Brazzil - Year 10 - Number 155 - November 1998

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THE HEART & SOUL OF ILE AIYE

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----- The statistical data are Istiry --: of all Brazilian married women are sterilized. This is the most widespread method of birth control in the country and is often practiced without consent or even knowledge of the woman so mutilated. Everybody seems to think that the practice has been abused.

Tubal ligation has been used even as prize and some political candidates have offered to tie women's fallopian tubes in exchange for a vote.

If there is any birth control policy in Brazil it was brought from overseas mainly the United States. The country

never had an official line on the matter, American organizations in the '70s and '80s were generous, sending equipment and pouring money to fund mass female sterilization. The reasoning behind all this humanitarian effort seemed to b that the multiplication of poor peopl was an international security threat.

The wholesale use of sterilizatio has created another serious side effec As you might know, Brazzil is a very small operation: one person and some volunteers who help as and when they can.

The magazine is coming out a little more than a month late and I'm sorry for that. I don't see me catching up soon, but rest assured that the content is fresh and you will get all the issues you've paid for.

Thanks and all the best. R.M.

http://www.brazzil.com the abuse of cesareans. Brazil uses the procedure at least three times more than necessary. Many women opt for a cesarean so they can have their tube tied during surgery. Although tube tying is illegal in such cases, the operation is made in 70% of the cases in public hospitals with the surgeon getting some under-the-table money to perform the operation. Ideas and projects to solve the problem? They exist. If only they were carried out.

R.M

CONTENTS

8

26

Nation

Behavior

Tapes and forged papers shake government

Cachava liquor gets touch of class

30

10

Re ligi on

Book Excerpt

Father Marcelo becomes a superstar

Zero by Ignacio de Loyola BrandAo

37

12

Cinema

Central do Brasil romances the Oscar

Cover by Aylan Mello

Travel

History and folklore in Sergipe

DEPARTMENTS ,

14

40

Impressions

Cover

6

Sterilization and the lack of a birth control policy

Rapidinhas

21

Letters

National firms ready to go global

The Cultural

Rio through Aussie glasses

20

Economy

49

43

Music

The Bahian world of Ile Aiye and Vovil

Pulse

24

54

51

Music

Guilherme Vergueiro, musicians' musician

Classifieds 52

Special

Behind the Rural Women Workers' Movement

That's Brazilian

biallil

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Publisher and Editor: Rodney Mello / Entertainment Editors: Sam & Harriet Robbins Book Review: Bondo Wyszpolski / Music Editdr: Bruce Gilman BRAZZIL (ISSN 1091-868X) is published monthly by Brazzil - 2039 N. Ave. 52, Los Angeles, CA, 90042-1024. Periodicals Postage rate paid at Los Angeles, CA. Single copy sold for $2. One year subscription for 12 issues is $3 (three dol ars) in the U.S., $15 in Canada and Mexico, and $18 (surface mail) in all other countries. No back issues sold. Allow 5 to 7 weeks to receive your first issue. You may quote from or reprint any of the contents with proper copyright credit. Editorial submissions are welcome. Include a SASE (se f addressed and stamped envelope) if you want your material mailed back. Brazzil assumes no responsibility for any claims made by its adverti rs.

POST MASTER: Send address changes to BRAZZIL - P.O. Box 50536 - Los Angeles, CA - 90050-0536 BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

5

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'Street Sweeping

Not-so-family Aunt She is known as Tiazinha (Little Aunt), but she is mean as a fairy-tale stepmother.

She appears daily in a segment of H, a TV program hosted in the afternoon by Luciano Huck at obscure Bandeirantes network.

Dressed in a skimpy lacy panty and bra, a mask covering her eyes, and armed with a whip Tiazinha gives video lessons of domination and charm. Brazilians are falling all over this curvy brunette temptress.

The mask, she explains, helps her deal with her timidity, but it is also a way to separate the personas in Suzana Ferreira Alves, 20, who is a Communications student and has some acting experience, having worked in children's plays and TV commercials. She has been posing for printed ads since she was five.

In the highlight of her H segment teenage boys, lying with depilation wax on their legs, are asked trivia questions. In a sado-erotic ritual, every wrong answer is followed by Tiazinha's quick hand action, with the participant losing part of his hair covering. The guests seem to enjoy the torture and the audience roars its approval at every mistake.

One of the show's questions: "Which are the South American countries that have no border with Brazil?" (Answer: Chile and Ecuador.) fAt Those who give the right answer get the right to have Tiazinha strip herself of one of the few lingerie pieces she wears.

Should parents worry that their little ones are hooked on Tiazinha? Not really, according to Dr. Alfredo de Castro Neto, former president of Associacao Brasileira de Psicoterapia Infantil (Brazilian Association of Child Psychotherapy), who told Rio's daily Jornal do Brasil: "Parents shouldn't worry. Children are probably attracted by the mask. The character is kind of a female Zorro. She does some mean stuff that children adore and has all the ingredients of mystery."

Suzana these days seems to be on the cover of every magazine in Brazil and all mainstream news publications have dedicated extensive coverage to her and her antics. Influential weekly news magazine 1st° E dedicated a photo essay to the sadistic TV muse posting 13 pictures of her on the magazine's WEB site and encouraging

Rio has started a campaign to get rid of children and youngsters who beg for money in the streets. The action is an initiative of the Juizado da Infancia e Juventude (Childhood and Youth Court) after a study showed that there are 932 children being exploited by adults on the streets of Rio. The same study also revealed that most of the children and teenagers found in the streets have at least one parent.

According to judge Siro Darlan from Children's Court the intention of the campaign "is not to clean the streets, but to protect the children." The Brazilian Penal Code punishes the crime of exploiting kids with severe penalties and even prison, but the law is rarely if ever enforced.

Parents of the children caught begging will have to participate in a six-week course in which they will learn about responsibility, drugs and sex. Each family will also get a basket of food, bus tickets and clothes when they come for the meeting.

Darlan was able to convince business people to adopt families of street children for a year. After the one-year period, however, they will be on their own and Darlan warns: "If nothing changes after 12 months we will apply the Penal Code."

In amove similar to what has been done in Sao Paulo through a program known as Dinheiro Legal (Legal Money), Rio Children's court wants to distribute cards with emergency phone and shelter addresses where the children and their famiI. 6

BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1996

readers to copy the images to their computers' hard drives.

She has a full agenda with appearances at parties and in commercials.

After school and business obligations she still finds time for bodybuilding, capoeira,—a martial art and dance— jazz and ballet.

Monosyllabic most of the time, Tiazinha explained recently in an interview to DOH° da Manhel—a daily from Goiania, capital ofGoias state— why she is called Tiazinha: "Because the first time I went on the air I was wearing a teacher's apron. (It's customary in Brazil for children to call their teacher tia (aunt)). On our first program we also wanted to create an image and lead people to believe that they would see an older person on the screen."

Suzana says that she was reluctant to accept the TV role and only took the job at the insistence af the program's producers and the assurance that she would be able to wear a mask to hide her identity.

For her participation in the TV program she gets a $5,000 monthly check, but thanks to her celebrity she is already charging $5,500 for a single show at a nightclub where she does a mock strip-tease with the same TV accessories that made her famous.

Next she will be revealing much more of herself in an upcoming Playboy issue. Soon people will also be able to wear clothes, shoes and bags bearing her name, besides naturally erotic lingerie, mask, and depilatory wax.

She still lives with her parents— both from the northeastern state of Paraiba—in a house she now helps to pay for. Dona Lucia, her mother, a devoted evangelical, seems to have overcome her initial scruples and now cheers for her daughter's career.

Suzana herself is practicing less of her religion nowadays, but she always carries a white mini-bible with her and confides: "God is with me, always." Geraldo, the father, stricter than the mother, is also getting used to the daughter's celebrity and even calls her Tiazinha sometimes.

BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

lies would pay for the food with the cards. Citizens are encouraged to buy these cards in newsstands and give them instead of money. allEG

Booming Business The growing number of kidnappings in Brazil has brought a boom to the bulletproof industry. Despite costs that can go as high as $70,000 for a single vehicle, companies and even individuals have increasingly looked for ways to make their vehicles impervious to bullets. The shielding goes beyond bulletproof windows. Bumpers, tires, top and even the car floor are reinforced. The cars are also equipped with sirens and walk-talkies so their owners can talk with people outside without opening the window.

One of leading companies in the sector, Israelibased Armor Equipamentos de Protecao (Armor Protection Equipment) is shielding 47 vehicles a month nowadays. When they started in Brazil 12 years ago they didn't get more than two orders a month. There was a 30% increase in orders in 1998 compared to last year. Each month they also get up to 12 bulletproofed cars that have been hit and need to be repaired. conomy

Third World No More Emerging country? This designation does not apply to Brazil anymore. At least that's what John Edwin Mein, the president of Brazil's American Chamber of Commerce thinks. To justify his belief he cites the size of the Brazilian market as well as the country's infrastructure and its Gross

7

o itics inoto,ao Nov

National Product.

From 1992 to 1996 the US invested $130.4 billion in foreign countries. Of this money, $18.6 billion (9%) went to Brazil. Only the United Kingdom and Canada get more money from the US. ation

More Flag Waving Are Brazil and Brazilians excessively respectful of the flag, the national anthem, and other national symbols? Francisco Weffort, the minister of Culture, thinks so and wants to change this. In order to alter law No. 5700 from 1971— for example, it forbids applause following the performance of the national anthem and the use of the flag in consumer products-Weffort is presenting a proposal to the executive and the congress.

"We need to eliminate from the law encumbrances that inhibit the expression of love to the symbols," said the Minister during a ceremony to celebrate Flag's Day on November 19.

"Many people would love to have a cap with a little flag, but they can't because the manufacturer does not make it, afraid that he will be prosecuted by the law."

For Weffort, however, the use of the flag in a blanket or a towel would still be disrespectful and against the law.

ELM Military Secrets Flavio Pimenta Alves, 28, moved to New York and asked for asylum in 1997 after the publication of his book Toque deSilencio, uma Historia de Homossexua-

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Two Bombs

In a moment when Brazil has just reached an agreement with the International Monetary Fund for a $41.5 rescue loan and looks to the international community for a renewed vote of confidence, two bombs that can wreck these efforts , CHANIACEM/ARMACAO FERNANDO HENRIQUE CHirtA A POLICIA have exploded in the capital city of Brasilia.

Both could seriously compromise the second mandate of Fernando Henrique Cardoso who was reelected to the presidency in October. faduswo: nal EA eaoo,ahala a IOW toes dm Chas Caaonao The first bomb by all accounts is a collection Novas mela/oes taloa o grampo .lotin,co no IMES of crude and fraudulent faxes used in an attempt Oanvohot alavsalooto to incriminate the President and his close allies.

The documents show that since 1994, Cardoso and three friends have maintained a secret bank account in the Cayman Islands with a balance of $368 million. The money was deposited into the checking account of a company named CH, J & T Inc, whose initials conveniently correspond to the names of their alleged owners. So, the C would be for Covas (Mario Covas, governor of Sao Paulo), the H for Henrique (Fernando Henrique Cardoso), the J for Health Minister Jose Serra, and the T for Ray Terrence, a purported American proxy for Serra.

As baseless as it might be, the ploy was able to place the government on the defensive. And any small irregularity that might be discovered with all the attention of the media and foes focused on the rumors would be a victory for those who forged the documents. Daily Folha de Sao Paulo found out for example that there is a CH, J & T company in the Bahamas, But this and other discoveries couldn't prove anything against Cardoso.

It is still not clear who is behind the mud-throwing effort. The President seems to believe that former President Fernando Collor de Mello, who resigned in 1992 to prevent an imminent impeachment by Congress on corruption charges, has something to do with it. Cardoso called those responsible for the intrigue "farceurs and forgers" and went on: "It is necessary to express to the nation the indignation I feel at seeing people with no credibility whatsoever returning again to the public scene with insinuations." Collor, naturally, has denied any involvement and vowed to sue Cardoso for libel.

Hot Tapes The second bomb involved the illegal tapping of phone conversations between top aides of the Cardoso administration. The recordings revealed candid talks in which Communications Minister Luiz Carlos Mendonca de Barros, who was being groomed to take the newly created post of Production Minister, and Andre Lara Resende, president of the government's National Bank of Economic and Social Development, discussed how to help Banco

mentiras <pa,

8 BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

Opportunity win a bid at a phone privatization auction. In July, Telebras, the state telephone holding company, offered 12 firms to the highest bidder, a $19 billion deal. Banco Opportunity's senior officers are friends of Barros and Resende. Ironically, however, the consortium led by the private bank dropped out of the bidding.

On November 23, two weeks after the tapes were first leaked to the press, four top officials resigned including the Minister and the development bank president. Foreign Trade Secretary Jose Roberto Mendonca de Barros, brother of the Communications Minister also stepped down "in solidarity".

Mario Covas Later that same day, the vice president of the development bank, Pio Borges, presented his resignation too.

Speaking before Congress, Mendonca de Barros argued that the tapes had been doctored to make him look bad and that all he did was to help to raise the price of the bidding. His reasoning wasn't convincing, however, even though there were voices in the government urging him to stay to send a message to those who made the secret taping: illegal tampering will not be rewarded. But soon, the minister became too hot an issue for the government to handle.

Sergio Amaral, the President's spokesman, called the dossier against Fernando Henrique a forgery and let it be known that it's an unthinkable and ludicrous idea that Cardoso might have money hidden in some fiscal paradise. "Of course the President does not own any companies abroad," said Amaral at a news conference.

"The only assets he has overseas are two bank accounts in New York City with a total of about $23,000." He uses these accounts to collect Collor de Mello ; foreign royalties for books he wrote and has declared them in his '4" • taxes.

Those who had access to some 400 pages of documents found out that CH, J & T, the President's alleged company, was controlled by a second one called Trident Corporate Services. The papers also show a heavy traffic of money from Swiss banks to the Caribbean Islands.

These are documents signed by all the main characters involved including the President. The majority of the papers are in English, but clearly written by someone for whom English is not their first language.

1Presidente aceith demissoes mas News about the dossier started to circulate in confirma Ministerioda Producao September, the month before the presidential election that would reelect Cardoso. Three presidential candidates were offered the documents for a price that started at $4 million. Some even considered buying it, but in the end all declined convinced that the papers weren't reliable enough.

Health Minister Jose Serra, one of the partners in the alleged scheme received some pages of the document by fax and he was the one who had the initiative to divulge the material hoping that by doing so the allegations would evaporate as toCadrn 6 Sabra, derembre de tally ludicrous. The move, however, ended up .66 hocienalisew ä alms erode likein, p.6.6 nk giving some legitimacy to documents that some publications already had, but were afraid do dizava

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BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

lidade na Marinha do Brasil (Taps, a Story ofHomosexuality in Brazil's Navy).

Alves was a Brazilian Navy man, who became a celebrity after getting out of the closet and turning into an activist in favor of homosexuality. The revelation of his sexual preferences got him into hot water and according to his own account provoked the ire of the Brazilian Navy.

In his request for political asylum the gay militant, who entered the US on a tourist visa, argued that some military men had threatened him with death.

The granting of asylum de-„ pends on a final decision by the Manhattan Immigration Court.

For the Birds According to statistics, at least 300 lives were saved iast year in Brasilia traffic thanks to sparrows. Very special sparrows, since this is the name (pardal in Portuguese) the residents of Brazil's capital city call the traffic radars in town. They have been credited with helping reduce car speed, the main cause of traffic deaths. This effort, however, has been thwarted lately by radarthieves. In four months these thieves have stolen 41 radars, more than half of the 76 devices available in the city.

The thieves are leaving the cameras and taking only the computers that register the occurrences of speeding, even though these machines have very little commercial value and are housed in special boxes made of concrete or steel and secured with two locks. Who is behind the vandalism? For the Brasilia traffic authority these are people interested in defrauding the speed con trol.

eop e

Pop-star Preacher A charismatic, blue-eyed, handsome, 31-year-old Catholic priest from Sao Paulo has become the most talked about TV attraction in Brazil in recent weeks.

Priest Marcelo Rossi' s participation in the most popular television programs is a guarantee of high ratings while he preaches, dances and sings religious tunes like a pop star. His star has risen so fast that he recently became the cover subject of weekly newsmagazine Veja, the most important weekly publication in Brazil with a circulation of more than 1.2 million copies.

His masses, celebrated with song and dance in a former industrial warehouse in the Santo Amaro neighborhood in the Greater Sao Paulo, draws as many as 60,000 believers. In little more than a month his CD MUsicas Para Louvar o Senhor (Songs to Praise the Lord) sold 1.7 million copies. Best-selling band SO Pra Contrariar has sold 3.6 million copies of its latest album So Pra Contrariar. Some industry insiders believe the dancing priest has a good chance to surpass this number.

Evangelical pastors have complained that the priest mixed Catholic songs with evangelical ones. From the 13 cuts in the CD six are tunes sung by evangelicals.

"I made a point not to limit myself to the Catholic world," he explained during a press conference sponsored by PolyGram, his recording company.

As for his continuous appearances on TV he has no apologies: "We have shown that it is possible to get the highest ratings on TV by preaching God's word and without lowering the level. But I am not a product, I'm a priest. If the TV stations are using me to get audience, I am doing the same and helping people in the process."

Very Human Padre Marcelo was a late bloomer. Before entering the seminary he led a pretty normal life for a teenager, going out on dates and having sex with a few girls. As a child in Cruzeiro, a small town 125 miles from Sao Paulo, he thought about becoming a soccer player, a fireman or maybe a Formula One driver.

He was not that interested in religion either. In 1980 when the Pope visited Sao Paulo he was 13 years old and had already moved to Sao Paulo, but preferred to stay home doing crossword puzzles while his parents went to catch a glimpse of John Paul II. In 1989 he graduated in Physical Education.

Marcelo was 21 when two tragedies in the family brought him back to the church and inspired him to dedicate his life to the priesthood. He lost a cousin, who also was a close friend, in a car accident on the same day his aunt was diagnosed with a malignant tumor. The following year a TV series on the Pope, which he saw a dozen times, became the trigger for his religious vocation. In 1991 he entered the seminary.

He is as far as you can be from a clergy generation that believed that Marx and Christ had much more in common than in disagreement. The popular priest talks against drugs, and about heaven and hell as the more traditional priests do. He condemns homosexuality, abortion, and all kinds of contraceptives, and he

10

is also against giving women a wider role in the Church.

His sermons are short and to the point. He likes to cite a saying: "In five minutes is God who is talking, in ten is the man, and in fifteen is the devil." Worried about the short attention span of the believers he has introduced the Byzantine rosary in his church, a prayer that takes about 10 minutes, one third of the time of the traditional rosary.

A track from Padre Marcelo's CD:

Anjos de Deus Se acontecer urn barulho perto de voce E urn anjo chegando para receber Suas oracoes e levd-las a Deus Entao abra o coracao Comece a louvar Sinta o gozo do ceu se derramar no altar Que urn anjo ja. vem corn a bencao nas maos Tern anjos voando neste lugar No meio do povo e em cima do altar Subindo e descendo em todas as direcaes Nao sei se a igreja subiu ou se o ceu desceu Se sei que estd cheio de anjos de Deus Porque o proprio Deus esta. aqĂźi Tern anjos voandoiâ&#x20AC;&#x17E;.

Quando os anjos passei* a Igreja se alegra Ela canta, ela chora, ela ri e congrega Abala o inferno e dissipa o mal Sinta o vento das asas dos anjos agora Confia irmao pois ĂŠ a tua hora A bencao chegou e voce vai levar

God's Angels If there is some noise close to you It's an angel arriving to receive Your prayers to take them to God So, open your heart Start to praise Feel the heaven's joy overflow on the altar An angel is coming with blessings in his hands There are angel flying in this place Among the people and over the altar Going up and down in every direction I don't if the church went up or, havens came down All I know it is full of God's angels Because God Himself is here There are angels flying...

When angels go for a walk the church is happy It sings, it cries, it laughs and congregates It Shakesabala hell and dissipates evil Feel the wind of the angels' wings now Trust, brother, because it's your time The blessing has come and you are going to take it

BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

The list: From the '60s Assalto ao Trem Pagador by Roberto Farias Bahia de Todos os Santos by Trigueirinho Neto 0 Pagador de Promessas by Anselmo Duarte Vidas Secas by Nelson Pereira dos Santos Deus e o Diabo na Terra do Sol

by Glauber Rocha Os Fuzis by Ruy Guerra Noite Vazia by Walter Hugo Khouri 0 Desafio by Paulo Cezar Saraceni A Grande Cidade by Carlos Diegues A Hora e a Vez de Augusto Matraga by Roberto Santos A Falecida by Leon Hirszman Sao Paulo S.A. by Luiz Sergio Person Menino de Engenho by Walter Lima Jimior Terra em Transe by Glauber Rocha Mem6ria de Helena by David Neves A Margem by Ozualdo Candeias 0 Bandido da Luz Vermelha by Rogerio Sganzerla Copacabana Me Engana by Antonio Carlos Fontoura Macunaima by Joaquim Pedro de Andrade 0 Profeta da Fome by Maurice Capovilla 0 Dragdo da Maldade Contra o Santo Guerreiro by Glauber Rocha 0 AnjoNasceu by Julio Bressane From the '70s Como Era Gostoso o Meu Frances by Nelson Pereira dos Santos Bang Bang by Andrea Tonacci Toda Nudez Sera Castigada by Arnaldo Jabor Sao Bernardo by Leon Hirszman Uirci by Gustavo Dahl Iracema by Jorge Bodanski and Orlando Senna Triste Tropic° by Artur Omar 0 Amuleto de Ogum by Nelson Pereira dos Santos Guerra Conjugal by Joaquim Pedro de Andrade Liceio de Amor by Eduardo Escorel Coronel Delmiro Gouveia by Geraldo Sarno Dona Flor e Seus Dois Maridos

by Bruno Barreto Xica da Silva by Carlos Diegues Tudo Bern by Arnaldo Jabor From the '80s Eles Nab Usam Black Tie by Leon Hirszman 0 Homeni que Virou Suco by

BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

Vidas Secas

The New and the Newer Since mid November and extending to January 23, 1999, the New York MoMA (Museum of Modern Art) is presenting a vast portrait of the Brazilian movie industry. It is a panel composed by 82 movies (17 shorts and 65 feature 1er1gth ones) produced in the last 40 years.

Called Cinema Novo and Beyond and co-sponsored by the Culture Ministry, the festival is being held in the same space that the incipient Brazilian Cinema Novo (New Cinema) was presented to Americans in the late 60s. Paul SchraFler, Peter Bogdanovich, and Martin Scorsese were some of the Yankee movie directors who were exposed to the Brazilian cinematography at that time.

As expected in a festival about Cinema Novo, late Glauber Rocha will have several of his works shown. They are Deus e o Diabo na Terra do Sol, Terri em Transe, and 0 Drageio da MaldadeContra o Santo Guerreiro). The director vvith the most movies, however, will be 70year old and still very active Nelson Pereira dos Santos, a precursor of the Cinema Novo Movement. New York will be seeing his best, like Vidas Secas, Como Era Gostoso o Meu Frances, 0 Amulet° de Ogum, and Memorias do Carceie.

Among other directors in the exhibit: Joaquim Pedro de Andrade (Macunaima and Guerra Conjugal), Caca DieguOs (A Grande Cidade, Xica da Silva, and Bye Bye Brasil.), Leon Hirszman (A Falecida, Sao Bernardo, and Eles Nab Usam Black Tie), and Arnaldo Jabor (Toda Nudez Sera Castigada and Tudo Bern).

