumerable fruits and vegetables, there are grains and roots and tubers and beans and nuts and twigs and sprigs. Also, medieinal, even aphrodisiac, herbs, powders, and potions.

If, on the other hand, you scorn health-consciousness and love se4indulgence, you can buy fresh locally grown tobaccoiut in sections from a coiled rope. The vendor wilLeven set it afire for you to experience and approve its aroma.

Today, Penedo does have a supermarket, but the feira is not at all diminished by that fact. After all, you may do your shopping in a supermarket without saying anything to anybody or anybody saying anything to you,—a silent and lonely task! In the feira, you can haggle and chat and gossip with the neighbors, in short, continue as a social human being while you are buying your necessities.

You'll find much more than groceries at thefeira of Penedo.

Thefeira, in fact, provides every necessity or frivolity you want, need, or can be talked into wanting or needing.

Down the street we go, past cosmetics and toiletries, housewares and hardware, watches and electronics, toys and miudezas (notions) of every type. Around the corner to clothes and shoes. Then farther on to furniture, junk, and machinery of this-or-that.

How about a bird-cage, with or without bird? On my 1995 trip, I talked to the birdseller for a few minutes. He told me the names of the kinds of birds he sells, imitated their repertoire, and said that listening to the radio was a great stimulus and inspiration to their singing. "And does that one over there know any of the songs of Roberto Carlos?" I asked him, alluding to Brazil's most famous pop singer. No, the bird hadn't yet advanced to that level of sophistication.

The vendors' product-line may include a hundred items or only one, like the razor blades (gillettes) sold by one itinerant vendor. He offered me some, but I stroked my beard and told him, "Ncio precis°, " (Don't need 'em).

He laughed and moved on to more likely prospects.

Yes, thefeira of Penedo, Alagoas has it all...well, except for diamonds and furs. You'll have to make do with junk jewelry; and the climate makes furs ridiculous, anyway.

On the first day of my return to Penedo after an absence of twenty-five years, I walked the streets ofthefeira. Mingling with the crowds, I tried not to be a conspicuous outsider. It is not easy for me to pass myself off as a penedense, for I tower over almost everybody. Mytunglasses did conceal my blue eyes, and I had acquired a bit ofa tan in the Amazon. Even so, I drew some stares from the vendors and shoppers.

Perhaps! deserved their suspicious scrutiny. The sellers and buyers ofthefeira must have thought me a strange stranger, for I spent the entire morning there—in two forays, with a breather between—, the entire morning, and yet I bought.. .nothing!

Norman Weeks served as a United States Peace Corps Volunteer in Penedo, Alagoas, Brazil from 1968 to 1970.

In 1995 he returned to Brazil and to Penedo to see how all had changed in twenty-five years. Tropical Ecstasy, his book on the trip, is being represented for publication by Debbie Fine, Southeast Literary Agency, P.O. Box 910, Sharpes, Florida 32959-0910. Norman Weeks may be reached • at jmnf 62577@aol.com.

"The Feira" is adapted from material in Tropical Ecstasy.

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

lively Monologue All The Names is for the most part a fascinating story, somewhat politically surreal. Not only is Senhor Jose a faceless cog in the bureaucratic machine, he lives in a simple house that's butted up against the very archives where he works.

BONDO VVYSZPOLSKI

All The Names, by Jose Saramago, translated by Margaret Jull Costa (Harcourt, 238 pp., $24) The labyrinthine storage space of the Central Registry of Births, Marriages and Deaths is so vast and complicated thatâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; after one researcher was lost for a week and nearly given up for deadâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the clerks who venture into its depths began using what they called `Ariadne's thread,' a lifeline that helps them fmd their way out. The huge structure sits in an old city that's never identified. As the author describes it, "the whole building had the air of a ruin fixed in time, as if it had been mummified rather than restored when the dilapidated state of its materials deBRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

manded it."

In the Central Registry (where, indeed, 'all the names' are filed) Senhor Jose is at the lower end ofthe pecking order, which is shaped like a triangle: eight clerks, four senior clerks, two deputy registrars, and the Registrar himself. Has Nobel Prizewinning novelist Jose Saramago (whose books include The Year ofthe Death ofRicardo Reis and Blindness) gone Orwellian on us? Is his latest offering meant to invoke Kafka and that writer's infamous Joseph K? Orson Welles' film treatment of The Trial comes to mind, particularly as Senhor Jose (surname? none given) is an antlike, nondescript clerk of fifty who has never, never stepped out of line.

All The Names doesn't really begin on a promising note, its opening pages s ggesting that it might prove a little too cerebral or insular t make for compelling readingâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;an issue some of us grappled ith in The History of the Siege of Lisbon. The latter was a sm rt, incisive book, but in places it went dry.

All The Na es, however, is for the most part a fascinating story, somewhat politically surreal like The Stone Raft with far less of the magic realism that characterized Baltasar and Blimunda. While it bears some resemblance to the scholarly pursuits that underpinned The History of the Siege of Lisbon, it also captures nd conveys the hidden tension that made Blindness so riveting.

Not only is Senhor Jose a faceless cog in the bureaucratic machine, he lives in a simple house that's butted up against the very archives where he works. As if that isn't enough, there's a connecting door between his modest home and the gargantuan building where he works.

Senhor Jos apparently has no friends, no sweetheart, and only one hobb : he clips and saves news items about famous people. One dq it occurs to him to attach some kind of official documentation to each of them, to anchor them in the official records perhap , so he begins a clandestine process of borrowing, transcribi g, and then returning the cards of the various celebrities in h's collection. But what happens is that by chance the card of an Onknown woman gets caught up among several others he has t ken.

All we knov about this unknown woman is that she's 36years-old, was, married and is now divorced. By all accounts she's a womai of no consequence and logically Senhor Jose would realize that he'd picked up her card by mistake and should simply return i and re-file it without further ado. Instead, he's fascinated by i . Why? Here's one clue. In The Stone Raft, pp.

108-108, Sara ago writes, "and to think that there are people who do not b lieve in coincidences, when one is constantly discovering c incidences in the world and is beginning to wonder if co' cidences are not the very logic of this world."

The inves igation begins, and not always with Ariadne's thread securely tied around his middle to get Senhor Jose back and forth without some missteps and misadventures. The novel will take man allegorical twists and turns (the reference to Ariadne alludes to the Minotaur, doesn't it?), with at least one encounter (the shepherd and his flock of sheep in the cemetery) that will remind us that Saramago is also the author of a splendid volume entitled The Gospel According to Jesus Christ.

If All The Names can be likened to an exploration, a voyage of discovery even, then it is a quiet and restrained journey that unravels without bells and whistles, without bodies being flung from trains. Although told in the third person, Senhor Jose's conversation are mostly interior monologues, one strange exception being the discussion between himself, lying on his bed, and the eiling over his head. It is an amusing exchange, wry but scinti lating. There are also many curlicues in the long, ribbon-like s ntences, such as "no one ever died from going for 25

awhile without eating between meals, except when the second meal was so long in being served that it did not appear in time to be served at all."

The story, which on one level is about the continuity and interconnectedness between the living and the dead, unfolds slowly, but perhaps inevitably. Senhor Jose is methodic, but in his own roundabout, antiquated way, so that sometimes we aren't sure if he really wants to track down the unknown woman or simply savor the thrills of the search. While All The Names is not a book that sizzles and shocks, it is an exquisite, profound, and sublime piece of writing, and a solid addition to one of the most impressive bodies of work created by any author in the 20" century.

Excerpt from All The Names:

not stupid, No you'r you' e that youtak 1 necisnt'd sthin just p°Inegthtetc"Fand especially simple t.heref wasno reason whgs y;;Ou " sh exouldPgio looke'look a! ing this woman, unless, Unless what, Unless love, in a nl you were doing i would come up itwith "°f an °blY surd idea, I believe I've td Y on another occasion that the ceilings of houses are the multiple eye of God, don't remember'I me not have said it in those Y id tln'm rds ib e saying yi onvoewa, Tell mPerethen see how woman I didn't os an ppossibly i,: avt!snakn g ow wh om I d never even seen. dwh question, there's no doubtout it, but only you can answer it, The idea does to iegsstand on, It doesn'tmatter whneth t hearvite":gleg ot or not I'm talking about quite another -r our part of thee anatomy, the° heart, the thin say is the engine and seat of affections, l °pie Pa rePeat that I could not PossiblY love s; woman I didn't know, whom I never saw, exexcept in some old photos,Youhw eran , ee atndt° thsat her, you wanted to know you like it or not, is love, These are toe iima imag m inahgglgiinings nsings of a ceiling Th our ima ginings,eYnot" mule a You're so arrogant, You think ink you know cv myth.mg about me I don't know everything but! must have learned a thing or two after all these years of living together, I bet you've never considered that you and Ilive together, the great difference between us is that you only notice me when you need advice and cast your eyes upwards, while I spend all my time looking at you, The eye ofGod, You can take my metaphors seriously if you like, but don't repeat them as ifthey were yours. After this, the ceiling decided to remain silent, it had realized that Senhor Jose's thoughts were already turned to the visit he was going to make to the unknown WOITIall'S parents, the last step before bumping his nose against the wall, an equally metaphorical expression which means, You've reached the end."

Just a fable This story runs aground somewhat when it swims into its dream imagery, but the tale is sweet and good-natured.

BONDO VVYSZPOLSKI

The Tale of the Unknown Island, by Josd Saramago, translated by Margaret Jull Costa (Harvest/Harcourt, 51 pp., $9 paper) Let's move from the unknown woman to the unknown island, and to a rather delightful and instructive fable that Josd Saramago wrote called The Tale of the Unknown Island This is a slight work with big type and greeting card illustrations by Peter Sis that was published in hardcover last year, presumably to fill the lull between Blindness and All the Names, and to profit from Saramago's receiving the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1998.

In this fairy tale for adults and children, a man knocks at one of the doors of the king's palace and demands a boat so he can go in search o f an unknown island.

He's fairly confident the king won't refuse him. He's right. The king, impressed

with the man's obstinacy, if not his logic, grants him a boat. Finding a crew is another matter, even though the palace cleaning lady, of all people, has decided to join him. But nobody else wants to set sail. As the man reports to the woman, "They said there are no more unknown islands and that, even if there were, they weren't prepared to leave the comfort of their homes and the good life on board passenger ships just to get involved in some oceangoing adventure, looking for the impossible." He then explains why he wants to discover the unknown island: "If you don't step outside yourself, you'll never discover who you are."

The little book, hardly more than a short story, echoes All the Names, since it narrates what can happen when an individual—actually two individuals, let's not forget the cleaning lady—steps out of the bureaucratic assembly line and chooses to venture beyond the safe and the familiar. For this reviewer the story runs aground somewhat when it swims into its dream imagery, but the tale is sweet and good-natured and the translation by Margaret Jull Costa is, as with All the Names, smooth and fluid.

Bondo VVyszpolski also heads up the arts and entertainment section of the Easy Reader, a weekly newspaper based in the South Bay of southern California. He can be reached at bwyszpolski@earthlink.net erpt from The Tale of the Unknown Island: "And the sailors, she asked. No one came, as you can see, But did some at least say they would come, she asked, They said there are no more unknown islands and that, even if there were, they weren't prepared to leave the comfort of their homes and the good life on board passenger ships just to get involved in some oceangoing adventure, looking for the impossible, as if we were still living in the days when the sea was dark, And what did you say to them, That the sea is always dark, And you didn't tell them about the unknown island, How could I tell them about an unknown island, if! don't even know where it is, But you're sure it exists, As sure as I, am that the sea is dark Right now, seen from up here, with the water the color ofjade and the sky ablaze, it doesn't seem at all dark to me, That's just an illusion, Sometimes islands seem to float above the surface of the water, but it's not true,How do you think you'll manage if you haven't got a crew, I don't know yet, We could live here, and I could get work cleaning the boats that come into port, and you, And I, You must have some skill, a craft, a profession, as they . call it nowadays, Thave, did have, will have if necessary, but! Want to find the unknown island. I want to find out who I am when I'm there on that island, Don't You know, If You don't step outside Yourself, You'll never discover who you are," 0 BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

He was good, very good.

Good all the time and everywhere. His kindness caused me nausea. I don't know why, but it did.

NELSON RODRIGUES

Personagens ALAIDE LUCIA PEDRO MADAME CLESS1 (cocote de 1905) MULHER DE VEU PRIMEIRO REPORTER (Pimenta) SEGUNDO REPORTER TERCEIRO REPORTER QUARTO REPORTER HOMEM INATUAL MULHER INATUAL SEGUNDO HOMEM INATUAL 0 LIMPADOR (cara de Pedro) HOMEM DE CAM (cara de Pedro) NAMORADO E ASSASSINO DE CLESSI LEITORA DO "DIARIO DA NOITE" GASTAO (par de Alaide e de Lircia) D. LiGIA (mae de Alaide e de Lucia) D. LAURA (sown de Alaide e de Urcia) PRIMEIRO MEDICO SEGUNDO MEDICO TERCEIRO MEDICO QUARTO MEDICO • MULHER DA "PACIE.' NC1A" DANCARINA (lupanar) TERCEIRA MULHER (lupanar) Quatro Pequenos Jornaleiros

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

PRIMEIRO ATO (Cenario—dividido em 3 pianos: 1° piano: alucinacao; 2° piano: memoria: 30 piano: realidade. Quatro areas no piano da memOria; duas escadas laterais. Trevas.)

MICROFONE—Buzina de autoraewel. umor de derrapagem violenta. Som de v idra gas artidas.

Silencio. Assistencia. Silencio.

VOZDEALAIDE (tnicrofone)--Clessi... lessi...

(Luzern resistenciano piano da alucinacao. mesas,3 mulheresescandalosamentepintadas, om vestidos berrantes e compridos. Decotes.

ID uas delas dancam ao som de urna v itrola nvisivel, dando uma vaga sugestao lesbica. laide, uma jovem senhora, vestida corn obriedade e born gosto, aparece no centro da ena. Vest,ido cinzento e uma bolsa vermelha.)

ALAIDE (nervosa)—Quero falar corn adame Clessi! Eta esti?

(Fala a I' mulher que, numadas tres mesas, az "paciencia". A mulher !Zia responde.)

ALAIDE (corn angnstia)--MadameClessi sti—podp-me dizer?

ALAIDE (corn ar ingenuo)—Nao responde! (corn docura)Nao quer responder?

(Silencio da outra.)

ALAIDE (hesitante)--Endo perguntarei pausa) aquela au.

(Corrc para as mulheres que dancam.)

ALAIDE—Desculpe. Madame Clessi. Eta sta?

(2' Mulher tambern nao responde.)

ALAIDE(sempredme)--Ah!tambemnao esponde?

(Hesita. Olhapara cada umadas mulheres. assa urn homem, empregado da casa, eamisa emalandro. Carrega uma vassoura de borracha urn pano de char. 0 mesmo cavalheiro aparece m toda a peca, corn roupas e personalidades • iferentes. Alaide corre para ele.)

ALAIDE (amavel)--Podia-me dizer se adame...

(0 hoTem apressa o passo e desaparece.)

ALAIDE (num desapontamento nfantil)—Fugiu de mim! (no meio da cena irigindo-se a todas, meio agressiva) Eu no uero nada demais. So saber se Madame Clessi sta!

(A 3° mulher deixa de dancar e vai mudar disco da vitrola. Far toda a mimica de quern scolhe urn disco, que ninguem ve, col oca-o na itrola tambem invisivel. Urn samba coinciindo corn este ultimo movimento. A 2' mulher aproxima-se lenta, de Alaide.)

MULHER (misteriosa)—Madame lessi?

ALAIDE (numa alegria evidente)--Oh! ragas a Deus! Madame Clessi, sim. r MULHER (voz mascula)--Uma que orreu?

ALAIDE (espantada, olhando para toas)—Morreu?

2 MULHER (para as outras)—Nao orreu?

MULHER (a que joga "paciencia")-orreu. Assassinada.

MULHER (corn voz lenta e velada)— adame Clessi morreu! (brusca e violenta) gora, saia!

ALAiDE (recuando)—E mentira. Madame lessi nao morreu. (olhando para as mulheres) ue é que estao me olhando? (noutro tom)Nao dianta, porque eu nao acredito!...

2*MULHER—Morreu, sim.For enterrada e branco. Eu vi.

ALAIDE—Mas elanao podia ser enterrada e branco! Nao pode ser.

P M ULIHER—Estava bon ita. Pareciauma noiva.

ALAIDE (excitada)--Noiva? (corn exaltacao) Noiva—ela? (tern urn riso entrecortado, histerico) Madame Clessi, noiva! (o rise, em crescendo, transforma-se em soluco) Parem corn essa mnsica! Que coisa!

(Musica cortada. Ilumina-se o piano da real idade. Quatro telefones, em cena, falando ao memo tempo. Excitacao.)

PIMENTA—E o Diane?

REDATOR—E. PIMENTA—Aqui é o Pimenta.

CARIOCA-REPORTER—EA Noite?

PIMENTA—Urn automovel acaba de pegar uma mother.

REDATOR D'A NOITE-0 que é que ha?

PIMENTA—Aqui na Gloria, perto do relogio.

CARIOCA-REPORTER—Umasenhora foi atropelada.

REDATOR DO DIARIO--Na Gloria, perto do relogio?

REDATOR D'A NOITE Onde?

CARIOCA-REPORTER—Na Gloria.

PIMENTA—A Assistencia ja levou.

CARIOCA-REPORTER—Mais ou menos no relegio. Atravessou na frente do bonde.

REDATOR D'A NOITE RelOgio.

PIMENTA-0 chofer fugiu.

REDATOR DE DIARIO—O.K. CARIOCA-REPORTER-0 Chofer meteu o pe PIMENTA—Bonita, bem vestida REDATOR D'A NOITE—Morreu?

CARIOCA-REPORTER—Ainda Ira°.

Mos vai.

(1 revas. Ilumina-se o piano da alucinacao.)

ALA iDE (trazendo, de brace, a la mulher, para urn canto) Aquele homem au. Quern (Ind ica um homem que acaba de entrar eque flea olhando para Alaide.)

MULHER—Sei (noutro torn) Vem aos sabadps.

ALAIDE (aterrorizada)—Tern o rosto do meu m ari do. (recua, puxan do a outra) A mesma earn!

3' MULHER—Voce é casada?

ALAIDE (ficaem suspenso)—Naosei. (em dnv id a) Me esqueci de tudo. Nao tenho memoria—sou uma mulher sem memoria. (impressionada) Mas todo o mundo tern um passado; eu tambem devo ter—ora essa!

3' MULH ER (em voz baixa)--Voce o que é, é louca.

ALAIDE (impressionada).—Sou louca? (corn docura) Que felicidade! r MULHER (aproximando-se)-0 que 6 que voces estao conversando al?

3" MULHER (para Alaide)--Isso 6 alianca?

ALAIDE (mostrando o dedo)—E. MULHER (olhando)—Alianca de casramento r MULHER—A da minha irma C mais fina.

3' MULHER (ceptica) Grossa ou fina, tanto far. (cid passes de danca) ALAIDE (excitada) Oh! Meu Deus!

Madame Clessi! Madame Clessi! Madame Clessi!

(0 homern solitario aproxima-se. Alaide afasta-se corn a 3' mulher.)

A LAIDE —Ele vem ai! Digam que eu nao sou daqui! Depressa! Expliquem!

3' MULHER (faladancando samba)—Eu dizer o que, minha filha!

0 HOMEM—E nova aqui?

27

ALAIDE (modificando a atitude inteiramente)—Nao, nao sou nova. NA° tinha me visto ainda?

0 HOMEM (serio)--Nao. ALAIDE (excitada, mas amavel)—Pois admira. Estou aqui—deixe ver. Faz uns tres meses... o HOMEM—Agora me lembro perfeitamente.

ALAIDE (sardonica)--Lembra-se de mim? o HOMEM—Me lembro, sim.

ALAIDE (cortante)--Bufao! o HOMEM (espantado)-0 que?

2*MULHER(apaziguadora)--Descuipe, doutor. Ela é louca (para Alaide) Madame nao gosta disso!

0 HOMEM—Por que é que poem uma louca aqui?

ALAiDE (excitada)--Bufao, sim. (desafiadora) D iga se ja me v iu alguma vez? Diga, se tem coragem! o HOMEM (formalizado)—Vou-me queixar a Madame. Nao esta direito!

2' MULHER (para Alaide, repreensiva)-Viu? Estou dizendo!

ALAIDE—Diga! Já me viu? Eu devia esbofeted-lo... o HOMEM (oferecendo a face)—Quero ver.

ALAIDE (numa transicao inesperada)-...mas nao quero. (passa da violencia para a docura) Estou sorrindo--viu? Aquilo nao foi nada! (sorri docemente). o HOMEM—Vamos sentar au?