Joao Batista de Andrade Bye Bye Brasil by Carlos Diegues India by Fabio Barreto Pixote by Hector Babenco Inocencia by Walter Lima Junior Nunca Fomos Tao Felizes by Murilo Salles Sargento Getalio by Hermano Penna Cobra Marcado para Morrer by Eduardo Coutinho Mem6rias do Ccircere by Nelson Pereira dos Santos A Hora da Estrela by Susana Amaral A Marvada Carne by Andre Klotzel A Cor do Seu Destino by Jorge Duran Anjos da Noite by Wilson Barros Anjos do Arrabalde by Carlos Reichenbach Noites do Sertilo by Carlos Alberto Prates Correa From the '90s Terra Estrangeira by Walter Salles .

Alma Corsaria by Carlos Reichenbach Os Matadores by Beto Brant Um Ceu de Estrelas by Tata Amaral Como Nascem os Anjos by Murilo Salles 0 Sertao das MemOrias by Jose Arafijo Carmen Miranda: Bananas Is My Business by Helena Solberg 0 Quatrilho by Fabio Barreto Yndio do Brasil by Sylvib Back Bocage, o Triunfo do Amor by Djalma Limongi Batista Miramar by JUlio Bressane Pequeno Dicionario Amoroso by Sandra Wemeck Boleiros by Ugo Giorgetti Shorts: Aruanda by Linduarte Noronha Viramundo by Geraldo Sarno Mem6rias do Cangago by Paulo Gil Soares A Pedro da Riqueza by Wladimir Carvalho Teremos Infeincia by Aloizio Raolino Eu Sou a Vida, Nilo Sou a Morte

by Haroldo Marinho Oxente Pois Nao by Joaquim Assis Meow by Marcos Magalhaes 0 Melhor Amigo do Homem by Tania Savietto As Tres Moedas da Fonte by Cecilio Neto Mato Eles by Sergio Bianchi • Ilha dos Flores by Jorge Furtado Rota ABC by Francisco Cezar Eilho 0 Enigma de um Dia by Joel P,izzini A Meia Noite corn Glauber by Ivan Cardoso A Alma do Neg6cio by Jose Roberto Torero Chapeleiros by Adrian Cooper

11

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Oscar Caliber Central do Brasil (Central Station), the movie, is poised to go where no Brazilian film has gone before. The work, which won this year's Berlin Festival Silver Bear, is getting the red carpet treatment by Sony Pictures, the film's distributor in the United States. The company acquired the rights to the movie in January during the Sundance Film Festival.

Sony wants to see the film among the five nominated for an Oscar, not in the foreign movie category, but together with the best English-language movies. Sony would also like to see veteran Brazilian Fernanda Montenegro chosen as one of the five best actresses. Montenegro would be competing with some favorite actresses for the upcoming Oscar, including Oprah Winfrey, Meryl Streep, and Susan Sarandon.

A long shot? Don't tell this to Michael Barker, 'Sony Pictures Classics' president, who is behind the marketing strategy to make the Brazilian work as much a household name as past foreign movies like My Life as a Dog, and The Postman.

Barker indicated that before February 1999, when the list of nominated movies is released, Sony will spend millions to accomplish that. In its campaign kicked off in late September with ads in the movie industry papers, Sony talked about the exquisite emotional experience Central do Brasil is and cited five other foreign movies that made it into the main category, among them Costa-Gavras' Z (1968), Ingmar Bergman's Cries and Whispers (1972) and The Postman(

ft

What is the prerequisite for a foreign or any movie to compete for a place in the main category? To have played in the US before December 1st, to have premiered in the country it was made after January 1 and then to have been shown for at least six months. The film can even compete for best picture in the foreign and main categories at the same time, as happened with Z. Sony started to put its plan into action in late November opening the movie in a few key markets. It expects that promotion, good reviews and word of mouth will help when the release expands to up to 500 screens nationwide.

Talking to Rio's dailyJornal do Brasil, Barker explained the Brazilian movie's appeal: "Central do Brasil is a universal film. It transcends the Brazilian cinema in reflecting feelings that have meaning to any culture.! am sure it will tug at Americans' heartstrings, exactly as The Postman did.

The film has everything to get to the mainstream and conquer the great public."

According to Barker, preview sessions to test the public's reaction have shown the movie touching people of all ages.

Starting in December, Vinicius de Oliveira, the boy in the movie and actress Fernanda Montenegro will tour 15 US cities to promote Central do Brasil..

The nominations will be announced February 9, 1999. And the Oscar awards will be given on Sunday, March 21.

Brazilians hope they will have an extra incentive to be up late in front of the TV set.

gam A as in Aspirin

'

After a seven-year war against the laboratories lobby, Brazil seems ready to adopt legislation creating the industry of generic medicine. The practice that exists since 1984 in the US was never adopted in Brazil and the prospects for its implementation changed only recently , following concessions by the legislature.

The bill introduced in Congress by House Representative Eduard°. Jorge was inspired on the Norwegian system and called for the elimination of all trade names.4, like Tylenol orMidol. Under this proposal the labs would have to market their products only listing their active ingredients. Such a measure would cut to around 2,500' the 40,000 different brands found today on pharmacy shelves. With the changes in the legislation brought in by the labs lobby the Brazilian model will closely follow the one in the US, in which generic products are sold together with brand name medicines.

The new law will still force manufacturers to list prominently on the package the ingredients used in the drug. According to the revised bill, drug manufacturers will have to print on the packaging the main ingredient of the product with the same color and size of lettering used for the brand name.

It's expected that this measure still waiting for Senate approval will dramatically lower the prices of medicine up to 45%. The generic product will be preferred by the government's health plans and their manufacturers have -> already been prtnnised fiscal incentives by Health Minister Jose Serra. Besides, the SUS (Sistema Onico de 4 Sande—Unified System of Health), the federal govern- IP' ment health program which represents 25% of the drug market, will buy only generic medicine.

One problem, however, according to Wald ir Mesquita, 'president of Conselho Federal de Medicina (Federal Counsel of Medicine) will be to guarantee that the generic products will really have the ingredients they list on their 1# labels. This is work for the Vigilancia Sanitaria (Sanitary Authority), which is chronically underfunded and understaffed.

40, And what arethe laboratories are saying? Jose Eduardo Bandeira de Mello, president of Abifarrna (Associacao Brasileira da IntInstria Farmaceutica—Brazilian Association of the Pharmaceutical Industry) thinks the new law will make things more difficult without bringing any benefit to the consumer. "The brands will be maintained and the cost will not go down. Even if the doctors at SUS write down in their prescriptions the generic name, the pharmacists willcontinue selling the brand names."

BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

It

Ends and butts too "E o Tchan is music and not buttocks." With this recent declaration, Compadre Washington, the leader from the musical band E o Tchan tied to change the public focus, from their two dancers' derrieres to the sound the group makes. The band has made a star of artificial blonde Carla Perez, who went on to host her own and little successful TV s1ow on SBT (Sistema Brasileiro de Televisao--Brazilian System of Television).

Now, two other girls also anatomically well endowed, have become Brazil's latest erotic objects of desire. They are `51onde Sheila Mello and brunette Scheila Carvalho. Both were chosen in a national referendum on Globo TV, a virtual monopoly of the Brazilian airwaves. Both were also further objectified by being shown on Brazilian Playboy's cover with a generous display of flesh inside the magazine.

An image change for the band? During the Perez reign, the famous blonde placed her hands in her knees and shook her butt while bending her knees and almost touching the floor. Now, they adapted a Hawaiian hula-hula in which the buttock also reigns supreme while the lyrics tease, ...down, down, down swaying the big ...desce, que desce, que desce balancando butt bundona up, up, up, shaking the sobe, que sobe, que sobe sacudindo as big tits mamonas..

It is on the title track of the latest release. Or another jewel of double entendre: Já pegou no cabelinho? Have you grabbed her little hair yet?

I have.

Ja peguei Já pegou no narizinho? Have you grabbed her little nose yet?

I have. peguei Já pegou na orelhinha? Have you grabbed her little ear yet?

I have peguei Já pegou na barriguinha? Have you grabbed her little tummy yet?

I have.

Já peguei Stop now Agora pare Grab her butt...

Pegue no bumbum...

As for E o Tchan's latest star, the blonde dancer was chosen from among 2531 other national candidates. The final and popular competition happened at TV Globo',s Sunday show Programa do Faustab. Playboy has reserved its November cover and 24 inside pages to exhibit Sheila Mello's nakedness. The pictures were taken on the Hawaiian island of Maui. Editora Abril, the magazine's publisher, was expecting record sales as it had when it showed Scheila Carvalho and Carla Perez before her.

This is not the first time the 20-year-old dance teacher—she started dancing when she was five—poses in the nude. She used to take it all off and give shows to her girlfriends before a camera. Before becoming the E o Tchan blonde she also worked as a telephone operator, a secretary, a receptionist, and as a cashier at McDonald's.

The sudden success has done wonders for her ch - cking account. As a teacher she did not make more than $700 a month, now she doesn't take home less than $30,000.

A nova Iowa do Tchan Sheila Mello no Naval.

E hod&

13 BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

Jail Birds It's believed that theirs is Brazil's entirely recorded in a prison. Detentos do Rap (Rap Inmates) ha ust released—easy to remember—Detentos do Rap. Marcos "MC apa" Santos, 23 ( free after serving two years); Eduardo "MC do Rap" Fonseca, 23 (sentenced to 12 years in prison); Ronaldo "MC Roni" da Silva, 23 (sentenced to 3 years and 9 months). and Daniel Sancy, 20 (sentenced to 7 years and 8 months)make upthe new band that lives and gives their shows at Casa de Detencao Carandiru, a penitentiary in Sao Paulo that houses close to 7000 prisoners. .

The CD, recorded by Fieldzz Discos, which examined 50 other inmate bands before settling on the Detentos, is not being hailed as the next wave in Brazilian pop music, but it has its good moments and some hard-hitting lyrics as in the opening track "Som no Inferno" (Sound in Hell):„ Sera que este ano eu saio de condicional?

Sera que em casa euvou passar o Natal?

Os direitos humanes pra nos é cruet Para as autoridades somos so papet;

Will I get out oifparóle this year?

Will I be able to spend Christmas at home?

Human rights for us is something cruel To the authorities we are just paper

For Florisval Alves da Silva, security director at Carandiru, the recording was encouraged by authorities. "The inmates calm nown when they listen to music," he told daily 0 Estado de& Paulo "The Detentos do Rap will prove that Casa de Detencao is not the h people say it is."

Da Silva will have a hard time making his case. Carandiru w the stage for the worst prison massacre Brazil ever saw. After rebellion in 1992, 111 inmates were killed by police. Listen to "Cas Cheia" (Full House), for example, that's already been played o radios stations: 0 Carandiru esta de casa cheia Muita maldade no ar muita droga na veia A coisa aqui esta brava A coisa aqui esta feia (...)

Carandiru has a full house Plenty of meanness in the air, lots of drugs in the veins Things here are harsh Things here are ugly

Falam que aqui estao nos reeducando E mentira, eles ca tao nos marginalizando A coisa aqui é ruim, é pior que se imagina Ja me ensinaram ate a refinar cocaina.

They say they are reeducating us here I'hat'a a lie they are making us *rirninals ings here are bad, orse than think eity already hava taught me how to refine cocaine

At times though Os Detentos may seem more like preach s as when they sing "Violencia Gera Violencia" (Violence Breeds Violence): Que o sangue do meu Senhor Jesus Cristo May the blood of my L d Jesus Christ Em meu peito no meu corpo se derrame Be poured on my boso , on my body Me benza dos pes a cabeca May it bless me from h d to toe Me de' papel e caneta Give me paper and pen Me lave no sangue sagrade. Wash me in the sacred od

BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1996

For many Brazilian women, getting sterilized is just one more chapter in their lives: get married, have two kids and have your tubes tied, just like Mom, Sis or the lady down the street. The most recent data on the subject do not deny it: 40.1% of Brazilian women in relationships (whether legally married or not) have been sterilized. Among Brazilian women in general, sterilization, which is used by 27.3%, is also the most frequently utilized contraceptive. The National Survey on Demography and Health, made in 1996 by Bemfam (Sociedade Civil para o Bem-Estar Familiar no Brasilâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Civil Society for Family Welfare in Brazil) asked about the birth control methods of women between the ages of 15 to 49. Compared to a similar survey in 1986 (see table) it is obvious that the number of sterilizations has increased.

Researchers, authorities and feminist movements all agree that Brazil is overusing sterilizations to the point of enormous and worrisome abuse. This is even more troubling considering the rising rate of people with AIDS and the Brazilian government's desertion of the public health arena. "The expansion of the method cannot be the result of women's natural choice," concluded Rita Baldiani, coordinator of the 1996 survey.

Brazil never had an official birth control policyâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;except by omission. "Birth control came here from abroad, financed by international organizations and implemented by family planning clinics," said Jose Aristodemo Pinotti, head of gynecology at the Hospital das Clinicas at the University of Sao Paulo (USP). He remembers that many doctors received equipment and money from North American organizations for each sterilization the doctors performed. These services multiplied principally in the '70s and '80s, along with the training of professionals and agreements with businesses, unions and the public sector itself.

"It was believed that the bigger the population, the greater the barrier to development and the possibility of social tension," explained sociologist Maria Izabel Baltar da Rocha, of the Center for Population Studies at the University of Campinas (Unicamp). In other words, however radical this may seem to be, the increase in the number of poor people was considered a threat that needed to be controlled. "They started to distribute pills and tie tubes. These are two wide-ranging and efficient birth control methods that have nothing to do with a true family planning program," Pinotti concluded.

According to Pinotti, family planning "means adapting to each woman's individual case in each phase of her life the best method that prevents an unwanted pregnancy, without harming her health or taking away her freedom of choice." This is the main reason to be alarmed at the rising rate of sterilizations in Brazil: sterilization is not part of a comprehensive health care program that guarantees information and access to all birth control methods. Sterilization is almost an imposition on women. "Today, controlling fertility is occurring at the cost of bodily harm to women," declared nurse Rosa Godoy, head of the Public Health department at the USP School of Nursing.

"Almost all of the women who seek us out only know about the pill and sterilization," said physician Maria Jose Araujo, of Coletivo Fern inista Sexualidade e Sande (Feminist Sexuality and Health Collective), a non-governmental organization in Sao Paulo. The collective offers a different medical procedure: patients participate in decisions, are guaranteed space to speak about what they think and feel, learn how to examine themselves and can take part in support groups and seminars. "After we introduce other methods and discuss them, the majority of our patients decide not to be sterilized," Maria Jose added.

At the Hospital Perola Byington (Centro de Referencia da Mulher do Estado de Sao Paulo â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Women's Referral Center of the State of Sao Paulo), the results are similar.

"Before having a consultation, patients participate in a group meeting, where they receive information about various birth control methods and can speak about their problems and moral convictions," Pinotti explained. In the end, sterilization is almost always left aside.

16 ERAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1996

Nevertheless, information arid dialogue are not enough. At Perola Byington, male and female condoms, pills, IUDs (intrauterine devices) and diaphragms, among others, are distributed to patients for free. At Coletivo Feminista, various tY'pes of contraceptives are offered at low cost and, if necessary, donated.

Direct Prom the Pharmacy But these two services are an oasis in Brazilian health care. The prevalent desert can be perceived in the example of the Sao Paulo metropolitan area. Hospitals are included in statistics of family planning services. Half ofthe heal h centers do not have a gynecologist, and have lacked birth control pil s for a year.

"People are learning that ey cannot rely on public service," stated Sara .mera Sorrentino, from the Women's Health epartment of the Sao Paulo State SecreII III II • • II • • II IN • • • • tariat f Health. Women then buy pills direct from t e pharmacy, even though they often have Birth Control in Brazil health onditions that make the pill a bad choice for the or do not know how to use the pill In percentage ly. Therefore, the method frequently fails. correc Women in All women s time, they opt to get their tubes tied.

"At th Relationships They rrive at the doctor with their minds already ade up," Sara said.

'96 '86 '96 '86 Fo Edna Roland, president of Fala Preta76.7 66.8 55.4 43.5 Any method Organ zacao de Mulheres Negras (Black SpeakFemale Organ zation of Black Women), "sterilization is 40.1 26.9 17.2 27.3 sterilization sold a the perfect, definitive, safe and inoffen20.7 25.2 15.8 17.0 Pill sive method." A complete mistake. This is the 4.4 1.7 1.1 4.3 Condom second big reason for concern: Brazilian women 3.1 2.1 5.0 3.2 Withdrawal are being sterilized without guidelines and cornCharts and U plete access to information. "When done without 3.0 4.3 3.0 Temperature Male the necessary technique, sterilization can affect 2.6 0.8 1.6 0.5 sterilization ovarian circulation, cause alterations in sexual 1.2 1.1 0.6 0.4 Injections life and hasten menopause," Pinotti declared.

1.1 1.0 0.8 0.7 IUD The main side effect is also never discussed. "It's Other (herbs, regret," said Rosa Godoy, of the USP nursing 0.3 0.2 teas..) school. In practice, tube-tying is irreversible.

Diaphragm, 0.1 0.1 0.0 0.1 foam and tablets • The woman loses her reproductive capacity forever.

In 1986 women between the ages of 15 to 44 were studied "4 woman should only find herself in this In 1996 women between the ages of 15 to 49 were studied type Of decision as a last resort, when she feels Sources: PNSMIPF, 1986 and PNDS, 1996 completely clarified and sure about what she's doini," said Rosa. After all, she may want to • • • II III II • • MM becoine pregnant again- especially if one of her children dies or if a new relationship starts. If their circumstances allow it, many women try to reverse the sterilization and resort to artificial insemination services. The risks of these procedures are rarely discussed when choosing a birth control method.

On the other hand, doctors almost never associate the prevention of pregnancy with preventing STDs (sexually transmitted diseases), such as AIDS and cervical cancer. "How do you convince a sterilized woman that she needs to use a condom to protect herself from illnesses?" Edna Roland asked. "When she has the sterilization, she thinks that she doesn't need to worry about risks anymore. Preventing STDs is a factor that must weigh in the choice of the birth control method. The doctor need to make it clear to the patient," she concluded.

For the time being, tying tubes now pushes women to another risk: cesareans. Determined to be sterilized, patients turn for help in the majority of cases to a hos ital associated with the federal government SUS (Sistema Unico de S fide-Unified Health System) But, despite being so widely diffused, sterilization was not allowed, except when BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

17

the patient's health was threatened. Sterilizations could only be done with the patient's written consent and the endorsement of the hospital's ethics committee. This derives from a restriction set by the Conselho Federal de Medicina (Federal Council on Medicine) and the Ministry of Health. The restriction is based on an interpretation of the Brazilian Criminal Code that forbids all injuries that cause the loss or disabling of a bodily function. This restriction has now been knocked down by the Brazilian Congress, when it refused to allow President Fernando Henrique Cardoso to veto articles of the family planning law.

Cesareans The new law has not yet gone into effect, and sterilization is still not widely available. However, the Bemfam survey shows that almost 71% of Brazilian women who were sterilized had the procedure in government-operated facilities. How? The majority paid for doctors "off the books" (the third big reason for worry) and took advantage of the occasion of a cesarean operation (fourth reason, but not in order of magnitude).

According to Pinotti, who is also a federal representative, Brazil has a rate of three times more cesareans than necessary. In this type of operation, maternal mortality is three to ten times greater than in natural childbirth. Infant mortality is four to eight times greater. "In other words, women and children are dying because of cesareans. And many of the cesareans that are done without medical indication have the search for sterilization behind them," Pinotti said. The cesarean occurs to allow the tying of the ovarian tubes. According to the Bemfam survey, almost 60% of the women who have been sterilized did so when they had a cesarean. It is also known that in the majority of cases, they had to pay (perhaps $600 or $700) for the sterilization. Cesareans also are a heavy burden on the public coffers. In research that was revealed in December 1996, the Fundacdo Oswaldo Cruz (Oswald° Cruz Foundation) verified that the SUS needlessly spent in 1995 between $17.8 million and $83.4 million on this type of surgery.

Doctors, according to Pinotti, are motivated by economic interests, but also by thoughtlessness due to their upbringing. Edna Roland agrees. "Many doctors see their patients as poor, ignorant women, with little autonomy about their bodies and lives," said the president of Fala Preta. According to her, the doctor "withholds the central power in the health care process. Often, the doctors prefer to recommend a procedure that depends on them and not on the woman." There are also vestiges of a controlist mentality: in order to reduce poverty, it is necessary to decrease the number of poor people. The doctor thinks that he or she is doing a good deed. A big lie, according to Edna. "Brazilian women have less and less children, and they are still poor. The solution to poverty is not to reduce the number of children, but to redistribute the country's resources."

But certainly many women and men want to plan and prevent pregnancy and have smaller fam iliesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; a recent cultural change that has been stimulated by the entry of women in the workplace and accentuated by the difficulty to produce and bring up children (there is a lack of prenatal health care, an insufficient number of daycare centers and schools, lack of support from partners). "The decision must be the woman's or the couple's," said Regina Coeli Viola, of the Brazilian Health Ministry's Coordenacao Materno-Infantil (Mother-Child Coordination), along with other specialists. The State should not intervene to stimulate or control fertility. However, it must guarantee a comprehensive healthcare program for women, in which conception and contraception are a constant part. Access to information about contraception, as well as to all existing means of birth control, must also be assured. In this type of program, the objective is not to reduce population growth (although this may be one of the results), but to reduce illnesses and deaths among women and children.

The good news is that this project already exists. It is the bold and ambitious Paism (Programa de Atencao Integral a Satade da Mulherâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;Program of Integral Attention to Woman's Health) was established by the Brazilian Ministry of Health in 1986. The bad news is that it has advanced little. In and out of the government, the beckoning path to defeat sterilization abuses is the widespread introduction of Paism. The new law, which allows extensive and judicious access to sterilization, will not change reality by itself "All of these years, the restriction did not prevent sterilization abuse, and regulation alone will not prevent it," said Regina.

This article was originally published in Portuguese by magazine Problemas Brasileiros, which you can read on line at http://www.uol.com.br/sesc/spu.htm Translated from the Portuguese by Katheryn Gallant.

18 BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

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Iris Shearer Fountain Valley, California

I enjoy your magazine very much an would appreciate it immensely if you published this letter in your next issue. You have a large circulation and my appeal would reach a great number of people who care about Brazil.

I am a member of the Southern California Brazilian Club. I am a Brazilian from the state of Pernambuco and have lived in the USA for many years now. My husband was a Peace Corps Volunteer in Pernambuco and we both continue to have many to that area. Lately the news from the -Northeast of Brazil has not been good and I'm not talking about losing the World Cup. A new drought has hit the Northeast and is causing people to lose their crops and is threatening their lives.

According to a SUDENE (agency in charge of development of the Northeast of Brazil) report issued in May, 4.8 million people are facing hunger because of the drought. The World Bank in a recent article calculates the number to be more like 10 million. In a United Nations on-line site (www.fao.org) to Global Watch and look for the article headed by -Ten Million People in Brazil Suffering from El Niho Related Drought" posted June 1.

I decided it was time to do something to help. When I was a young girl I lived in rural Pernambuco. I remember the people who lived there as open; humble, honest, and bighearted. I just don t believe they deserve all of this suffering. But I know I can't help all of the people in the sertiio, sot decided to try and help one of the communities where -I lived, Sertania. I lived there for three years as a teenager and many of the families I knew then are still there.

Izot in touch with the mayor of Sertania, Mr. Angelo Ferreira, in Junelie told me that there are 14,000 families in the rural parts of Sertania who are in need of help. He also told me that an Italian priest, Father Reginaldo, has been doing a lot of work to help relieve their suffering. Father Reginaldo is also_part of the Corn issao de Enfrentamento a Seca (Commission to Fight the Drought), which was formed with approval of the government ofPernambuco to help drought-stricken families. Ifyou would like to help the people of Sertania, one way you can do so is to donate to this Comissao. You can send any amount you would like by check made out to: CE SECA / PO Box 9200-108, Fountain Valley, CA 92728, USA This is a PO Box I have set up for this purpose. I will collect the checks and forward them to the Bank of Brazil in Sertania.

Only Father Reginaldo and other organizers of the Comissao are ril lowed to withdraw the funds from this account. The money will be used to provide food to the most peedy families. If you 'd rather send money directly to the Comissao itself in Brazil, a money transfer from an hank in the USA can be forwarded to: Comissao de Enfrentamento a Seca Banco do Brasil - codigo #1146-0, account number 5.008-3 Sertania, PE, Brazil Thank you very much.

You are invited to participate in this dialogue.

Write to: Letters to the Publisher P.O.Box 50536 Los Angeles, CA 00050-0536 or send [-mail to: â&#x20AC;˘ brazzillibrazzileom Please, include a phone number in the ent ss e need to reach you. Thanks!

g , Our August 19 8 e ition eserves quality apd $te. Ms. Veronica Hunt in the August1998 Letters column could not be more correct. After living in the United States for almost ten years, I decided to have a subscription of Brazzil and I am wondering if I made a mistake. It is hard for any Brazilian male or female to see this kind of 'advertising' in any publication. Brazil is more than naked women.

Why not add pictures of naked men, poverty, crime scene, Brazilian corruption and other things that Brazil is proud of showing internationally? I think I made my point.

Cafruni Family Van Nuys, California THE HORSE AND THE CROSS e 'eying that you know what you are writing about I found it tremendously sad to read your short-short comment on the film 0 Pagador de Promessas, a brilliant film that I have seen myself. But you write that there was a man wanting to take his horse into a church!!

There was no horse but a crossâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;a copy of the cross on which Jesus was crucified! If you are capable of writinc things as wrong as this, how can I trust other important' things you write about? I deeply regret this.

Ellen Stokland Dept. of Media and Communication University of Oslo, Norway AUSSIE CHARM

an or ,pus is ing excerpts rprn my book Brazilian Booty in the June 1998 issue of Brazzil. I've had orders for it from America, Australia and Brazil as a result and was sent very nice feedback.

Michael X Savvas Australia msavvas@usa.net

Brazilian culture. As a Brazilian myself, I can say with no doubt that he is very well informed about my country. Thanks for keeping us updated. I'm a 32 year old Paulisfa, teacher of History and International Affairs, who has lived in Los Angeles for the past two years in order to understand well the-English language and the American society. Hoping I will be reading more by Bruce soon.

Venceslau DeSouza Los Angeles, California ADDING PERSPECTIVE

Thank you for publishing -The Wild and the Tamed" by Jerine Watson. Ms. Watson's perspectives have opened my abilities to appreciate my past and future Brazilian experiences.

Steve Stanley Via Internet INFORMATION, PLEASE Iave seen oo ing or mont s the Brazilian soap opera soundtrack ofs'Mulheres de Arena" and 'Renascer", the one whose songs are in Portuguese. Please tell me if you have it or any information that will help me to find it. I understand Spanish and English, thanks for your help. You could answer me to megwinoff@yahoo.com.

Teresa Via Internet

PAINTING .KIDS My name is A exan ra, For my major artwork at school, I am doing street kids. I want to perceive the need for something to be done in this area. I was wondering If you have any images on street kids that would be of help. I would appreciate it greatly.

Alexandra Nygard Via Internet

PORTUGUESE & BRAZILIAN

THANKS FOR BRUCE

I just wanted to than Bruce Gilman for the fantastic article on Daniela Mercury. Wonderfully written and very formative. I do a weekly radio show up in W ngton state and I feature two hours of Brazili music each week, and this week I'm featu g Daniela's music in honor of her bitthdik last Tuesday. So I'll be giving Bruce cre4it r any information that I impart to my It

I've read some of your issues and loved them. I am Brazilian. One of the recent articles I enjoyed was the one about the Brazilian Portuguese being a different language than Portugal's Portuguese. I also liked the one on 1968.

Elza Helena Gabriel Vienna, Virginia

Joel Litwin KZAZ-FM/"do Brasil"

wantto congratulate Bruce Gilman for the good job he has done at Brazzil magazine. His reportingisreelly clearanikoncise. I love them all. It's impressive his familiarity with the mil III= MIN

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20 BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

While Brazil began its political jourassets, domestic pension funds have also ney to democracy in the 1970s, its become heavy investors in many firms. economy remained insulated during a Restructuring and reorganization are large part of the twentieth century. Like underway throughout the economy. many Latin American countries during Within state-owned monopolies, restructhe Mid to late half of the twentieth turing and rationalization of operations century, Brazil subscribed to economic has recently led to revenue levels that policies based on ideas by Raid Prebisch pushed these historically docile firms up and the United Nations' Economic Comthe Global Fortune 500 rankings. Most mission for Latin America, which restructuring in state-owned firms has stressed protectionist, import-substitubeen a consequence ofgovernment mantion based policies as a means to induce dated privatization, but many private growth and infrastructural development. firms are also following suit.

Large state monopolies were created Several divestitures of subsidiaries, to reach this end, and private firms were such as those by Suzano and Klabin, and able to compete or, usually, oligopolize, acquisitions, such as Banco Itan's acqui, in the domestic arena without a high sition of Banespa ($13 billion in deposlevel of foreign competition. .These conits), have already taken place and more ditions created a dualism in management are likely to follow. In addition, there and operating practices within Brazil; has been large activity in capacity buildstate monopolies tended to be bureauing within firms as they expand exportacratic and inefficient while private, extion to foreign markets. port-oriented firms were more able to Top Management appropriate some of the same manageTop management in many Brazilian ment practices found within developed companies has traditionally been comnations. posed of long standing employees of the Large private, export-oriented firms firm. Although privatization is introtended to be in industries where Brazil ducing outsider to top ranks, leaders in had a distinct comparative resource ad- Increased liberalization f firms like Aracruz and Vale do Rio Dm economic policy in Brazil vantage with respect to other countries. is creating new threats and have been within the organization for an Brazil had a resource advantage in min- opportunities for domestic average of 13 years. This phenomenon erals and paper-related products. Since firms. Within Brazil's top is not uncommon in other countries, and the role of foreign and domestic invest- firms, these changes have in some Brazilian firms it is explicitly ment capital was limited in Brazil, doprompted shifts in encouraged. mestic banks became important financstrategies signaling thei Banco Bradesco prides itself on the ing vehicles for several firms, leading to willingness to participat fact that many top Managers started at in the global economy. the growth of banking as a substantial lower ranks, and its corporate culture This report surveyed the sector of the economy. favors the "work-your-way up" attitude. top ten firms in Brazil Liberalization and Privatization In other cases, this practice has been according to market Threat of foreign competition and an influenced by the firm's control struccapitalization as of June increasingly market-aware public isdrivtures. Familial relations and ties in the 1998. ing change in Brazil's economy. Aside ownership of firms are not uncommon from internal income inequalities, conin Brazil. The Marinho family, which ARNOLDO FONSECA sumer, consumption has increased and owns media finn Globo, are among the consumers are learning how a competimore visible. Less visible are groups tive market should function. Mtge imlike the Ioschpe family which has stakes ports are streaming into Brazil as a result in the firm bearing their ,name, or the of lower tariffs. Amore open economy is Setubal; and Villela families which have empowering people with choice, both of stakes in Banco Ital. domestic and international products; this The Klabin family, which own is in turn driving vast restructuring within Industrias Klabin, for instance, uses an Brazilian firms. organizational vehicle, Klabin Innlos & Some changes are being driven by Cia (Klabin Brothers & Co), in order to fear of foreign takeovers; several major hotd majority stock control. A large stake firms including food processor giant of Aracruz S.A. is owned by Arapar, a Ceval Alimentos and steel producer fimi affiliated with chairman ofthe board Coafb have been absorbed by internaof Aracruz, Erling Sven Lorentzen. tional firms. Foreign inflows of capital Aside from voting shares, families were quite significant last year, espealso exert control by participating as cially in the form of portfolio and direct members of the board like in Klabin and investment. This phenomenon is likely Banco nail, or being involved in more to continue as foreign firms build posioperational aspects, like Mr. Olavo E. tions in the Brazilian market. South AfSetubal who is president 'Altai' S.A. and rican firm, Anglo American Corr, for Banco 'tau. example, purchased 28% of Aracruz Familial control and internal execustock in 1996. With over $60 billion in tive succession seem to have been shaped BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

21

in large measure by the development of Brazil's governmental and commercial law structures. Brazil had highly inter-' ventionist government regulations rooted in laws that stem back to Portuguese and even Roman law. The path of least resistance for commercial development came through close ties with law makers, which came in the form of bribery or familial relations.

In some instances, "political entrepreneurs," as Joseph Schumpeter called them, used their political office as means to benefit their own commercial endeavors. In this environment, the closed family circle or long-standing insider relationships were the most efficient mechanisms for trust and empowerment in private commercial activity. In large, stateowned firms, relationships between managers and politicians were a basis upon which job longevity and succession could be achieved.

The dynamics of governance and ownership are nonetheless changing within some firms. The investment boom by foreigners and domestic pension funds in particular, are upsetting traditional proportions of voting shares. Previ, Brazil's largest pension firm with $14 billion in assets and a subsidiary ofBanco do Brasil, has been active in gaining majority or sizable minority shares of over 35 companies, muscling its way into board room representation in each

one. Aggressive entrepreneurs like Benjamin Steinbruch are also forcing changes.

Using their work experiences from abroad and within Brazil, these business people are either taking the helms of some firms or forcing better returns from others. Steinbruch, who studied at Harvard and worked in Brazil for several years, helped engineer a takeover of Vale do Rio de Doce and acting as executive chairman has helped to privatize and rationalize some of its operations, reducing costs by over 23%. Other executives, like former CEO of Aracruz Luiz Kaufmann, are also bringing management lessons from other foreign firms (Kaufmann worked from Arthur D. Little in Chicago). Even Olavo Setubal, who has been with Banco hail since 1984, comes with work experience at Citibank.

Expansion Eyeing global markets is not something new to firms in Brazil. For the past four years Aracruz has exported ten times more eucalyptus pulp, their main product, than sold it domestically. The impact of the recent Asian crisis on these firms' balance sheets is an indicator of their global dependence. Annual reports of Aracruz, Suzano, and Klabin all attribute lower sales in 1997 to decreased foreign demand stemming from the crisis.

Banco Itan, Banco Bradesco, and

Banco do Brasil were all spared significant exposure due to the government's quick monetary response to the crisis and the fact that most of their investments were focused in Brazil and Latin America. Another indicator involves the availability of firms' securities abroad and use of global financing avenues by these firms. Companies like Vale do Rio Doce and Banco Rau are cross listed in the New York Stock Exchange while others like Banco Bradesco use American Depository Receipts (ADRs).

The use of international financial firms to acquire funds is also common, with Aracruz using Merrill Lynch to issue $125 in bonds and Suzano using Chase Manhattan in a similar deal. Foreign financial houses are having an integral role in privatization efforts of some firms like Eletrobrns. Credit Swiss First Boston has been charged with being the lead manager for Eletrobras' securitization program, playing an important decision making role in, when and how Eletrobras privatizes.

Most of the top ten firms are expanding abroad and domestically. Some are undertaking these efforts through joint ventures with foreign firms or through outright acquisitions. Manufacturing firms like Aracruz, Suzano, and Klabin at this point are focusing more heavily on restructuring internal operations in hopes to gain efficiencies. Investments

Top Ten Brazilian Firms by Market Capitalization, June 1998 Name

Mk Mkt Cap 1998.

(SUS millions)

Net Sales 1997 (SUS millions)

Petrobras

$34,630.0

$8,663

Banco do Brasil

$21,213.0

$21,888

Companhia Vale do Rio Doce

$11,991.8

$5,255

Banco Bradesco

$7,887.4

$13,622

Aracruz Celulose S.A.

$7,791.4

$536

Companhia Suzano de Papel e Celulose

$7,015.7

$1,384

IndUstrias Klabin de Papel e Celulose Banco Itaii Rail S.A. â&#x20AC;&#x201D; Investimentos Ital.)

$6,190.2

$1,153

$6,090.2 $4,968.7

$10,908 $10,450

$4,716.5

$6,447

Electrobras

â&#x20AC;˘ Description

of Activities

Distribution and trade of oil and petrochemical derivative products throughodall of Brazil The largest financial institution in Latin America, it deals with various aspects of banking and insurance. It is a federally owned bank.

Recently privatized mining-industrial concern with activities ranging from exporting iron ore to transoceanic shipping and technological research Deals with various aspects of banking including more of a consumer focus World's largest supplier of eucalyptus pulp and manufactures several paper and tissue products A conglomerate focusing on production and sales of eucalyptus pulp and other paper-based products Largest integrated manufacturer of forest products in Latin America Deals with various aspects of banking Brazil's largest holding company of approximately 70 multi-industry firms, including Banco limit.

Responsible for Brazil's electric power generation, transmission, and policy Source: "Top 100 Equities 1988 vs. 1998". LatinFinance. July 1998.

Net Sales Figures from Disclosure Information Services.

22 BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

and organizational ideas that are pushing restructuring, education of Total their work force, and greater com85.7 petitive efficiency. It is not clear if firm control by small groups like 32.1 families will hinder growth or 38.7 whether this will ever change, but 12.5 at this point, this factor does not 5.4 seem to pose significant problems.

5.9 Unlike multinationals com9.6 posed of a patchwork from many 190.0 countries, Brazil's top firms reSource: EIU Country Report 4' Quarter 1997. The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited, 1997 main distinctly Brazilian. The vast majority of workers are domestic in projects within Brazil are strong and information technologies. Banco Itau has laborers and much of the producare likely to continue. spent over $160 million annually over tion and value-added is done within naBuilding capacity and scales has be- the past five years to increase autorr a- tional borders. At this stage, these firms come important as it has become easier tion technology, while Klabin is import- are for the most part limiting internafor domestic firms to export goods. His- ing million dollar equipment from US tional activities to exportation of goods, torically, exports were looked down upon manufacturers to improve their processs. especially since their competitive adas a means for domestic growth; they ISO (International Organization for Stan- vantage derives in large measure from were believed to be risky and unstable dardization) certification has also been a Brazil's natural resources. sources of income. Exchange rates and goal or recent achievement of all top en Joint ventures and some operations other monetary instruments were com- firms as has been the implementation of abroad do signal a willingness to exmonly used with ends like inflation con- employee training programs. pand, but such steps will have to be trol in mind, sometimes diminishing the Some firms are even moving bey nd progressive as both management and ability of producers to export. Changes technological adoption and towards n- operations learn to fully adapt to the new in government policy in these areas are novation. Both Suzano and Klabin h ve rules of the market. Perhaps it is this making exportation more attractive to increased research in improving foresry interaction with foreign firms and instiproducers. product yields and processing. Suz no tutions that best signal the international A common thread in all these firms is has had success with its genetics e- nature of Brazil's top ten; they are tapthe recognition ofthe importance of tech- search, while Klabin has been recOg- ping into the global economy to find new nological concurrency with foreign com- n i zed worldwide for its super or opportunities for cooperation, expansion, petitors. Many of the restructuring ef- Indrovent DSD tissue forming felt s s- and competition. forts aim at introducing and streamlining tem. Many firms in Brazil, from telec m operations with new technologies. The giant Telebras to mineral concerns 1 ke Arnoldo Fonseca is a student of inability to modernize and expand ca- Cia Siderfirgica Nacional, are improv ng Management and Information pacity in existing plants, like those in and upon current technology to gain a c mSystems at the Wharton School of around the Santana, Sao Paulo area, has petitive edge. the University of Pennsylvania. been a main justification for plant closThe Top Ten He is very interested in development ings by Klabin.

Brazil's top companies are positiimissues within Brazil, Suzano has recently installed a SAP ing themselves to be players in the interincluding knowledge transfer and R/3 business management system, and national market. While governance 4nd market efficiency.

Banco do Brasil spent $1.8 billion last top management are tightly control_Led, You can contact him at: year in acquisition of networking and these firms are adopting technolog cal arnoldo@wharton.upenn.edu Investment Projects in Brazil (in US$ billions) By 2005 Under Way 20.6 65.2 Electricity 26.3 Oil, gas & petrochemicals 5.7 30.6 8.1 Transport & ports 11.7 0.8 Paper & Cellulose 1.1 4.4 Steel â&#x20AC;˘ 1.0 5.0 Mining & Cement 4.1 5.5 Sanitation 42.8 147.3 Total

Per Capita GNP (US$) Population (1995) Projected Growth Rate (1995-2015)

Brazil Development Profile (1995) Average Annual Inflation 875.3% (1985-95) 159.0 Million Per Capita Energy Use 1,145 (kilowatt-hours) (1980) 1.1% 72,141 Commercial Energy Use (1,000 m. tons of oil (1980) equivalent) 78% $3,640

Urban Population (% of total in 1995) Net Foreign Direct 0.7% Investment (% of GDP 1993-95) 16% Trade (% of GDP 1993-95) Export-Import Ratio 72% (exports as % of imports 1995) BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

Radios (per 1000 people 1995) 399

Televisions (per 1000 people 1995) 278

72.5% (1995) 1,954 (1995) 112,795 (1994)

Personal Computers (per 1000 people 1995) 13.0

Source: Human Development Report 1998.

United Nations Development Program 23

Guilherme Vergueiro, the great Brazilian pianist, composer and arranger was born in So Paulo and at the age of 4 was introduced to the instrument which made him one of the best musicians presently. He has recorded some LPs and CDs. His latest CD, Amazon Moon - The Music of Mike Stoller was just released in the US. Today, being an entrepeneur as well, through Brazil On Line on the Internet, he presents to the international public, and even to Brazilians, a Brazil that is unknown by many. I talked to him at his Los Angeles home in October of 1998.

Musical Fingers Pianist, composer and arranger Guilherme Vergueiro nowadays is better known for his work promoting lesser known Brazilian musicians and other artists. He does that through his Internet site and his Brasil On Line Publishing company.

ADRIANA GAMA.

24

Brazzil: What is it like for you to be a musician?

Guilherme Vergueiro: For me to be a musician is simply to be.

Brazzil: Where does your inspiration come from when you write music?

Guilherme Vergueiro: From human emotions. From life itself and â&#x20AC;˘ all its purest aspects. Happiness, sadness, rebellion, pain, loneliness, uncertainties, anguish, suffering, pleasure, compassion... Music doesn't match up with feelings of hatred, resentment, envy, and other feelings that human beings aren't born with. I believe all humans are born good. In my opinion, malice is the option of some.

Brazzil: How did you find yourself to be a pianist?

Guilherme Vergueiro: Still at a very young age, around the age of 4, I discovered a piano at my house and started playing with it from time to time, and to this day I still play with it...

Brazzil: What type/style of music do you usually listen to?

Guilherme Vergueiro: Good music... I think there are two types of music: good and bad... As far as genres, I like them all.

Brazzil: What are the origins of your musicality?

Guilherme Vergueiro: My maternal grandfather was a great piano master, my dad also played piano very well... Naturally their talent must have come from some place, so I think that it has come from far down the line.

Brazzil: How is your style of music received outside of your country?

Guilherme Vergueiro: Better received than in my own country...

Brazzil: You have made collaborations/partnerships in recordings with both Brazilian and American musicians. Who with? And what was it like?

Guilherme Vergueiro: I don't record very frequently, even though I've participated in some other artists' recordings. I've recorded some LPs as a pianist and arranger with my brother, Carlinhos Vergueiro, and with Agostinho dos Santos, Raul Mascarenhas, Claudio Guimaraes, Nico A ssumpcao, Teco Cardoso, among others. During my career I've had the opportunity ofperforming live and/or be part of groups where great artists participated as well. In the beginning ofmy career, I participated for some years on the group of the legendary Edison Machado and Leny de Andrade's group.

I've had within my trios, exceptional artists such as Mads Vinding, Ron Carter, Robertinho Silva, Ricardo do Canto, Walter Booker... I've also had the opportunity of having the great Wayne Shorter as my guest in two different occasions, and when living in New York and had a group called Love, Carnival and Dreams. Many times exceptional artists that would be in the audience would come up and jam with the group, artists like Junior Cook, Woody Shaw, Frederick Hubbard... the great international artists generally have a great deal of apprec iation/admiration for Brazilian music and artists.

Brazzil: How frequently do you record?

Guilherme Vergueiro: Not very frequently. At times I've spent years not recording. But there's a lot of things I'd like to record.

Brazzil: How many albums have you done and how many are available in the U.S.?

Guilherme Vergueiro: I have three LPs, Naturalmente (Naturally), S6 por Amor (Only for Love) and Live in Copenhagen. And then three CDs, Love, Carnival and Dreams, Molambo and Amazon Moon - The Music of Mike Stoller. The last two are the only ones available in the U.S..

Molambo is on sale through the Internet at http://brazilianmusic.com/ vergueiro/molambo.html and Amazon Moon - The Music of Mike Stoller is on sale at all record stores.

Brazzil: What kind of public would you say appreciate your work?

BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

Guilherme Vergueiro: The more sensitive public I guess... I give myself in what !do, and the public have to give themselves also when they are listening to me.

Brazzil: Is there a present recording project? And what music style are you intending to present in the future?

Guilherme Vergueiro: I have various projects. All within the Brazilian roots. The Brazilian music, in my opinion, is the richest. It contains the three elements that define the word music (rhythm, harmony and melody) very strongly, the possibilities are endless... I think one can't explore all of what Brazilian music has to offer to the musician, composer and arranger in one lifetime.

Brazzil: Have you made music for TV/ Movies?

Guilherme Vergueiro: No, even though I'd love to some day. I participated as a pianist and only musician in the soundtrack of a movie called A Guerra do Brasil (Brazil's war) by Silvio Beck, about the atrocities of the Brazil/ Paraguay war.

Brazzil: Have you accomplished any special or different project in your career?

Guilherme Vergueiro: Everything I made, in my heart, is special and they are all different projects.

Brazzil: But was there any that touched you especially?

Guilherme Vergueiro: Well, some projects which I have accomplished having as special guests rhythmists of the Mangueira community have touched me deeply, by the fact of having been able to demonstrate the existing affinity between the music and arrangements that! write with samba roots, and by being able to live among the people who really dominate the art of playing samba with the rhythmic instruments.

I have a very special love towards the Mangueira community, to *Inch I was introduced by Mestre Birinha, son ofthe great Mangueira composer, Padeirinho, and director of the drum section oT their samba school. It makes me very happy when I get a chance to work with the kids of the Mangueira community as well, it gives a very special touch to my concerts, and the kids are really, truly talented.