ALAIDE (sorrindo sempre)--Estou sorrindo, sem vontade. Nenhuma. Vou corn voce— nem sei por que. Sou assim. (doce)Vamos, meu amor?

0 HOMEM (desconfiado)--Por que e que voce esti vesti da diferente das outras? (as outras estao vestidas de cetim vermelho, amarelo e corde-rosa) ALAIDE (doce)--Viu como eu disse— "meu amor"! Eu direi outras vezes—"meu amor"—e coisas piores! Madame Ciessi esta demorando! (noutro tom) Mas ela morreu mesmo? o HOMEM (numa gargalhada)—Madame Clessi morreu—gorda e velha.

ALAIDE (num transporte)—Mentira! (agressiva) Gorda e velhao que! Madame Clessi era linda. (sonhadora) Linda!

0 HOMEM (continuando a gargalhada e sentando-se no chao)--Tinha varizes! Andava gemendo e arrastando os chinelos!

ALAIDE (obstinada)—Mulher gorda, velha, cheia de varizes, nao é amada! E ela foi tAo amada! (feroz) Seu mentiroso! (Alaide esbofeteia o homem, que corta bruscamente a gargalhada).

(A 3' muiher vem, em passo de samba, e acaricia a cabeca do homem).

P MULHER—Ele disse a verdade. Madame tinha varizes.

ALAIDE (sonhadora)--Depois de morta foi vestida de noiva!

P MULHER—Bobagem ser enterrada com vestido de noiva!

ALAIDE (angustiada)—Madame Clessi!

Madame Clessi!

0 HOMEM (levantando-se, grave)— Agora you-me embora fui esbofeteado e é o bastante.

ALAIDE (corn uma amabilidade nervosa)—Ah! JA vai? Quer o flamer° do meu teiefone?

0 HOMEM (sem dar atencao)--Nuncafiii tao feliz! Levei uma bofetada e nao reagi.

28

(cumprimentando exageradamente)Medao licenca.

ALAIDE (correndo atras dele)—Nao \id assim! Fique mais urn pouco!

0 HOMEM—Adeus, madame. (sai) (A 3 mulher danca corn uma sensualidade ostensiva. Passa o empregado, de voita, corn a vassoura, p pano de chao e o baide.)

ALAIDE (saturada)—Ah! meu Deus! Esse tambem!

P MULHER—Quem?

ALAIDE—Aquele. Tern a cara do meu noivo. Os olhos, o nariz do meu noivo—estaome perseguindo. Todo o mundo tern a caradeie.

(2 mesas e 3 mulheres desaparecem. Duas mulheres--levam 2 cadeiras. As duas mesas sao puxadosparacima. Surge na escadaumamulher.

Espartilhada, chapel.' de plumas. Umaelegancia antiquada de 1905. Bela figura. Luz sobre ela.)

ALAiDE (num sopro de admiracao)—Oh! MADAME CLESSI—Querfalar comigo?

ALAIDE (aproximando-se, fascinada)— Quero, sim. Queria...

MADAME CLESSI—Vou botar urn disco. (dirige-se para a invisivel vitrola, corn Alaide atras.)

ALAIDE—A senhora nao morreu?

MADAME CLESSI—Vou botar urn samba. Esse aqui nao é muito born. Mas vai assim mesmo.

(Samba surdinando.)

MADAME CLESSI—Esta vendo como estou gorda, velha, cheia de varizes e de dinheiro?

ALAIDE—Li o seu diario.

MADAME CLESSI (ceptica)—Leu? Duvido! Onde?

ALAIDE (afirmativa)—Li, sim. Quero morrer agora mesmo, se nao é verdade!

MADAME CLESSI—Entao diga como que cornea. (Clessi fala de costas para Alaide) ALAIDE (recordando)—Quer ver? E assim... (ligeira pausa) "ontem, fui corn Paulo a Paineiras"... (feliz) E assim que comeca.

MADAME CLESSI (evocativa) Assim mesmo. E. ALAIDE (perturbada)--Nao sei como a senhora pode escrever aquilo! Como teve coragem! Eu nao tinha!

MADAME CLESSI (a vontade)—Mas nao é so aguilo. Tern outras coisas.

ALAIDE (excitada)—Eu sei. Tern muito mais. Fiquei!... (inqujeta) Meu Deus! Nao sei o que 6 que eu tenho. E uma coisa—nao sei. Por que é que eu estou aqui?

MADAME CLESSI—E a mim que voce pergunta?

ALAIDE (corn volubilidade)—Aconteceu uma coisa, na minha vida, que me fez vir aqui.

Quando foi que ouvi seu nome pela primeira vez? (pausa) Estou-me lembrando!

(Entrao cliente anterior com guarda-chuva, chapel] e capa. Parece boiar.)

ALAIDE--Aquelehomem! Tern a mesma cam do meu noivo!

MADAME CLESSI—Deixa o homem!

Como foi ,que voce soube do meu nome?

ALAIDE—Me lembrei agora! (noutro torn) Ele esta-me oihando. (noutro torn, ainda) Foi uma conversa que eu ouvi quando a gente se mudou. No dia mesmo, entre papai e mamae.

Deixe eu me recordar como foi . Já sei! Papai estava dizendo: "0 negocio acabava..."

(Escurece o piano da aiucinacao. Luz no piano da memOria. Aparecem pai e mae de Alaide.)

PA! (continuando a frase)—...numa orgia louca."

MAE—E tudo isso aqui?

PAI—Aqui, entao?!

MAE—Alaidee Laciamorando em casa de Madame Clessi. Corn certeza, 6 no quarto de Alaide que ela dormia. 0 melhor da casa!

PAI—Deixa a mulher! Ja morreu!

MAE--Assassinada. 0 jomal nao deu?

PAI—Deu. Eu ainda nao sonhavaconhecer voce. Foi um crime muito falado. Saiu fotografia.

MAE—No sotao tern retratos dela, uma mala cheia de roupas. Vou mandar botar fogo em tudo: PAI—Manda.

(APaga-se o piano da memoria. Luz no piano da alucinacao.)

ALAIDE (preocupada)--Mamae falou em Lucia. Mas quern é Lucia? Nao sei. NA° me lembro.

MADAME CLESSI—Entaovoces foram morar la? (nostaigica) A casa deve estar muito velha.

ALAIDE--Estava,masPedro...(excitada) Agora me lembrei: Pedro. E meu marido! Sou casada. (noutro tom) Mas essa Lucia, meu Deus! (noutro torn) Eu acho que estou ameacada de morte! (assustada)Ele vemparaca(refere-seao homem solitario que se aproxima).

CLESSI—Deixa.

ALAIDE (animada)—Pedro mandou reformartudo, pintar. Ficou nova, acasa. (noutro torn) Ah! eu corni ao sotao, antes que mamae mandasse queimar tudo!

CLESSI—Entao?

ALAIDE—La vi a mala--com as roupas, as ligas, o espartilho cor-de-rosa. E encontrei o diario. (arrebatada) Tao undo, de!

CLESSI (forte)—Quer sercomo eu, quer?

AL/UDE (yeemente)--Quero, sim. Quero.

CLESSI (exaltada, gritando)—Ter a fama que tive. A vida. 0 dinheiro. E morrer assassinada?

ALAIDE (abstrata)--Fui a Biblioteca ler todos os jomais do tempo. Li tudo!

CLESSI (transportada)--Botaram cada anuncio sobre o crime! Houve um reporter que escreveu uma coisa muito bonita!

ALAIDE (alheando-se bruscamente)-Espera, estou-me lembrando de uma coisa.

Espera. Deixa eu ver! Mamae dizendo a papal.

(Apaga-se o piano da alucinacao. Luz no piano da memOria. Pai e nide.)

MAE—Cruz ! Ate pensei ter visto urn vuito—ando tao nervosa. Tambem esses corredores! A alma de madame Clessi pode andar por al... e...

PAI—Perca essa mania de alma! A mulher esta mcyta, enterrada!

MAE--Pois é...

(Apaga-se o piano da memOria. Luz no piano da alucinacao.)

MADAME CLESSI—Mas o que foi?

ALAIDE--Nada. Coisa sem imporrancia que eu me lembrei. (forte) Quero ser como a senhora. Usar espartilho. (doce) Acho espartilho eiegante!

CLESSI—Mas seu marido, seu pal, sua mae e...

HOMEM (para Alaide)—Assassina!

(Apaga-se o piano da alucinacao. Luz no piano da realidade. Sala de operacao.)

1° MEDICO—Puiso?

2° MEDICO-160.

1° MEDICO--Rugina.

2° MEDICO—Como esta isso!

1° MEDICO—Tenta-se uma osteossintese!

3° MEDICO—Olha aqui.

10 MEDICO—Fios de bronze.

(Pausa.)

1° MEDICO-0 osso!

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

30 MEDICO—Agora é ir ate o fim.

10 MEDICO—Se nao der certo, faz-se a amputacao.

(Rumor de ferros cirurgicos) 10 MEDICO—Depressa!

(Apaga-se a sala de operacao. Luz no piano da alucinacao.)

HOMEM (para Alaide, sinistro)—Assassina!

CLESSI (espantada)-0 que?

HOMEM (indicando)—Ela! Assassina!

CLESSI (para Alaide)—Voce?

ALAIDE (nervosissima)--Nao me pergunte nada. Nap sei. Nao me lembro. (num lamento) Se, ao menos; soubesse quem é Lucia!

HOMEM (angustrado)—Nao tern ninguem aqui? Quero chope!

ALAIDE (em panico)—Ele quer-me prender! Nao deixe!

CLESSI (assombrada)—Voce... Matou?

Voce?

ALAIDE (desesperada)—Matei, sim.

Matei, pronto!

HOMEM (queixoso)--Meu Deus! Nao tern ninguem para me servir. (corn angustia) Ninguem! (olha para Alaide) Assassina!

ALAIDE (patetica)--Matei. Matei meu noivo.

HOMEM—Ela disse— "matei meu noivo". F9i. Eu assisti.

ALAIDE—Nao assistiu nada! Nao tinha ninguern. La nao tinha ninguem! E nao foi meu noivo. Foi meu marido!

CLESSI (frivola)--Marido ounoivo, tanto faz.

ALAIDE (histerica, para o homem)— Agora me leve, me prenda—sou umaassassina.

HOMEM—Nao prendo. Nao tenho nada corn isso!(angustiado)Nao haningudm para me servir? (melancOlico) Ninguem!

CLESSI—O senhor tern a cara do marido de Alaide?

ALAIDE—Tem, sim. Elevai dizer que nao, mas tern.

HOMEM (grave)—Tenho...

(0 homem afasta-se. Mesa desaparece. 0 homem carrega a cadeira.)

Quando quiser carregar o corpo, eu ajudo. (sai) ALAIDE—Ele esta au. Ali. CLESSI (admirada)--Ele quern ALAIDE (baixo)—Meu marido.

CLESSI—Vivo?

ALAiDE--Morto.

(Alaide guia Clessi. Aponta para um invisivel cadaver.)

ALAIDE—Viu? CLESSI—Estou vendo. Mas voce?...

ALAIDE—Eu. Olha os pés. Assim— tortos. (faz a mimica correspondente) (Buzina. Rumor de derrapagem. Ambulancia. Alaide e Clessi imoveis.)

CLESSI—Mas por que fez isso?

ALAIDE (excitada)—Ele era born, muito born. Born a toda hora e em toda parte. Eu tinha nojo de suabondade. (pensa, confirma)Nao sei, tinha nojo. Estou-me lembrando de tudo, direitinho, como foi. Naquele dia eu disse: "Eu queria ser Madame Clessi, Pedro. Que tat?"

(Apaga-se o•plano da alucinacao. Luz no piano da memOria.)

PEDRO--Voce continua corn essabrincadeira?

ALAiDE—Brincadeira o que? Serio!

PEDRO--Nao me aborreca, Alaide!

ALAIDE-0 que é que voce fazia?

PEDRO—Nao sei. (rapido) Matava voce.

ALAIDE (ceptica)--Duvido. Nunca voce BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

teria essa coragem!

PEDRO (olhando-a)—E. Nao teria. , ALAIDE--Nao disse? Masse eu fugissd, se me transformasse numa Madame Clessi?

PED4O—Sei la, Alaide! Sei la!

ALAIDE (perversa)--Ah! E assim que voce responde? Pois fique sabendo...

PEDRO-0 que?...

ALAIDE (maliciosa)—Nao digo! (cantarola "Danubio Azul") PEDRO (gritando)—Agora diga. Diga, ALAIDE (maliciosa)--Digo o que!

PEDRO—Entao nao falasse!

(Trevas. Luz no piano da alucinacao, onne já esta Alaide.)

ALAIDE (num torn sinistro e inesperado)—Tem algudm querendo me matar.

CLESSI—Isso jasei. 0 que eu quero saber é como voce matou Pedro. Como foi?

ALAIDE—Interessante. Estou-me lernbrand° de uma mulher, mas no consigo ver o rosto. Tern um veu. Se eu a reconhecesse!...

CLESSI—Deixa a mulher de veu. Corm foi que voce matou?

ALAIDE (atormentada)--Estou sentindo urn cheiro de fibres, de muitas fibres. Estou té enjoada. (noutro torn) Como eu matei? Nem sei direito. Estou corn a cabeca tAo embaralha a!

Comeco a me lembrar. S6 esqueci o moti o.

Naquele dia eu estava doida. (trevas) VOZ DE ALAiDE (dastrevas)—Doid de 6d io. Talvez por causa damulher do veu. Al da nao se i quern ela 6, mas hei de me lembrar. Pee ro estava lendo urn livro.

(Luz no piano da memiaria. Pedro le m livro.)

ALAIDE (provocadora)--Vocenao a .1 • a corn esse livro?

PEDRO—Mas, minha filha; com cei agora! , ALAIDE (corn irritacao)--Por causa dos seus livros voce ate esquece que eu existo PEDRO (conciliat6rio)--Nao seja be ba! (levanta-se, quer abracar a mulher) ALAIDE (repel indo-o) Fique quieto! a°, nao, ja disse!

(Pedro insiste.)

ALAIDE (sentida)—Naoquero! Vale seu livro, va!

PEDRO (brincando)—Nao you!

VOZ DE CLESSI (microfone)—Qu m essa mulher de veu?

PEDRO--Nao seja assim, Alaide!

ALAIDE (yeemente)—Nao seja ass m o que! Voce nem me liga e agora esta corn sses fingimentos.

PEDRO (afetuoso)--Deixe de ser cn ca!

Venha ca!, Um beijinho s6!

ALAIDE (intransigente)—Nao, nao ou, nao! Desista. (ameacadora) Pedro! (repe e-o) Tambem you ler!

PEDRO-0 que?

ALAIDE (enigmatica)--Voce nem faz ideia! Um didrio! 0 diario de uma gr nde mulher!

(Trevas.)

ALAIDE (nas trevas, ao microfone Ele nao sabia por que eu estava mudada. Tao mudada. Como podia saber que era urn f tasma—o fantasma de Madame Clessi—q e me enlouquecia?

VOZ DE CLESSI (microfone)--S6 meu fantasma, nao. E os outros dois fantasm ? A mulher de veu e L4ia?

VOZ DE ALAIDE--Depois, euvej isso. (noutro tom) Se ele soubesse que ia mo er!...

(Luz piano da memoria. Pedro le ) ALAIDE (provocante)—Pedro. z o nome de maneira cantante) destacan ao as

silabas, PE-DRO; (silencio de Pedro) Ah! esta assim, hem!

PEDRO (sem se voltar)—Quern manda voce fazer, o que fez?

ALAIDE--Eu nao fiz nada!

PEDRO—Me repeliu!

ALAIDE—Repeli, sim. Eu nao gosto de voce! Deixei de gostar ha muito tempo! Desde o dia de nosso casamento...

PEDRO (levanta-se e aproxima-se)— Bobinha!

ALAIDE--Serio!

(Os d9is se olham.)

ALAIDE (ficando de costas)—Gosto de outro.

PEDRO (apreensivo)--Alaide! Olhe o que eu lhe disse!

ALAiDE (acintosa)—Gosto, sim. Gosto de outro. Que é que esta me olhando?

PEDRO (corn certa ameaca)—Nao continue, Alalde!

ALAIDE—No minimo, voce esti pensando: "Se ela gostasse de outro, naodiria."Acertei?

PEDRO—Voce C completamente doida!

ALAIDE—Por que C que voce nao se ofende corn as coisas que estou dizendo?

PEDRO—Vou ligar ao que voce diz?

ALAIDE (ironica)--Ah! NA& (exaltada) Faz mal em dizer que nao mataria nunca a sua mulher!... Um marido que da garantias de vida esta PEDRO (irritado)--Nao provoque, Alaidel ALAIDE (exaltada)—Vou abandonar voce, fugir daqui! Quero ser livre, meu filho!

Livre! Tao born!

PEDRO (impulsivo, pega-the o brag°, torce-lhe o pulso. Terrivel)--Nao di sse paranao me provocar--nao disse?

ALAIDE (desesperada)—Ai—ai! Eu estava brincando, Pedro. Al! Al! PEDRO (sinistro)--Nunca mais na sua vida brinque assim—nunca mais! Ouviu?

ALAIDE (louca de dor)—Pelo amor de Deus, Pedro—ai. Nao, Pedro! Juro...

(Pedro larga. Alaide esconde o braco machucad,o nas costas.)

ALAIDE (ofegando)—Voce me machucou. Eu estava brincando s6...

(Pedro vira-lhe as costas. Acende, corn a maotremuja, urn cigarro. Volta-se para Alaide.)

ALAIDE (deixando cair a pulseira)— Pedro, minha pulseira caiu. Quer apanhar para mim? Quer?

(Pedro vai apanhar. Abaixa-se. Rapida e diabolica, Alaide apanha um ferro, invisiyel, ou co isa que o valha, e, possessa, entra a dar go lpes.

Pedro cai em camarp lenta.) (Trevas.)

VOZ DE ALAIDE (microfone)—Eu bati aqui detras, acho que na base do cranio. Etc deu arrancos antes de morrer, como urn cachorro atropelado.

VOZ DE CLESSI (microfone)—Mas como foi que voce qranjou o ferro?

VOZ DE ALAIDE,(microfone)—Sei Id! Apareceu! (noutro tom) As vezes penso que ele pode estar vivo! Nao sei de nada, meu Deus!

Nunca pensei que fosse tao facil matar um marido.

(Luz no piano daalucinacao. Alaidee Clessi sentadas no chao e no lugar em que, supostamente, esta o cadaver invisivel. As duas olham.)

CLESSI—Vamos carregar o homem?

CLESSI (acariciando o morto presumivelmerne na cabeca)—Coitado!

ALAIDE—Um morto 6 born, porque a gente deixa num lugar e quando volta ele estana mesma posicao.

CLESSI—Voce esti mesmo sentindo um 29

cheiro de flores?

ALAIDE (agitada)—Vamos carregar? (noutro torn) Mas para onde, meu Deus! Nao tern lugar!

CLESSI—A gente esconde debaixo da carna.

ALAIDE (desesperada)—Mas ele nao pode ficar la a vida inteira. 0 empregado— quando for arrumar o quarto—descobre.

CLESSI—Aqui é pior. Pode vir a policia.

ALAIDE (agoniada).—Vamos logo, entao?!

CLESSI (explicando) Olha, eu puxo por urn brag° e voce por outro.

ALAIDE—Arrastando o corpo, faz-se menos forca.

(Cada uma puxapelo brag() de urn invisivel cadaver, arrastando-o. Realizam o respectivo esforco. Arquejam.)

ALA IDE (ofegando)--Isso como pesa! (as duas detern-se. Fazem como se, cuidadosamente, estendessem o corpo davitimano chao.

Clessi passa por cima do cadaver.)

CLESSI (sentando-se no chao)—Voce agora nao,esta corn pena dele?

ALAIDE (excitada)—Pena, eu? Pena nenhuma! So (Kilo! (noutro torn) Meu Deus, o que é que ele fez? (confusa e angustiada) 0 que foi?

CLESSI—Eu nao sei, minha filha.

ALAIDE (angustiada)--Nao consigo me lembrar. Mas fez algumacoisa, sim.No minimo, a mulher de veu esta metida nisso!...

CLESSI--E Lncia tambem.

(Entra o homem de capa e guarda-chuva.

Aproxima-se. As duas olham, sem dizer palavra.)

HOMEM (perto de Alaide)--Assassina!

(Imobilizam-se, emudecem ospersonagens.

Rumor de derrapagem; grito. Ambulancia.)

ALAiDE—Que é que esta me olhando?

Nunca me viu? (noutro tom) Prenda—ande, esti corn medo? (para Clessi) Voce ouviu urn grito?

Vamos para a policia?

HOMEM—Assassina!

(Trevas. Luz no piano da memeria. Quatro jomaleiros, urn em cada arco.)