Brazzil: What are your thoughts on the Internet and globalization?

Do you have a web site?

Guilherme Vergueiro: I think the Internet has open an enormous space for world wide people who are interested in knowing and exchanging information with artists who work in a way which isn't very well publicized in traditional manners. I think a sort of cultural revolution was created. And the music has been benefited through this, as well as the people who make it and/or appreciate it.

Many artists who hadn't had the opportunity to reach out to a vast public, now have the chance to have their ,work appreciated and by that are being encouraged to create more.

And the public who doesn't identify with what is presented or forced by the music industry and/or the media, have the opportunity to get to know and enjoy what is really the best of art in the world, and certainly that aren't promoted by the traditional media.

Besides having my own Internet page (http:/ brazilianmusic.com/vergueiro/), I've had since '95 a company, BrasilOnLine Publishing (http:/brazilonline.com), which is a virtual magazine where a completely different BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

Brazil is prom i ted.

I present o BrazilOnLine, an unknown Brazil. Great Brazilian artist in all areas, that due to various reasons are (or were) ignor d by the media. Common citizens' opinions, minority move ents, aspects of the political and cultural life ignored by the major magazines and newspapers... I try to offer informat on about the real Brazil, the Brazil of the Brazilian peop e, the voice of the forgotten and unknown. I dream of a mor courageous Brazil, one with more personality for the w century.

Bra'ii: Which place/country you haven't played at but ould like to?

Guil erme Vergueiro: I'd like to play in all places I ave not, as well as to go back to all places! have pl ed but miss. I enjoy playing at distant places, where t e people don't get many chances to appreciate instrum ntal music and/or far away cultures. In those kind of places, people are generally more open to listen to a different kind of music, and it's a wonderful exchan e of energy..

Bra 1: Who would you like to play with, that you ha en't?

Gui herme Vergueiro: I like to play with artists who ar musically well prepared and that see music as art, as an arti tic form of expression of human feelings.

Brazzil: T lk a little about your latest release "Amazon Moon-the m sic of Mike Stoller" which came out this year.

Guilher i e Vergueiro: This CD is very special to me. It was a definit challenge. Mike, is a songwriter who became very famous riting rock n' roll tunes, such as "Stand by Me", "Jail ho se Rock", "On &roadway" among others; but has a special iking for Brazilian music. When he invited me to produce, ange and interpret 11 songs he had written inspired on Irazilian 'feelings', I confess I was a little apprehensiv , but when I heard the songs and started working on them, I dis overed that they truly were becoming Brazilian songs.

I had the â&#x20AC;˘ pportunity to get some of my favorite musicians together, lik the rythmist Ubiratan "Bira Show" de Oliveira, who came straight from the Mangueira community for this recording, the flautist/ saxophonist Teco Cardoso who came from So Paulo, and the guitar player Claudio Celso, who came from Miami. I also got the bass player Octavio Bailly, the cavaquinho (a Brazilian version of a ukelele) player Ary Piassarolo, the young drummer Pablo Silva e Lima, who I'm sure, in a bit, will be one of the great names in Brazilian drumming, plus the percussionist Juno Homrisch, known for his sensibility and his work for the movies.

Besides I had two American musicians, trumpetist Clay Jenkins, and trombonist Bill Reinchenbach, both extraordinary, whom! had the opportunity to meet in L.A.. So we had marvelous i oments in the studio, which !miss, and think the music refl cts such. I think those who will have the opportunity to listen to the CD will like it very much.

Brazzil: What are your plans for the end of this year and for th â&#x20AC;˘ year of 1999?

Guilhe me Vergueiro: I'm planning to do some performanc s here in the U.S. as well as in Europe, Japan and in Brazil. have some plans to produce some CDs of upcoming ew artists who I admire and release those in my small 'label Mangotree Music (http://brazilianmusic.com/ mangotree . also! plan to record at least two personal CDs, another sole CD and other with my Big Band as well as to â&#x20AC;˘continue d veloping the work that! do on Brazil On Line.

25

The word cachaca (kah-shah-sah), a translation of an movement took charge in Brazil at the end of 1997, efforts African term for liquor, originated in the tribes ofNortheastern of the Minister of Industry, Commerce and Tourism and Brazil where the beverage was first discovered. Cachaca is various government agencies have sought to export $100 known by many al iases—garapa doida, pinga, parati, cana, million by the year 2002. Although a conflict exists between caninha and others as any Brazilian knows—but, only true, the historical plague of alcoholism and current popularity, artesian cachaca boasts the rich, earthy taste similar to that this beverage is of great importance to Brazil's economic of tequila and aromas of balsam, cinnamon and oak. prosperity Cachaca can also be • Currently, there are distinguished by its varying hundreds of cachacas on golden hues and regional the market with the surge potency, between 50% and of cachacarias (bars that 70% proof, depending on the only serve or specialize distillation process. Cachaca, in cachaca) and export extracted from the heart of the activity. "Drink boutisugar cane plant, distilled in ques" throughout Brazil the artesian tradition and then are elevating the once preserved in oak barrels, has class "C" beverage to a not always been processed in class "A" status as sales such a civilized manner. Until continue to increase since the early 16th century cachaca the pro-cachaca movemCachaca, the Brazilian national liquor• is in its undistilled form was fed . . ent which began last year. gamin status. Drink boutique's spi ecalized This in open wooden troughs to recent surge in in t he sugar cane distilled spirits and livestock and slave workers cachaca consumption has cachacanas have been spreading on sugar-cane plantations not only caused more throughout the country. There is a pro(The Natural History ofBrazil, restaurant and bar owners cachava movement going on anti a 1640.) to take an interest, but the national campaign to market'the alcohol When the liquid sugar resultant economic sucabroad. The down side it that alcoholism fermented in the sunlight the cess has becomethe focus continues to be a serious problem in the resultant alcohol eventually of a national campaign to became known as garapa country. market the alcohol doida (crazy sugar-cane abroad. juice.) During the same period JAMIE SUNDQUI$T The Mineira Associathat garapa was introduced in tion of Producers of the northeastern state ofBahia, Alcohol (Ampaq) in the stills were being constructed in the south by European state of Minas Gerais and various government programs settlers with their refined tools and engineering knowledge. such as the Program for Brazilian Development of SugarThe liquor became most popular in the states of Rio de Cane Alcohol (PBDAC) and the Agency of State and Federal Janeiro and Sao Paulo as an export commodity for slave Promotion (Apex) in a collaborative effort have developed traders although conflict with the Native Brazilians and new a plan to increase sales through worldwide promotion. The. settlers made their attempts more difficult. past year has been only the beginning for the pro-cachaca Today, the state of Minas Gerais, nationally known for its movement. Representatives from the two states most affected cachaca and collective farmers group, Ampaq, produces economically by the sale of the liquor, Pernambuco and 120 million liters and sustains the 180 million liters conSumed Minas Gerais, have 'become advocates also for the agrarian annually with additional reserves in Northeastern Brazil and movement. the State of Sao Paulo. Providing jobs to more that 100,000 Quality controls and seals of approval have been people through all stages of production, cachaca is a staple developed by Ampaq that satisfy the taste, color and alcohol for national economic stability. Since the Pro-cachaga content requirements estab I :shed by the Technological Center

Hig Spirt

26

BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

if.g0.7 40

of Minas Gerais (Cetec), the Agriculture Institute of Minas most restriction because of its availability and price.

(Ima) and the Institute of Industrial Development (Indi). The Cachaca is liquor to be enjoyed in moderation and coveted seals signify the guaranteed quality of a cachaca appreciated for e tradition in which each bottle is preserved. which proudly bears the approval markings.

Cachaca is cen ries old with many obstacles and turning Not only a favorite in Brazilian cachacarias, cachaca is points in its ric history and the renewed interest in Brazil's becoming a popular beverage in Europe as Brazilian national passio is gaining momentum. Predictions made producers privately seek opportunities at trade shows and regarding the fu re prosperity of cachaca by successfulhar other beverage competitions to market their "blend", owners:Pitdu ers and government officials alike is causing in many cases competing with the infamous Scotch the world to a so take notice. whisky. With continued interest and support, sales The impa ofpromoting cachaca on Brazil's economic are expected to triple internationally by the 2002 success mini s to be seen, but with government support, deadline. the agrarian m vement can continue lobbying for a national Although undocumented, the evident problem of effort to creat a more responsible image of the beverage alcoholism has become the focus of studies in Brazil at home and broad. Time and government restrictions by the World Health Organization (WHO). The will determin whether the image and reputation of the Brazilian Department of Health and Human Services has leading cause o alcoholism in the country can overcome one been slow to develop a national program to combat the more obstacle d maintain its new found "A" status. disease that recent statistics show results in abuse, accidents and even death. However, various options for treatment and Jamie Sundquist, the author, prevention are beginning to surface on the local level as a can be reached at result of increased public knowledge. In 1995, a report jinsund@mailexcite.com identifying the seriousness of the problem was the first attempt at alerting the Brazilian population of the effects of alcoholism. Interest in the issue later produced various reports in 1996 documenting the death of over nine million people as a result of alcohol-related physical abuse and traffic accidents.

In more recent studies, medical AIR - IATA 01-1-9279-012 specialists determined that the fastest OCEAN - FMC 3853 growing group of alcohol users are adolescents ages eleven to twelve.

Although there has been minimal s'upport by the Department of Health and Human Services, statistic and TO ANY AIRPORT IN BRAZIL reports such as these have resulted in various programs and government restrictions on promotion and sale of alcohol produced in Brazil. The World Health Organization has concluded thatthe focus of interventFULL CO TAINER & CONSOLIDATIONS ion efforts in Brazil should continue ANY PORT IN BRAZIL to be a public matter noting that politicians have the loudest voice (EXC LLENT CONTAINER RATES) among the masses. Suggestions such as educational campaigns and projects directed at schools, decreasing the legal drinking age and raising the price on alcoholic beverages are changes that WHO specifically AIR/OCEAN FREIGHT SHIPPER'S DOOR PICK-UP prescribed for Brazil.

Such recommendations have CUSTOMS CLEARANCE (INCL. ALL DUTIES) inspired the State of Sao Paulo to decrease the legal blood alcohol DOOR DELIVERY TO BUYER IN BRAZIL content allowed on state highways and now prohibits the sale of alcohol in roadside convenience stores.

Communities have established chapters of Alcoholics Anonymous in response to the increased occurr12833 SIMMS AVE. HAWTHORNE, CA 90250 ence of domestic abuse. Employers continue to sponsor programs which curb problems related to abuse such as productivity and safety. GovernFAX: (310) 973-7113 ment restrictions on the alcohol E-mailti@touchdownco.com producers has caused the President of the Association of Alcohol Producers in Brazil to become a VISIT OUR WEB SITE: http://www.touchdownco.com major advocate for the responsible promotion of alcoholic beverages, specifically cachaca, which has the

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Jose mata ratos num cinema poeira. urn homem comum, 28 anos, que come, dorme, mija, anda, corre, ri, chora, se diverte, se entristece, trepa, enxerga bem dos dois olhos, tern dor de cabeca de vez em quando, mas toma melhoral, le regularmente livros e jomais, vai ao cinema sempre, nao usa relogio nem sapato de amarrar, é so lteiro e manca urn pouco, quando tern emocao forte, boa ou ruim.

Atualmente, Jose esta impressionado corn uma declaracdo do Papa de que o Natal cone perigo de se tomar uma festa profana.

CADA RATO TEM UM PRECO Nove horas, Jose veste o macacao, calca as botas de borracha e instala a aparelhagem de tambores e tubos plasticos. Aciona a manivela e produz uma fumaca amarela que vai para as tocas. Os ratos correm e logo caem.

Mortos. Ele recolhe num saco e vai jogar nos terrenos baldios da Varzea do Glicerio.

Jose tern uma cota diaria de ratos.

Ele sabe que no dia em que tiver exterminado todos os bichos, perde o emprego. Um dia, Ira° tinha mais ratos.

Jose foi a Varzea, pagou 50 centavos a dois moleques, cada urn trouxe tres ratos. Assim, Jose continuou trabalhando.

NOME: cosm,o ou universo.

CARACTERISTICAS: contem os "corpos"celestes e o espaco em que eles se encontram. 0 seu conjunto contem 1076 (10 elevado a 76 potencia) de protons.

PESO: em gramas: 1056.

GRANDEZA: segundo Einstein, todo o universo deve ter um diametro de 8 milhoes de anos-luz.

IDADE: (presumivel) 10 a 12 bi1h6es de anos.

FORMACAO: os "corpos" celestes sao principalmente as estrelas, os planetas que giram corn seus sardines em volta das estrelas, os cometas e materias que aparecem periodicamente entre as estrelas, IDADE MEDIA DE UMA ESTRELA: 10.000 milhOes de anos.

QUANTIDADE DE ESTRELAS: cadagalaxia contem em media 100.000 milhOes de estrelas.

FORMA DE VIDA: 1 planeta em cada grupo de 1.000 parece oferecer condicOes favoraveis a vida. , GRANDEZA DA NOSSA GALAXIA: comprimento de 100.000 anos-luz; largura de 30.000 anos luz; espessura de 15.000 anos-luz. , VELOCIDADE DA NOSSA GALAXIA: 150 a 330 quilometros por segundo.

0 SOL: pesa 330.000 vezes mais que a Terra.

A TERRA: pesa: 6.000.000.

000.000.000.000.000 de toneladas.

JOSE: pesa 70 quilos ou quilogramas.

MEMORIA AFETIVA Tinha dez anos, era noite de festa, foi a casa do Chola, fogueira no quintal, tempo de bombas, busca-pes, rodinhas, 30

Ela ia ate a pensao e dava no quarto, mesmo corn os outros olhando (eram cinco no quarto da pensdo). Jose tinha pedido para ir no cinema, paratreparem Ia. Ela nao foi. Jose queria no cinema porque, na pensao, dormia no beliche de cima e tinha medo de cair.

OLHOS NEGROS Ao virar a esquina, Jose viu a preta.

Olhava fixamente para ele. Era muito velha, podia-se ver pelas rugas que rodeavam os olhos, formando bols6es.

0 olhar era vivo e deu mal-estar em ..19se. A rua ficou amarela um segundo (E o meu est6mago vazio, a falta de uma cachaca.)

fosforos de cor, traques, caramurus, mas nenhtim menino tinha dinheiro, so faziam fogueiras. Itla casa do Chola, todos em frente ao fogo, e Chcila segurava um barbante, tinha um rato amarrado nele, e o Chola jogava o rato no fogo, o bichinio chiava, queimando, o Chola dava barbante, o rat° fugia das brasas.

LIVRE ASSOCIACAO 0 pai defendendo putas pobres e a mae de escovao na mao corn sapolio e limpando as obscenidades escritas nos muros da cidade ela e todo urn grupo que cplecionava selos para as missoes catolicas na Africa e em casa Jose ha Familia CristA e Pequeno Missionario e as boas familias da cidade nao entravam no escrit6rio do pai nem voce meu filho pode ir Ia nunca foi.

MAXICANOS DA FABRICA DE SABAO Fazia seis meses que os mexicanos estavart chegando ao bairro. Eram mais de quarenta dormiam no dep6sito vazio. Jose tinha ido depOsito. Antiga fabrica de sabAo, os tachns estavam la, imensos, massa preta pela metade.

Cheiro de gordura. Os primeiros mexicanos tinharit aberto uma loja de restauracdo de poltronas e uit conserto de transistores. Conversavam nuM espanhol entendivel e a meninada, pele escura, oleosa, corria pelas ruas pedindo esmolas, comidOr e doces. Tinha uma menma de 13 anos que ViVia dando (gostava de trepar corn as pernas fechadas).

Zero I had to miss work for a few days. When I went back there was somebody else killing the mice. You know something funny? They arrested a student at the boarding house. It wasn't even student, people think.

They say the guy was taking part in some terrorist meetings. That's nonsense.

IGNACIO DE LOYOLA BRAN DAO

APRESENTACAO DE ATILA, AMIGO•DE JOSE Atila fez o normal na mesma cidade onde nasceu Jose. Nao conseguiu cadeira de professor. Urn inspetor pediu a ele urrla taxa, assim seria mais facil passar. Atila cagou no diploma e jogou na porta do departamento de educacao (1) (1) Depois se arrependeu. Foi trabalhar como borracheiro. Conheceu Carola no dia em que colocaram urn out-door em frente a borracharia. Ela era o modelo do anancio. 0 apelido de Atila vem do costume que ele tern de quebrar tudo, arrasar os lugares quando fica bebado.

OPERARIOS ESQUENTAM MARMITAS Na pensdo, ele se lava no tanque (de manha, a dona tranca o banheiro para nao usarem o chuveiro quente), corn sabao de pedra. Café é no bar daesquina.

Operarios esquentam marmitas num fogao coletivo. Eles tern o olhar parado.

Construcoes: a cidade vedada corn tapumes. Linhas telefonicas, agua, esgoto, Juz. Buracos ao comprido das ruas. Onibus devagar no transit° congestionado. A dot de cabeca que Jose tern todas as manhas comeca a passar. 0 cinema abria as dez e meia.

Os mesmos espectadores, todos os dias.

Eles nao iam ver o filme. lam dormir.

Tinham passado a noite pelos bares.

Gente que vinha dos corticos, bancos de jardim, parque Dorn Pedro, cadeia, bordeis. Cheiro de alcool, maconha, sujeira, desocupacao, desprezo. Comecavam a dormir, dois filmes seguidos, acordavam tres horas depois para o intervalo de cinco minutos. Voltavam a dormir e iam assim ate o fim do dia.

Atila tern cadeira cativa.

YOU CAME, I WAS ALONE Jose sempre quis ser canto•r.

Americano. Como Ray Charles, Nat King Cole, Paul Anka, Frankie Laine, Billy Eckistine. Desde os quinze anos tinha vontade de ir para os Estados Unidos, cantar, ser famoso, dar autografos, ter roupas extravagantes. Ele vive cantando Temptation, you came, I was alone. pARA TIRAR EU DE EU Atila s6 fuma maconha quando esta na fossa. "Para titan eu de eu." Ele e a namorada, uma morena chamada Carola, magra demais para o gosto de BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

Jose. Atila gostava das mulheres magras. Era gamadissimo em Carola.

Ela: timida, quieta. Tinha um bar deixado pelo ex-marido, morto de tetano. Barzinho pequeno, no patio de uma escola. Vivia de guarands, cocas, café corn leite, goiabada corn queijo, balas, marias-moles, bons-bocados, doce de abObora, coco e leite, sanduiches.

Carola passava Ia o dia inteiro. Atila contou para Jose porque era tao gamado em Carola. Nao faziam pela frente, nunca (1) (1) Carola so existe em fotos de publicidade. Atila inventa tudo.

A VIDA DOS SERMONEIROS (Avant-treiler) —Vamos Ia, vai. Ele lé mao que é uma beleza.

—Amanha.

—E que a policia esta dando em cima, amanita ele pode ter ido embora.

—Mentira.

—Vamos Ia, vai. ? Por que voce nao vai sozinho.

—Porra, voce sabe que nao faco nada sozinho. ? (A policia vai expulsar os sermoneiros.)

0 ANEL D,E SANTA BARBARA Rosa tinha sete anos. Estava brincando num terreno. No bairro Salinas. Pisou numa pedra preta, cortou fundo o pe. A pedra era transparente. 0 pai de Rosa mandou fazer urn anel.

Assim que colocou o anel e saiu a rua, Rosa achou dinheiro na calcada. "Nunca mais tira do dedo, isso dá sorte", disse a mae dela. Todo mundo passou a procurar pedras no terreno. Ali, hd 50 anos, tinha sido senzala.

• TOQUE DE RECOLHER Corn a repressao que anda por al, ninguem quer sair de casa, as ruas sao vazias, cassaram as licencas para circular depois de 21:34 horas.

0 POCO DA SOLIDAO Jose foi intimado a depor. 0 dono da pensao se atirara ao poco, alegando miseria. Tinha convidado a mulher, mas ela nao quis, disse: Vai sozinho. A policia suspeitava. Numa so semana, tres pessoas tinham se atirado em pocos, alegando miseria. Um psicOlogo declarou: "Psicose. Normal. Nao deve haver crime, afinal os que morreram eram miseraveis mesmo."

0 MIRACULOSO Frankil, o maior faquir do Pais, tentard trazer para nos o titulo de campeao mundial do jejum, ficando sem comer 111 dias. Venham incentivar Frankil anos darmais um titulo mundial.

Folheto amarelo Pagou 1 cruzeiro (filhodamae urn cruzeiro prele comer depois), atravessou uma cortina de plastic° verde. A urna estava num saguao caiado. Cartazes, fotografias, recortes de jornais, bandeirolas de papel crepom. Urn cinegrafista de televisao estava acompanhando o recorde; um fotografo gordo, terno surradissimo.

BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

DIAS SEM COMER: 55 FALTAM AINDA: 56 Discos fanhosos de tango, bolero. 0 fa uir, deitado nos pregos. Faixas azul-amarelo, ma bandeirinha num canto, cobras passeando uelo corpo macerado, a figura imitando Cristo. ose raspou as unhas no vidro. 0 faquir parecia do ir, nao se perturbou.

Urn sujeito magro, careca, sorriso gra de, entrou corn o fotografo e mais dois que tr lam blocos de anotacOes. Frankil abriu os ol os, pareceu reconhecer o magrinho, deu urn so iso esfomeado, fez ok corn o polegar. 0 magr nho veio conversar corn Jose. . Olha, eu you fazer urn filme sobre faq ir e fome. Gostava de saber o que voce acha sisso aqui. Eu you gravar, hein. . Pode gravar.

Gilda Valenca cantava Coimbra. Jos se arrumou, o fot6grafo estava fotografando. . Pode comecar. ? Como o senhor se chama. . Jose Goncalves. ? Sua profissao. . Limpo o cinema. ? Por que o senhor vem aqui. . Queria ver o homem. ? 0 senhor vem sempre nestas coisas. . Sempre. Venho todo dia. ? Todo dia. . Todo. ? Gosta. . Acho este sujeito uma besta. ? Entao, para que vem.

0 faquir olhava. 0 magrinho pediu para filmarem a entrevista. Jose torceu a boca p ra o lado, como se fosse cuspir. Tinha uma aft que incomodava. Era cr6nica, ninguem desc. 'rra remedio. Filmavam, e o alto-falante tocav. Ave Maria Lola. Chegou urn baixinho, de ocu os e olhos azuis, junto corn uma menina magr nha, tambem de olhos azuis: Glora, a rainh do strip-tease do Teatro Santana.

Jose viu que o faquir observava. Tiro um sanduiche do bolso. Mastigava e olhava, o quir olhava para ele. Jose comia, torcia a bo a. 0 diretor foi filmando. Glora reclamou: "Isso nao, Fernando, nao deixa ele fazer isso." Jose mos rava o sanduiche ao faquir. Engoliu o Oltimo pe Olhou firme para a camara. E ia virando q ando reparou no sinal. No alto da urna havia dois scos amarelos, formando urn triangulo incom leto, corn um meio circulo dentro. 0 sinal ficou gra ado.

Mesmo Id fora, ao sol, Jose continuava ven so os riscos amarelos. Na rua, de urn lado para sutro, escondidos atras de janelas, dois homens atir yam corn fuzis telescopicos, enquanto o povo pa sava.

CCCRRRREEEEEUUUUUUUUUU, plam Olha a velha GRrrrraaaaaammmmmmmmm(o carate tava acelerar o motor para fugir) Pega, pega VRRRROUUUUUUMMMMMMMMM Leva a velha pro hospital. Desgracado. ? Alguem anotou a chapa.

Ah, aaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaa.

Ige-Sha gemia. Demo, capeta, nao quer esmo que eu tenha o Ita de Xang6. Aaaaaaaaaaa Ela se levantou, nao sentia nada. Era ssim mesmo, os demonios batiam nela, surrava , ela nao podia vir a cidade, saia moida de cadave . Era o medo deles, aaaaaaaaaaaa, como dol. As ilhas tinham proibido, mas sou mais forte que eles, aaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaaa.

ADEUS, ADEUS

Depois de ter sua biblioteca inteiramente confiscada e queimada pelo Govemo 1,0 sociologo e pesquisador das origens do subdesenvolvimento nacional, Carlos Antunes, aceitou o convite de Yale para lecionar na famosa Universidade Norte-Americana. Deve embarcar dentro de 10 dias, se os advogados liberarem o seu passaporte.

AS PORTAS Jag, jag, jii, l000co, rorrocola, baby, baby, love me baby, tak, tag, tak, buzina, buzina, meu amor, eute amo, eu sou urn negro gato, senhor juiz, pare, meu bem, la, luuuun, al, eu, 00000, pilulas de vida, do doutor ross, fazem bem ao figado e a todos nos, xiquitan, bum, bum, I want hold your hand, beatles, porra, esqueci de falar corn Atila sobre as ciganas, me dd um quibe frito, limao, uma Cacula, prato do dia: sopa de grao de bico, chines foi preso porque fritava pastel corn Oleo diesel, grande liquidacao de discos, e que tudo o mais va pro inferno, amor, guarda bem este amor, novelas cada dia mais sensacionais no 9, po, cada comerciaria boa tern esta loja, deixaeu voltar, fingir que compro, que pernas a moreninha de sapatos vermelhos (Odete, professora de portugues, no gindsio, usava sapatos vermelhos, era boa paca, onde sera? que ela anda neste mundo, a gente corria atrds dela na escada, e todo mundo ficou corn inveja do Quebradinho que dancou corn ela num baile do Municipal), larali, grofrgst hgtfyuj, 7869504, bum, bum, vai te. As pernas. A microssaia e as 'pernas compridas, redondas. No meio do povo. Ela caminhava, os homens se viravam, ela andava em ziguezague. Jose, seguindo.

Ela dobrou a esquina, ele parou. (Ela volta, tenho certeza que volta, é que eu quero, quero muito grande aqui em mim, e elavai voltar.) Aconteceraoutras vezes. Ele via uma vez e ficava com a certeza de que veria de novo. E via, sempre. Como agora, corn a men ma de microssaia de couro e sanddlias vermelhas. Ela voltava, olhando distraida, ou pensando porque e que estava voltando E enquanto ele observava a mop, a velha riu perto dele. A velha riu (como ela deve ser antiga, poa!) e disse Num, Num, ainda num é a tua! (Que minha? Minha o que? Velha doida; nem me conhece.)

(Engracado.) Ele continuava pensando (Este sol, tab amarelo de repente).

(Como tern doente nesta cidade!)

Aleijados, cegos, sem braco, sem mao, sem Os, pes para dentro, pes para fora, caolhos, bocas tortas, sem nariz, corcundas—sempre corn um monte de criancas correndo para passar a mao nas costas, a fim de ter sorte—anOes, sem orelhas, pescocos tortos, mulheres corn elefantiase, pernas imensas, seios que pareciam sacos, fazendo corn que andassem curvadas para a frente, leprosos, gente cheia de pnstulas, de crostas, rostos que eram uma ferida so, rostos manchados, cabecas em came viva. Jose correu pela calcada, trombando nas pessoas (Eu nao quero ficar aqui, vai me deixar louco!).

Terminou num beco de oficinas 31

mecanicas, vazio de gente, cheio de carcacas de automoveis. As carcacas brilhavam ao sot (amarelo). Faltavam para-brisas, os vidros arrebentados, sobravam buracos negros, como bocas desdentadas, ou corn todos os dentes, farOis arrancados (olhos), laterais, frente etraseiras amassadas, arrancadas, cofres de motor vazios. Velhos automoveis amontoados uns sobre os outros, formando um edificio de lataria descascada, de varias cores. Jose entrou num vestibulo iluminado por lampadas de vapor de mercnrio. Havia no vestibulo portas e portas—portas de carro. Ele foi experimentanclo uma a uma. Ele abria e fechava. Ate a nItima.

(Eu fechava o livro, eu nunca ii o final da historia, eu nao queria que a moca entrasse, no era para ela entrar. Entao escrevi outra histOria em que ela ficava parada na frente da nItima e morria ali, cheia de vontade, desesperada, mas corn medo.) Corn a mao no trinco, Jose se decidia.

ELE ABRIRA A ULTIMA PORTA? 0 QUE EXISTE DENTRO DEL A? Mais urn banco assaltado em Vila Clemencia.

Feridos: 1 Roubados: 14.000 Mares Total de bancos assaltados ate agora: 64 Total de dinheiro roubado: 12.546.786 Total de feridos nas acties: 56 Total de assaltantes presos: 4 Total de mortos: 13 SETE ITENS 1—Jose nao foi ver se o seu emprego de mata-ratos no cinema ainda esta de pd. Nao tern vontade. Nao tern vontade de nada.

2—Ele acha que nao da pe. Nao vale a pena. Tern um pouco de dinheiro para ir vivendo. Amanha ou depois, talvez ele va ao cinema.

3—Se for o caso, pede desculpas ao gerente, diz que estava doente.

4—Pode descontar (chefes adoram descontar) meus dias. Nao falto mais, juro que nao, pelo amor de Deus.

5—E s6 rastejar um pouco. Ele§ acham que é rastejar. Mas nao 6. E mentir em cima deles. Ficam babados quando alguem rasteja.

6-0 borne ficar na cama, pensando.

Eu nao quero é ter a minima preocupacao por nada em minha vida.

7—Hoje de manha veio a policia e prendeu o sujeito do quarto da frente.

Nao era criminoso, nem nada. Estudante. Neg6cio de politica. Estragaram o quarto dele inteirinho, rasgaram roupa, livros, farejaram armarios.

0 TEMPORA, 0 MORES "Ou nos unimos, ou o mundo explode numa onda de desregramento, pecado, imoralidade." 0 Presidente falava numa praca da capital. Diante dele, milhares de pessoas, atentas. Cada uma trazia na mao uma tocha acesa e o Presidente tinha uma visao fantastica: 32

um fogo que iluminava / mas para ele, o fogo consumia; naquela noite devia comecar uma reforrna nos costumes e nas leis/. Os microfones levavam a palavra do Presidente a todas as pracas do pais, a todas as casas. Abaixo do palanque havia urn estrado, onde se sentavam os altos dignitarios da Igreja, Ministros, Juizes dos Tribunais Superiores, Procuradores-Gerais, o Chefe Supremo das Milicias Repressivas, os Encarregados da Ordem e Moral, os Cruzados, os Templarios, os Defensores das Familias, os Vingadores. Cada urn representava centenas de associacOes e ligas e organizacties que estavam sendo formadas no pals, em defesa dos bons costumes, da familia, da boa conduta, da liberdade, da propriedade. Estas centenas representavam milhaes de pessoas. "Vamos nos lancar numa grande campanha, num movimento monstro, para que a moda seja mais sobria, para que as saias descam aos tornozelos, para que as revistas licenciosas sejam queimadas, para que o palavrao deixe de existir em nossa amada e tao bonita lingua, para que os jovens levem uma vida decente e recatada, para que o termo prostituicao seja abolido de uma vez de nossa Patria bem-aventurada, para que nao hajapilulas etodos procriemos muito para a grandeza figura. Para isso estamos mudando tudo, mudando nossas leis para proteger a sociedade, e portanto, proteger voces. Nossos sabios jurisconsultos acabam de redigir uma nova constituicao, baseada toda ela em probos documentos de tempos antigos, os grandes tempos da humanidade: Nossas leis repousam nos Espelhos de Saxe e de Suabia, urn grande reposit6rio legislativo da humanidade. Vamos aplica-los, para que tambem os nossos tempos fiquem na histOria como a dignificacao do homem e nao como o seu fim, o apodrecimento total, a sua negacao." 0 povo aplaudiu e ergueu os bracos.

FOLHEANDO MEU CADERNO DE NOTAS E corn Jose—segundo suas pr6prias palavras— vai acontecendo que: Hoje, quando fui cagar, a bosta estava clara, bem clara. Voce sabe o que isto significa? Quer dizer que estou ficando limpo por dentro. No dia em que ela estiver branca, estarei em estado de graca total. Fui atravessar a rua para pegar o onibus. Tive que parar na ilha. Jogada no chao, uma rosa amarela, caule comprido. Era bonita, fiquei olhando para ela. NA° sei porque, era s6 uma rosa jogada na ilha da Avenida, as seis e meia da tarde, transit° congestionado, cartazes de bancas anunciando que esta revista data gratis uma operacao plastica, ganhe uma casa, urn guarda-roupa completo, veja quem sao as mais elegantes, milionario se atira do decimo andar. 0 caule da rosa terminava em duas hastezinhas, formando uma forquilha. Perdi o onibus por causa da rosa. A rosa, rosa, rosa na ilha (fiquei pensando). A gente pensa bobagens, o tempo todo. Eu gosto de pensar, coisas sem sentido. Porque as coisas corn sentido, nao fazem sentido. Cem metros a frente, o onibus cruzou mal a esquina, foi pego por uma jamanta, capotou. Parecia urn elefante rolando. Morreu gente. NA° sei se eu morreria, porque nao sei onde é que eu ia me sentar. Acho que me salvei. Galaxias, astronautas, astronarta, atronarta. Povo olhando o c6u: ? aquilo é estrela, ou é esputinique, aquela sera a apolo oito ou nove.

Os onibus chegando e levando, as sete da noite; levando para a mesa de arroz e feijao, tomate e cebola; levando para a novela de televisao. 0 povo se esquecendo do ceu, dos satelites, dos foguetes, dos astronautas (s6 as mulheres, deles pensando neles, num cello momento). Agora, eu tenho sempre esta dor de cabeca. Tomara fosse urn aneurisma. Outro dia Ii uma reportagem sobre

aneurismas; dizem que a gente pode ter e nao sabe, ele estoura de repente, a gente embarca. Quern sabe eu tenho, mas nao you consultar o medico, deixa ele estourar, assim nao me enche o saco. A mexicaninha nao quis me dar.

Outra vez. Faz dois meses que nao quer, me dar. Disse que é por causa da mae que anda, doente. Ela nao pode fazer nada enquanto a mae estiver doente. E um costume, deles. Deve ser.

Os mexicanos sao muito engracados, a gente fica olhando eles, aqui no bairro.

Sao uns nordestinos que falam espanhol. Estao comecando a arranjar empregos nas construcoes. Eu you promover no armazem uma reuniao do pessoal que comia a menina. Cada um da um pouco de dinheiro, vem o medico, cura a mae dela, todo mundo volta a se cjivertir, novamente. ? Digo. Nao digo.

E chato. Algo mais... algo maisss... a gente ouve isso o dia inteiro por al.

Algo mais. Digo: desculpem, nunca comi a mexicaninha. SO sozinho. Penso nela, e como. Do jeito que eu quero. Eta me disse: Se fico gray ida, nao tiro o filho. E nao quero ficar gray ida de urn cara manco.

Falou tudo na lingua dela. Que filhadaputa! 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7,8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19. Fico contando, contando, pensando porque 1 e 1 sac, dois. 0 cara que inventou isso! ? Por que o 1 nao se chama 2 e o 2 nao se chama 9. Assim eu somava: 2 e 2 sao 9. Mas agora nao dá, mais. 0 mundo inteiro pensa igual, aceitou, tern de ser assim. Se vier um cara, como eu por exemplo, e provar que o 1 nao 6 1, mas sim 3, da urn bode danado. Sao capazes de me prender, andam prendendo tanta gente. E sO ler os jomais para ver. Eu fico puto da gente ir aceitando assim, por aceitar, porque esta pronto, nao precisa mexer. Na verdade, nao é bem puto, eu fico confuso, me atrapalha. As vezes para mim, uma coisa é quatro e nao sete, como eles estao dizendo, mas eles nao podem ver como eu posso, que ela é quatro. Eu sinto dentro de mim a linguagem das coisas me dizendo: eu irk) sou isso, sou aquilo. E tenho que acreditar nas coisas, sej am pedras, paus, plasticos, ferros, papel, fibres, o que for.

E aqui me despeco esperando ter a sua atencao nas proximas paginas Espero te-lo agradado. Recomende-m a sua familia e a todos os setts.

0 GIRATORIO "Minha terra tem palmeiras, onde canta o sabia, as ayes que aqui gorjeiam, no gorjeiam como 1d"/ (? Sera que a mexicaninha vem aqui. ? Sera que vem dar pra alguem. Já esta na hora. Eu precisava corner uma menina assim, bacaninha, gordinha, bem gostosa. Como ela e gostosa!)

Em nossa cidade, pontualmente, sete horas.

Puratek anuncia: dentro de trinta segundos nossa pr6xima atracao: Noticiario.

BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

(Pra que saber o que acontece por al. S6 acontece besteira. A gente fica de saco cheio. Cheio ate as tampas. ? Por que eles não falaram da minha prisdo.

Fui reclamar no radio, os caras nem ligaram. Ficaram me olhando, acharam que eu era louco. Mas ja sei o que you fazer,.)

Agua fria no banheiro, ele se enfiou debaixo do chuveiro, se esfregou corn o sabdo de cinza que a tia mandava do interior. Esfregava de arder a pele. No dia em que se rastejou para nao perder o emprego, teve necessidade de tomar o major banho. Ficou horas no banheiro, a viava foi saber se ele tinha morrido.

Quando viu que estava vivo, reclamou da agua que gastava. Ela gritou muito.

Nao adiantava, ele nao podia sair, precisava deixar a agua no corpo. Dava vontade de viver como o Marat, dentro da banheira, refrescando. Mas o Marat tinha mulher para tomar conta. Ao menos, no filme tinha. Pao, media escura. Os mexicanos bebem pinga e contam casos do Mexico. Urn deles jura que é o neto do Pancho Vila. Um dia, vai yoltar para sua terra e tomar o poder. E banguela, tido se entende o que ele fala, conserta radio e televisao, entende de transistores, tern freguesia no bairro inteiro. 0 mexicano passa o dia inteiro sentado num saco de batatas, fumando cigarro (o dono do emp6rio garante que e maconha, pelo cheiro) e mascando folhas, sem cuspir. Nunca falou corn Jose, mas tern um jeito de quern gosta dele. Jose tern medo. Se ndo fosse o unico lugar da redondeza para tomar café, de manha, Jose nao entraria au. (As pessoas, me fazem medo. Penso que alguem vai me agredir.

Vivo preparado para me defender. Se alguem levanta o braco, bruscamente, perto de mim, me assusto. Trato bem os outros, mesmo quando ndo quero tratar, porque acho: ? e se o outro ndo gosta do meu jeito e parte para cima de mim.

Quando chego de noite em casa, espero alguem no corredor, atras da porta ou alguem deitado na minha cama dizendo que ela ndo é mais minha.)

Jose ouvia um pregador. Nao tinha ninguem ouvindo, mas ele pregava. As onze da manha. Livro na mao, o terno preto sebento, baba na boca, oculos de aros dourados presos corn esparadrapo. ? Como é. ? Largou o emprego.

A 400 quilometros daqui, dona Osvaldina esta aos berros, dizendo ao marido que qualquer dia chama a policia, aqueles vizinhos sdo insuportayeis. Agora andam jogando agua suja no seu quintal, formando pocas que ddo mosquitos e mau cheiro. Dona Osvaldina mora num sitio de dois alqueires. 0 sitio do vizinho tern tres alqueires e é cheio de arvores.

Atila chegando. . Largaram por mim. ? Por que. . Tive que faltar uns dias. Quando voltei, tinha outro caramatando os ratos. ? Sabe de uma coisa engracada.

Prenderam urn estudante na pensao.

Nem era estudante, a gente desconfia.

Dizem que o cara fazia umas reuni6es BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

de terroristas. ? Besteira, sabe. ? Que terroristas. E ainda mais, la. Ve se urn cara ia querer derrubar o governo corn reuniao numa pensao de bbsta daquelas.

Sei IA! Hoje, td fogo. Tao tacando bomba em tudo quanto é lugar. Qualquer dia a cidade explode. Eu já nem chuto latinhas. Acho que debaixo pode ter meio quilo de polvora. VA, vamos embora.

Voce precisa ver o que é de gente indo pra la. E se a gente nao for, eles vao embora. TA em te po deles levantarem as barracas. ? Quando é tempo. ? Eu é que sei. Eles tern Id umas leis d les.

Ficam um tempo, depois yap.

A mesa ia girando e Atila achou que sua cadeira girava mais devagar, porque o prato es ava sempre mais para a frente. 0 bacalhau tinha c eiro forte de Oleo e de louro. ? Sera que cid para acabar, antes da olta acabar.

Ninguem olhava para o companheiro ao !do.

Comiam, observando a curva da parede, comParayarn corn o tanto de comida no prato. Um pieto, antes da chegada, puxou urn plastic°. Jogou dentro o resto do prato.

Refeiccio comercial Pratos do dia: Bacalhau A Portuguesa Bacalhau ao forno Bacalhau alho e Oleo File corn fritas Omelete de verduras Picado Frutas Sorvete Café Entrem — Limpeza e Rapidez — 0 mais popular restaurante da cidade — Ninguem resiste aos nossos precos.

Jose chegava ao fundo. Havia urn buraco triangular nos azulejos. Ele viu a cozinheira, ou ajudante de cozinha. Ou quern fosse. Menina redonda, bracos fortes, apertados na manga do vestido. Era morena e tinha urn lenco amarelo amarrado na cabeca. Jose perdeu a fome. Era uma cara comum, o nariz ate feio, uma espinha no queixo. Ela se movimentava de um lado para outro e o banco de Jose passou, eta se recortou no meio do tridngulo, Jose ficou olhando o lenco amarelo, ndo percebeu nada mais, s6 a9uele amarelo. 0 banco entrou na reta final.

COME OU NAO COME Eu tive la no faquir. Etc me deu uma ideia: Das boas. Pra se ganhar dinheiro. La, perto da urna, tern uma placa. Sabe, o faquir 6 muito orgulhoso da sua honestidade. E dal, ele promete urn dinheirao pra quern provar que ele come. Tai, a gente vai la e prova. . Prova. ? Como, velhao. . A gente forja urn troco fajuto qualquer. ? E. ? E os amigos dele. ? Tao Id pra que. . Passei IA de noite. So fica um guarda-tivil.

Toda noite 6 o mesmo. Porra velho. Já gastei dez contos numa semana, so pra observar o cara. Esse dinheiro é nosso, voce vai ver. . Quer ver, que nada. Voce anda maluco. 0 cara num come. . Come. . Come nada. . Olha que come. ? E o guarda. . Da urn dinheiro pro guarda, so pra ver. Etc topa.

A VINDA DOS SERMONEIROS Na Agua Baixa, atras do ZoolOgico, por tras da mata, ha nas colinas, uma serie da patamares, como se fosse uma escada gigante, corn degraus de dez metros de altura. Cada degrau tern uma superficie enorme e ninguem sabe por que foram feitos. Um dia, tratores amanheceram trabalhando, ficaram meses, depois se foram, ndo ficou nem uma placa indicando se era obra do governo, uma nova inch:Istria (ha metalurgicas para aqueles lados ) ou um loteamento.

A terra, naquelas colinas, é constituida por faixas de varias cores, de modo que cada um dos degraus é vermelho claro, marrom escuro, amarelo ou acinzentado. Para chegar Id, vai-se pela estrada do Zoologico e, na altura de uma venda em que o nome Moraes esta escrito corn o S ao contrario, entra-se a direita por uma estrada de terra.

Nos primeiros dias dos Sermoneiros era preciso descer na venda e subir a pe.

Depois, corn o movimento, uma empresa aproveitou carros velhos e fez uma linha clandestina ate o acampamento. Atila estava dirigindo urn desses onibus e ganhava por viagem e pelo flamer() de passageiros, enchendo o carro como vagao de gado. Etc e o cobrador faziam dupla e cobravam preco acimada tabela. Para a companhia tanto fazia, as jardineiras gastavam pouco, rap precisavam conservacao, nao pagavam impostos. At ila pegava o servico ao meio-dia e ia ate o fim da noite. Os motoristas dos quatro carros faziam guerras entre eles, tentando sabotar o carro do outro, arrancando velas, puxando fios, roubando gasolina, murchando os pneus. 0 6nibus sobe.

NA° ha bancos. As janelas ndo tern vidros, a pintura desapareceu. 0 on ibus é uma carcaca, levada por um motor semipifado. Mesmo assim, nao tern carro que suba sem estar cheio.

0 acampamento se divide nos patamares. Nove barracas em cada urn, no primeiro de uma cor, no segundo de outra. Ate chegar ao ultimo, a grande barraca marrom (cor de terra—a que pretendemos—de dentro da qual viemos (sementes)--unica verdade, mde terra: dizia o folheto explicando; folheto que chamava o povo para a verdade do futuro). As filas sdo compridas. De urn patamar para o outro ha escadas de madeira.

A grande barraca marrom tinha urn letreiro de latapintada. Colocaram neon por cima. As palavras tinham vinhetas dentro; as vinhetas cram sinais (Cada sinal tern um significado para nosso povo: disse urn cigano falando.)

Olhando cada letra, Jose tern a impressdo de escritos egipcios, hieroglifos, os sinais pequeninos, as dezenas, uns juntos aos outros, formando no seu amontoado, um outro sinal major.

Imagens acrescentadas a outras imagens para conseguir uma definicdo. Como se fosse uma escrita chinesa, trabalhada.

Ou uma carta enigmatica.

33

? Nosso povo. A origem do nosso povo perde-se nos tempos. ? Africana. ? Chinesa. ? Hindu. ? Russa. ? Quem sabe. Talvez uma mistura de tudo. Nosso povo é errante. Disse o chefe do cla na televisao. Era um homem alto, nao muito velho, moreno escuro, cabelo liso, dentes de ouro, roupas coloridas, colares, flores, botas, chicote (a imagem tradicional, normal, do cigano de cinema, da Carmem, das fitas de Hollywood). Ele tinha comparecido a todos os programas de entrevista, gostava de fotografias, cinegrafistas, jomais.

"A gente tern muita coisa dos negros, guardamos um pouco de sua pele, da sabedoria, recebemos ensinamentos e dons e preparacao, temos contacto."

Fatias de melancia e abacaxi, docinhos de abobora, coco, leite, gomas, geleia de mocoto, cachorro quente, tudo em barraquinhas, em carrinhos ao so!, em cima de caixotes, jomais estendidos no chao, tabuleiros suspensos nos pescocos. Churrascos de came cheia de sebo, de vaca e de gato e de qualquer outro bicho pego na redondeza do mato. . Gosto paca dessas coisas, disse Jose. ? De saber a sorte. . Da sorte, do futuro, dessas coisas esquisitas que a gente nem entende . Olha cada bacana que tern af! Di uma olhada, nos carros que tao parados.