1° PEQUENOJORNALEIRO Olha. A NOITE! 0 DIARIO! A mulher que matou o marido!

2° PEQUENO JORNALEIRO—Vai querer? A NOITE! 0 DIARIO! Tragedia em Copacabana!

3° PEQUENOJORNALEIRO AN01TE! DIARIO! Moffeu o coisa!

4° PEQUENO JORNALEIRO—DIARIO! Violento artigo! Já leu al?

10 PEQUENO JORNALEIRO Olha a mulher que engoliu urn tijolo! 0 DIARIO! (Os quatro jornaleiros repetem, ao mesmo tempo, os pregOes acima. Trevas. Luz no piano da alucina,cao.)

ALAIDE (angustiada)--Papai e mamae, todo o mundo vai ler nos jomais. Vao per o meu retrato!

HOMEM—Por que voce matou seu marido?

CLESSI (intervindo)—Ele era muito ruim!

0 doutor nao imagina!

ALAIDE (veemente)--Ruim nada! Era ate muito born. (excitada) Nobre!

CLESSI—Boba! Voce estragou tudo!

ALAIDE—Mas eu nao me lembro por que matei—nao me lembro!

HOMEM Eu sei.

ALAIDE—Entao diga.

HOMEM—Há mulher no meio. (confidencial) Uma mulher de veu. Tern urn vett tapando o,rosto. Percebeu?

ALAIDE (surpresa)--Uma mulher de lieu?

(animada) Mas o senhor entao deve saber quern ela. Tern que saber! Diga!

HOMEM—Nao digo. (cumprimenta) Corn licenca. Adeus! (antes de desaparecer) Lembre-se de seu casamento! (Sai) (Trevas. Luz no piano da realidade. Redayao e casa.)

MULHER (gritando) Quern fala?

REDATOR DO DIARIO (comendo sanduiche) 0 DIARIO. MULHER (esganicada)—Aqui e uma leitora.

REDATOR DO DIARIO--Muito bem.

MULHER—Eu moro aqui num apartamento, na Gloria! Vi urn,desastre horrivel!

REDATOR DO DIARIO--Uma mulher atropelada.

MULHER—A culpa toda foi do chofer.

Eles passam por aqui, o senhor nao imagina!

Entao, quem tern crianca!,...

REDATOR DO DIARIO Claro!

MULHER—Quando a mulher viu, já era tarde! 0 DIARIO podia botar umareclamacao contra o abuso dos automOveis!

DO DIAR I 0 — Vamos, sim! (desliga) MILER (continuando)— Obrigada, ouviu?

FIRST OF THREE PARTS. TO BE CONTINUED.

EDGARD() QUINTANILIA, Es

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BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

diamonds and 77 pearls. The museum is open Tuesday to PETROPOLIS PetrOpolis is a lovely mountain retreat with a decidedly Sunday from noon to 5.30 pm; it costs $0.30 to get in.

European flavor. It's only 60 km from Rio de Janeiro, For Places to Stay and Places to Eat read the book.

Entertainment making it an ideal day trip. Petropolis is where the imperial court spent the summer when Rio got too muggy, and it's For a drink in elegant surroundings, try Casa d' Angelo, still the home of the heir to the throne, Princess Isabel's on the corner of Rua do Imperador and Rua da Imperatriz. In grandson, 78-year-old Dom Pedro de Orleans e Braganca. the suburb of Itaipava, there are lots of nightspots along the He runs a real-estate business, and can often be seen riding Estrada Bernardo Coutinho.

Getting There & Away his horse around town.

Wander around, visiting PetrOpolis' attractions, or ride From Rio, buses to Petropolis leave every half-hour from by horse and carriage through the city's squares and parks, 5 am onwards. The trip takes 1 1/2 hours and costs $2.50. past bridges, canals and old-fashioned lamps, Around PetrOpolis Information lf you have the use of a car, take a ride out on the Estrada From any newsstand or souvenir shop, you can pick up Industrial. It's 70 km to the little church of Sao Jose de Rio a copy of the Guia de Petropolis, in Portuguese and English, Preto. You'll pass a few good restaurants on the way for $6. It's even sold at newsstands in In Itapaiva, visit the Recant° Rio. ''`-4-2"•'" porcelain factory. In Pedra do Rio, Walking Tour find the hiking trail to the Roc inha This tour is around four km and waterfalls in the Seeretaria neightakes about two hours, including time borhood, and then visit the farms spent at the attractions. Start at the and ranches of Posse.

Catedral SAo Pedro de Alcantara, Vassouras which houses the tombs of Dom Pedro Vassouras, a quiet resort 118 km II, Dona Teresa and Princesa Isabel. north of Rio, was the most important As you leave the cathedral, turn city in the Paraiba valley in the first right down Rua 13 de Maio and walk a half of the 19th century. Surrounded couple of hundred meters past some by the huge fazendas of the 19thcrummy shops, until you reach the century coffee barons, the town still The road to Teresopolis fi st river. Cross over and turn left for the wears the money they poured into it.

Palacio Cristal, an iron-and-glass They were literally barons, for 18 of passes the sinuous curves • a structure built in France, then imported them were given titles of nobility by padded green jungle, and t en in 1879 to serve as an orchid hothouse. the Portuguese crown. With the aboContinue down Rua Alfredo Pachd. lition of slavery in 1888 and the winds and climbs past b Id You'll see the Bohemia beer brewery resulting decline in coffee producpeaks, which have poked on your right. Sorry, no free samples. tion, Vassouras' importance diminTurn left again into Avenida Rui ished, and this preserved the town. through the jungle, cover to Museu Chacara da Hera Silvera and go down to Praca Rui Barbosa. Cut across the park to the Vassouras' favorite grande dame touch the clouds. right, and up towards the pink univeris the noble heiress Eufrasia, a sity building with the floral clock in woman who claimed devotion to front. Next door, perched up high, is the Casa de Santos Vassouras despite palaces in London, Brussels and Paris.

Dumont, the interesting summer home of Brazil's father of Her home, the Museu Chacara da Hera, is on Rua Fernandes aviation. It's open Tuesday to Sunday from 9 am to 5 pm. Go Junior, and is open Wednesday to Sunday from 11 am to 5 in and have a look. , pm.

Fazendas As you leave, turn right and start walking uphill, then turn right at the first street on your right. There's a sign There are a few old churches in the Center, as well as old buildings of the schools of mediadvertising the Hotel Margaridas. cine, philosophy and engineering, Keep walking uphill, always takbut the real attractions of ing the right fork, until you reach Vassouras are the co tree fazendas the Trono de Fatima, a 3.5-meter Unfortunately, if you don't have a sculpture of Nossa Senhora de car, you're in for some long hikes Fatima Madonna, imported from Although the historical preservaItaly. From here you have a great tion institutes protect thefazendus, view of the town and surrounding permission must be obtained from hills.

Head back down the hill, past the owners before touring the grounds. For more information, the university and through Praca ask at the Casa de Cultura, next to Rui Barbosa (you may want to the cinema on Praca Bardo do grab a drink in the park), then Campo Belo. along Avenida Koeller, where you'll pass some fine mansions.

Nine km from town is the Turn right at Avenida Tiradentes Fazenda Santa Eufrasia, one of the oldest in the area, dating from and make your way up to the end of the 18th century. If you PetrOpolis' main attraction, the ,tMuseu Imperial, housed in the perfectly preserved and have a car, take the road to the small town of Barao de impeccably appointed palace of Dom Pedro II. One interest- Vassouras, five km away. Pass through the town, and after ing exhibit is the 1720-gram imperial crown, with its 639 three km you'll see the impressive Fazenda Santa MOnica,

The Hills Are Alive

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

situated on the banks of the Rio Paraibtt. The F Paraiso and the Fazenda Oriente are further out oil• th road.

For Places to Stay and Places to, Ea d Getting There & Away The bus station is on Praca Juiz Machado Jr.,.. buses make the 2 'A -hour trip to Rio ($6). The fnutl 6.45 am, with others leaving every 'A hours after TERES6POLIS Do as Empress Teresina did and escape the èi summer heat ofRio inthe cootmountain retreat ofTeres6 (910 meters), the highest city in the state, nestled in strange, organ-pipe mountains of the Serra dos Orgaos. Th road to Teresepolis first passes the smuous c padded green jungle, and then win and climbs peaks, which have poked through the jungle, cove the clouds.

The city itself is modem, pro principal attraction is the landscape) andusiisannda sures—in particular the strangely shaped peaks o Sino (2263 meters), Pedra do Acu (2230 meters), Diabo (2020 meters), Nariz do Fracle (1919 mete de Deus (1651 meters), Pedra da Ennitage (1485. and Dedo de Nossa Senhora (1320 meters). With so peaks, it's no wonder that Teres6polis is the mo climbing , roc kclimbing and trekking center of • There are extensive hiking trails in the reg' n possible to trek over the mountains and through I° Petropolis. Unfortunately. the trails are uninaticeth d and maps, but it's easy and inexpensive to hire a gui national park, or go with a group organized b o hiking and mountaineering clubs in Rio. Teres6polis is not simply for alpinists: it's a c sports lovers ofall kinds. The city has facilities form volleyball and equestrian activities—many of Brazil' sst thoroughbreds are raised here—not to mention soccer lie city bears the distinction of hosting Brazil's World up soccer team.

Orientation Teres6polis is built up along one main street changes names every few blocks. Starting from the hi€ to Rio in the Soberbo part of town and.continuing along the e AvenidaR ' otanana (with acceis an continuilt$ to the had park), the road is renamedAvenidaOliveiraBotelho,Avój Alberto Torres, Feliciano Sodre and then Avenida Li Meira. Most of the sites are west f th the hills. The cheap hotels are found inettailt drag a4 the Igreja Matriz de Santa Tereza,Praca Balittazar eighcl btr aSilv Information Tourist Office The Terminal Ttiiiristicolourist office" Soberbo, at the intersection withe road Rio It s daily from 8 am to 11 pm, and the view ofRie from. he is great. If you're traveling by bus h s a hassle to get to; you can pick up the same maps , owever:If at the tourist stand on Avenida Lacio Meira, which is open Mondayto Friday Sam to 5 pm.

Post & Telephone The post office is on Avenicl Lücio Meira. The rodoviaria has a phone station for long- ;tance telephone calls.

Parque Nacional da Serra dos orgilos The main entrance to the national park is open daily from 8 am to 5 pm (admission $0.25). The 3.5-km walking trail, . waterfalls, swimmmgpools, tended lawns andgardens make this a very pretty park for a picnic.

Other Attractions The IVIulher de Pedra (Rock Woman) rock formation, 12 km out towards Nova Friburgo, really does look like a x

32

is a good lace to view the Serra city. On clear da you can see as , . To get there take Avenida he b Fe os, the roial fam '1 spot °ftfor 11 ighborhoocl. Thebest Y uspeak is from Soberbo.. ad Placesto Eat read the book. art eiro de Maio, 0ff Avenida p every half-hour from Sam . There are seven buses to and plenty to Novo Friburgo. the.city center, take the h s ($0.50). Its last stop is the ars, 1/oin Joao VI encouraged e time, people were starving in families from the Swiss canton coded for Brazil. The passage to died, but enough families surins and establish a small village d Petropolis, Nova Friburgoh i. taurants, as well as many lovely natural Ils, woods, trail, sunny mountain ' morn(it's -chilly and rainy during the et° August.) The Cemego neighbor. its Germanic architecture and its g flowers.

int hood is apparently Informs Tourist twist office on Praca Dr penierval B Moreiraiko daily from 8 mn to 8 pm. As well as maps, they have a complete list of hotels, including the cheapest, with updated prices.

•r&Telephone Both the post office and the telephone are on G Vargas. There's also a branch of st office station. lings to ost of the afew km out oftown Scout out the surrounding re arm da Cruz (1800 meters). The cable-car station C center, at Praca do Suspiro Cable cars to Nin - di from 10 am to 6 pm on vveeken ds and holidays. atedknia (2310 meters) offers tast1c views, d bin sites for hang-gliders. It's a uphill hike, b the raview is worth it. can hilfe ntilio .Ctio Sentiido, explore the o Ca fo ations or visit the mountain towns of m Jardi ( 3 kmnorth 92) or Lumiar (25 km from d a littlefore bit 'onBR-4 be the entrance to ad t siet waterfalls, npeps Friburgo), Hippies pensions, lls,walking rfLaum iar trails andwhite-/a canoe abound For Places tarS Places to Eat read the book.

Entertaiument ;riB .bili_ix irga e place to go is Atirado o_eFriburgo, ortse . _ur, ocam RpueastrFrancisco Fe, ix So o;oppotiteth Football Clube. There are four bars in a to Sauclade and fragd On Friday and Saturday nights, kpacked.

Things to Buy Cinderela Art works with semiprecious stones and sells heraldic fam ly shields. Praca Genilio Vargas has shops where home ma e liqueurs and jams are sold. Nova Friburgo bills itself as e lingerie capital of Brazil, and there are lots of factory outl ts around town.

BRAZZiL - FEBRUARY 2001

•Getting There & Away beware: the region is frequented by wealthy Cariocas an Nova Friburgo is a little over two hours ($6) by bus from Paulistas, so food and accommodation tend to be expensive.

Rio via Niteroi on 1001 Lihes. The ride is along a picturThe region lies in the Serra da Mantiqueira's Itatiaia esque, winding, misty jungle road. From Novo Friburgo, massif, in the northwest corner of Rio de Janeiro, and buses t o Rio leave every half-hour to an hour from 5.40 am. borders the s tes of Sao Paulo and Minas Gerais. The To TeresOpolts there are four daily buses, at 7 and 11 am, and Parque Nacion 1 do Itatiaia is due north of the Serra d 3 and 6 pm ($4, two hours). If you're heading to the coast, Bocaina, 1tatisa Turismo (511-1147), at Rua Visconde de an adventurous trip is to catch a bus to Lumiar and from there Pirajd 540 in o, arranges weekend bus tours from Rio to Penedo, Vise de de Maui and Itatiaia. catch another to Macae.

Getting Around RESEND The local bus terminal is be a Getilio Vargas.

Resende,elar gest city in the area, is the transport h ub all thhentieden just Local buses P.et raltreetieris• Ask for for Penedo an4 Visconde de Maui. Resende has no tourist details at theeg tourist tous b attractions, but it is the home of Brazil's military academy THE ITATIAIA REGION (Academia Militar das Agulhas Negras) and a university.

The Itatiaia region, a curious mix of Old World charm For Places to Stay and Places to Eat read the book. and New World jungle is comprised of Itatiaia, Penedo and Getting There & Away Visconde de Maud. This idyllic corner of Rio de Janeiro state Buses from Rio de Janeiro and So Paulo go to and from was settled by Europeans Penedo, by Finns, Itatiaia and Resende sever 1 times a day. From Resende it's reasonably Visconde de Maui by Germans and Swiss--but it is now easy to hitch, cr catch a taxi or bus to your final destination. popular among Brazilians of all ethnic groups. Resende is Cidade de Acà lines runs 11 buses a day to Resende from the main center for the area.

Rio, the first leaving at 7 am and the last at 9 pm ($6, 2 Y2 The climate is alpine temperate and the chalets are Swiss, hours). but the vegetation is tropical and the warm smiles are purely Brazilian. There are neatly tended little farms with horses Excerpts from Brazil - 4 Travel Survival Kit and goats, and small homes with clipped lawns and flower 3rd edition, by Andrew Draffen, Chris McAsey, boxes, side by side with large tracts of dense jungle tmLeonardo Pinheiro,and Robyn Jones. touched by the machete. This is a wonderful place to tramp For more information around green hills, ride ponies up purple mountains, splash call Lonely Planet: (800)275-8555. in waterfalls and blaze jungle trails without straying too far Copyright 1996 Lonely Planet Publications. from the comforts of civ ilization—a sauna, a fireplace, a soft Used by permission. bed, a little wine and a well-grilled trout! Budget travelers

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BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

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35

The Ghosts I did as the Cariocas and stepped right over the bodies. They shopped for gold and talked on their cell phones as the rest of the city died beneath their feet. The poor simply did not exist.

CRAIG D. GUILLOT Christ watched over me, high on his hill in the distance, as! prowled the streets of Ipanema's shopping district on a muggy September afternoon. Behind the thick glass windows of the ritzy stores laid the products destined for the Rio's elite. Up and down the avenue cruised some of the newest luxury cars on the market as the upper class pranced along in their designer clothes, gold Jewelry, and cash laced wallets. There was a sale on gold Rolexes and Ferrari had one of its newer models in stock. Next door, a new shipment of Persian rugs had arrived.

I thought for a minute that I had stepped into Beverly Hills or New York's 5th Avenue. But as I looked harder, beneath the glitter and glamour of Ipanema, I could see something entirely different. Between the stores and malls stood nervous men armed with Uzis and AK47s. With fingers rubbing the triggers, their eyes wandered up and down the block. They were on the lookout for ghosts.

Among the Porsches and BMWs crept the ramshackle city buses, packed with the rest ofRio's ten million residents.

Crammed like sardines in a tin can, the desperate souls in fourth-hand clothes leered and pointed at the commerce around them. Belching clouds of exhaust, the buses cruised towards the shantytown favelas rising high into the mountains. It was a cruel, teasing form of urban planning where day after day, the poor would look down to see the world that didn't want them. Nowhere on earth does such wealth and poverty lay side by side.

Along the elaborately designed sidewalks and outside of the jewelry stores lied the occasional motionless body. A small child was curled up underneath a sidewalk bench while a legless man begged on the corner. Then there was an old woman who laid on the shoulder of the road in a pile of trash. With her head resting upon her hands, she slept like a baby as cars raced past only inches from her head. A taxi pulled up alongside of her as two women with gold necklaces and bags of loot stepped right over the sleeping body.

Across the street, a group of small children with dirtied faces and rags around their malnourished bodies scurried underneath the outdoor tables of restaurants in search of crumbs. They looked just like pigeons pecking for birdseed in a park. It wasn't long before a bearded man with an automatic weapon chased them away like a pack of wild dogs.

Every block or two, a body laid right across the sidewalk. I did as the Cariocas, Rio's residents, and stepped right over them. They shopped for gold and talked on their cell phones as the rest of the city died beneath their feet. The poor simply did not exist.

Out of the corner of my eye, I watched a man emerge from what appeared to be a small drainage hole. Slowly standing into a hunchback position, he started to wobble his way onto the sidewalk.

Draped in torn, filthy rags, he had a ski mask on his head tilted sideways so that only the right eye was showed through the left hole. A large tear in the rags around his body revealed what appeared to be burnt and disfigured skin.

The man crept his way in my direction, dragging his aching feet along the concrete as men with Armani suits and Rolex watches scurried around him. Mothers led their children around the trail of blood while others trudged right on through like a puddle of water. As the monster walked in front of the small store where I was standing, a man with a pistol strapped to his waist came outside and started yelling at him. All I could understand of the Portuguese was "leave, leave.., you are fucking up the sidewalk." The masked man slowly wandered into the street while cars honked their horns and swerved around him. A splashing sound suddenly caught my attention as I looked back down the sidewalk to find a shop owner dumping buckets of water on the blood.

As the masked figure made it to the other side of the street, he dropped down onto an open area of concrete, falling on his back. The enormous pool of blood forming from his feet made it apparent that death was coming for him. While the sun started to set, the crowds began to thin so that the drug gangs and killers could take control of the streets. After all, Rio had to meet its annual murder count of 6,000. Taking one last look at the man, I thought that was why he had crawled out of that hole in the first placeâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;to die in front of everyone in the hope that someone would notice.

Nowhere on earth have I seen such indifference to so much suffering. I wanted to show the man that I cared. I walked around him.

As a photojournalist and travel writer, Craig has traveled extensively throughout Latin America. After receiving his first intestinal parasite as a student in Central America, he has become obsessed with the exotic, dangerous, and unknown. Craig currently contributes to various web sites, small publications and independent books, and has a BS in Business Management which he hopes to put to use someday. He lives in New Orleans and is now working on a "secret project." You can reach the author at cdg0001@email.msn.com.

36

BRAZZ1L - FEBRUARY 2001

different. Rio at Carnaval time lathe lace on tte tenet. o

Most agree Brazilians are a race apart. This includes other Latin Americans who fmd that while Brazilians understand Spanish an average Spanish-speakers will not understand Portuguese. If you or someone in your group does not understand Portuguese you should book a Rio beach hotel in Copacabana, Ipanema or Leblon where there is enough English spoken for you to get by.

Rio citizens are called Cariocas and their appreciation for the good life sets the national hedonism standards. This culture is known for highly sophisticated beach scene; outstanding music and dancing; rich cuisines; and the most tolerant attitude to sexuality anywhere in Latin America. Cariocas like to go to bed late and generally arrive late for appointments. Body contact is a fundamental part of the conversation as is kissing on both cheeks when greeting or parting. They will get closer to you in conversation than you are used too but you will appreciate their genuine friendliness and humor. Enjoying getting laid back with them at Carnaval time is infectiously easy if you try.

Street safety is very important in Rio as in most of Brazil.

The main drill is not to carry anything more than you need including a wallet or purse. Do not display expensive cameras, watches or jewelry. Do not be afraid but do stay aware and do not hesitate to take a taxi if you become lost.

As of January 2001 former Mayor Cesar Maia is the new Mayor. Reducing crime and poverty were major issues throughout the country this election cycle with the people supporting the greater government intervention and accountability of Maia's Brazilian Labor Party (PTB).

The Sambadrome Since it opened 1984, the Sambodrome has been the high temple of Carnaval of the planet. If you choose to parade with a group (costumes cost from $150 to $350) you will bathe in the most concentrated intense body of human spirit possible and after reaching the end of the 100,000-seat parade you enter Apotheosis Square elevated to divine status with the gods.

Tickets to the Sambodrome can cost several hundred dollars BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

and can usually e obtained by your hotel. Also you can try to get some a face alue (as little as $80) by contacting the on line ticket broker w wfunbynet.com.br. You can watch on TV this special gro p parade, which go from 7 pm to 6 am on Carnaval Sund andCarnaval Monday too. The 13th and 14th place finishers ill drop to the A league to make way for next year's challen ers. The judging is both sophisticated and political.

The Carnaval Balls You will fi d decadent, sweaty dancing bodies but probably no orgies hen you head for a Carnaval Ball. Erotic flesh baring and sen ual costumes are the most popular costume.

This is a singl s scene although you may discover the hot Brazilian num s er you've connected with is a professional.

There are more exclusive balls like the Copacabana Palace on Carnaval Satu ay ($300 advance only) but there are also plenty you can pay at the door that night (around $20). The most famous b 11 for people with alternative lifestyles (Gays, lesbians, bisex als, transsexuals, drag queens, and transvestites) is Gala G y at Scala in Leblon, on Carnaval Tuesday.

Carnaval in the Streets While it's t e that all the bars and streets have turned up their volume a d energy level a few notches during Carnaval you do have to now where to look to find traditional Carnaval in Rio Rio Branco This major treet in Rio is given up to the unofficial and for use by some of he smaller school parades. This is your best bet for where to he d when in doubt but looking for the heights and depths of Rio arnaval. Music will be provided by either static sound systems or moving music from either trios eMtricos or drummers. Th s is where individual costumers will want to have their, crea ive inspirations appreciated Bandas Most Rio b ach neighborhoods have a loose bandas (bundush) or bloco (blo-cup) to call their own and they will all be parading for arnaval. They roam the streets along a pre37

determined route when not "concentrating" at favorite spots. They start things off in the late afternoon. Start listening around 4 pm for their sounds, which can include brass as well as the beat of samba. You're invited to follow them like you belong regardless of whether you're in costume or just be part of the friendly throngs cheering them on.

Trios Eletricos Copacabana seafront along Avenida Atlantica swings evenings from about eight or nine o'clock onwards. Moving stages called trios eletricos will be cruising up and down the seafront followed by thousands of revelers who are ready to party late once more.

Rio Carnaval on the Web www.LIESA.com.br: League of Special Samba Schools Where to find official information about Rio's top samba schools www.Ipanema.com (English, Portuguese & German) Dozens of insightful Carnaval pages as well as the best source for when and where to catch the bandas www.terra.com.br/carnaval: (Portuguese only) one of Brazil largest media companies now has large web Carnaval presence featuring extensive event information for balls and Carnaval in the streets.

Good coverage for nine other pre Lenten Brazilian Carnavals and extensive photos of Carnaval 2000. www.uol.com.bricarnaval: Competition with terra.com is to our benefit. Many Carnaval stories and photos of Carnaval including both the historical and topical arranged under many headings as well as cities.

World-Party.com/Rio.htm: (English only) Their reporter will be covering Carnaval from the party angle for their third year in 2001. www.love-rio.com/: Pulled back from an extensive 2000 coverage and their site is showing that cobweb indicator known as the "404 file not found" message. Still you can find the content of the #1 Rio Carnaval site from 1996 to 1999 and the beautiful website of the most awarded Samba School of the nineties: Imperatriz Leopoldinense Carnaval.com: The web's only Carnaval portal does extensive coverage on Rio Carnaval and Brazilian adventure travel with over 50,000 reviewed links. While the main pages only get a major makeover once a year there is an amazingly deep aforum.com section, which always has something new and interesting C. M. Collins is the publisher of Carnaval.com and the San Francisco Mission District,s SFMission.com and often writes about his favorite subject. You can contact him a cmcollins@carnaval.com 38

eleom to rnaval The first Carnaval clubs were founded in 1855. They were called Great Societies. Today, the highlight of the Carioca Carnaval is the grand Parade of the samba schools. Many call it "The Greatest Show on Earth".

ANTONIO SEPULVEDA A shining festival marked by merrymaking and feasting during the season just before Lent, Carnaval is drawing near... In case you haven't noticed, Carnaval is nowadays a trademark of Brazil and one of the main tourist attractions in most of its towns and villages. But no other place can contrive ways to raise Carnaval liveliness to such proportions as Rio de Janeiro.

Cariocas (natives or inhabitants of Rio de Janeiro) also make cheerful use of the informality of Carnaval to toss around their social and political grievances. It's a good-humored protest against the quotidian tribulations and usual difficulties that are typical of the daily routines in a big city.

On a Carnaval day you can look around and take in the display of the revelers' quick-moving feet and wavelike swing; be dazzled with a sprightly bloco (a more or less organized crowd of revelers wearing similar costumes, and dancing together in the streets) or an exotic cordeio, which means string (a much smaller "bloc" encircled by a rope); and, above all, you can wonder at the spectacular samba schoolsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;actually, they're samba associations that compete in a two-day grandiose sambaing parade for the Carnaval Annual Contestâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;with their sumptuous costumes, magnificent allegorical display cars and contagious resonance to the theme sambas (the theme samba is a narrative of"the plot" being presented by the samba school).

In the mid 19th Century, the Carnaval of Rio de Janeiro was called entrudo, a word that comes from the Latin "introitu", meaning introduction, entry. Entrudo first appeared in 1723, when migratory waves of Portuguese settlers from the islands of Madeira, Azores and Cape Verde landed on the Brazilian coast between the States of Espirito Santo and Rio de Janeiro. Entrudo revelers had a great time singing, dancing and splashing water on one another.

In January of 1840, Rio had its first Carnaval Masquerade. Masks, mustaches, beards and other trinkets were imported from Europe. In 1846, a lively round dance originating in Bohemia, known as polka, was brought into the country.

They had the first costume and masked balls.

Later on, in 1852, Ze Pereira sprang up. It was a band that performed only with percussion instruments led by Jose Paredes, a fun-loving cobbler. At that time, they already had the usual musical instruments typical of the Carioca Carnaval: the drum, the cuica (it resembles a small barrel and produces a grunting noise), the tamborim (a long narrow drum), and the pandeiro (an instrument consisting of a small drumhead with jingling disks that are fitted into the rim, the "pandeiro" is supposed to be shaken with one hand and struck with the other).

The first Carnaval clubs were founded in 1855. They were called Great Societies. Almost all of them related not only to the history of Carnaval, but also to civic movements. Since then other clubs have formed thereby originating the Carioca Carnaval, in the European fashion, with masked people out in the streets, and costumed revelers and "blocs" that today constitute a great popular attraction of colors and amusement.

BFtAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

The summit of the Carioca Carnaval is the grand Parade of the samba schools. It's a show in which the wealth of the melodies and the rhythmical beauty of the hoofers blend with the splendor of the costumes and the magnificence of the huge and embellished allegorical display cars. The samba schools Parade of Rio de Janeiro is known by the imposing denomination "The Greatest Show on Earth".

The Carioca samba schools have their origin in the blocos of the entrudos of yore. The first unofficial parade took place in 1932; the first official one came to pass, in 1935, at a square called "The Eleventh of June Square" or simply "11 th Square".

The place got its name in memory of the Naval Battle of Riachelo, fought during the Triple Alliance War and won by the Brazilian Navy on the 1 1th of June 1865. 11th Square used to be the site where, for many years, the blocos would gather during Carnaval. Nowadays, 1 lth Square is occupied by the "Samba Big Terrain", a cleared area created by the City's Department of Tourism as an alternate choice for those that cannot afford to go to the Passarela do Samba (samba lanes with roofed stands specially built for Carnaval contests and parades).

The first Rio samba school that literally popped into view was Deixa Falar (Let 'em Gossip), founded in 1928 in Estacio, a neighborhood of the north end.

The first parade with bleachers, grandstands and ticket sales occurred in the Carnaval of 1963, on President Vargas Avenue, in downtown Rio. Nowadays, parades are held on the Passarela do Samba, customarily referred to as "Sambadrome" (a place for samba).

On the other days of the year, the Sambadrome functions as an immense regular public elementary

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Momus, from Greek Mythology, was the god of farce and ridicule; a handpicked corpulent man always performs his Carnaval role. (Ash Wednesday is the seventh Wednesday before Easter and the first day of Lent, on which many Christians receive a mark of ashes on the forehead as a token of penitence and mortality). Every year, Rio welcomes thousands of tourists attracted by the mirth of King Momus.

Antonio Martins Sepulveda, a Brazilian writer, was born in Rio de Janeiro. You can get in touch with him at Antonio_Sepulveda@directlink.net

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If there are two musicians who complement each other perfectly and whose collaborations are always simultaneously kinetic and captivating they are Armandinho Macedo, Brazil's leading representative of trio eletrico, and Moraes Moreira, one of Bahian popular music's most creative artists. Each man, a respected leader and outstanding performer, has earned the admiration of musicians as well as critics and displays an aesthetic judgment and charisma that reverberates directly and indirectly throughout the other's musical style. So we are fortunate that just one week after the celebrations in Brazil, Armandinho, his trio eletrico, and his special guest, Moraes Moreira will be spurring dancers to their feet and escorting revelers to the center of an extravagant party when on Saturday, March 10, they bring to the Hollywood Palladium the history, fantasy, and frenzy of Bahian Carnaval.

In any ranking of important Brazilian instrumentalists, Armandinho Macedo has a place of honor alongside Pixinguinha, Hermeto Pascoal, Baden Powell, Raphael Rabello, and Paulo Moura. Luis Nassif writes in Folha de Selo Paulo: "To affirm that Armandinho is the greatest bandolim player in Brazil today is merited, but not enough. To say that he is the greatest to appear in Brazil since Jac() do Bandolim is better, but insufficient. To maintain that he is the greatest Brazilian instrumentalist to emerge in the last 20 years is just, but still does not reflect all of his talent. In truth, Armandinho, guitarist, bandolim player, and king of Bahian Carnaval is one of the greatest instrumentalists in history." Admittedly, Armandinho's history is a fascinating chronicle that recounts remarkable feats of creativity and experimentation.

Armandinho's musical passion and virtuosity, in an expansive spectrum of musical genres, can be traced to the influence of his father, Osmar Macedo, a pioneer of the trio eletrico.' So perhaps it is worth recalling at the outset that in 1942, Adolfo 40

Nascimento ("Dodo" 1920-1978) and Osmar A lvares Macedo (1923-1997) perfected the solid body electric guitar without any knowledge of developments made in North America by Leo Fender and guitarist Les Paul. When DocIO and Osmar performed with their electric guitars at the 1950 Carnaval in Salvador from the bed of a 1929 Ford truck, competing with the sound of 150-piece brass and woodwind bands from Pernambuco, they elevated frevo to a level never before imagined at, d Ignited a state of excitement in the streets of Bahia that prohibited their truck from any further movement.'

Surrounded by a contagious net of happiness, they prefaced one of the most fertile chapters in the history of Brazilian music, proved that musical instrumentsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;in their simple or sophisticated ingenuityâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;reflect an artistic savoir-faire, and changed forever the face of Carnaval in Bahia. Today a bust of Dodo and Osmar stands at the culminating point in the trio eletrico circuit, establishing for all times the Praca Castro Alves as a symbol of Bahian Carnaval.

In the mid-seventies, after Armandinho's preeminence as the most celebrated exponent of guitarra baiana (Bahian guitar) achieved national recognition, the name of Trio Eletrico Dodo & Osmar changed to Trio Eletrico Armandinho DodO & Osmar, and the group embraced Moraes Moreira as its producer, composer, and first vocalist. Moreira went on to become one of the musicians principally responsible for the affirmation and development of Carnaval in Bahia as well as a leading Carnaval composer, authoring countless hits, which have been interpreted by, among others, Elba Rathalho, Maria Bethania, Gal Costa, Ney Matogrosso, Marisa Monte, and Daniela Mercury.

Interestingly, many of the tunes Armandinho and Moreira have co-written, bear such a simEarity in style and pronounced BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

closeness in approach, that it is often difficult to tell where one ends and the other begins. Both musicians seem to have a personal obligation to provide exciting, essentially extroverted music-making; their interactions and parallel interchanges over the past quarter-century, both on stage and on dozens of recordings, are the very essence of an artistically affluent and continuous partnership, a legendary teaming, and one that promises to be the catalyst at California's Brazilian Carnaval 2001.

I spoke with Armandinho and Moreira about their backgrounds, trio eletrico, and Carnaval via a three-way conference call linking Rio, Bahia, and Los Angeles.

Brazzil—Moraes, Carnaval 2000 commemorated 50 years of trio eletrico and paid tribute to your contributions.

Can you talk a little about the role you've played in the popularization of the trios eletricos?

Moraes—When I began my solo career, trio eletrico fascinated me greatly because they were playing everything from frevo Pernambucano to Paganini. At first, I was like everybody else playing behind the trio eletrico. But as I learned more about this musical universe and what was behind it, I got heavily into composing for Carnaval, into capturing and translating the soul of Brazil into a musical catharsis. I found with trio eletrico, it was not enough just to write good melodies and lyrics. In order to reveal the spirit of the people and of the times, I had to be a poet, prophet, politician, historian, critic, and comedian. For five years, I stayed with the trio participating in everything—writing, playing, producing—and thanks to Osmar, becoming the first singer in the history of trio eletrico. As a result of this work, I was the only artist presenting trio eletrico at this year's Rock in Rio festival.

Brazzil—Armandinho, what comes to mind when you think of Osmar and his contributions?

Armandinho—My mother passed away early, so Osmar was like father and mother, and he was amazing. Musically, he could do wonderful, terrific things. On the trio eletrico truck he would put the guitar over his head and play it behind his back or take off his T-shirt, dress the guitar in it, and play like that. He was the Jimi Hendrix of trio eletrico, and my dream was to be like him. As a little kid, I was immersed in a musical environment. We always had cavaquinhos, bandolins, and guitars in ourhouse. When I was eight years old, I saw my dad on television, and I just went, "Wow," and cried because I wanted so much to be like him. Whenever I heard anyone else playing I would say, "Umph, my dad plays better." And besides being my father, he was my mentor and always knew what was going on in the world of guitar. He created the Trio Eletrico Mirim (Little Electric Trio) for me when I was ten so I would have opportunities to play publicly.

When he heard the John McLaughlin, Al Di Meola, and Paco De Lucia trio, he brought a copy of the record home and said, "I have something here for you to listen to." He gave me Paganini's "Moto Perpetuo" and said, "You've got to study this. It will be a good exercise for you." When I learned the whole thing by ear, he told me, "You've learned to play that very well, but you haven't done anything with it." In his honor, I recorded it on Jubileu de Prata (Silver Anniversary). My brothers and I were always saying, "Wow! He's my dad." I'm proud of what my BRAZZIL -FEBRUARY 2001

dad could do with the guitar, but I'm prouder of his inventions.

He was an rigineer and whenever problems came up, contractors would call him and he always found a solution by inventing some piece of machinery. My dad said that the trio eMtrico was the only thing he created just for fun, just to play, while all that equipment and those machines he built which were serious, do umented, photographed, and talked about in the constructior industry, brought him very little attention.

The grandeur o Bahia's Carnaval happened because of tropical technology, ecause of the trio eletrico, and because of his work with Dod . Folkloric music crossed over an electronic bridge and thro gh time, so that today in Bahia, we have 70 trios eletricos a d more that 700 trio eletrico musicians.

Moraes-0 mar helped create the conditions for folk music to beco e a contemporary reality. Bahian Carnaval revolves aroun • the trios eletricos, and anyone who is interested in music, ants to play in trio eletrico because it offers opportunities an provides new artists with a way to get in. All the Blocos-Afr depend on trios eletricos. Even very traditional groups, li e Filhos de Ghandy and Olodum, use trios eMtricos to exp ess themselves. Carnaval is trio eletrico and Osmar was its g nerator.

Brazzil—Si cc we're speaking about your father, can you talk a littl about how he met Dodo and their work developing the lectric guitar?

Armandinhi My father met Dodo in 1938 when he joined Os Tres Meio (Three and a Half), a group started by Dorival Caym i. Their experiments with electric pickups started after the heard a guitarist using a microphone that restricted move ent and gave horrible sound quality. Dodo was an electrical technician and started designing a tiny microphone that wou d fit inside the guitar's hollow sound box, which initially s emed like the right approach. But when they started playing t mr prototype at parties, the feedback was so great that my f er had to stuff pieces of carpet inside the instrument. Afterward, they attached a slab of tree trunk onto their workshop table, screwed the pickup on, then guitar strings, and doubled the power of the amplifier without any feedback.

Whenever they played parties with this "pau eletrico" (electric stick), everyone in the neighborhood would run down to see what the sound was. They called themselves the dupla eletrica (electric duo) because electrical appliances, like the electric vacuum cleaner and the electric iron, were miracles in those times.

And it wasn't until the late forties when my uncle returned from a trip to the United States with a Hawaiian steel guitar that my father and Dodo realized that people in other parts of the world were doing the same kind of research.

They built the first instruments for their own satisfaction, not recognition. Exchange of information with the United States was rare, so they didn't wait. By the time I started to hear about the B atles and Hendrix, I already had a guitar and an amplifier, an in those times, having an electric guitar was like being a king Dodo and Osmar designed the best guitars in Bahia until the s venties, and even after that, the pickups we used were still o Dodo's design.

Our first am Hers had only a volume control, so in the 41

sixties, my father and Dodo added treble, bass, and reverb to their designs. And by late seventies, they were building big amplifiers, like Marshalls, with six speakers in each cabinet that gave us the volume, clarity, and fidelity we were looking for and that could hold up in the heat without burning up.

Everyone used Dod6's amplifiers. They were the only ones that could support the trios eletricos.

Brazzil—How do you think others remember him?

Moraes—His talent to be kind to everybody, to embrace everyone as if they were his own kids, is what was most special about Armandinho's father, more than all his creations. I used to hear people say, "Oh, Osmar, he's like my father." When there were rivalries between the different trios eletricos about who was going to bring more people, and this and that, when people started to argue with each other, he always came like a wise man and pacifier, saying, "No, no, no. Let's just do it. We don't need to fight." He found space and time for everybody and treated all of them like they were sons and daughters.

He was unshakeable, and his presence is always felt at Carnaval when people witness the evolution of the trios eMtricos, which are no longer little trucks, but enormous, enormous ships with backstage areas, dressing rooms, air conditioners, multiple generators, separate installations for singers, musicians, and dancers, and huge stages. They are, bigger than a house; in terms of technology, they're amazing. The one that I took to Rock in Rio is over 70 feet long. If you stand anywhere near one, you feel the sound, not in your ears, but in your chest and your spine.

Brazzi!--Armandinho, would you mind describing your father's funeral?

Armandinho—At Dodo' s funeral there was a trio eletrico, and Osmar said, "Wow, this is great! Do you think they can do this when I die?" He would speak very casually about death, "I want a party when I die. I want the trio eMtrico." So when he passed away, I called a guy who had a trio eletrico and told him that my dad's dream was to have a trio eMtrico at his funeral.

Word started spreading, and although the mayor didn't believe people would close their stores, Osmar's funeral was followed by twelve trios eletricos and thousands of people all carrying alecrim (a small, blue, fragrant flower). It was like Carnaval, except that people were crying with the emotional resonance of his passing. My brothers and I rode with the casket, which was placed atop a fire truck, but I kept searching the crowd for my dad. I knew he was there and was very happy. The circle of his life was closed in a glorious way.

Brazzil—Moraes, why did you become one of Carnaval's major critics?

Moraes—The spirit of Salvador's Carnaval—people dancing, playing, and celebrating behind the trios eletricos—was what made it the greatest street carnival in the world. Carnaval had always been a party where poor people could enjoy themselves. But in the eighties, we began to experience a slighting of the independent trios eletricos. Carnaval was being abandoned by the organizers and changing from something that had always been a natural expression of the people into a commercial venture. The poor couldn't participate because they lacked the funds; they became bystanders. The only way they could participate was to dance a little when the trios eletricos passed by. They were removed, alienated, no longer connected as in the past. My complaints about Carnaval in Bahia in the eighties were about not having independent trios eletricos. I complained a lot about it, and I will again whenever it's necessary because this has always been a free Carnaval.