Me disseram outro dia que a mulher do governador veio aqui. De noite, escondida. Eu ia levar o Ultimo onibus, estava esperando encher. Veio um guarda da Forca, recolheu os que estavam espalhados por al. Enfiou no Onibus e me mandou descer o morro.

Num desvio da estrada, tinha um carro chapa oficial, esperando. No dia seguinte, disseram que foi a mulher do govemador. Queria saber se ele andava traindo ela. Sabe, a mulher vigia de que nem tarada. Tambem, dinheiro tudo dela, ele era pronto, boa pinta, mandou uma de casamento. Ela fez a carreira dele. SO que, exige fidelidade. ? E sabe, ele é apavorado. E por isso fiel. ? Sabe o que mais. Me contaram que cada vez que eles vao trepar, ele corre ao banheiro e vomita. Vomita ate bilis, de tanto que esti de sac() cheio.

A placa, na barraca onde Atilatinha levado Jose:

Maos—Coracao Olhos—Mensagens no azeite—Planta dos pes—Manchas de cafe—Folhas de cha—Decifra-se algodao queimado—O futuro pela marca dos pes na areia e no gesso e na lama e na farinha de trigo Le-se todas as linhas do corpo Decifra-se a Voz— Leitura Cifrada dos sinais particulares: cicatrizes, manchas, verrugas, rugas, espinhas e pintas.

Analise da segunda urina para indicacao de doencas presentes e futuras, corn retrospecto das passadas e suas influencias atuais. . Esse cara al vale mais que urn 34

check-up, disse Atila. . Desconfio, heim. . Esse caraC o major. 56 que, é humilde Esse al, nao é como o chefe que vive se promo ndo.

Ele nunca sai dessa barraca. Nunca, dia ou oite.

Ele estuda, medita, conversa. 0 mundo vem te al. ? Prague sair. Ele conhece o mundo, atrav das pessoas. Precisava ver a aula de anatomia q e ele deu pruns estudantes de medicina, outro d ! Os caras sairam de queixo caido. Ate o catedr ico. ? Ele cura. . Ele nao cura. Ele s6 diz, as coisas. Dap s, as pessoas que se curem, ou procurem os méLcos para curar. ? Sabe por que as pessoas nao se curam. Porque os medicos nao acreditam nisto e dizem tudo ao contrario. SO porque, sao medicos. . Eu queria que ele falasse do meu pd. ? Sera que tern jeito. . Sei li! ? Ah, sabe quem meditou junto Om o cara aqui. Os Beatles! . Conversa, seu! . Nada, tern fotografia e recorte tie joma . Do maior jo,rnal de Londres. Este cara num mente nao (1) (1) Atila, apesar de ser um sujeito que cria as namoradas apenas na imaginaclo, parece ter certa razao quando fala no encontro entre o Homan) e os Beatles. Foi pouco antes da morte de Epsitein, durante tres dias, durante as Titus os Beatles desapareceram e ninguem ouviu falar dales. 0 curioso é que os quatro teriam recebido do Homem o conselho de separarem para sobreviverem.

Depois do encontro, os Beatles perderam a memeria todas os tracos do que sucedeu, ,potque essa e a caracterfstica do ftbmern: que thz,fala, aconselha, fica diluido no subconsciente,'fica atuando, mas a pessoa nao se lembra mais corn• lucidez. Sente apenas uma especie de angustia quando contraria os preceitos recebidos. ? Entao, por que tern pouca gente aqui procurando ele. . Sao s6 os que de aceitou. E precis() mandar a carteira de identidade antes. Ai ele escolhe, quem recebe. Me di, a sua.

Havia bandeiras de papel crepom panos coloridos alto-falantes irradianclo boleros tangos twist entre animcios dos que tiravam sorte ham cartas maos e descobriam o futuro de mil maneiras.

desperdicio. Voce deve ser voce. Ha urn chamado e voce nao atende.

Aquele ruido que Jose conhecia. 0 rufdo mais forte. Dentes. . Afeicoado. ? Lembra-se. Naquele salao havia muitas portas cerradas. Voce podia entrar em todas, menos uma. . Ninguem tinha proibido. . Mas, afeicoado, voce sabia que naa podia abrir aquela. Nao devia. ? Como podia saber. . No porta-luvas de um dos carros tinha o comunicado. . Mas cram tantos carros.

Os dentes batendo uns contra os outros. ? E,o sinal. ? Que sinal. . Afeicoado, sua cabeca fimciona dez por cento. Ha sinais, por toda parte e ninguem percebe. Em tudo. Abra a vista, corn largueza, para o presente. E voce tern o futuro pregado, grudado.

Nao olhe baixo, como todo mundo. Ao menos, nao voce. ? Que sinal. . Quando o carro avancou para voce, no meio da rua, os nUmeros do centro, na placa, cram de cor diferente.

Ele tinha pintado a chapa. Era uma brincadeira de rapaz? Aparentemente.

Era o ntimero, que era o primeiro duller°, do carro onde, dentro do porta-luvas, havia o comunicado para vocenao abrir a porta que abriu entrando onde devia sair. . Eu nao me lembro, depois que, entrei. . Na hora precisa, se lembrari, afeicoado. ? Quern mandou o sinal. ? Quem.

Depois do almoco ficou dificil andar pelos patamares era como se fosse uma quermesse e o povo todo da cidade tivesse sido convidado porque as estradas e o mato abaixo e acima dos patamares estava cheio de gentd gente que andava comia esperava em filas se reunia em grupos conversava se excitava corn o saber que ia conhecer.

0 homem retirou as maos da cabeca de Jose. No fundo do cerebro dele, ficaratn compartimentos lacrados, corn letreiros luminosos, cujas letras Jose nao conseguia ler.

As tres, Jose entrou: a barraca, simples e clara, de pano branco, cheia de luz. Sacos de farinha, emendados, cobriam a terra. Jose sentiu vontade de tirar o sapato; tirou. 0 homem, de pe, tinha o olhar tranquilo e born. 0 barulho nao atravessava o pano da barraca. Dentro da cabeca de Jose 6 que havia ruidos: caixotes sendo abertos, tab= sendo retiradas, pregos arrancados a mortal° e todas as divisoes transformadas num salao devassado, onde se podia ver corn limpideZ quase tudo. 0 homem estava corn a mao em sua cabeca.

A CRIACAO DE JOSE SEGUNDO 0 HOMEM Dez dias se passaram.

Dez dias Jose passou corn o homem.

No primeiro, aprendeu que o corpo deve ser livre e satisfeito.

No segundo, que a mente deve dominar e que o pensamento cheio de vontade consegue.

No terceiro, conheceu cada mtisculo do corpo.

. Meu afeicoado. Precisa-se, usar por compl o, sua cabeca. E uma cabecaboa, pronta a rece muito. Voce nao faz nada, afeicoado. Nada or voce, nada pelos outros.

No quarto, conheceu o ceu e as estrelas, o nome de cada uma, as visfveis, e as nao, o poder delas, como elas influenciam o homem; conheceu o sol e a lua, os planetas, as etapas, os signos, os ciclos.

0 mid° comegando. . Nada, por nada, o ütii é inutil, o born e

No quinto, o homem reproduziu-o BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1996

grgante, projetando-o no teto da barraca branca, transformado em tela infinita. Jose se viu: o homem abrindo seu corpo, como urn professor de anatomia, e mostrando-o por dentro.

Ele era constituido de corredores dando para outros corredores, urn dentro do outro, urn quarto dentro do corredor, claro, limpido, iluminado. Labirintos em ziguezague, salas, salinhas, (Como e monotono urn homem por dentro, ndo tern nada). A reproducdo tomava toda a barraca e era como se ele estivesse por dentro dele (mas eu ndo me sinto dentro de mim, ndo sinto mesmo, estou sempre fora). E o homem apontava a lanterna e mostrava seu corpo, as passagens, arterias (mesentericas, hipogastricas, carotidas), veias (cavas, porta, pulmonares), aortas, vielas, ossos, alcapOes, sistema clarab6ia, vIsceras, escotilhas, ventriculos, sistema nervoso. Jose sentiu vontade de correr nele mesmo, livre por campos que partiam do estomago, subindo em colinas de rins, recebendo dentro dos olhos aquela luz branca (relampago branco, aquele reldmpago branco que me bateu nos olhos). Entdo, olhando, ele viu uma abertura triangular, vazia por tras e sentiu um prazer tdo grande que teve urn orgasmo. Sentiu fome mas nao tinha vontade de corner: fome, mas ficava enjoado ao se lembrar de comer. As vinte e quatro horas do quint° dia se viu por dentro; Era o prazo quetinha. Sem proibiclies. A meia-noite precisava sair (ndo perca o sapato, ao sair. Ninguem ira te procurar). Mas faltavam coisas a percorrer; coisas que ele precisava. (Como posso contar ao homem que ndo me vi todo?) Ficou quieto, nada disse ao sair.

No sexto, conheceu as sensaclies do tato e suas exploraclies, o paladar, o olfato, a vista, a audicdo e os efeitos a se tirar de todos.

Toque-se.

Ouca-se.

Veja-se.

Prove-se.

Cheire-se.

E saibaquem voce é, disse o homem.

E Jose, agradecido, beijou o homem na boca. Ndo sensualmente, tido apaixonadamente, näo emocionalmente. Agradecidamente, apenas. E o homem agradeceu o beijo corn urn murro na orelha de Jose, que o tornou surdo.

No setimo, ficou nu enquanto o homem fazia entrar as pessoas: homens, mulheres, criancas. Jose não sentiu vergonha. As pessoas ndo se importaram.

No oitavo, Jose ficou de pe vinte e quatro horas. Ora num pe, ora noutro.

Tres vezes, ergueu-se meia-hora, apoiando-se na ponta do calcanhar. Foi picado corn agulhas, batido corn palmatoria, andou em brasas, mergulhou em agua quente. Dominou-se.

Tinha aprendido.

No nono, Jose foi erguido por uma corda pelos bracos, corn a cabeca para BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

cima, a fim de ouvir o diabo; depois amarrado pelos pes, corn a cabeca para baixo, a fim de falar corn Deus; depois pela cintura, corn a cabeco no meio a fim de ouvir as divindades medianas Ele nao ouviu nada. ? Sera que ndo tinham nada a dizer para ele, ou serd que ndo existem.

No decimo dia, o homem descansou.

E entao, na manha seguinte, chamou Jqse e tirou a roupa. Amou Jose e se deixou amar po ele, odiou Jose e se deixou odiar por ele, desejou ose e se deixou desprezar por ele, desprezou Jos e se fez desejarpor ele. Rolaram pelo chdo / se bat ram e gritaram / como animals / urraram/ e uiva am, querendo se encontrar.

JACULAToRIA: "Jesus, Maria, Jose expire em paz entre voz a minha alma."

INSCRIcA0 DE PRIVADA (Grafiti) cagar é lei deste mundo cagar é tel do universo cagou dom jorge segundo cagou quern fez este verso No seu sitio, dona Osvaldina quer que o mdrido vatomar satisfaclies corn os vizinhos. Tern certeza de que andam roubando os ovos da galinha legorne.

ARAME FARPADO NA GARGANTA Jose andava corn Atria pelos patamares. Os sermoneiros jam. Faltava desmontar apenas uma barraca. 0 povo nao vinha, mais. Alguns churrasqueiros /de gato/ insistiam em vender. Jose ficou parado no lugar da barraca branca.

(Se quern sou do que posso. SO queria que ele tivesse levado essa raiva. Que ele tirasse o arame farpado que tenho na garganta. Me ajudou, mas o arame continua) Era urn dia de nuvens baixas e ele percebeu que atras das nuvens o ceu era amarelo/ ovo/.

Sentiu que estava sendo olhado e enfiou as mdos no bolso, sem jeito.

Didu 0 passarinho piou no mato. Duas vezes.

Didu Era urn passaro amarelo pareci do COM papagaio. Numa drvore, muito per•to. . Pera al, que pego ele! disse Atila.

Didu 0 passaro voou, voltou, chegou ate ose, soltou o seu grito, voou de novo.

Naquele dia, as quatro da tarde, Atila le ou o ultimo onibus. Dos sermoneiros, ou o que uer que aquele povo fosse, sobraram a marc das barracas e todo o tipo de detritos.Nas proximid des do mato, havia um terrivel mau cheiro on e o povo tinha excrementado. Comecavam a c egar criancas que remexiam a sujeirada. Cach rros sarnentos acompanhavam seus donos, ou a iam isoladamente.J3rigavam as criancas, os cach nos e tambem as mulheres que tinham vindo b scar papel. Os aproveitadores do lixo estavam pondo fogo nos montes e a fumaca era fedida. ? E agora, Atila. Eu sem emprego, Voce tambern. . A gente se vira. Calma, que se vira. 0 neg6cio é esse, hoje em dia. Emprego, emprego, nem tern, nem eu quero.

Mas eu quero. Fico nervoso, sem emp ego.

Me dá uma coisa, esquisita.

PERIGO No dia seguinte, na pensdo, Jose acordou corn o barulho de dois companheiros que comi m a

mexicaninha. Ela gemia alto, um tentava tapar a boca, enquanto o outro estava dentro. Depois que eta terminou, Jose perguntou se tinha vez. . No, no tiene, no. ? Por causa do filho. . Si, lo hijo, no to quiero como tu. . Voce é uma filhadaputa. Se o filho nascer como o pai nasce manco. ? E se nascer como a mde. . La madre es beta! . La madre es puta. ? Ndo é pior nascer puta. . No es mejor. Mucho mejor. Hoy es mejor ser puta.

Foi o que respondeu, eta que desaprendia o espanhol, sem aprender o portugues.

(Essamulher, eu matava. 0 Homem me ensinou a ndo ter 6dio, mas ainda ndo aprendi. Sem &Ho, ndo faco nada.

Ninguem, faz nada. Corn essa mulher, eu me sinto manco. E eu ndo sou, mais) A luz amarela na bandeira da porta, incomodava. Ele saltou da cama, correu para a mexicaninha, comecou a bater.

Ela apanhou sem dar urn gemido, mordendo o travesseiro. Jose parou, quando os companheiros de quarto voltaram do banheiro. Pularam em cima dele. Caido na cama, seguro, ele viu a mexicaninhajogar o travesseiro em seu rosto, apertando. Para sufocar. Apertando e o an faltando. ? JOSE VA! MORRER PS: Jose continuou na pensdo, porque tendo sido sempre pontual nos pagamentos, tinha a consideracao do dono. ("A inda ha gente boa no mundo") ? Alguem duvida . Nao, ninguem. . Se duvidassem, ia porrada.

DRAMA, QUASE DRAMALHAO (Para ser lido ao som do bolero "Angustia") 0 pai de Rosa Maria Lopes, morena, cabelos pretos, era fanatico pelo Taquariti Esporte Clube. Levava Rosa Maria ao jogo, todos os domingos. A nide tinha feito para ela um vestido especial, corn as cores do clube e dois distintivos no peito. No campo, Rosa Maria gritava, quando o pai gritava.

Ria quando o pai na. Xingava, quando o pat xingava. Ela gostava dele, do cob, do cheiro: suor, cigarro, pinga.

Grama, quando ele voltava do estadio, em dias de treino. Naquela epoca, o TEC disputava a segunda divisdo, sustentado por fazendeiros. Na finalissima, contra o Catandu, o time da casa ndo podia perder. 0 Catandu comecou a distribuir pancada, o pessoal do Taquariti fechou os portoes, passou ao massacre. Rosa Maria guardou urn vestidinho manchado corn o sangue do pai, trinchado corn cacos de garrafa de cerveja. Ela tinha sete anos. E ndo ficou traumatizada.

Excerpted from the initial pages of Zero by Ignacio de Loyola Brandao, Global Editora, Sao Paulo, 1975, 286pp 35

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Sergipe is Brazil's smallest state. It has all three zones narrow stone ro ds. Of particular distinction are: the Igreja e typical of the Northeast: litoral, zona da mata and sertelo. The Convento de S o Francisco, which has a good sacred-art coastal zone is wide and sectioned with valleys, with many museum (at Pra a Sao Francisco); the Igreja do Senhor dos towns dotted along the rivers.

Passos (Praca S nhor dos Passos), the Antiga Assembleia What is there to see? There are a couple of interesting Legislativa; and the Antigo Palacio do Governo. historical towns—Laranjeiras in particular is well worth a Festival visit—and the towns along the Rio sao Francisco have a Every year t e town comes alive for a weekend with the unique, captivating culture—principally Festival de Arte de sao CristOvao.

Propria and Neopolis. The beaches, on The festival has both fine and popular the other hand, are not up to snuff, and arts, with lots of music and dance. the capital, Aracaju, is as memorable as The festival is held during the last 15 last Monday's newspaper. days of October.

ESTANCIA Places to Stay & Eat Estancia, 68 km south of Aracaju, is There is no real accommodation one of the oldest towns in the state. The in Sao CristOvao, although there is a city has a certain amount of character campground about two km from town. and a few historic buildings in the center, If you like sweets, Sao Cristovao is but there's little reason to stop in Estancia renowned for its sweet makers, who unless you want to head to the nearby produce a wide variety of doces beaches or want to avoid spending the caseiros (tempting homemade sweets night in Aracaju. and cakes).

Information Getting There & Away Estancia has most basic services, inBus cluding a large supermarket. The sao Sao CristOvao is 25 km south of Not too much to see here.

Joao festivals in June are the big event.

Aracaju on a good paved road, and But you will still find some Places to Stay & Eat seven km off the BR-101. The small histeric towns, like The town has a couple of hotels facrodoviaria is down the hill below the Sao Cristovao, Brazil's ing the main square, Praca Barao do Rio historic district, on Praca Dr Lauro fourth-oldest town and the Branco. The Hotel Turismo Estanciano de Freitas. Frequent buses running to former capital of Sergipe.

(Tel.: 522-1404) is spotless and comfortsao Cristovao ($0.85, 45 minutes) able, and has a restaurant attached. Quarleave from the rodoviciria velha (old tos with fan cost $8/15 for singles/doubles; apartamentos with bus terminal) in racaju. If you are travelling south to Estancia, fan go for $10/18, or $15/23 with n te that buses do not run there from Sao air-con. Some of the cheaper C ist6vao. You can take a bus back to the rooms have high ceilings—so ction of BR-101 and try to flag down a bus to high the walls don't reach it! Try tancia, or return to the rodoviaria nova in to get a room away from the resA acaju and take one from there. taurant. The Hotel Bosco (Tel.: LARANJEIFtAS 522-1887), 30 meters away, has Nestled between three lush, green, churchquartos for $4.50 per person and topped hills, Laranjeiras is the colonial gem of apartamentos for $6 per person.

Sergipe Filled with ruins of old sugar mills, The Hotel Continenti, behind the te acotta roofs, colorful colonial facades and rodoviciria, has reasonably clean st ne roads, the town is relatively unblemished quartos at $3/6 for singles/ b modern development. There are several doubles. Pizzaria Sao Geraldo c urches and museums worth visiting and the does excellent pizzas. s rrounding hills offer picturesque walks with Getting There & Away g od views. It's a charming little town, easy to The town is actually a bit off gi t to and well worth a few hours sightseeing or the BR-101, but most longa day or two exploring the town, the nearby distance buses still stop in s gar mill and the countryside. The town center Estancia. There are buses directly h s recently been renovated. from Salvador, Aracaju, Propria History and Macei6 to the north. If you are travelling south from Laranjeiras as first settled in 1605. During the 18th and Estancia along the Linha Verde and want to visit the beach 19th centuries, ii became the commercial center for the rich towns north of Salvador, the Bonfim bus company, which runs sugar and cotton gion along the zona da maw west of Aracaju. the Aracaju-Salvador route, makes you pay the full fare from At one point there Estancia to Salvador ($8.50) no matter where you get off were over 60 sugar along the way. There are four buses a day from Estancia to mills in and around Salvador, but two of them leave around 1 am and are impracLaranjeiras. The protical ifyou want to stop before Salvador. Daytime buses leave cessed sugar was sent at 8.30 am and 1.45 pm. For access to Mangue Seco in Bahia, down the Rio Cotina bus leaves the rodovidria in Estancia daily at 4 pm for guiba about 20 km Pontal, where there are frequent boats across the river to downstream to AracaMangue Seco until 6.30 pm. The 42-km trip to Pontal via ju and on to the ports Indiaroba takes about two hours. of Europe. The large SAO CRISTOVAO number ofchurches is Founded in 1590, Sao Cristovao is reputedly Brazil's a reminder of the past fourth-oldest town, and was the capital of Sergipe until 1855, prosperity of the With the decline of the sugar industry, the town has long been town. in the economic doldrums and is trying to become a tourist Information attraction to bring in some cash.

There is a city Things to See tourism office inside The old part of town, up a steep hill, has a surprising the Trapiche building number of 17th and 18th-century colonial buildings along its in the Centro de Tradi-

a nd Q LI aint

BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

37

cOes, on Praca Samuel de Oliveira, where you can obtain brochures and information about guides for hire. It's open Tuesday to Sunday from 8 am to 5 pm.

Engenho This old, partly-restored sugar mill a few km from town is in a lovely setting. It's now privately owned, and not generally open to the public, but it may be possible to arrange a visit ifyou ask at the tourist office. You can walk, or hire a guide and a car to take you there.

Igreja de Camandaroba Out at the Engenho Boa Sorte, two km from town along the river, is the baroque Igreja de Camandaroba, the second building that the Jesuits constructed back in 1731.

Igreja do Bonfim This church is at the top ofthe hill called Alto do Bonfim and has recently been restored. Ifthe door is closed, go around to the back and ask to be let in. The short walk is rewarded with a fine view, but keep an eye out for snakes.

Trapiche The Trapiche houses the tourism office. It's a large, impressive structure that was built in the 19th century to house the cargo waiting to be shipped downriver.

Gruta da Pedra Furada This is a one-km tunnel built by the Jesuits to escape their persecutors. The tunnel has been closed due to cave-ins, but there are plans to restore it. Ask at the tourist office to make sure it's open. The gruta is three km out of town on the road leading to the small village of Machado.

Museums The small Museu Afro-Brasileiro is on Rua Jose do Prado Franco s/n (no number). Laranjeiras is considered to be the stronghold of African culture in Sergipe. It's open Tuesday to Sunday, from 8 am to 5 pm. Also recommended is the Museu de Arte Sacra (Sacred Art Museum) in Igrejallossa Senhora da Conceicao, Rua Dr Francisco Braganca s/n.

Festival During the first week of January, the Encontro Cultural folklore festival is held in the town Places to Stay The only pousada in town is the P ousada Vale dos Outeiros (Tel.: 281- 1027), at Rua Jose do Prado Franco 124. There are good views of the surrounding hills from the back rooms.

Quartos cost $15/20 for singles/doubles; double apartamentos with air-con cost $30.

Getting There & Away Laranjeiras is 21 km from Aracaju and four km off the BR-101. Buses leave from and return to the rodoviaria velha in Aracaju about every half-hour. It's a 35-minute ride ($0.70)-the first bus leaves for Laranjeiras at 5 am and the last one returns at 9 pm. Any bus travelling the BR-10I can let you off at the turn-off for Laranjeiras. There's a conveniently-placed restaurant at the turn off, so you can have a drink and snack while you wait to flag down a bus from Aracaju. Otherwise, you can walk or hitch the four km to town.