42

Armandinho--Osmar was radically opposed to the idea of blocos roping off elite areas and people having to pay to participate.3 This really saddened him. He said,"! want my trio eletrico with the people. To have fun, dance, and play with a trio eMtrico, we just need breath." He detested the way security people, who were just supposed to hold the cord and move with the performance, hit and fought with those outside the cord.

Outside the club, you know? It was a social issue, but the Carnaval managers liked it because it generated a lot ofmoney.

Blocos like Eva, Camaleao, and Internacionais were the ones that started this thing with the cords. Osmar was really sad about Carnaval becoming an event just for those who had money.

Brazzil—W hat part does politics play in Carnaval?

Moraes—I'd rather stay on the good side and not talk about this. I will just say that there is a very strong, an obvious connection, between the governor and the blocos. We all have interests in making Carnaval in Bahia special, so I'd rather just acknowledge that the politicians provide important services for Carnaval, the rest, we'll just leave alone right now.

Brazzil—When axe music first arrived, some people wanted to prohibit its presence in Carnaval.

How was the controversy resolved?

Armandinho—That was in Recife, not in Bahia.

They forbade the participation of axe groups in order to avoid any competition with bands that played traditional frevo. But in Bahia, because Luiz Caldas had already started incorporating different rhythms, it was well accepted. Axe music is Bahian music, and once it arrived, it became tremendously popular. Even those bands that had been exclusively playingfrevo, started to incorporate samba reggae. The trio eletrico plays sambareggae, Beethoven, choros, ballads, Beatle tunes. The particular rhythmic groove doesn't matter because our sound is our trademark. The guitarra baiana is what makes the difference.

Brazzil—Can you describe the instrument and your particular sound?

Armandinho--Dodo and Osmar called their first instrument the cavaquinho eletrico. It was a mix of cavaquinho, bandolim, and guitar, and because it was used just for the trio eletrico, it came to be called guitarra baiana. Mine looks like the conventional one. It's short, like cavaquinho, has a solid body, and is tuned like a bandolim because my dad used to play a cavaquinho tuned like a bandolim. Having an instrument shaped like a lightning bolt is just fashion; it doesn't improve the sound. My father used four strings, and amplification was the only modification in sound. What changed my sound was the addition of a fifth string, which gives me a lot more bottom.

And, because my information also came from the Beatles and Hendrix, I started using distortion, so my sound has a more contemporary edge.

Brazzil—How were you able to get distortion on the early recordings?

Armandinho—You're right. We didn't have effects pedals when I started recording, and we had to have the same sound that we got on the street. So I plugged my guitar into the input jack of a tape recorder, turned its volume control all the way up, and ran the tape recorder's audio output cable into the input jack of the soundboard. When they received the sound, it had distortion. That was how we got that sound in 1975 when we did the first trio eletrico album. On the trio eletrico truck, we didn't need to use that method because when we turned up the volume on the street, we heard a natural distortion and reverberation, which is the sound of trio eletrico. But in the studio we didn't have it, and we couldn't record like that.

Brazzil—Folha de Silo Paulo called you one of the best instrumentalists in Brazil's history and said that you are on BRAZZL-FEBRUARY2001

the same level as Jaco do Bandolim and that your ability to improvise parallels Pixinguinha's. Would you comment on that?

Armandinho—I'm happy that people recognize my playing, but feel that I'm just continuing the work of the great players who preceded me like Ieuperce Miranda, Garoto, and Jac6 do Bandolim. It's really interesting for me, and it must be for others, when the media calls me the modern Jac6 do Bandolim and publishes pictures of a long-haired guy in bright clothing holding the guitarra baiana. Maybe they see something that I'm blind to. I never planned to develop this kind of sound and never searched for a new sound. It's something that just came from inside and is the result of what I got from my dad.

Brazzil—W hen the trio's name changed were you prepared to carry on the tradition your father and Dodo had established?

Armandinho—I was proud to use my father's name. But the year after we recorded Jzibileu de Prata, because I had become the featured soloist and we were playing tunes I had written, my father felt I was ready to record under my own name. He told me, "Dodo isn't playing any more, and I only play once in awhile. It isn't necessary to put our names on the album. You're the soloist, and it's basically instrumental music, so just put Armandinho and His Trio Eletrico. You're doing the whole job, so put your own name and it will be your trio eletrico. You've got to face the truth. It's you. You've got to assume it officially."

Today people call me Armandinho, but it was my father who professionally baptized me. He said, "Don't put Armando Macedo, put Armandinho. It sounds more trio eletrico." I didn't want the group's name changed and kept resisting, "You know what?" he told me. "If you don't put Armandinho and His Trio Eletrico, don't put Dodo and Osmar either!" For our next show, my father erected a huge sign with my name printed in enormous letters and Dodo and Osmar's written in letters so small you could barely read them. !still have a picture of it. He told me, "In my trio eletrico, it's going to be like this!" From that day on, we used the name Armandinho Dodo & Osmar.

Dodo & Osmar has become my last name.

Brazzi/--Moraes, your son, Davi, has played and recorded with Marisa Monte and just launched his solo career. How do you think you have influenced him?

Moraes—Davi heard me playing, he watched me composing, he met the musicians and composers who frequently came to our home to rehearse. All this was both a gift as well as a second language for Davi. It's something that happens naturally, and Davi, like all children, learned the language we spoke at home.

He was always surrounded by the music of Alceu Valenca, Ary Barroso, Dorival Cayrnmi, and by the whole history of the Novos Baianos.

He learned about the influence of the Tropicalistas and the work of the generations that came before them. Today he is a prolific recording artist with a distinctive sound, broad tastes, and the capacity to play any idiom from rock 're roll to choro. And he's ready to build on this and pass his language on to those who will follow.

Brazzil—Would you agree that Novos Baianos introduced samba and choro to a new generation?

Moraes—I don't think that we introduced these styles to the public, but our playing was so energetic, that surely, we reconquered a generation that had been seized by the onslaught of English and American rock 'n' roll. We projected so much energy and played with such intensity, that an entire generation 13FtAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

woke up to its o n instruments and musical styles.

Brazzil—W s it the social and political atmosphere of the seventies th t brought Novos Baianos together?

Moraes—T picalisrno was our greatest motivation, our strongest influe cc —Gil, Caetano, and Gal. Tom Ze was my master and tau t me many things. I studied guitar and cornposition with hi and those times!watched him compose are marked in my m rnory and have influenced me tremendously.

It was the time o Glauber Rocha, when so much was happening in the theate s, in visual arts, and the cinema. Although we were pushed b the entire movement and it nourished us, Novos Baianos was post-tropicalismo and created its own history. Our mu ic was very closely connected to and directed by the persona o Joao Gilberto, who lived with us and taught us. We had mor than just the influence of bossa nova. Novos Baianos had an xclusive synchronization with Joao Gilberto.

He was our g and the musical father of Novos Baianos.

Brazzil—H did Novos Baianos meet JoAo Gilberto and what was is subsequent influence on the group?

Moraes—W were all great friends and lived together in a large apartment Botafogo, playing loud rock music day and night—everythi g we thought Joao abhorred. But Galva° kept inviting Joao ov r because they were both from Juazeiro and had met each o er there, plus, we were all great fans. One night Dadi, the oup's bass player, heard something, opened the door, and en he saw a serious-looking guy wearing glasses and a co t, thought the police had come. Joao entered our lives that w and stayed, charming us, playing guitar all night long, mak' g us play and sing together, teaching us the music of other c mposers.

It was a grea apprenticeship that changed our course. My guitar style was timulated by -Joao's, especially his phrasing and harmonies. The other big influence on our group was moving to Jacar pagua where we spent all of our time writing music and play' g soccer. Jacarepagua was a tranquil place far away from dow town Rio, like a ranch, where we had open space to walk d play soccer. Some of our best songs, like "Preta Pretinha,' were written there.

Brazzil—W uld you agree with GalvAo that Novos Baianos was Ii a religion?

Moraes—G lvao is a fundamentalist. To say that Novos Baianos was a eligion, no. I don't feel that way. It was a marvelous time n our lives, when we believed in and deeply plored our ideals, that taught me a lot and ye me the foundation to develop a solid care r. Without any doubt, it has enriched my life as a musician, composer, and artist in general. t it is a time that has passed. I believe Novos ianos already found what they were looking fo ,and now each one of us has his own work to . I'd rather leave it that way, without meddl g. Sure, I miss those days, but we must re ember them in a positive way and not think out what we've lost. I wasn't in favor of the t meeting. Our work together is done and uld have been left alone. The release of other CD is out of any discussion, completely t of my mind. Novos Baianos was one very od thing that happened, but it already haped. Now we have to move on with our own rk and show everybody that we don't live vos Baianos, that we have other interesting stories to tell.

Brazzil—W at are your thoughts on Baby,Consuelo's new religious b liefs?

Moraes—S has the right to believe in whatever she wants. Baby Co uelo was always like that. One moment she's 43

in one place and the next, another. I respect that, although many times I don't agree. I do think she's a great singer.

Brazzil—How did A Cor do Som (The Color of Sound) develop from musicians in Novos Baianos, and what was the group's impact?

Armandinho—A Cor do Som began as a power trio inside Novos Baianos and expanded. Two years after Moraes left the band, Dadi left and took the name A Cor do Som with him, launching the group commercially with me on bandolim and guitarrabaiana; Mu, keyboards; Gustavo, drums; and Ary Dias, percussion. It was visually a rock 'n' roll band that played a fusion of chorinho and Northeastern rhythms. Many people played chorinhos and samba, but with A Cor do Som, traditional genres began to sound modern because we fused acoustic and electronic elements. The young people totally embraced the idea and brought the music home to their parents, who couldn't say, "What! This is a lot of noise!

This isn't music!" It was music, their music, and it was stood.

Basically, the same thing happened when Dodo and Osmar electrified frevo. By dressing traditional styles in modern clothes and bringing the young people together, A Cor do Som opened that same door. We were recognized by the kids and respected by their parents.

Brazzll—Moraes, lately there has been a of lot celebrating and commemorating. Can you talk about your CD 500 Sambas and the recent "500 Anos Brasil" celebrations?

Moraes—For us, celebrating the 500 years of Brazil was more than a historical date. It was a festive moment, but also one of reflection, of looking back at our mistakes and learning from them. It was also about acknowledging facets of the Brazilian experience that have been undeniably positive and continuing with those. From that perspective, we can begin functioning as a mature culture and start resolving some of the fundamental problems that have plagued Brazil. One very positive aspect of our culture has always been our music, especially samba. Vinicius de Moraes once said that samba was born in Bahia, and with 500 Sambas, I pay homage to Bahian music and to the great composers of samba—Dorival Caymmi, Cartola, Nelson Cavaquinho, Assis Valente, Ary Barroso—by mixing Camaval carioca with axe music. The CD commemorates samba and shows reverence to our greatest sambistas.

Brazzil—Atracao will be releasing your new CD, Bahia() corn H. Why the abrupt change of label?

Moraes—I was not at all happy with Abril. The company was only interested in money, expecting results immediately, while never properly organizing and promoting my work.

Abril only looks at the commercial side of a production and is not interested in the artistic. They basically screwed me and artists like Alceu Valenca. On the other hand, Atracdo is very easy to work with and much more flexible. Artists can discuss ideas with the artistic director, who helps to better organize their projects. They've already made a video clip of the tune "Nordeste Cosmopolita," which is a good profile of the work.

Brazzi/—Your new CD fuses forro with axe m usic and draws attention to Bahia's antiquated spelling of the word bay. Can you talk a little about the CD and whether you feel axe music in general is declining?

Moraes—Bahirdo corn H is a work that travels through Northeastern Brazilian music via a healthy mix of xotelrevo, maracatu, baieio, and the heavy percussion of axe. It's like 44

Olodum playing bar& and xote. As far as the rumors about axe declining, they are entirely incorrect. Samba reggae is marvelous, and the percussion of axe music is very important. It ushered in a creative era as well as a new wave of master Bahian percussionists. I like axe and samba reggae a lot. No matter what style is being played: candomble, afoxe, samba reggae, the percussion from Bahia is beautiful. Bahians are born percussionists. But Brazilian music embraces all of our distinctive rhythms from pagode to axe to samba to frevo to bossa nova. This is a country of music, a full moon, not a waning crescent. It can't ever be just one type of music, just sertaneja or axe or pagode or this or that. I hope this attitude, which is promoted by the media, changes.

Armandinho--Many people were saying that axe music was dying. Now people are saying that pagoda is dying. The same way sertancja had its moment, axe had its moment of national media attention, when all the radio stations were playing it. The fact that it doesn't occupy the same air space, doesn't mean that isn't appreciated. When you look back on Brazil's best composers and artists, most of them have come from Bahia. The most successfulpagode group, E o Tchan, is from Bahia. Axe is still a big market and axe bands have full agendas. Based on what the radio is playing, it may not be as evident, so people say axe is declining. But Daniela Mercury is here, and Ivete Sangalo is here, and so is the music. Axekeeps moving. Bahia's musical movement never stops. * Many thanks to Sonia Santos of Yellow Green Productions for her invaluable technical support. ' Although the proportions have escalated, trio eletrico was originally a decorated truck that moved through Bahian streets during Carnav-al carrying musicians playing amplified guitars and percussion instruments.

2 The following year (195 I), performingfrevos, chorinhos, and classical excerpts from the bed of their truck, the duo was joined by Temistoles Aragdo on a third electric guitar, thus becoming Trio Eletrico Dodo & Osmar. ' Blocos are groups that parade together during Carnaval.

Bruce Gilman, music editor for Brazzil, received his Masters degree in music from California Institute of the Arts. He leads the Brazilian jazz ensemble Axe and plays cuica for escola de samba MILA. You can reach him through his e-mail: cuica@interworld.net BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

Golden Anniversary

storicai.momeat EIectic Carnival Allegoric truck, This istrio dekko o grànde..invento Hail to the 0 ano 2,000 hi ear DeBresil 500 Five hundre 50 de trio ..Fift'fof trio

Voce pediu; Cu dou Vu te pedir, medá Salvador Voce pediu, eu dou You asked, I give Vou te pedir, me de I'll ask, youtive

Pau eletnco

elg Patrimanio Armandinho and Iviorites Moreira Nossa eidade é histerica rice, 6 rice, 6 rica ova continente 6 erica, America, Am6rica cidade 6 eterna modema, exotica forte, eletrica, 6 Africa Colonial patrirrionio ue 6 da humanidade „ Reconstruir esse sonho Bern antes que seja tarde

again ue toque Moque cture A vida C arquitetura to roll % puero repique, batuque t rhy thm Uma betide segura elas pedras do caniinho u von do canto ao Pelourinho Pelas pedras do caminho 6 Eu vou do canno ao Pelourinho BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

Ah! imagine so Ah! imagine only Que loucwn, a mistura How crazy, this mixture Alegria, alegria um estado Happiness, happiness is a state Que chain os Bahia We call Bahia , encantos All the saints, enchantments, and e Ax6 axe e profano Sacred and profane Carnaval The Bahian is Carnaval Do wrredo da histeria From the corridor of history Vitoria, Lapin!) Caminho Vitoria, Lapinha, Caminho de de Areia Areia Pal; via,s, pelas Through the channels, through the veias veins , a e o vinho Seeps blood and wine lo mangue, Through the mangroves, Pelourinho Pelourinho

Brado retumbante Exploso.ctouro Trieletnzante ubileu de ouro

Colonial That belongs to humanity Reconstruct this dream o late

me Genie Call People dinho and Morena)

A PC 011 caminhito Walking or by truck Näo po falter a 16 Faith cannot be lost Carney Vai passer Carnaval is coming Na Se ou no C po Grande In the quarters of Campo Grande Samos as Filhos de Ghandy We are the Children of Ghandy De Do 0 a Osmar Of Dodo and Osmar For isso ch e, chame, And so call, call, call, call people charm, ame gente And we will make each other E a gente e complete whole Enchend de alegria Filling the square A p a e o poeta And the poet with happiness, um verdade ro =came, chime, ame gente a gente Sc complete de alegria e o poets

A heartfelt swarming, call, call people And we will make each other whole Filling the square And the poet with happiness

d8 e Osmar The School of Dodo and Osmar andinho and s Moreira) Mande descer, Dodo Manda mar descer No ce de Salvador Que eu vim aqu se pra te ver

Send him down, Dodo Send Osmar down From Heaven above Salvador Because I came here just to see you

Quem freqUent u essa escola Nao se conso a corn pouco No pare enqtt to nao deixa povo louco coin carinho do Carnaval nho na praca ET da race trio e,spacial

Those who used to be there Cannot be satisfied with less And won't stop until Everybody is crazy The master looked with care To the land of Carnaval To have Armandinho in the square Is to have our ET In a spatial trio

descer, Dod6 mar descer de Salvador so pra to ver

Send him down, Dodo Send Osmar down From Heaven above Salvador Because I came here just to see you 45

Moraes reira's Selected Discography:

Armandinho's Selected Discography: Artist(s)

Title

0 Jubileu de Ouro Trio eletrico Armandinho Dod6 & Osmar Retocando Choro Armandinho Em Concerto Arrnandinho and Raphael Rebello Armandinho and 0 Melhor Chorinho, Epoca de Ouro Ao Vivo Armandinho and Musical—Serie Raphael Rebello MUsica Viva A Cor do Som Ao Vivo no Circo

Artist(s)

Label

Date

Geleia Real

2000

Tom Brasil Spotlight

1999 1997

CID

1996

Tom Brasil

1996

Movieplay

1996

(Recorded 1994) Voador 1994 A Danca do MuindaoIndependent Trio eletrico Armandinho Dodo & Osmar 1991 RGE Estado de Graca Trio eletrico Armandinho Dodo & Osmar 1990 Independent Brasileiro Armandinho (Released on Movieplay in 1996) 1988 CBS Trio Espacial Trio eletrico Armandinho DociO & Osmar 1987 Al Eu Liguei o Radio RCA Trio eletrico Armandinho Dodo & Osmar 1985 RCA Chame Gente Trio eletrico Armandinho Dodo & Osmar 1984 A Banda de Carmen Som Livre Trio eletrico Miranda Armandinho DodO & Osmar 1982 Som Livre Folia Eletrica Trio eletrico Armandinho Dod6 & Osmar 1981 Incendiou o Brasil EMI—Odeon Trio eletrico Armandinho DodO & Osmar 1981 Ligactio Colorida Continental Trio eletrico Armandinho (Compilation) DocIO & Osmar 1981 Continental Trio eletrico Trio eletrico Instrumental (Instrumental Compilation) Armandinho Dodo & Osmar 1981 A Cor do Som Mudanca de Estaccio Wea 1980 Armandinho, Dodo Continental Trio eletrico & Osmar(Instrurnental Compilation) Armandinho Dodo' & Osmar 1980 Vassourinha Eletrica Elektra/Wea Trio eletrico Armandinho Dodo & Osmar 1980 Wea A Cor do Som Transe Total 1979 Viva Dodo e Osmar Continental Trio eletrico Armandinho DodO & Osmar 1979 Wea A Cor do Som Frunficar 1978 Continental Ligacck Trio eletrico Armandinho Dock) & Osmar 1978 Wea A Cor do Som Ao Vivo em Montreux 1977 Bahia, Bahia, Bahia Continental Trio eletrico Armandinho Dodo & Osmar 1977 Continental Pombo Correio Trio eletrico Armandinho Dodo & Osmar 1977 Wea A Cor do Som A, Cor do Som 1976 Continental E a Massa Trio eletrico Armandinho Dodo & Osmar 1975 Continental Jubileu de Prata Trio eletrico Dodo & Osmar 46

Ti&

Date

Label

2000 Atracao Moraes Moreira Bahia° com H 2000 Novos Baianos Linguagem do Alunte/ Warner Novos Baianos F.C. (Serie Dois Momentos) 1999 Abril Music Moraes Moreira 500 Sambas 1997 Polydor Novos Baianos Infinito Circular 1997 Virgin Moraes Moreira 50 Carnavais 1996 Virgin Monies Moreira Estados Virgin/EMI-Odeon 1995 Moraes Moreira Actistico Moraes Moreira 1994 Moraes Moreira 0 Brasil Tem Conserto PolyGrarn 1993 Moraes Moreira Tern urn Pe no Pelo Som Livre 1993 Moraes Moreira Terreiro do Mundo PolyGram 1991 Sony Moraes Moreira Cidadik 1990 Ao Vivo no Japan. Wea Moreira and Pepeu Gomes 1989 Wea A Lua e o Mar Moreira and Pepeu Gomes 1988 CBS Moraes Moreira Baiano Fala Cantando 1988 Moraes Moreira Reptiblica do Mzisica CBS 1986 CBS Moraes Moreira Mestico e Isso 1985 CBS Moraes Moreira Tocando a Vida 1984 Moraes Moreira Mancha de Dende CBS Nâo Sai 1983 Ariola Moraes Moreira Pintando o Otto 1983 Ariola Moraes Moreira Coisa Acesa 1981 Ariola Moraes Moreira Moraes Moreira 1981 Ariola Elba Ramalho , Brasil Night— Toquinho, and Ao Vivo em Montreux Moraes Moreira Ariola Moraes Moreira Bazar Brasileiro Vassourinha Eletrica Elelctra/Wea Trio eletrico Armandinho Dodo & Osmar Viva Dodo e Osmar Continental Trio eletrico Armandinho Dodo & Osmar Som Livre 1979 Moraes Moreira Là Vem o Brasil Descendo a Ladeira 1978 Som Livre Moraes Moreira Alto Falante 1978 Continental Ligacdo Trio eletrico Armandinho Dod6 & Osmar 1977 Continental Pombo Correio Trio eletrico Armandinho Dodo & Osmar 1976 Som Livre Moraes Morelia Cara e Coracck 1976 Continental E a Massa Trio eletrico Armandinho Dodel & Osmar 1975 Som Livre Moraes Moreira Moraes Moreira 1975 Continental Jubileu de Prata Trio eletrico Dodo & Osmar 1974 Novos Baianos Linguagem do Alunte Continental 1973 Novos Baianos Novos Baianos F.C. Continental 1972 Som Livre Novos Baianos 4cabou Chorare 1969 Novos Baianos E Ferro na Boneca RGE

Web sites of interest: Brazilian Nites Productions http://www.braziliannites.com Dodo & Osmar http://www.facom.ufba.br/pexsites/m usicanordestini/ dodosmar.htm Moraes Moreira http://www.uol.com.br/moraesmoreira

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

Eduardo Tolentino de Araujo, with Brian Pen ido Ross, Clara Carvalho, Sandra Corveloni, and Zecarlos Machado.

Retdbulo da Avareza, Luxdria e Monte (Retable of Avarice, Luxury and Death):,— Drama—The public sits on tables sipping wine as if they were on a cabaret while the play is shown. Written and directed hy Rodolfo Garcia Vazquez with Ivan Cabral, Tadeu Peronne, and Germano Pereira.

Duties

RIO Dois Perdidos Numa Noite Suja (Two Lost Souls on a Dirty Night)— Plinio Marcos's text, which has become a classic.

Two tramps trying to survive in the big city. Directed by Tanah Correa, with Alexandre Borges and Jose Moreira.

Isabel—The last hours of Princess Isabel in Brazil before leaving for exile. Isabel became famous for signing the law that liberated Brazilian slaves in 1888. Written

by Aderbal Freire-Filho who is also one of the interpreters. Directed by Domingos Oliveira, with Clarice Niskier as the princess.

A Mulher sem Pecado (Sinless Woman)— Nelson Rodrigues play about Olegario, a compulsive jealous man who lives to catch his wife in a wrongdoing. Directed by Luiz Arthur Nunes, with Jose de Abreu and Luciana Braga.

Todo Mundo Tern Problemas (Sexuais) (Everybody Has Sexual Problems)—Six funny stories as told to psychoanalyst Alberto Goldin, who with Dom ingos Oliveira wrote the text and directs the play.

Goldin writes the column "Vida Intima" (Intimate Life) for Rio's daily 0 Globo.

Pedro Cardoso stars.

SAO PAULO Caixa 2 (Under the Table)—Comedy. It has been playing since October 1997 and vas seen by more than 600,000 people.

Angela, a secretary, is used by her lover to hide money from the Revenue Service.

Directed by Fauzi Arap, with Juca de Oliveira and Mauro Mendonca.

As Sereias da Zona Sul (The Sirens of the South Zone)—Comedy. Play in four episodes about the adventures of women from Rio's south zone beach communities. Written by Miguel Falabella Vicente Pereira and.

Contos de Seducao (Seduction Tales)— Comedy—Love in Belle Epoque France through the eyes of Guy de Maupassant.

Written by J. E. Amacker, directed by BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

Just-released American movies: Highlander, End Game (Highlander, a Batalha Final), Sweet and Lowdown (Poucas e Boas, de Woody Allen, The Skulls (Sociedade Secreta), High Fidelity (Alta Fidelidade), 102 Dalmatians (Os 102 Dalmatas), Quills (Contos Proibidos do Marques De Sade), Unbreakable (Corpo Fechado), Meet the Parents (Entrando numa Fria), Chicken Run (A Fuga das Galinhas), Gladiator (Gladiador), Family Man (Um Homem de Familia), Urban Legends: the Final Cut (Lenda Urbana 2), Cast Away (Naufrago), The Emperor's New Groove (A Nova Onda do Imperador), The Little Vampire (0 Pequeno Vampiro), The 6th Day (0 Sexto Dia), Book of Shadows: Blair Witch 2 (A Bruxa de Blair 2: 0 Livro das Sombras) Taind—Uma Aventura na Amazonia (Taind, An Adventure in the Amazon) Brazil/2000—Adventure movie for kids.

Directed by Tania Lamarca and Sergio Bloch.

Brava Genie Brasileira (Brave Brazil* Folks)—Brazil/2000---Historic drama. The love story between Dom Diogo, a Port0guese colonizer, and Indian girl Anote. $et against the story of the colonization of Mato Grosso's Pantanal. Directed by Lucia Murat, with Diogo Infante, Lucia a Rigueira, Floriano Peixoto.

Um Anjo Trapalhdo (A Fumbling AOgel)—Brazil/1996—Comedy. Released originally on TV. Simpleton Didi Moco arrives at Vila Esperanca decided to make its residents once again believe in Santa Claus. Directed by Alexandre Boury and Marcelo Travasso, with Renato Aragdo plus Isadora Ribeiro, Francisco Cuoco, Regina Duarte and Deborah Secco.

0 Auto da Compadecida (The Comp ssionate Lady Play)—Brazi1/1999—Co edy. Two men from the Brazilian Nort east, Joao Grillo and Chic6 have a hard o survive and to through some hilarious sit ations. Directed by Guel Arraes, with Matheus Nachtergaele, Selton Mello, Marco Nanini, Fernanda MontenegrO, Mauricio Goncalves and Lima Duarte.

Pop Star—(Brazi 1/2000)—Comedy starred

by Xuxa, an internationally-renowned top model who comes back to Brazil to meet the Charming Prince she met on the Internet.

Directed by Paulo Sergio de Almeida and Tizuka Yamazaki, with Luigi Baricelli, Silvia Pfeifer, and Marcos Frota.

Capitiles de Abril (April Captains)— France-Portugal/2000—The 1974 end to the military dictatorship in Portugal and the story of a group of military men who go to Lisbon to depose Salazar. Directed Maria de Medeiros, who worked as actress in Pulp Fiction.

ooks best sellers FICTION 1 Harry Potter e a pedra filosofal, J.K. Rowling. Rocco, R$ 22 2 As mentiras que os homens contam, Luis Fernando Verissimo. Objetiva, R$ 16,90 3 Os maias, Eca de Queiroz. Ediouro, R$ 28,50 4 Harry Potter e o prisioneiro de Azka ban, J.K. Rowling. Rocco, R$ 25 5 0 demanio e a srta. Prym, Paulo Coelho. Objetiva, R$ 19,90 6 0 ceu esta caindo, Sidney Sheldon.

Record, R$ 28 7 Harry Potter e a camara secreta, J.K. Rowling. Rocco, R$ 22 8 A confraria, John Grisham. Rocco, R$ 27,50 9 As mil e uma noites, Antoine Galand, org. Malba Tahan. Ediouro, R$ 43 10 Caixa-preta, Ivan SantAnna. Objetiva, R$ 29,90

NONFICTION 1 Memerias das trevas, Joao Carlos Teixeira Gomes. Geracao Editorial, R$ 40 2 Limites sem trauma, Tania Zagury.

Record, R$ 20 30s tem plarios, Piers Paul Read. Imago, R$ 40 4 0 livro da sabedoria, Dalai Lama.

Martins Fontes, R$ 9,80 5 A fantastica histaria de Silvio Santos, Arlindo Silva. Editora do Brasil, R$ 23,90 6 A arte da felicidade, Dalai Lama. Martins Fontes, R$ 32,50 7 0 melhor livro sobre nada, Jerry Seinfeld. Frente, R$ 19 8 0 avantajado livro de pensamentos do Casseta e Planeta, Casseta e Planeta.

Objetiva, R$ 15 9 Pai rico, pai pobre, Robert Kiyosaki.

Campus, R$ 24 10 Como dizer tudo em ingles, Ronald Martinez. Campus, R$ 29

ECONOMY AND ROSINESS 1 Guia valor econamico de financas pessoais, Mara Luquet. Globo, R$ 19 2 A economia como ela é, Paulo Nogueira Batista Jr. Boitempo, R$ 39 3 0 Brasil em transformacao, Mailson da Nebrega. Gente, R$ 29 4 As profissoes do futuro, Gilson Schwartz. Publifolha, R$ 9,90 5 Seu futuro financeiro, Louis Frankenberg. Campus, R$ 35,50 6 Novas ideias de economistas mortos, Todd Buchholz. Record, R$ 35 7 0 milionario que existe em voce, Victor Zaremba. Record, R$ 20 8 Manual de Economia, Diva Benevides Pinho and Marco Antonio Vasconcellos.

Saraiva, R$ 59 9 Econometria basica, Damodar Gujarati. Makron, R$ 69 10 Um novo seculo, um novo Brasil, Robert Troster. Makron Books, R$ 26,10 According to Jornal do Brasil, http://www.jb.com.br 47

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Wes English Classes - San Diego, Los Angeles, Las Vegas, Salt Lake City - $310 1 month - $675 3 months - $975 6 months, 1-20 provided, International Academy of English, 1-800-789-8068 PORTUGUESE CLASSES - Brazilian teacher.

Fast, easy, efficient and pleasant way to learn Portuguese. (949) 240-8178 [184] Conversational Brazilian Portuguese Method - "I tried several methods to learn BRAZILIAN PORTUGUESE, but when I started lessons with NILSON, I knew immediately that I'd found the best one. And in just a few months, I was able to communicate on a one-on-one basis." Individual, Total Immersion, Corporate Group and SemiPrivate. Phone (310) 379-0738 [178] Portuguese Courses in Salvador da Bahia, Dialog°, http://www.brazilstudy.com, E-mail: dialogo@brazilstudy.com, fax: 0115571 336-6329 [155]

U er ammo Experienced "Brasileiro" Guitarist; Brazilian native Joao Junqueira (MFA in Jazz Guitar at CALARTS) is available to play, sing and record, solo or accompanied, his specialty, Authentic Brazilian Music, Originals and Jar. Please call (818) 716-9053 or write j_junqueira@yahoo.00m [179]

OP a e BRAZIL - Wildlife Refuge - 130 aaes Atlantic Forest, near Recife. Also tropical tilts. Excellent income frorn tourism. $100,000. (310) 832-4367 [156]

Procuramos mulheres para trabalhar como modelo exotic° na regiao do condado de Los Angeles e de Orange. Telefone para 310-2177615 e deixe mensagem e numero de telefone em Ingres, Espanholou Portugues. FalePortugues mu ito lentamente para que possamos entender. [179] Wanted: garment maker to sew clothing for individual. Possible "start-up" business. Part-time/ BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

Brazilian Music in its totality. Samba, bossa nova, chorinho, balk, axe, and more. Merchant Express (954) 785-2131

African/American Male, 40, Engineer, handsome, affectionate, romantic, in Houston, desire to meet Brazilian lady 25-35, send letter with photo; Wilfred Edwards, PO Box 2025, Missouri City, TX 77459, USA E-mail: wilfred.edwards@ usa.net [166] Brasileiro-Americano, 36 anos, romantic° e atraente, procurando relacionamento corn brasileira ou americana. (818) 344-1881 [166] Swedish gentleman, widower, 58, well educated, speaks Port., seeks independent, warmhearted, educated lady with humor, and good professional status in Brazil, USA or anywhere. Write Bjorn Gunnarson PO Box 17242, Stockholm, 10462 Sweden - E-mailtjorn_s@dataphone.se [164]

ersona an see S Mall Brazilian bottom, 33 y/o, 55", 123Ibs, white skin, seeks black, young top man who wanna move to Brazil and share a whole life. Valdeck Phone 011 5571 981 1990, valdecka@ hotmail.com [163]

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Jornais e revistas do Brasil. Recebemos jornais diarios e todas as principais revistas, incluindo masculinas e femininas. Tel. (954) 785-2131

Copacabana. Apartment for rent. Furnished, security, two blocks from beach, one bedroom, cozy. $65 per day. Call owner Maria .(323) 6624667 [180]

ersona oman See S man Educated, pretty Brazilian lady iso nice semiretired man. We'll teach English and enjoy beautiful nature in Maceio, Brazil, most of the year.

Write to 41 Sutter #1033 San Francisco 94104 [180] Brazilian mulata lady—a knockout at 35—seeks young nice looking young boy 18+. Preference to dark skin. For good times. Letter and pict to: Cida, PO Box 894, Wildomar, CA 92595 [165]

ersona an ee s Homan American Male, 33, engineer, seeks sincere attractive Brazilian lady 21-35 for friendship and possible relationship. In the Bay Area/San Francisco, California. My interests are soccer, motorcycle, outdoors, travel, and Brazilian cultural enrichment. E-mail: acsmeteng@hotmafficom Frances-Americano, 45, delgado, atraente, olhos azuis, professor, falo frances, ingles, espanhol, urn pouco de portugues, procuro brasileira delgada, 18-38 morando em Los Angeles. William (310) 305-2090 [181] Brazilian man, lam looking for American person.

I am single, I am 28 years old. E-mail: lindos@msn.com [178] Americano, jovem 49 anos, branco, olhos azuis, sem/nao querfilhos, cavalheiro, honesto, mOsico, procura brasileira magra, jovem para casement°.

Outramente procuro qualquer brasileira Ipor amizade, ensinar Ingres, ou participar de mOica folclorica/rock. Escrevo portugues. John PO I8ox 10401, Glendale, CA 91209 [177]

Historical Santa Teresa. Beautiful 2 bedrooms, all furnished, big balcony with view to the city.

Close to sambodromo (where the Carnaval parades happen), to the Christ statue and close to all beaches. For Carnaval orfor months. Owner lives in Los Angeles. Rent for only $50 per day. Call 310-450-7501 [179] Vital, Reveillon, Carnaval - Vitoria ES, Alugo casa, prOximo Praia da Costa. Ligar (027) 340 1777 Brasil ou email terezavieira@aol.com [177]

rans a ion n erg Dialogo Translates from and to Brazilian Portuguese: http://www.brazilstudy.com [155]

Palle Touristic services in Salvador da Bahia: Dialog°, htt •://www.brazilstud .com 155 • FEIRA LIVRE RATES 500 a word Phone is one word.

• DISCOUNTS. For 3 times deduct 5%, for 6 times deduct 10%, for 12 times deduct 15% • POLICY: All ads to be prepaid. Ads are accepted at our discretion, Your canceled check is your receipt. Please, include address and phone number, which will be kept confidential • DEADLINE: The 25th of the month. Late material will be held for the following month if appropriate •TO PLACE AD. Send ad with check, money order or your Credit Card number (plus your name and expiration date) to: BRAZZIL P.O. Box 50536 Los Angeles, CA 90050-0536.

49

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E a coisa mais linda de se ver: Eo he Aiye! 0 mais belo dos belos: Sou eu! Sou eu! Bata no peito mais forte e diga: Eu sou Ile! And the prettiest thing to see: It's ne Ayie! The prettiest of the pretty: It's me! It's me! , Beat more strongly on your chest and say: I am ne!

Mais Belo dos Belos" from Ile Aiye: 25 Anos.)

Aiye.

After the initial euphoric shock that came with the realization of being in the midst of a street party of over two million people.! found myself somewhat disappointed with the first two days of Carnaval 2000 in Salvador, Bahia, Brazil. Absolutely amazed by its immensity, yes. Artistically impressed by the music and dance, no. Given how little I understood regarding Bahian Carnaval before arriving, I was not even sure what! had seen. I had naturally expected waves of percussion and drumsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;o samba: the musical explosion that has defined many parts of Brazil's national (and international) identity. But (outside of a trimmed down version of Olodum's drum section) during my first two days of the festival the drums were conspicuously absent. Instead, replaced by dozens of pop bands cranking out something closer to techno music than samba.

I traveled to Bahia to learn about the history and evolution ofCamaval, andto participate in and observe first-hand what went on in the streets of Salvador every year. However, underlying all ofthis was an interest in seeing behind the craziness associated with the festival and into the heart of Bahian Carnaval. I hoped and expected to discover a voice underneath thefesta, a voice expressed through its music. I have found that people traditionally silenced by mainstream society are often forced to express themselves through alternative methods, particularly music. It isno coincidence that Afro-Americans have consistently led the way in popular music expressions throughout our hemisphere. The influence of the African roots of popular music in the Americas is a recurrent theme in my studies. The vast majority of American popular music originated in Afro communities all over our continents: rock n' roll, blues, jazz, salsa, son, mambo, cumbia, mere nreggae, slca, funk, soul, hiplop, rumba, samba, etc.

In my studies I have also been fascinated by the manner in which popular music developed in different parts of the Americas. Despite its underlying wickedness, the One has to dig a little deeper legacy of slavery in South America and the Caribbean versus North to truly glance at what lies America contrasts sharply in one important characteristic: the relaunderneath the chaos that tive "acceptance" ofAfrican drums.

Combined with other factors, the engulfs the streets of Salvador intense counter-rhythmic musical every year during Carnaval. It tradition established in the Caribbean and Brazil is rooted in this is one of the most impressive legacy--The prohibition ofdrtuns, ignored to a great extent on the displays of collective emotion islands and in South America, was more strictly enforced on the North imaginable.

American mainland ..."(Epstein. D. J. Sinful Tunes and Spirituals. p.5253. (Italics mine) In Brazil, there is obviously no shortage of African based JEFFREY S DUNEMAN percussion, therefore! had also expected and greatly desired to witness a twentyfour hour display of this poly-rhythmic tradition.

Yet there I was after the first two days of Carnaval 2000, waiting to be bombarded by drums, hearing precious little samba and even fewer percussion ensembles. For two days! had listened to band after band crashing through the streets of Salvador.

But I found little inspiring in the pop music blaring much too loud from the speakers imbedded in the enormous semi-trailers carrying these groups slowly around the city. These groups' percussion consisted of a couple ofdrowned out congas or atabaques. Still, the majority oflocals and tourists flooding the streets didn't seem to notice or care about the absence ofthe drums. No matter what the music, the povo (people) constantly seemed to teeter on the brink of pandemonium in the streets: neverquite crossing over! Given the masses ofpeople mixed with the masses of alcohol, the relative absence of major problems in the streets was impressive, to say the least.

Despite my frustration with some of the music,! would not dare suggest that Camaval is in any, way, shape or form lacking intensity. But I began to feel like I had missed something. Add enough cerveja (beer)Brahma and anything can sound good for awhile, but soon enough the musician in me rebelled. Then, half by chance, I meandered down to Campo Grande in the center of Salvador on

Sublime Folly

52

BRAZZ1L- FEBRUARY 2001

Saturday night, day three, and finally saw what I had envisioned for months: Male Debate, one of the most well known and most traditional blocos afros in Bahia. And suddenly the whole experience started to make sense.

All in all, Carnaval in Bahia was the most awe-inspiring spectacle ofmusic, dance and sensuality that! have ever witnessed.

Seeing the people of Bahia revolve their entire lives around this week of celebration (added to several weeks of pre- and postcelebrations) is one of the most impressive displays of collective emotion imaginable. The most lasting impression that !carry with me was the sheer amount of energy that thepovo put into dancing.

It is, quite literally, an every day, all day festa na rua. The people in Bahia never seem to tire ofjumping behind the bands. When! asked Bahians about this amazing level of musical energy that engulfs Salvador their answers were invariably the same, "it's in the blood." Witnessing this complete absoiption in joy left my senses overloaded. I could not truly balance it until I saw another side ofthe loucura (craziness), afar different side that radiated the same energy and Joy but tempered with an intense seriousness.

Having the opportunity to see that side firsthand convinced me that there was more going on than just a big street party. Of course, the excesses of which more than a minority partakes may suggest otherwise. But one has to dig a little deeper to truly glance at what lies underneath the chaos that engulfs the streets of Salvador every year.