ARACAJU Aracaju just may be the Cleveland ofthe Northeast. The city has little to offer the visitor—there is no colonial inheritance— and it is visually quite unattractive. Even beaches are below the prevailing high standard of the Brazilian Northeast.

Aracaju, 367 km north of Salvador and 307 km south of Macei6, was Brazil's first planned city. The modest requirements ofthe original plan called for a grid-pattern intersected by two perpendicular roads less than two km long. The city outgrew the plan in no time, and the Brazilian norm of sprawl and chaotic development returned to the fore.

History Some of its lack of appeal stems from the fact that Aracaju was not the most important city in the state during the colonial era. In fact, when it was chosen as the new capital in 1855, Santo Antonio de Aracaju was a small settlement with nothing but a good deep harbor—badly needed at the time to handle the ships transporting sugar to Europe.

With residents of the old capital of Sao Cristovao on the verge of armed revolt, the new capital was placed on a hill five 38

km from the mouth of the Rio Sergipe. Within a year an epidemic broke out that decimated the city. All the residents of Sao Cristovao naturally saw this as an omen that Aracaju was destined to be a poor capital.

Information Tourist Office Emsetur, the state tourist organization in Sergipe, is trying hard to grab a slice of the rich tourist cake that its adjacent states, Bahia and Alagoas, have been enjoying in recent years. The Centro do Turismo in Aracaju was revamped in 1994, and houses the Emsetur tourist office (Tel.: 224-5168), which has loads of glossy brochures. It's open from 8 am to 10 pm daily.

The complex also houses an artesanato market, 'Rua 24 Horas' (a shopping arcade), bars and cafés. There are other tourist information booths at the rodoviaria and airport, both with erratic opening hours and limited information Money There is a branch of Banco do Brasil, at Praca General Valadao 341, in the center.

Post Office The central post office is at Rua Laranjeiras 229.BeachesOn the sandy barrier island of Santa Luzia, at the mouth of the Rio Sergipe, is Praia Atalaia Nova (atalaia is Portuguese for watchtower), which is a popular weekend beach.

Praia das Artistas, Atalaia Velha and Praia Aruana are the closest beaches to the city. They are crowded (*ith traffic jams on weekends) and heavily developed with hotels and motels, restaurants, bars and barracas—the latter are a source of inexpensive seafood.

Further south on the road to Mosqueiro, Praia Refiigio is the prettiest and most secluded beach close to Aracaju. It's 15 km from the city. There are a few bars and one pousada.

Festivals The maritime procession of Born Jesus dos Navegantes, held on 1 January, is probably the best event. Festa de Iemanja is celebrated on 8 December at Praia Atalaia Velha.

Train Trip On weekends, a tourist train makes the trip from Aracaju to Sao Cristovao. The train leaves from the Estacao do Bairro Siqueira Campos at 9 am. For more information, contact Emsetur in the Centro do Turismo.

Places to Stay Most of the hotels are in the center or out at Praia Atalaia Velha on Avenida Atlantica. For a short stay, hotels in the center are much more convenient and generally less expensive. It's worth asking for discounts at all the hotels, especially in low season (March to June, and August to November).

Places to Eat Cacique Cha (closed on Sunday) is a garden restaurant on Praca Olimpio Campos, a central location which has made it a popular meeting place for the 'in' crowd. Artnatus at Rua Santo Amaro 282, is a well-stocked health-food store which serves vegetarian lunch meals. The cafés in the Casa do Turismo are good for a snack and drinks. Recommended seafood restaurants at Atalaia Velha include: Taberna do Tropeiro (with live music in the evening), at Avenida Ocednica 6; Chapeu do Couro, at Avenida Oceanica 128; and the highly recommended 0 Miguel (closed on Monday) at Rua Antonio Alves 340. For good Italian food try Villa Vietri, at Avenida Francisco Porto 896, in Bairro Salgado Filho—midway between the center and Atalaia Velha.

Getting There & Away Air The major airlines fly to Rio, Sao Paulo, Salvador, Recife, Macei6, Brasilia, Goiania and Curitiba.

You will find a Varig office (Tel.: 211-1890) at Rua Joao Pessoa 71; VASP (Tel.: 224-1792) is at Avenida Barao de Maruim 67; and Transbrasil (Tel.: 211-1090) is at Rua sao Cristovao 14.

Bus Long-distance buses leave from the rodoviaria nova (new bus terminal), which is about four km from the center. There are nine buses a day to Salvador ($8, or $17.50) for a leito). Five of these buses take the new Linha Verde route along the coast (41/2 hours), and the rest BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

go inland via Entre Rios (six . hours). There are four daily departures for the five-hour trip ($7) to Maceio—some sections of the road are heavily potholed, so it can be slow going. Two daily departures to Recife take nearly nine hours and cost $12.

There's one direct bus daily to Penedo ($3.50, three hours), and seven buses daily to NeOpolis, where there is access to Penedo by a short ferry ride across the Rio Sao Francisco.

Getting Around To/From the Airport The airport (Tel.: 243-2721) is 11 km south of town, just past Atalaia Velha. From the rodoviaria velha, take the bus marked Aeroporto' .

Bus The rodoviaria nova (new bus terminal, four km from the town center) is connected with the rodoviaria velha (old bus terminal, in the center) by a frequent shuttle service ($0.30, 25 minutes). The requisite bus stop is a separate entity—look for a large shelter with a series of triangular roofs about 100 meters to your right as you exit the rodoviaria nova. A taxi from the rodoviaria nova to the center costs around $4.

The rodoviciria velha is in the center of town on Avenida Divina Pastora. This is the bus terminal to use for local trips, including visits to Sao Cristovao and Laranjeiras. To reach Atalaia Velha, take a bus marked `Caroa Domeio/Santa Tereza' from the rodovidria velha.

Boat From the Terminal Hidroviario (Ferry Terminal), there are frequent ferries ($0.40) to Barra do&Coqueiros on Ilha de Santa Luzia until 11 pm. The ferry terminal on Praia Atalaia Nova has begun to sink into the river, so the ferry now docks a short bus ride away from the main beach.

PROPR1A Propria is 81 km north of Aracaju, where BR-101 crosses the mighty Rio Sao Francisco. While the town is less interesting than the downriver cities of Penedo and Neopolis, it has the same combination of colonial charm and ,river culture. Thursday and Friday are the weekly market days in Propri a. when

goods are tra ed from communities up and down the Sao Francisco.

Boat Trip In recent yers there has been a steady decline in long-distance boat travel on t e Rio Sao Francisco. You should still be able to find boats go ng upriver as far as Pao de Aciicar, about a seven-hour rid by motorboat, with stops at all the towns along the way.

One sched led boat departure is the Oriente, which leaves Propria at 7 a on Saturday and returns from Pao de Acucar on Monday. The J aza Bans also makes occasional trips to Pao de Acucar and Pe edo.

There are 'so smaller boats which leave irregularly—for example, dow stream to Penedo and NeOpolis. You can bargain a ride on any of them, including the beautiful avelas with their long, curved masts and striking yellow or red sails. The trip downriver to P nedo takes about four or five hours by avela or rowboat and s ould cost around $4.

Festival Bom Jesu dos Navegantes, on the ast Sunday in Excerpts from Brazil January, is a olorful affair with a mariti e procession A Travel Survival Kit and reisado a dramatic 3rd edition, dance that c lebrates the

by Andrew Draffen, epiphany. It is ighly recomChris McAsey, mended.

Leonardo Pinheiro, Getting T ere & Away and Robyn Jones.

Propria is bout one km For more information off BR-101. T e rodoviaria call Lonely Planet: is about two k from town— a local bus meets most (800) 275-8555. long-distance uses and will Copyright 1996 Lonely drop you in th center. There Planet Publications. are bus conn ctions with Used by permission.

NeOpolis, Pen do, Aracaju and Maceio.

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39

How to Become a

Carioca

Postcards from Rio (.19 • People are not pedestrians here,they j are just a targets. Traffic signals are basicaly generally vague indication of what you should do; definitely not to be assumed that when presented with a red signal that the driver will stop. When the traffic banks up and starts to gridlock, the motorists commence an obscure form of Morse code with their car horns. .

JOHN MILLER Departed Sydney Easter Friday, and arrived Easter Sund*. Two nights in Buenos Aires, a night of tango, and a night in the bars downtown. Very cold and uninviting to tourists, but nevertheless a beautiful city (the Paris of South America, a climate like Sydney, and the best road system in the world bar none). The Art Gallery of Buenos Aires contains some 'of the finest looting from Europe I have seen, the second time I have been to it, and they seem to have added to the collection (or maybe some more of the beneficiaries are

40

t ing to croak it now and are donating their private works; they must all be well into their eighties I would think).

• 1; On the Saturday night in Buenos Aires, I wrt to an Argentinean Steak house and met up with British Television crew covering the Atentinean Grande Prix, which was on the ,S day. Murray Walker was even dining at the ne t table, and nosed my way into a short chat belore he wandered off for an early night (the g is a total professional). He loved Adelaide, bu said Melbourne has yet to catch the fever of F t„.

This Rio apartment has cost an arm & a leg; but is very important to convey the right message to clients, etc. Also if I am to go down in a 1aming heap, I want to do it while I am e oying the experience at least.

The phone only allows local calls, but we arI arranging to have another phone connected th t will allow long distance and international sev ices. The local Telecommunications company TELERJ is something Bill Kelty would hold in awe. It is fully government owned (at present), a behemoth that moves at a pace our wharfies would consider inspiring.

Some small theft at the airport; shoulder straps from bags, CD's, and a few bits and pieces. I'm sure the baggage guys must be on a kickback system with a baggage manufacturing company to steal the straps. What can they do with so many straps, yet leave you with a bi that's almost useless (try to buy just a strap fo . a bag, it is impossible and leaves you with a hag you have to lug around under your arm). : Marta and I are very well and happy. First three nights in Copacabana Palace Hotel (I her you singing Barry Manilow and Peter Allen songs), luxury all the way, but cost most of my other arm and leg. Marta is invaluable, h contacts are phenomenal. , Weather is extreme in Rio for the first few d*s; 35C+, 90% humidity, and I cannot get my body clock adjusted. Not sleeping at all well, but this happened to me last time as well.

The local coffee helps compensate for this, so I am not worried.

I Now that lam a resident, a Carioca, you do notice a few things you would not notice as a tourist. Firstly the traffic is diabolical. I mean it is incredible. Teak hour is virtually from 6:30 AM through to about 11:00 PM at night. You see gridlock very often. I am told that if your car breaks down on a freeway (really it is just a long narrow parking lot), and the traffic is held up, that it is common to be assaulted or sh t at! The strategy is to hide in the car, wind u Ilthe windows, lock the car and wait till the P ice come.

The local petrol (benzene) is a curious mixture of petroleum and sugar distilled alcohol. It has a much lower octane rating so most cats ping a lot and have reduced horsepower,.a cuiious side benefit is the fumes smell quite svileet. The downside is the level of air pollufir requires you to breathe through a coffee filter, fortunately no shortage of coffee filters.

This city is testimony to the need to have a good pul)lic transport system or else city quality of litt can fall off dramatically.

BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

The Rio motorist is very famous. Most model their driving technique on late Formula 1 champion Ayrton Senna, especially the bus and taxi drivers (standing in a bus you get to move around a lot accidentally). People are not pedestrians, they are targets. Traffic signals are basically just a generally vague indication of what you should do; defmitely not to be assumed that when presented with a red signal that the driver will stop.

When the traffic banks up and starts to gridlock, the motorists commence an obscure form of Morse code with their car horns. It usually starts with the second car in the rank, and proceeds down/up the stream of cars with progressive length of signal till a motorist about fifteen cars back in the rank puts his feet up on the steering wheel and goes to sleep. The whole orchestra of noise is accompanied by the other sounds of the city including jacIdiammers (the operators don't use earmuffs so they may be ex artillery army officers), children laughing, music blaring from cafés, and fire engines/police/ ambulance sirens. About 1:00 AM in the morning this noise begins to taper off.

As a little side story, there is a man in our street that is tougher than Ray Price and Leigh Matthews put together. He has no legs (that work) and gets around on a skateboard. His occupation is to crash tackle cars for a living!

Seriously. In my street it is barely wide enough for two cars, and certainly when one lane is blocked it is gridlock time. This man rolls himself on his skateboard out onto the street every 20 minutes and blocks the traffic in one lane. The unfortunate motorist who is caught at the head of this has two options; pay the toll to the man with no legs ($R1.00 (one real) US$0.85 approx.) or run over him.

Usually the motorist pays the toll, but upon speaking with the man I have learned he has seen the underside of about a dozen cars in the last 5 years. (His face and arms are testimony to this). He says his favorite cars are VW beetles as the engines are in the rear and less likely for him to be burned by the exhaust pipes. I have been giving him about $R1 a day in coins to keep my conscious clear, but Marta informs me that he is very rich now. The pay is great, but the occupational hazards are extreme. I wonder what his workers compensation rates are like?

It is actually impossible to go fast in this town. To go fast is to make mistakes and is very expensive. So I must slow down, go with the flow and let things happen as they will. But with my Anglo-Saxon Protestant work ethic, you have trouble with keeping yourself busy enough at times, and you get. frtistrated queuing for everything. Any suggestions on how to occupy queue time? Read a book, a newspaper, hear you say. Try fmding one in English.

On Wednesday 10th April I had to go to Airport Customs to collect some additional personal effects (8 cartons). We got there at 9:30 AM and I know I was in for a long day when the first customs officer said to me, "Welcome to Brazil. I do not understand why you come to this bosuntry as I have heard so many wonderful things about Australia. Good luck, you will need it!"

BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

Seven hours later I started to understand what he meant. I saw grown men crying over one customs official. One man who was in the second stage of AIDS, had been at the airport customs for two days trying to get his drugs cleared. This is happening in an un air-conditioned tin shed of about 35°C (95° F). The place seems to have a lunch hour from 11:00 AM to 2:30 PM. Pushing a broom is a highly developed art form here. At one stage I was asked to pay $R500 ($US450) for my personal effects to be cleared; but Marta •after much remonstration and th atrics managed to convince the official that a more reasonable figure was R50. They agreed. This seems to be the Braiilian/Latino way. Some mo e theft discovered from these parcels when I got home, but nothing I did no have a backup for, or mission critical.

Going Places I have been wrestling with th s issue of transportation for some time now.

After a week you tire of buses an • taxis and it also gets expensive. But! horror at the idea of owning, garaging d driving'a car, plus the cost. So in a stroke of genius I have bought a fully im • orted, six speed, air-conditioned (salesman through in free parking in Rio) b cycle. It is very fuel efficient, top speed 60 km/h, environmentally safe, gooc exercise, faster than a car in short distances, and few hills in downtown Copa abana, Leme, Ipanema, Leblon , Botafogo, etc. Still have not worked out ho I will carry Aussie wine and beer on board but I will.

Cannot stress too much how important Marta is. She is devoted, caring, very intelligent, knows Rio insid out, and is very well connected. And a great lover as well. She refers to us as • nnie and Clyde, although! think Butch and Sundance is a better analogy (the se guys had the right idea; Bolivia is where it will next happen, they just got the time wrong).

I am beginning to become 1 s of a visitor and starting to blend in a bit more. This is not the sort of plac you want to scream at the locals you are a tourist; you are asking for troubl . So I have put my cork hat, thongs, stubby holder, footy shorts, and Australi n Rugby jumper into mothballs for a while.

I have done some reckon wor into the local supermarkets to check out the wine and beer scene. It is very lo price and low quality. Very little shelf space for vinho, and the product range s basically low cost imports (at least it was discernible that they drink a bit f imported wine). I get the impression that my job in the wine area is a lot bi ger than I thought. I originally thought that I would need to educate the locals about Australia and Australian wine. I think it is back to basics and teach the about wine in general.

So it will be a slow process b t we will get there eventually; certainly no overnight success. Maybe it wil be more enjoyable this way. The journey itself is the most important. I c afford to live here for two years with no income, and if I come away sp aking a new language, making some new friends, and having a good time th nit will be worth it. And! am having a good time so far, the novelty value at this stage is very high. Not without some hardship (more lately).

The local government is mak' g a complete mess of Ipanema, Copacabaria and Leblon. The footpaths here are world famous for their colorful little handformed stones (black and white p edominantly, but some reds as well). They are quarried from the local gra ite base and are affectionately called the 'Portuguese stone'. The patterns t1ey form with these stones are very intricate and imaginative. The local goverment in its infinite wisdom has decided to do away with a great deal of th s stone (presumably on the basis of some accountants maintenance budget problems), and replace it with a machine made red bricks (you have seen them in every shopping mall and tourist trap all over the world).

Not content with taking some of the unique character and charm of the area, they have decided to tackle this issue on a massive front; it seems like every second street is dug up at present. Yet they have allocated a work crew to only do real work in two areas of 30 meters at a time. The place is a mess and the locals are furious. It remi ds me of downtown Beirut. The old people are the most affected by this, and any have tripped, fallen and broken wrists, arms and ankles. People openly a use the workers for what they are being paid to do; its obviously not their fault, ut it is just the most mind blowing dumbest thing you ever saw. I suspect the e is a trail of kickbacks and sideplays that leads to somewhere on this. I wi I keep investigating on this one; I suspect there is a real story here.

S xual Tourism Onto a touchy subject: touristis. As you know many tourists (particularly German and Americans) come t Brazil for sexual pleasure. And there is abundance of this in Rio and oth r parts of Brazil (and a very high incidence of AIDS for those considering this). But a really interesting thing that is not 41

well known is the very large number of transvestites in Copacabana (and very very convincing ones at that). They are not allowed to work the bars and clubs, just the streets (like William street in Sydney), so they prowl the front of the major 5 Star Hotels. I have come to learn that the Brazilian men think it is sweet revenge to know that so many German and American men who come to Rio, end up sleeping with a transvestite who is also a thief into the bargain. Ah, I love it. Can you imagine this conversation in Dallas.

Tex: 'Hey Chucky, how was your holiday in Rio?' Chuck: 'Great, sensational, the women of.

Brazil are so beautiful'.

Tex: 'Did you meet anyone special?'.

Chuck: 'Yep, sure did. Her name was Dominique, but she liked me to call her Dominatrix. Only problem was she would only allow me to make love in one position. I found her to be a real pain in the ass at the finish though'.

On Friday 19th April, I met the only other Aussie I know in Rio. His name is Tim Moulton and he is an ecologist at one of Rio de Janeiro's universities. He is a charming man, has a lovely wife, and we had the most wonderful dinner at their house in Santa Theresa with some other academics. Really lovely people. He even had some Rothbury estate wines for us to try. His house is not so much large, it is more like a castle overlooking half of Rio. It was great to get some feedback from someone from Australia about Brazil; the perspective is important. I sense a blossoming friendship. A very special night.

Both Digital and Fujitsu are very helpful and starting to build a base of contacts. I am at Marcos Frota's home today typing this (Marcos is branch manager of Fuj itsu Rio). This country is dominated by IBM. Same as Argentina. There has been a big scandal in Argentina with bribery and corruption with IBM and a state owned bank. Heads are rolling in Government and IBM. The tender price of $US250M for the system was over 50% higher than the next bid.

I have had some health problems of late.

Some heavy cold the last few days and my second bout of diarrhea. You cannot get toilet paper soft enough when this happens; and believe you me, Brazil toilet paper is not as soft as ours is. Sneezing, coughing and poo poo all at once is not fun. But if I let this stop me then I will not get far. Thank God we have a bidet in our bathroom; they take a bit of getting used to but not a bad idea. Not for drinking from though.

Last night I met a Hell's Angel rider from Capetown at a bar in Ipanema. Really cool dude. He is here on holiday to meet with his Brazilian counterparts (a cousin is head of the local chapter). Most of these guys are from the favelas (shantytowns) and not to be messed with. He offered to take me for a ride on his hog next week but I declined as I am going to 42

COMDEX in Rio (Got to learn tb relax and go with the flow more).

Marta has been quick to outsource a few things as I am keeping her busy.

We had her maid in last week; a lovely lady, so humble, quiet, and gentle. We were having lunch and Marta made her food up and we expected her to join us at the table. I went to look where she was, and she was sitting on the toilet quite happily eating away. I said fp her to join us, but she was too shy. Curious?

Slack Country What is it about the black peciple that they always seem to get the shit end of the deal. As you know there is enormous number of people of African extraction in this country (three hundred years of slavery can cause this). It would appear to me that well over 40% of the population have some black heritage. And they seem to occupy an even greater component of the poor. I must say however that this country does seem to have very little in the way of racial tension; certainly not the overt tension we know of in USA. But there is more to be done in this country still.

I have come to learn to respect the local beverage caipirinha: a sugar spirit, crushed lime and sugar drink. One is sensational, two is danger zone, and three is oblivion. This will take some learning, but I am prepared to devote my brain cells and liver to this task.

Good news: very few flies in Rio. You can have lâ&#x20AC;˘a BBQ outside and not be swatting and saluting away.

They have some unique ways of serving in restaurants. Most downtown cafĂŠs for lunch serve a smorgasbord, a veritable feast of excellent quality. You are handed a plate when you enter the restaurant and you pile your food on. Then when this is completed, you hand it to a lady who weighs the ptte; this then determines the price. Usually this sts about $R8-10. You have to watch the butcher thumbs though, you know what I mean.

I have had only one day lying on Ipanema beach but it was sensational. Weather was great, and the bundas (buttocks) were everywhere. Marta was asleep most of the time, so I was able to enjoy this to the max. Surf at Ipanema can be huge; already during one tropical storm I saw waves of 3-4 meters for 2 .days afterwards.

I think a lot about other Australians who have gone overseas to seek fame and fortune; in particular those who have gone to past colonial outposts where there is an existing network of clUbs and ex pat societies in which to network.

Hong Kong, Singapore come to mind immediately. And those wonderful clubs to enjoy gin and tonic, billiards, horse racing, croquet, gin rummy, cricket, rugby, etc. This does not exist here for people of Anglo Saxon extraction, so the challenge to network is infinitely harder. But in some ways this is better as it forces you to jpin their community faster and this is what I came to do anyway; not be some colonial guest in Brazil.

Onto the subject of languageF Portuguese. This is now a very big priority as I am sick and tired of not beingable to communicate. It reminds me so much of Robert Heinlen's book Stranger in a Strange Land. Marta and I are trying to work out the best way to go forward on this. The key for me seems to be to find the most enjoyable way to do this, as enjoyment leads to a positive attitude, even if you make mistakes. We are making up lots of games and ways to entertain ourselves in this area. My one downside is my French teacher at high school was like President Chirac, so! must overcome this negative image from the past.

John Miller is an Australian, living in Rio de Janeiro, selling Australian wine. stcards from Rio' is a journal of his journey in the land of the Cariocas.

For contact: John Miller Rua Joaquim Nabuco, 106 / Apt 1001 Copacabana CEP 22080-030 Rio de Janeiro Brazil Tel: +55 (021) 521 8568 E-mail: milleriario.nutecnet.com.br BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

Life School he Aiye means house of life in Yoruba. he Aiye is also a musical group and p way of thinking and appreciating the black way of life. In Bahia the group is an institution and Vovo, its founder and director, an inspiration.