I will examine the history of Bahian Carnaval and how it has evolved into the absolutely immense form that it currently takes. For the sake of simplicity, I separated the music of Carnaval into three main groups that! will examine individually: the trios eletricos, the afaxes, and the blocos Afros. Participating in and observing Camaval provided me with a wealth of matenal from which I will draw liberally throughout my report. It is precisely from this first-hand approach that I organized this project. I also set up several interviews with leading officials of the main blocos afros and afaxes, finding within these groups the side ofthe festival for which! was searching. Added to numerous discussions with residents ofBahia as well as my immersion within the event, I feel like! was able to increase my own understanding of Carnaval exponentially.

Carnaval 2000 in Bahia was a celebration of fifty years of the trio eletrico, fifteen years of axe music, five hundred years since the European arrival in Brazil, and four hundred and fifty years since the founding of Salvador. Individually, many blocos also celebrated important anniversaries, such as Olodum: 20 years and he Aiye: 25 years. One also saw the slogan "Bahia: Brazil Was Born Here" nearly everywhere. The city ran dozens of commercials with people from all over Brazil praising Bahia. It was clearly a moment ofgreat pride for Bahians, and one saw the results ofthis promotional campaign as Salvador was absolutely flooded with tourists during the week ofCamaval. These themes set the tone for all the activities of Carnaval 2000 and created an even more impressive display outside of the already immense street party.

The History In early Brazilian history, nothing even similar to Carnaval (or entrudo as it was previously called) existed. Only during gala events of the king or his court would there be anything even resembling an "official" celebration. The original inspiration for the "street party" came from Greco-Roman pagan festivals honoring gods such as Dionysus (based around harvests in mid-December and mid-February), where slaves were freed, people hid behind masks and costumes, and alcohol was consumed in mass quantities. These festivals spread throughout Europe and in Portugal it was reportedly characterized by much dancing. The influence of Christianity obviously placed old established pagan festivals around Christian holidays, and thus "Carnaval" came to become a pre-Lent celebration. Precisely how it was introduced to Brazil is unclear, but in the seventeenth century a tradition began where slaves would race through the streets soaking each other with substances of various kinds, while most whites stayed indoors.

There existed no sort of organization to this event, much less any sort of festival music. Not until the mid-nineteenth century were there any sorts oforganized balls held during the week before Ash Wednesday. This tradition began with white Brazilians imitating

BRAZZIL-FEBRUARY 2001

European costu e balls and dancing to the latest polkas or waltzes.

In slave and ex- lave neighborhoods the scene was developing quite differently, owever. The "official" festival continued in this tame form until popular rhythm came along that was capable of sustaining thee ergy of the povo, both black and white.

The detailed istory of samba is for another report entirely, but it clearly needs ention here. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth cen , thousands of ex-slaves migrated to Rio de Janeiro searchin for employment. Many of these people congregated around th now famous Estacio and Praca Onze districts (now home to e Sambodromo.) It was here that samba as we know it was bo . Mixing elements of the European influenced lundu, maxixe, archa and choro with the percussive AfroBrazilian batuq s developed in Bahia and elsewhere, artists such as the famous Pi inguinha, Sinho, Donga, and Ismael Silva truly started a musical evolution in the early twentieth century. The first song "officially' labeled samba was Donga's famous "Pelo Telefone", a sm h hit during the Camaval of 1917.

Coming fro ii the Afro neighborhoods in Rio and the surrounding morros (hill , samba was, ofcourse, originally rejected by the mainstream. Bu with the help of middle class, white/mulatto composers suc as Noel Rosa and Ary Barroso, samba soon became the mus c of Rio's Carnaval, as well as all of Brazil. Rio's Carnaval began o be slowly de-segregated as the 1930s wore on, thanks in part to he work ofescolas de samba such as the famous DeixaFalar, as Ilas the policies ofGetalio Vargas. By the 1950s, the sounds ofso-Brazilian percussion were an invaluable part of every celebratio and public event in Brazil. The absolute importance of samba in the development of Carnaval as a popular festival cannot e understated. The development of samba as Brazil's nation music directly correlates to the development of Camaval.

Bahia Before takin the form it has today, the early twentieth century saw Carnaval i Bahia as an almost completely segregated and relatively tame vent. For the rich, mostly white, upper class, Camaval came t â&#x20AC;˘ exist as an elite costume party in exclusive clubs of Salvador. Clu es such as the Fantoches de Euterpa, Cruzeiro de Vitoria, and Os I ocentes do Progresso held balls that only the light skinned upper lass could attend. These clubs were owned or sponsored by 1 cal millionaires. Their events, opera music and European cos es included, contrasted dramatically with the chaotic entrudo â&#x20AC;˘volving in the streets ofthe poor, black neighborhoods of Salv or. In this entrudo, samba and African dances reigned. People bombarded one another with lim5es de cheiro, urine bowls, an other liquids of questionable origin. It was here that the concep of the street Carnaval developed. Evidently the events got so ou ofhand and/or so offended the upper classes that the police starte repressing the Afro-Bahian entrudo and started a process of org izing and "cleaning-up" these festivities. Some of the city's elite loudly decried the "uncivilized" nature of these festivals and ac ally proposed the prohibition of African music and dance durin Camaval.

However, s' Hart° the manner in which samba came out ofthe morros in Rio d Janeiro and took overthe mainstream Camaval, the street festiv (albeit a "cleaned up" version) in Bahia soon imposed itself n the elite club festival. An important concept in this evolution o Carnaval is the definition of"rua" in this era. The streets were con idered, by some ofthe upper class, to be the center ofchaos and apl ce to avoid when at all possible. Many upper class people stayed somewhat isolated in the homes rather than venturing out into the danger that they felt the "street" represented. Yet, in apowerful statement regarding the influence ofAfro-Brazilian music and danc ,the emerging popular festival soon drew the elite into the very str ets they had looked down upon.

From aroun 1930 to 1950, parallel to increased repression of the Afro-Brazil an festival, these exclusive clubs began marching through the str ets wearing elaborate European costumes and fantasias, listen ng to military bands play marchinhas, polkas, and even opera piec s. While in Salvador,! saw a TV special about this era of'mainstr am" Camaval in the 1940s and the pictures spoke forthemselves: ery few people in the streets, a handful ofcars with elegantly dress d, light skinned Bahians riding atop, and almost no

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music.

Modern Bahian Carnaval really begins with the advent of the famous trio eMtrico in 1950. From this point on the elite parades started to be replaced by a more popular street festivalâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;a Carnaval of the povo. As the trios evolved into the massive entities they are today, the caretas ofthe upper class slowly disappeared. Although there still exists some of these upper class Carnaval clubs, today they are virtually ignored by the media and the people of Salv ad or.

The street festival, obviously, has earned top slot on the Carnaval bill. Some people view this "victory" ofthe street festival over the elite club festival as an affirmation of the "Africanization- of Carnaval. While the origins ofCarnaval are clearly not African per se, it is evident that modern Bahian Carnaval as we know it takes much of its form from the Afro-Brazilian concept of party in the street.

Following the revolutionizing of Carnaval that the trios provided, the festival grew larger every year and began to take on a life of its own. Constantly adding new elements, different ideas for the trios, bigger crowds, larger vehicles, and mass publicity. By the 1980s it was competing with Rio for the largest Carnaval in Brazil.

Today it is rightfully billed as the largest popular festival in the world.. This year the press reported over two million people (including 800,000 tourists) in the streets of Salvador and business equaling over $300,000,000. Yet undemeath the immensity ofthe event, remains a sobering reality about the social situation in Bahia.

Although the concept of the street festival quickly came to dominate Bahian Carnaval, centuries of discrimination left a legacy that, even today, can be seen during the week of "official" Carnaval. Until the 1970s one was hard pressed to find much Afro-Brazilian participation in mainstream Bahian Carnaval. Due to the work of certain parts of Bahian society, overthe past thirty years the state has definitely developed a degree ofracial inter-mixing and tolerance that, on some levels, is quite inspiring to witness. If one does not dig very deep into Carnaval or only has the chance to spent a few days in Bahia, he or she would probably leave with a very optimistic view of race relations and the level ofequality that seems to exist. The first week or so that I was there, this was precisely my impression. I was amazed at the seeming complete mixing ofrace and class, especially in the Pelourinho. However, as Riserio points out in his excellent review ofBahianCarnaval, Carnaval Ilexci, this view becomes easily distorted with a closer and more critical look.

After getting over the immensity ofthe event and the craziness in the streets,!began to notice subtle and not so subtle segregation.

Particularly after seeing Male DebaM on Saturday, these observations became more and more clear as the festival continued.

The history of Bahian Carnaval is one of dramatic events that rapidly altered its course. Today, it is simply impossible to imagine festival without the trios, without samba, without hundreds of thousands of people in the streets, without the heart and soul of Bahia that are the blocos afros, without the calm that the afoxes bring to the storm.

Yet very recently in her history, each one of these elements simply did not exist. Despite the continued segregation and discrimination, people of all classes and races do come together to dance and celebrate. It is indeed an impressive display. Carnaval in Bahia remains an ever-evolving street party, constantly adding new elements, constantly growing even larger and more outrageous. The only constant is that every twenty years or so it is sure to be completely, rearranged.

TRIOS ELETRICOS Modern Bahian Carnaval is for the most part made up of dozens of the sb-called "trio eletrico" groups. Nowadays they are far from trios, but actually originated as a duo. In 1951 the famed amplified pair ofDod6 and Osmar cruised Bahian Carnaval for the first time in an old 1929 Chrysler Fargo (later adding another musician, Temistocles Aragdo, thus the "trio") Since that moment, the trios have evolved into an impressive, immense musical display for national and international audiences alike. The trios consist of enormous semi-trucks plodding through the streets of Salvador with a band of anywhere from ten to twenty musicians

54

atop cranking out the latest Carnaval songs, various Carnaval classics, as well as an extensive repertoire of pop hits. Today, at least seventy-five per cent of all the musical ensembles parading around the three official circuitos can be labeled blocos trios.

Realistically speaking, for the majority of Carnaval-goers, local and foreign. the expenence ofBahian Carnaval consists ofdancing in the streets to the trios ' selection ofaxe,pagode, and pop songs.

The fifty years since the invention of the trio eletrico have come to define many aspects of Bahian Camaval, as well as other northern cities like Recife and Olinda in Pernambuco. Almost every "official" Carnaval group now uses the concept of the trio eletrico for their parade. They use the trucks to carry their entire band or, in the case ofthe blocos afros and afoxes, just the singers ride on top of the trucks with the drummers and dancers in the streets below. However, the actual name, a "bloco de trio," refers only to a Carnaval group comprised of a more mainstream performer who generally plays axe, pagode, and pop music. This invention is very rightfully celebrated as the most influential event in the history' of modem Bahian Carnaval.

The story of the trio eletrico begins in Bahia in the 1930s.

Osmar Macedo and Adolfo "Dodo" Nascimento were musicians who had grown up together in Salvador. In the 1930s Dodo helped to form a group with the legendary Dorival Caymmi called 0 Tres e Meio. By the late 1930s Cay mmi and the others had left, leaving Dodo to reform the group. He called upon his old friend Osmar and, soon leaving the group behind, they set out as a "dupla eMtrica."

Osmar had learned how to construct his own guitars and Dodo, who was a radio technician, was inspired to insert a microphone inside the guitar after seeing Carioca violinist Benedito Chaves mic his violin during a concert in Salvador in 1941.

Throughout the early 40s Dod6 and Osmar worked on new paus eletricos (electric guitars) and caixas (amps) and developed dozens of them during this time. The duo soon developed an entirely new sound in Bahia, one that emphasized volume and guitar, setting the stage for their revolutionary appearance in Carnaval '50. There is even some debate as to whether or not they were ahead of the American guitar makers, who only officially patented the electric guitar in 1947.

The introduction of Pernambucan frevo music into Bahian Carnaval was the second half o fthe rapid evolution ofthe festival.

In 1950 the famous Clube Carnavalesco Vassourinhas do Recife appeared in Salvador for the first time with an orchestra of over 150 musicians. Frew was and is the popular music and dance of Pernambuco. It is characterized by an extremely aggressive horndriven rhythm, originating from military marchas in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. When the music was modified from its original military band form and entered the street it adopted its "working class music" popular identity. This nuisica do povo identity would have a huge effect in Bahia.

In 1950, Dodo and Osmar witnessed that presentation of the Vassourinhas and immediately set about learning some of the songs, adapting them to guitar as opposed to the horn-laden Pemambucanfrevo. This concert took place on the Wednesday before Carnaval '50 was to commence. The dupla eletrica decided that it was the time to present their idea to the people ofBahia. They rehearsed for several days, decked out their 1929 Chrysler to hold amps and people and made their fateful voyage into the streets. The crowds in Bahia had never seen anything like it. Dodo and Osmar were the hit of Carnaval that year and it was clear from the onset that their idea was going to explode and completely re-define Bahian Carnaval.

As Carnaval crowds increased each year so did the violence behind the trios and the irfrevoda Bahia. Thefrevo dance became even more animated, with people flailing their arms in a sped up attempt to perhaps mimic a CandombM dance that had the arms moving up and down like wings. Hundreds of people in unison would crash through the streets following the trios, arms swinging in a sort of -shadow boxing.- It is easy to understand how this might have provoked a fair amount of violence in the streets.

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Beginning in 1952, sponsors made their presence felt in the trios, namely one Miguel Vita, who gave Dod6 and Osmar the financial backing they needed to develop their idea. Politicians and advertisers also immediately saw the advantage ofhaving a veh icle with their name on it cruise the streets of Salvador as the main Carnaval attraction. From that point forward, the size of the actual trios and their use as political and commercial advertisements grew quickly and extensively. By the 1960s, the enormous trios eletricos were the essence of Bahian Carnaval.

Os Trios Modernos From the early 1950s onward the trios eletricos clearly started to define Bahian Carnaval, with dozens of groups sprouting from the inspiration ofDodo and Osmar. By the mid-1960sthefesta na rua had come to completely dominate Bahian Carnaval, as increasingly larger crowds of people took the streets every year. Leading the way were the trio eletricos. In the 1970s emerging Bahian pop stars such as Caetano Veloso, Gilberto Gil, Gal Costa, and the Novos Baianos added their influence to the trios in a successful effort to add yet another facet to Carnaval: rock n' roll. Caetano had a very influential album in the 1970s entitled MuitosCarnavais that is now considered a Carnaval classic. In 1975 Moraes Moreira first added vocals to the trios, now an inseparable part of their sound. During this revol utionary phase ofthe evolution ofBahian Carnaval, Osmar's son Armandinho also began his reign as the master of the mini guitarra baiana. During Carnaval 2000, all of these adored rock stars were very visible in various trios. Today, in place of the oldfrevo tunes, almost all the trios perform axe, pagode or pop music and have increased the tempo of the songs into almost a techno or merengue rhythm.

One ofthe themes ofCarnaval 2000 was 15 Years ofAxe Music.

While in Salvador, I had a very informational discussion with Dr. Piers Armstrong of Universidade Federal de Santana de Feira regarding the history of axe music. Axe music does not really have an "official" birthday. However, it was fifteen years ago that a journalist decided to name the style of music that was rapidly evolving throughout Bahia and Pernambuco as axe. A precursor to axe wasfricote made popular by the performer Luis Caldas in the early 1980s (Caldas had his own trio eletrico in this year's Carnaval.) The hugely influentialfrevo music from Pernambuco gavefricotel axe music its fast tempo and beat. This influence can clearly be seen today as bands continue to increase the tempo and the music gets wilder and wilder. Before axe music took over Bahian Carnaval,frevo was the music of choice for most blocos.

Dodo and Osmar made their mark play ingfivvo tunes from Recife.

Every year new songs emerge from the trios as new festival fAvorites. Carnaval 2000's hits included"AnaJfilia" "0 Seu Amor E Canibal", "Amor", "Tsheik Demais", "A Engracaai nha", among others. The mainstream bands are almost obligated to perform the same repertoire of songs as many blocos pay ajot of money to hire the trios ofvarious pop stars such as Netinho, E 0 Tchan, Chiclete Corn Banana, Damela Mercury, and Ivete Sangalo to lead their parades. I heard each one ofthese trios perform the above Carnaval hits at least a dozen times.

The frenetic energy of the trio eletricos has its roots in Pernambucanfrevo but has developed its own characteristics that continue to evolve. Every year more and more triosjoin the festival and the major ones receive massive corporate sponsorship as they continue the commercial tradition started in the 1950s. Huge advertising balloons and corporate names are pasted on every trio as the massive crowds surge around them day and night. This side of Bahian Carnaval contrasts greatly with the other elements that I will now discuss.

OS AFOXES Afoxis have a long and inconsistent history in Bahia. Some of the first groups resembling today's afoxes were the Embaixada Africana in 1895, following shortly after by the Pandegos da Africa. They performed traditional candombM songs and dances in the streets of Salvador. This cultural expression was viewed as such a threat by the city that they were banned from the festival for nearly fifteen years. The afoxes slowly fought their way back into Carnaval, but well into the 1940s there existed an overt repression of Afro-Brazilian expressions in the mainstream Carnaval. As a result, the police and members from Afro neighborhoods in Bahia

BRAZZIL - FEBRUARY 2001

clashed regularl during Carnaval time. It was not until the creation of a revolution 1 group in 1949 that the afoxes were finally able to permanently . Nish themselves in Carnaval.

The original inspiration for these blocos arose directly from Afro-Brazilian - ligrous music in Bahia and one can clearly see this religious el ment in today's afoxes, as well as many of the blocos afros. I one form or another, they all developed from original cando ble or ijexa rhythms. Early in the history of the afaxes they wo d always perform ceremonies in the streets and evidently, man of their members would march in a trance. This religious legacy a seriousness about what they were doing—was clearly visible aS viewed several different afoxis during Carnaval 2000. It was a . k contrast to the frenzy of the trio eletricos.

According to G berto Gil, "This is the spiritual side of Carnaval, its balance." Mc owan & Pessanha. The Brazilian Sound. p.122.

The origina1 .foxes went through a series of ups and downs in the 1920s and 3 I s and the police repression continued. Various groups would e erge and then disappear within a decade or two.

It took years of •rotest for Afro-Bahians to merely march in the city's Camaval, •ut by the post-war period, the stage was set forthe rise of an afoxe at would forever change Bahia Negra and how it was viewed b the city and the nation.

The Filhos • - Ghandy were founded on February 18, 1949 by a group of doc orkers in a poor neighborhood called Porto do Salvador. The d te happened to be the Thursday ofCarnaval 1949• A few dozen of em quickly organized, rehearsed and marched on the last day ofC aval that year. The immediate inspiration for the founding ofthe oup came from a discussion they had lamenting the situation th the country was in, as well as seeking a way to lessen the repres ion ofAfro-Bahians during Carnaval. One ofthe men, Durval M ques da Silva, "Vava Madeira", had recently seen a film on the life d death ofMahatma Ghandi, and proposed that they name them - Ives after his legacy, having been recently felled by an assassin' bullet in India. They also wanted a symbol that would counter e prejudiced view of the city's elite that blacks could only be v. •lent. Some city officials worried that their anticolonial name ould be viewed as a threat to the British Empire (and therefore a eat to all the English ships that docked at their ports) and pres • red them to drop it. However, the name stuck.

From there the rest of the story gets clouded. All the original founders relay •ntradicting stories on where and when they first marched, what e original intention was and so on and so forth.

Realistically ho ever, those details matter little. What has lasted is their legacy: hat they did for Afro-Bahians and the culture of Bahia.

What is cle . in their story is that Ghandy underwent a steady decline in the 1' 60s and by the early 1970s their entire existence was in serious j - opardy. Enter the rising pop-star Gilberto Gil, recently return • from political exile in London. From that point forward, the F lhos grew steadily and by the late 1970s had established the selves as the most well-known and most well loved afoxe in : ahia.

With Gil.' their Vice President, the Filhos solidified their place forever the history of Bahian Carnaval. Today their membership n bers over 10,000. The Filhos represent an ideal of peace and ial unity to Bahians and to the world, often receiving inte ational dignitaries when they visit Bahia.

Filhos de rhandy While in S vador I had the opportunity to spend several hours over two days d scussing the history and message ofthe Filhos de Ghandy with o e of their spokesmen and self-titled conselheiro, Valdemar Jose e Souza, referred to as Tio Souza. I also had the pleasure of me ing Senhor Raimundo, the group's "Ghandi".

Raimundo, qui literally, looks and attempts to live as Mohandas Ghandi did. It i an amazing spectacle to witness "Ghandi" atop their truck p . . • ing through the streets during Carnaval. ho Souza gave me a brief history of the group and discussed what they do before, during. d after Camaval. Throughout the discussions he constantly em • asized the somewhat romanticized message of peace that the oup promotes through all of their activities.

I asked Tio ouzaaboutthe role that Ghandy plays in Bahia and what they have ome to represent in the community. He cited the example of wh n a local school official called upon Ghandy to

55

parade and present themselves in one of the rougher schools in Salvador. Tio Souza commented on all the cases of violence that constantly occurred in this particular school. Ghandy went to the neighborhood and put on a grand parade in full regalia, with all the children watching and listening. He said that within a few days the same school official called them to thank them for the dramatic reduction in violence that had occurred almost overnight in this school. He added that today it remains a relatively safe area in Salvador.

During Carnaval, I also observed the influence that Ghandy wields in Bahia. I was in between the Pelourinho and Carnpo Grande on Avenida 7 de Setembro when I saw a huge fight break out during the parade. The circle widened as the people started brawling, when suddenly in stepped a filho de Ghandy. He broke up the combatants, kept them apart, said something, and then quietly left. The fight ended there.

Tio Souza expressed much concern over the violence still present in Carnaval and emphasized the need for a"re-educaccio do povo."However, he was quite clearly very proud of the strides that the Filhos had made in creating a more peaceful atmosphere in Bahia. One can see the responsibility they have taken upon themselves in the manner with which many members ofthe Filhos carry themselves during Carnaval. There is a definite degree of seriousness and dignity. The Filhos and other afoxes such as Badaue and the Filhas de Oxum were indeed a calm amidst the storm of Carnaval. It was amazing to see the way the crowds reacted when they passed—the calmness, the lack of v i olence, etc.

The Filhos de Ghandy have become an institution in Bahia and it is quite difficult to imagine Carnaval without them. The one hope for the future that Tio Souza wished for was simply a higher degree of organization and professionalism within the group so that their message of peace could be transmitted to still more people in Brazil and, their ultimate goal, all over the world.

OS BLOCOS AFROS A blocoAfro-Brasileiro, or bloco afro for short, is a Camaval group created in one of the dozens of Afro-Brazili an bairros that make up Salvador. Generally, they are defined by an enormous emphasis on all things "Afro" in Bahia — music, dance, religion, fashion, and language. Most of the well known blocos Afros were born in the 1970s from an overt and deliberate political statement regarding the absence of Afro-Brazilian influence in a city over 75% Afro-Mestizo. These blocos activities extend far beyond Camaval into political and social arenas. The social and economic opportunities they create in thei r neighborhoods cannot be underestimated in a nation with as much poverty as Brazil. From The Brazilian Sound, "What is so profound about the blocos afros is that they have allowed the young black population in Salvador to identify themselves through the expression of dance, song and drumming as opposed to outsiders telling them who they are and what their culture is about."

In the 1970s, the Black Pride and Soul movements in the United States had a huge impact in Bahia. Combined with various independence movements in colonial Africa (notably the Portuguese speaking Guine-Bissau), Afro-Bahians had very visible symbols of African pride. Recognizing that Brazil has the most African descendants of any country outside of Africa, Afro-Brazilians, even more vocally than previously, demanded equal representation, and more importantly organized to insure that they received it. It was precisely in the 1970s that Bahians en masse began to hear the voices of the blocos afros. These groups experienced a peak number in the 1980s, but have recently seen a decline in number as the economic factors associated with Carnaval catch up with the groups primarily from the poorer parts of Salvador. What I experienced in Carnaval 2000 was the continuation of a thirty-year movement whose primary goal is simply to express itself in its own voice.

Basic to many blocos afros is an association with candombM, the Afro-Brazilian religion in Bahia, as well as capoeira, the martial art/dance brought from Angola, West Africa. Many blocos' members are active in candombM houses and some, such as Ile Aiye, begin each Carnaval with a huge ceremony. CandombM is

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derived from the religious traditions of various West African groups that were brought to Bahia as slaves, most notably the Yorubas (or Nagos) from Nigeria and the Ewe (or Geges) from Benin. This culture is often referred to as the Gege-Nago tradition.

The Yorubas are traditionally linked with the Ketu and Ijexa regions ofthe ancient Yoruba kingdom. Obviously, this is a direct link to the use of the word ljexa as well as hundreds of other African words used in common speech today in Bahia.

Before the blocos afros rose to prominence in the late-1970s and early 1980s, most Afro-Brazilian participation in Carnaval was limited to an afore or bloco Indio. Blocos indios such as theApaches de Toror6 took their inspiration from stereotypified images of North American Native Americans and, much like the distorted stereotype, these mostly black groups developed a very violent reputation. With few other forms of expression available to them, some blocos indios would intentionally disrupt the processions of the trios. How much the prejudicial views of the mainstream media sensationalized their level of violence we can only speculate. On Olodum 's website there is a lengthy history that suggests that this violence was perhaps exaggerated due to the discrimination of the day ( www.olodum.com.br/falando2.html). They cite the welldocumented examples of police repression of the blocos indios, including one incident where over 3,000 members of a bloco were jailed. Nonetheless, it is evident that there was a lot of violence associated with them and when the blocos indios took to the streets in the 1960s and 70s, it made more than a few Bahians uncomfortable.

Only after the blocos afros and afoxes established themselves did Afro-Brazilians find other methods of self-expression during Carnaval. These blocos indios still exist today but their numbers have been greatly reduced, as has their aggressiveness, concordant with the "re-Africanization" of Carnaval in Bahia.

Ilê Aiyê One of the very first blocos afros and the one whose musical style (all drum and percussion arrangements) paved the way for future groups is the famous ne Aiye. Coming from the almost entirely black neighborhood ofLiberdade, the group' s two founders, Antonio Carlos dos Santos (Vovo) and Apo lonio de Jesus, immediately made clear their intention to preserve, promote and expand Afro-Brazilian culture: they did not (and do not) permit light skinned persons to participate in the bloco. This exclusion was a direct and intentional response to the discriminatory practices, both overt and covert, in place by the city of Salvador as well as other blocos before, during, and after Carnaval.

Before 118 Aiye was established, members of Liberdade also used to form teams of musicians and dancers called A Zorra. They used to spontaneously gather in the streets and pick random beaches in Salvador to "invade," dance, play samba and socialize—showing off the culture of their bairro to the startled upper class beach-goers. From these gatherings came the idea to unite in a more formal setting. Finally, after a night spent discussing the situation, on November 1st, 1974, under the leadership of Vovo and Apolonia, the bloco Ile Aiye was officially born. Vovo and Apolonia's initiative set in motion the transformation of "soul" to "ijex6" and American "Black Power" to Brazilian "conciencia negra", on their own terms and in their own language.

Emphasizing all things negro, Ile Aiye made an immediate impact on Bahian Carnaval. An aggressive, all black bloco with a policy ofexcluding whites made it dangerous" and many residents of Liberdade expressed serious concern over whether or not they would be thrown in jail, beaten, or worse if they marched throu h the streets of Salvador. One must also keep in mind that this was the era of the military dictatorship in Brazil and a statement such as the one Ile Aiye was making did not lend itselfto friendly relations with

BRAZZIL- FEBRUARY 2001

the authorities.

In 1975, as the new bloco marched through the streets, people began picking up on whatthey were doing and, according to Vovo, one could see the crowd's attitude change. Even people from Liberdade who had doubted the whole project instantly realized the energy that this group had just added to Carnaval.

My interview with the president of he Aiye was shorter than I would have liked, but they are an extremely busy organization.

Vovo has been invited all over Brazil as well as internationally to represent the group and is constantly occupied with numerous projects in Bahia. The one aspect that really stood out when I went to the Casa do ne in Liberdade was the non-stop activity. I was barely able to complete a rushed twenty-minute interview after waiting over an hour to speak with opresidente. What I took away from the discussion was atheme that I would find common to most ofmy interviews and my general view ofBahian Carnaval after the craziness had subsided: the continuing difficulty that Afro-Brazilians have being represented and appropriately respected. In Vovo I sensed a very serious man, very intent on completing the work he began in 1974. He expressed very succinctly what Carnaval means to 116 Aiye: "It's the biggest moment for the black people." I asked him about any changes that he had seen in the way that AfroBrazilian were viewed in Bahia since the inception of the group.

While clearly proud of the strides Ile Aiye has made, Vovo seemed very cautious about being too optimistic or ndve, perhaps.

He sees very clearly the obstacles that stand in the way of true equality in Bahia and is not shy about bringing them up. The lack of corporate sponsors for blocos afros, the reluctance on the part of the city to further assist many of them, the refusal of many blocos to alter their sound and styleto fit what the city "wants" its Camaval to be, being just a few examples. Although Vovo was given the position of Carnaval Director in 1996, it was evident that he still felt they were excluded from much ofthe process. To end the interview I asked him what he saw in the future of the group. Given that ne Aiye is one of the most well established of all the blocos afros, his response was startling: "We have to fight to not shut down. We blacks are more than 80 percent of the population, but the afro blocos are rare and very weak. It's very hard."

In their illustrious twenty-five year history, ne Aiye has created dozens of proj ects that directly and continuously help their community in Liberdade. While constantly emphasizing the theme of preserving and expanding black culture wherever it is found, Vovo told me about their youth band, Mirim, their beauty parlors, the schools they have set up in Liberdade that teach history, music, and dance; the festivals that they sponsor, such as the night of the black beauty, and theNational Day of B lack Conscience (November 20.) He also gave me several ofthe educational notebooks they publish about once ayear on various themes relating to Africa and Bahia. The Cademos Educativos that the group publishes are impressive. They usually elaborate on their Carnaval themes orthe histories of the leaders of the group such as Vovo or Mae Hilda (mdie de santo and Vovo's mother), publishing the books around Carnaval time. The titles of several recent editions speak for themselves: Zumbi: 300 Anos, (Zumbi: 300 Years) he Aiye: 25 Anos de Resistencia Aiye: 25 Years of Resistence), A Forca das Raizes (The Force ofthe Roots), Organizac5es de Resistencia Negra(Organizations of Black Resistance). Their 2000 Carnaval theme followed this tradition: Terra do Quilombo.

Ile Aiye was and is, of course, heavily criticized by whites in Bahia for this practice of only admitting blacks into their bloco.

However, the group uses this policy to point out the absurd hypocrisy ofa city whose population is approximately 80% negromestizo, yet whose representation in political and social terms would lead one to believe exactly the reverse. nes policy is their commentary on the continuing denial of racism in Brazil, similar to many circles in the U.S.A. where the problem of racism is simply not addressed. What is clear in Bahia is that a definite process of "re-Africanizing" Carnaval was well underway in the 1970s and 80s, and it threatened many people in the city.

While in Bahia, I observed the difficulty that many blocos afros have in obtaining the necessary backing, financial and otherwise, for a successful Carnavallt was clear in simply viewing the skin color of the various blocos and at what times they were scheduled to desfilar that the festival is indeed a long ways from

BRAZZIL- FEBRUARY 2001

true egalitarianis A newspaper article published in A Tarde shortly before C aval pointed out the difficulties that even established bloco afros have in securing good representation in Carnaval. If a bl • o does not have a "pop" element (such as most of the blocos aft • and afoxes) they cannot secure city finances and/or sponsorsh p for their endeavors, much less obtain parade times before 2 or 31 . The ATarde published following Carnaval, perhaps unconsc ously gave light to the manner in which the blocos afros have leen kept from equal representation in Carnaval.

The article report d how one popular bloco, Muzenza, could not even march duets how late they had to wait. Despite all the work thatthese groups ave completed, many people (even Brazilians!) still only know about them due to a cover ofone oftheir songs that someone like Dan i ela Mercury performs. Meanwhile, dozens of no name, mostly light skinned, blocos trios continue their frantic axe parades through the streets.

MaleDebale Male Debale s another one of the oldest and most traditional of the blocos aft s in Bahia. They were formed in 1979 in the beachfront bairr • ofltaptia. Along with Ile Aiye, they remain one of the very few s aditional blocos afros with the resources and organization to lly present themselves during Carnaval. Male's festival theme th., year was "Simply Male" and they were quite simply one them s st impressive blocos in the streets. Seeing them for the first time was an experience impossible to forget. The energy and grace ith which they presented themselves gave me my first glimpse nto the soul,of Bahian Carnaval: the intensely percussive dnve sound backed by aggressive lyrics based on the Afro-Brazilian e perience in Bahia.

While in Sal ador, I had the opportunity to interview Cicero Ant6nio, the mu ical director of Male. He was incredibly helpful in explaining to e the history and mission of the group, ofwhich I lcnew absolutel nothing before arriving in Salvador. Like all my other interviewe s, Antonio expressed the continued difficulty that blocos afro have maintaining and expanding their work.

Given their awes me display during Carnaval, I hoped for a good look inside their rganization. I was not disappointed. All of the following info ation was taken directly from our interview.

Male Debal was formed in 1979 and was based in the candombM tradi ion. Their home is the beachfront Ita.pua neighborhood. Given eir proximity to the ocean, they consistently use water images (s ch as the goddess Yemanja) in their songs and dances. The n e comes from the African revolt of the Males in Mali, West A ca. Male means "happiness" in Yoruba, and Debale carries n significance other than the similarity with bale or baile— ballet r dance in Portuguese.

Ant6nio exp essed concern over the way the large camarotes and sponsors ha e started taking up space that used to be reserved for the people in e streets. He also emphasized the difficulty in financing Cam al that most blocos afros have because it has become so com ercialized. Without the aid of large sponsors, the costs of the festi al have become nearly unobtainable for many blocos. He co ented that, due to their commercial success, Olodum is just # out the only bloco afro guaranteed a good spot in Carnaval.

Olodum Olodum has ecome by far the most internationally recognized bloco afro fro Bahia. Their groundbreaking work with Paul Simon, Jimmy 1 iff, Herbie Hancock, and Michael Jackson, among others, s t the tone for the exportation of the percussion driven Bahian s und so respected in music circles around the globe. The man er in which they almost single-handedly redefined the percep on ofAfro-Bahians is impressive, to say the least.

Due to an immeosely successful promotional campaign and nonstop performan es in Bahia and aroundthe world, Olodum has become the sing e most recognizable representative of Salvador to the world. What traveler in Bahia has not seen one of their weekly Tuesday nighti rformances at The African Bar in the Pelourinho?

Or their open-to the-public Sunday evening rehearsals? By combining their ow explosion of Afro-Brazilian percussion with the internationally dored reggae ofJamaica, they created the musical genre now calle s "samba-reggae." Aided by the major restoration ofthe Pelourinh s in the 1980s and 90s (to which they contributed) that brought in s ousands of travelers and tourists, this banda do

57

lo quickly came to dominate many aspects of Bahia's musical identity.

While in Salvador I had the opportunity to meet with Nelson Mendes, the culture coordinator of the Bloco Afro Olodum. He organizes local, national, and international events and projects for the group. We had a fascinating one-hour discussion on the history and goals of Olodum, as well as the continued difficulty that many blocos afros have in obtaining equal representation in Bahian Carnaval. I left the interview feeling like I had just taken an intensive course in Bahian politics. Al of the following information is taken directly from the interview with Mendes. The comments he made speak for themselves, and therefore much of this section will be direct quotes from our lengthy interview.

Olodum, short for Olodumare in Yoruba (God of Gods) was founded on April 25, 1979 in the Pelourinho of Salvador. Originally, members were solely from the historic center of Salvador, but today they have participants from all over the city. The first Carnaval they marched in was in 1980, and from that point forward they have grown extensively and rapidly. Olodum are currently one of the largest blocos in Salvador, Afro or otherwise. From the start, the group has been directly and aggressively involved in Bahian politics and the struggle against racism. Their lengthy list of achievements and awards can be found on their incredibly informative webpage (http://www.olodum.com.br).

Originally consisting of only a blococarnavalesco, Olodum soon created aregular band to perform outside ofCarnaval as a way to raise funds for the group's cultural and political activities. When Paul Simon came to Bahia in the late 1980s to record his song "The Obvious Child" forhis 1990 multi-platinum selling CD The Rhythm of the Saints, the band Olodum instantly achieved international recognition. They later played a concert with Simon in New York City's Central Park. From that point forward they embarked on tours of the United States, Europe, and Asia making them international pop stars less than a decade after their founding. The late 1980s and early 90s saw Olodum grow into one ofthe most powerful symbols of Bahia Negra, as well as a legitimate business.

Olodum 'S Carnaval theme for this year was "From Egypt to Bahia: The Way to Eternity". This was expressed with three separate mini-themes during Carnaval. The first night was the past: Egypt and Africa. Mendes explained their emphasis on the fact that the great inventions of Egypt are African inventions. The second night was the present: Bahia and Brazil. He continued, "For us. Brazil is an African invention." The third night was the future: an unknown that remains to be seen. Mendes used the example of how the entire globe feared a huge computer crash on New Year's Eve, yet nothing occurred. Even in all our modem technology, we cannot predict the future.

The immensity of Olodum's reggae driven, pro-Africa influence can also be seen by simply walking through Salvador observing the people in the streets. Everywhere you visit you will see dreadlocks and African imagery, clearly a result of the Rasta influence brought by reggae music. Performers such as Bob Marley, Peter I osh and Jimmy Cliff are adored as African saints, with Olodum as the visible representative of this tradition.

By uniting the explosive percussion ofBrazil with the powerful sound of Bob Marley's Jamaica, the soul of Africa, and a pragmatic business ethic, Olodum has created a cultural force that will not soon fade away.

The End Carnaval 2000 in Bahia, Brazil was the single most amazing festival ofmusic and dance I have ever witnessed in my life. There simply exists no other event that has its size, intensity, sensuality, and energy. The manner in which the people of Bahia carry their joy tirelessly through the streets for over a week in awe-inspiring.

Carnaval is merely the climax of a year round atmosphere that revels in the idea of celebration. I have never seen a people so committed to music, dance, and celebration. I remember vividly hanging out in the Pelourinho the week before Camaval actually started, walking from live music bar to live music bar during the

58

every night party that occurs there. A young Baiano was in the midst of a frantic samba dance, arms outstretched, screaming, "Carnaval arrives. Camaval arrives. - This energy is truly and absolutely a necessary part ofBahian life. To describe it otherwise is to be unobservant. The festival is nearly impossible to conceptualize until you are in the midst of it. The sight of so many people dancing in the streets for so long is simply absent in our culture. I can never forget the first sight I had of tens of thousands of people flooding the streets following Olodum out ofthe Pelourinho. It was simply stunning. Only a country so dedicated to the idea of celebration could create such an awesome display annually, while spending the rest of the year in preparation.

Yet behind the loucura there definitely exists, as well, the sobering reality of a five hundred legacy of slavery and racism. It is evident in the degree of segregation still present in Camaval blocos, in the unbalanced numbers ofblack and white participants in the blocos, and in the time slots assigned varying blocos. It is evident in the complete lack of equal representation in the government of Bahia and her institutions. It is evident in the -tokenism" still displayed to various well-established and long-standing blocos afros and afoxes. Watching and reading discussions about the Afro-Brazilian blocos in the mainstream media, I sometimes sensed a similarity with the way in which Native American culture is sometimes discussed here in New Mexico â&#x20AC;&#x201D; something viewed from a distance. Clearly Bahia has evolved as a multi-racial society where, at times, degrees ofharmony and equality are quite visible and quite impressive. I often.got the impression that skin color was the last thing on people minds. Countries such as the USA so divided and isolated by a neurotic concept of race could do well to learn from this degree ofracial mixing. But these moments ofunity are, unfortunately, overshadowed by persistent discrimination and fear displayed by segments ofthe Bahian upper class. By all accounts that I received and from what I observed, Bahia is far ahead of many parts of the world but still has a lot of work left in realizing the goal of democracia racial that many persons, Brazilian and foreign, so loudly proclaim.

Yet what remains clear is that Carnaval is the greatest moment of individual and group expressions of joy that exist in Bahia. The week proceeding the forty days oftent is unlike any other popular festival in the world in terms of size and energy. I found it exceedingly difficult to capture this energy using the medium of pen and paper. There is an exhilaration in the air and in the faces ofthe people that can only be understood by direct contact. The city brims with an electricity that is next to impossible to adequately describe. Persistent separation and inequality aside, Camaval provides perhaps the most unifying force that the povo of Bahia have at their disposal. Everything, but everything is dropped for a week when thefoliaes hit the streets. Pragmatically speaking, the employment and income provided by Carnaval sustain the city.

Emotionally speaking, Carnaval provides the people ofBahia with something perhaps greater: self-confidence, self-identity, selfexpressionâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the irreplaceable value ofwhich can be easily understood by more than just artists and travelers such as the author.

Jeff Duneman is finishing his Masters in Latin American Studies at the University of New Mexico. He is a musician (drummer) and full-time music fanatic. 28 years old, hailing from the Midwest, temporarily transplanted to New Mexico, he has lived and traveled extensively in Mexico as well as visiting other parts of Spanish Latin America. Currently beginning what is sure to be a longterm romance with Brazil. You can reach the author at jduneman@yahoo.com See References and Bbliography at http:// www.brazzil.com

BRAZZIL- FEBRUARY 2001

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