KIRSTEN WEINOLDT

Antonio Carlos dos Santos, Vovo

BRA7_ZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

I could ha dly believe my own eyes, when I read the phone messag the desk clerk at Hotel do Farol in Salvador, capital olithe state of Bahia, handed me. Conceicao Boaventura, producer of ne Aiye, had called and requested that I tall her back. She spoke no English, but I understood that she was asking me if I would like to interview Antonio Carlos dos Santos, Vovo, the director of Ile Aiye, a musical group, one of whose CDs I had bought a coup e of years earlier and enjoyed very much.

I had even attended one of their rehearsals in the old house of deten ion in Barbalho, a neighborhood of Sab7ador. I asked h r if that's where she wanted me to meet Senhor Vovo, but she explained that they had moved back to Liberdade, and that she would have a car pick me up.

I had but two days to research the group and come up with appropriate questions of the man I had seen in Barbalho on a couple o occasionsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;a tall, dark man whose shy demeanor wa apparent.

Though a usical group, ne Aiye, whose name is a Yoruba phras that means House of Life, has a more important foc s, namely of the appreciation of the black way of life. rthermore, it stresses self-esteem of its members thro gh education and training in music and Afro-Brazilia traditions. he Aiye w s founded on November Pt 1974 by Vovo and his friend, e late Apolonio de Jesus. They chose the neighborhood of Liberdade, Freedom, for the headquarters of their m vement. Liberdade was settled by former slaves after th abolition of slavery in 1888 to celebrate their newly fo nd liberty.

However, s is the case with many groups with no political influ nce, its people are largely overlooked and neglected by ocal and national politicians as well as sponsors. Wh n Vovo founded ne Aiye, he took on his shoulders a lif time of commitment to improve the conditions of his eighborhood of some 400,000 people as well as those 'fall Brazilians of African descent.

Music is th main argument of ne Aiye. At Camaval in 1975, it be ame the first Afro bloco, Afro group, to march in a C aval parade. The Associacao Cultural Bloco Carna alesco Ile Aiye, Cultural Association Camaval Gro p he Aiye has as its aim to preserve the Afro culture i Brazil. During the past 24 years, the organization h s been responsible for awakening within the black pop lation of Bahia, the awareness of its African roots. And at the center of it all is Mae Hilda, mother of Vovo, and il e de santo, priestess, of Candomble. She is the spiritual eader and foremost authority of ne Aiye.

Inspired by the Black Power movement of the United States and the struggle for independence in many African nations, the backbone of the movement is to be found in Candomble, the religious expression brought from Africa under the most horrendous of circumstancesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;that of the slave ships with their inhumane cargo.

In spite of opposition from slave owners and other hardships endured, the survivors managed to preserve tradition, religion, music, and language, which today is part of the Portuguese spoken by some 160 million Brazilians. Every Brazilian, however far removed from African descen , now uses expressions brought by people hundreds of y ars ago, who had nothing left but the contents of the r minds.

The Afro- razilian organization begun by 110 Aiye spawned man other similar groups in the 70s and 80s.

They helped spreading the word and rhythm of Afro43

Brazil around their own country as well as throughout the world. Even the most mainstream of musicians in Brazilian Popular Music, MPB, have been touched by those rhythms.

People like Caetano Veloso, Lecy Branddo, Gilberto Gil, and Martinho da Vila, have included the influence in their own work.

Over the years, ne Aiye has developed a number of projects praising the Afro culture. One of these is the Festa da Beleza Negra, the Feast of the Black Beauty. It is a competition in which a girl is chosen to represent the Goddess of Ebano. Furthermore, there are the Black Mother's Day and the Music Festival. Many group rehearsals have also been included in the calendar of events of Salvador.

On Saturday of Camaval, the excitement starts with the exclusive parade in the district of Liberdade. But first, Mae Hilda with her followers from the sect, perform a ceremony to ensure that Camaval will be a peaceful one. Before the procession departs from Curuzu, they perform the ceremony consisting of offering scented water, manioc flour to the orixas and setting free a number of white doves.

This performance is completed with a display of fireworks. As a rule, some 30,000 people show up to be on hand for this, one of the most exciting spectacles of Camaval. The ritual is so powerful and mystic that no disturbance ever takes place, even in the absence of protecting cords or security personnel. This makes it possible for visitors from all over the world to fully enjoy the event.

Then it is time for the procession to depart. In the front line is Mde Hilda with members of Candomble. At this moment, the public has its first chance to see what Ile has fi worked so hard on for so long, the costumes, main attractions, singers, dance group, the Goddess of Ebano, the Queen of ne, the band, and its percussion players. The group ike leaves from Curuzu and goes through the main avenue of the district, Avenida Lima e Silva, and stops at the square of the slide way tram, Praca do Plano Inclinado. There, the group separates, only to meet again for the parade on the avenue, which is the main circuit of Camaval.

It is dawn when the procession arrives at Campo Grande, a large square in the center of Salvador, home to many cultural institutions, the Teatro Castro Alves, and UFBA, Universidade Federal da Bahia, the federal university. Here, spectator's boxes are set up in front of the presentation area.

It is a common sight to see famous singers in the stands, when they are not performing elsewhere themselves.

Caetano Veloso says in one of his songs:

I

Quero ver voce he Aiye passar por aqui I want to see you he Aiye pass by here.

In another, that he recorded with his son, Moreno, when he was four, he sings: he Aiye, como voce ĂŠ bonito de se ver

ne A iye, how beautiful you are to se.

It is quite a sight to see the procession and hear the sound of 120 percussion players accompany the singers. Every year ne chooses an enredo, a theme for Camaval. They glorify and tell stories ofAfrican civilizations and the struggle and suffering of Afro-Brazilians in their entire existence.

The theme songs are made public during the Ile Aiye Music Festival, which takes place during the months of December and January. It is considered the biggest event of black music in Brazil.

The festival is divided into two parts: The first one includes the themes, which will be performed. The second part consists of poetry, exalting the day-to-day life of black men and women, addressing the issue of their self-esteem.

The songs elected in the festival are recorded and played to the public during the rehearsals by the six singers of the group. They are: Reizinho, Graca, Guiguio, Adelson, Altair, and Cristiana The influence of ne Aiye through the leadership of Vovo and Mae Hilda on the community of Liberdade, is tremendous. They have been tireless in their efforts to develop programs to preserve the traditions and culture of African descendents in Bahia. Mae Hilda, an authority regarding Afro religion in Bahia, is the mentor of Ile and presides over the Board of Women.

Vovo has for many years been a community leader, even prior to the foundation of Ile Aiye. He and the late Apolonio de Jesus organized a series of events such as the party of Sao Jodo and entertaining trips. They also created the Vitorinha, a soccer team for black children who did not have opportunities to play in other clubs.

Vovo attended primary and high school in the Parque School, founded by the famous teacher from Bahia, Anisio Teixeira. Following high school, he took up courses in clinical pathology and electromechanical engineering. In the years of ne Aiye's existence, he has produced three albums for the musical group. He was the coordinator of Carnaval in the district of Liberdade from 1989 until 1992, and in 1996 he was the general coordinator of Camaval in Salvador.

He was also on the commission organized to bring Nelson Mandela to Brazil as well as a member of the official committee of cultural exchange between Bahia and Benin.

As part of his responsibility for the Project of Pedagogic Extension of Ile, he is also a member of the Inter-ministerial Group for the Valorization of the Black Population (Grupo Interministerial para a Valorizacdo da Populacdo Negra) in Brasilia, and a member of the Coordination of the Intermunicipal Forum of Culture.

The two young men, Vovo and Apolonio, first experienced political awareness when they were working for the Petrochemical Industries of Camacari. They realized that the opportunities were absent when it came to people of color.

This realization prompted them to get organized, and from them stem the many groups and movements for the defense of the rights of blacks in Bahia, even though they represent the majority of the population.

The situation in the world of Camaval was no different.

Discrimination was as rampant here as in the workplace. The Carnaval groups excluded blacks from anything but the most menial of tasks, such as holding the cords in order to prevent non-members from joining the procession. Blacks could BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

only take place in Bahia's Carnaval as "popcorn" following the Trios Eletricos (sound trucks) or as members of other entities such as Schools of Samba or as part of the group Filhos de Gandhi, Children of Gandhi, created by the dock workers in the Port of Salvador.

Led by Vovo and Apolonio, a group of black young people from Curuzu protested against the exclusion and discrimination suffered by blacks in the tradtttional Carnaval groups. Thus, on November 1 , 1974, the first Afro bloco was born with the rule that whites were not allowed. And during Carnaval of 1975, the group 118 paraded down the avenue with its 100 members. The second year saw an increase to 450, and the third counted some 750 participants. It has been growing steadily ever since.

Throughout the year the Cultural Association Carnaval Group ne Aiye develops several social works within the community of Curuzu.

The most significant of those is education. he supports two schools in Curuzu: Mde Hilda's School and Bander8 School. Furthermore, it maintains partnership with four public schools, benefiting a total of 4,000 students.

Vovo's organization has received the support of several institutions, such as the Odebrecht Foundation, UNICEF, CESE, and ABRINQ Foundation. The Project of Pedagogic Extension of he Aiye has edited six volumes of the series Notebooks of Education about the history of African civilizations and Afro-Brazilian history. The project represents a synthesis of the path and the journey traveled by Ile Aiy8 in its 24 years of existence. The same underlying principle always applies: the affirmation of a black citizenry with self-esteem and reaffirmation of the ancestral heritage, which cultivated the African roots in Brazil and in Bahia.

Pai e Filho Meu filho Onde voce estava JĂĄ passou da zero h ra Voce vem chegando ag ra Meu filho voce nao tern sentime to Voce ainda ĂŠ de me Or Ndo tern todos os docume OS Oh pai, o senhor ndo se zan ue corn go que eu estava preocup do Mas agora me sinto mel or Lentamente eu ia passa do Ouvi o som da bateria de repente estava Id Naquela quadra tdo maravilhpsa Onde a negrada pulava e cantava sem parar Oh pai, o senhor me empresta Um dinheiro Para eu vestir a fantasia Deste afro pioneiro Agora eu you lhe dizer papai Onde eu estava o senhor yai entender E ate vai bater palmas Estava no he, panai Estava no le Estava no Ile, pa ai No II8 A ye

Father and Son My son Where were you Zero hour already passed You are arriving now My son, you don't have feeling You are still young You don't have all the documents Oh father, Sir, don't be angry with me I was worried But now I feel better Slowly I was passing by I heard the sound of the drums and suddenly I was there On that marvelous block Where the black people jumped and sang without stopping Oh father, Sir, lend me Money For me to wear the costume Of this Afro pioneer Now I'll tell you father Where I was, you will understand And even clap your hands I was in Ile father I was in fie I was in 118 father In Ile Aiye

Principles and Values as decreed by Ile Aiye Minha Orig m The respect for the elderly as basis for Good Behavior, will ensure the preservation of the Afro-Brazilian religious traditions. The defense of the black race will be guaranteed by the act of solidarity towards many social struggles.

The valorization of the black population will promote the dissemination, in a positive way, of their culture and history. The maintenance of the musical heritage represents the strength of the entity as a Carnaval group.

In its work, He Alye tries to emphasize strength as organization, to awaken the selfesteem of black people and to promote professional courses and social-educational activities with children and adults. Furthermore, to preserve Afro traditions and the integration within the black community and to stimulate the resistance and defense of the black race.

My Origin

Se me pergun ar De que origem eu sou Sou de origem africaha Eu sou, corn muito orgulho eu sou

If you ask me Of which origin I am I am of African origin I am, with much pride, I am

E a minha lei d uma boa E de ternura, de paz e oracdo No Ile Aiye eu you, eu you Dancar de coracdo

And my law is a good one It is of tenderness, peace, and prayer In Ile Aiye I go, I go Dance from the heart

A danca do neg o E uma danca le al Os negros mexem com s ombr s Os negros mexem corn os p

The dance of the black man Is a great dance The blacks work with their shoulders The blacks work with their feet.

Annual Calendar of Events of Ile Aiye BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998 45

Rehearsals.

The calendar of events promoted by he starts in June with the rehearsals, which take place in different locations: the districts of Curuzu and Pelourinho, on Thursdays and Saturdays. The main attractions are the band and singers of Ile, and other singers and composers of the new Afro-Bahia music.

The rehearsals take place until the day before Carnaval.

Black Mother in September On the 28th of September, he pays homage to all the black mothers with the event called Week of the Black Mother. It is a cultural event managed by Mae Hilda and organized by the Board of Women from we.

The program of the event consists of talks and discussions about themes linked to the condition of the black women in society.

There is also a series of exhibitions.

November Azeviche The month of November sees the celebration of important dates for Ile: foundation of the group on the Pt, The Black Awareness Day created to pay homage to Zumbi dos Palmares, a slave who escaped with a large group of followers and hid out from the authorities in an enclave called a Quilombo. Celebrated is also the Independence of Angola and Rebellion of Chibata, an uprising of black marines, which took place in Rio de Janeiro.

Wa Jeun.

The Wa Jeun, which means "Let's eat," is a night event in celebration of the AfroBrazilian cuisine of Bahia. During the Wa Jeun, the guests can enjoy a well-prepared menu based on the various dishes of the Afro cuisine. The program is also enriched by the performance of the Ile band and the presence of the queens and dancers of Ile Aiye, wearing traditional costumes.

Music Festival of he The festival of black music is the biggest event of its kind in the country. It is open to the participation of musicians and composers from every part of Brazil. It is in this festival that music and the theme for the following Carnaval are chosen.

Black Beauty On a memorable night, taking place in a large club in the city, ne Aiye elects its queen, the Goddess of Ebano who will reign until next year's Carnaval. During that party, the biggest before Carnaval, he presents all its attractions: dance groups, bands, singers as well as celebrities from the national music scene.

46

Interview with of Volt& Ile Aiye he Brazzil: Tell me about how it all began Vovi5: In truth, it's difficult to explain in such a way that people understand. Ile Aiye is not a musical group, it's not the band that is our base. Our structure is the musicality, and all the information we want to pass on goes beyond the music. Therefore, we're not a band. We are a group that has a band.

That's a little different, isn't it?

People complain that we're not in the media because we don't record songs by many different composers. We maintain a friendship with Gil and Caetano, but we only record songs by composers in the community, who are here on a day-to-day basis. That complicates, a little, the image and ideas of people, you see, who complain about the immediacy of the music, our music.

Here we have a criterion for music/poetry, which makes up the theme of each new year. "Perola Negra," Black Pearl and "Angola." And we have the music/poetry, this music, we work on and which speaks of our day-to-day existence. This works hard toward raising the self-esteem of the participants.

It is music, that always speaks of the valorization of the black man. Therefore, the music doesn't speak badly of the white man, nor does it praise. It speaks neither bad nor good.

It is always about the problems of the black community, but in a positive way, even those things which were already used in a negative manner. We produce and return to the community that which doesn't play on the radio, and people come here on the weekends, right here in our area. This is the function of Ile Aiye.

Brazzil: I know that Ile Aiye only accept members of African descent.

In the United States, where we have so much racism, an act like that would be taken as hostility. Is it any different here?

Vow): It has always been a group that only accepts blacks or people of African descent. Here, too, that is seen as a reverse apartheid. They say that we're combating racism with racism. Those complaints, you know, were much more intense in the beginning, but with the passage of time, we gained strength. Today, we have already grown and are capable of impeding those who may try to bar this, you know.

It would be much better if the other Afro blocos also had the same philosophy. But the only bloco, which has succeeded in resisting, is He Aiye, perhaps because of the fact that it was born in a special place like Liberdade BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

(Liberty) in Curuzu, a neighborhood estimated to have some 400,000 inhabitants—a black neighborhood.

Thus, this fact provides great strength as well as the fact that there are many Candomble terreiros (places of worship for the Candomble religion), many cultural manifestations here in this neighborhood—always had an always will. Therefore, the cause has much more strength here.

Brazzil: How many members are there in he Aiye?

Vovo: In the 25 years of existence, the average number of participants has been about 3,000.

Brazzil: What are the ages of the members?

Vov8: We have, today, a project called a pedagogical extension, which provides a much stronger performance in the area of education in Liberdade. We are in the third series of formal education from 6-14 years. We have a school of music called Banda Ire. The age range is the same, and the kids begin their musical education at that age. We have several kids here, who have already traveled with the band.

In the fundamental band we work only with percussion, and the base of the band is here in Liberdade. Now we also have kids from other neighborhoods, who have interest in the band, but the range of age is the same. In the band considered adult, the range is 14-20.

Brazzil: Are there both men and women in fle Aiye?

Vov8: Yes, both.

Brazzil: Tell me about the influence Ile Aiye has had on the community Vovo: In the beginning, we'd get together and discuss the theme for Carnaval for the following year. One of the discussions would be about our influence, which has now lasted 25 years, on the city of Salvador. Almost everything that happens here has had a certain influence from 1974 until now on the • Carnaval. Carnaval, here, was always on top of Trio Eletricos on Praca Castro Alves, and the style was Frevo de Pernambuco, like the Pernambucano (from the state of Pernambuco) Carnaval. With the appearance of he • Aiye, the first afro bloco, this began to change, and it happened in the rehearsal locations that the dances appeared - different dances that the media began to absorb. Our bloco really succeeded in changing the rhythm of Carnaval. Today, everybody enjoys Carnaval with the afro rhythms, you know, which now finally, are defined as axe music, the colorful element of Carnaval. Changed, also, is the dress of the Trio Eletrico blocos. Many times before, during rehearsals of the blocos, the police would come and beat people up because it was viewed as acts of marginal people. In the periphery, there is no leisure. Therefore, the rehearsal of a bloco like this one here, unites thousands of black people, young and old from other neighborhoods, who all come here. Today, a bloco rehearsal is something chic, something well organized, very rewarding. So is direct-

ing dancers on s ge and parades of afro blocos at Carnaval.

They always used the Trio Eletrico blocos, which produced parades th t simulated African cultural themes, but it was really just e band that was involved in the spectacle.

But today, here Bahia, there is very little, which is not influenced by I Aiye. The only difference is that we continue produci g African-influenced programs, and those who are in charg of production, keep exploiting. We produce the dance a d music, but it's the white producers who administer the pr grams, isn't that right? The record companies, the publish s have money for you to make music, and they'll give you $1,000 to write a- good song. And everyz body gets rich, d the black people, who continue producing, are all poor, en' t they?

But there has een a strong change in the music. In the old days, thefrevo (i provised Carnaval music) was much more violent. The viol nce at Carnaval has diminished a lot. It has calmed down a 1 t since the arrival of the axe music of the Afro blocos.

Brazzil: Do any different composers write the music for he Aiye?

Vovo: Here e don't have that same thing they have in Rio, an unlimite number of composers, but there-are some composers who e faithful to us. There are others who shift between Ile Aiye and Olodurn, because they also spread the successes aroun of those blocos, which are in most evidence, and when he bloco records, there is the opportunity for a singer of ax ' music to record one of their songs.

Thus, there e lists here in Bahia a lot of good potential, which hasn't yet een explored. Two years ago, I signed a contract with a fel ow in the U.S., who lives in New York and who wanted to re ord ne Aiye, and I came as far as putting together the mat rial for a CD similar to the one that Edil Pacheco recorde . I'm still trying to produce Afros e Afoxes da Bahia.

• Ile Aiye has music festival here, well, today we have changed the name to Festival of Black Music. We need to give it a legitimate direction to a national level, but it is surely the best festival for black music in Brazil. It's the festival with most competitors and the best composers of the Afro blocos, who participate. Today, there even appear people who only make axe music and who are trying to get in.

This one year, for example, the composer who won in the festival, was a white guy married to a congresswoman. It's kind of funny. She only "hangs with" Olodum, and he can't be part of our grou because he is white. However, he only comes here and o ly makes music for ne Aiye, and because he is so loyal to s, there is no restriction against him any more. He is in th festival this year.

Brazzil: How re the blocos judged?

Vov8: Here, it is different from the samba schools. Only one song counts. en you sing a lot of music, many songs will be perforrne in the three days of Carnaval, but then there's generally e problem that the new songs slow things down. The repres ntatives of each bloco usually ask to sing some classic son that everybody knows, and those songs always have to be in the repertoire of Carnaval.

BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998 47

The more serious problem that we confront is this. Here in Bahia, there is much racism, maybe the most in all of Brazil. Everybody thinks that he Aiye is beautiful and marvelous, but at the time of support, it is very difficult. The Baiano and Brazilian impresario, before being a capitalist, is a racist.

He doesn't think of the result. He thinks that a bloco like this with more than 30,000 people, who come to watch, will not give him any return on his investment, that it is not interesting to invest, and that the black man does not consume.

Thus, he prefers investing in the blocos in which his children and his friends participate. He doesn't want to know that the black population consume, and consequently, we face much difficulty putting the bloco on the street. The associates of Ile Aiye have less acquisitive power. People only pay at Carnaval. We always have to come to agreements here. It is a bloco that works with the whole family, the child wants to enjoy, the adolescent, the adult, and the old person.

Sometimes it is just one person paying for all the costumes. They cost $200, if you pay cash or by credit card. If you pay by installment, it's $250, and we always have to negotiate that the guy pays both. These are people who pay half and have to pay the installment with no interest to be able to let the family participate.

Schincariol Beer is giving support of $10,000 worth of beer. The sponsorship they give the Trio Eletrico blocos is different, $80-100,000 in money.

In reality, people know that competing with a more sophisticated bloco, the cost goes up every day you have to enter the market to compete, because otherwise you'll disappear next to the Trio Eletrico of a large bloco. That could happen even though our percussion is more complex.

We still face much difficulty. Our own government and the prefecture give much less during the year, and there is not even a leisure program in Liberdade. So, people have to play ball in the fields, in the streets, on the asphalt, and the only pleasure you have is the rehearsals of the bloco.

People of the community sell water and food, which are another source of income, but today the prefecture charges for the use of the street. And they have to put up chemical toilets, all of which is an expense for which there is no return and adds up the debt at Carnaval.

Therefore, the only solution is if the black man had more political consciousness and began boycotting for example the supermarkets here in Liberdade. They sell a lot in the bairro (neighborhood), but when you go to talk to them, they say that the office is in So Paulo. If people here had political consciousness, they would stop buying for one or two days a week. That would make the supermarket stop and think, but they do not have that, and I'm not so powerful a leader that I can get people to boycott businesses.

48

Brazzil: I heard that there is a festival of African heritage that happens in November. Could you tell me a little about that?

Vov8: There was a meeting with the arrangers of the festival. They got together with some Afro blocos and decided to unite on a project.

I took it to Miami to the director of the festival. He represents among others the Rockefeller Foundation. The project is about culture, education and Carnaval. That's why they called on ne Aiye. Bahiatursa told us they didn't have utuch money to spend, so we raised what we could.

Again, one of the prcOalems is money, and here, the local groups lose out. One group from tirasilia charged over $1.000,000 for participating. he Aiye charged /t$170,000. Our proposal was denied, they said we were overcharging. They diminished the value of ne Aiye, because we have less iophisticated equipment than for example Timbalada. When arranging this festival, the prefecture hires groups from all over Brazil and pitys a great deal of money, but they don't want to pay for Baiano groups.

People come from all over the world for the African Heritage Festival to see black groups, and they find that it was all arranged by whites. Someone from PT, Partidcr dos Trabalhadores, The Labor Party, got in a lot oftrouble at the last festival because ofthat. We would like to arrange a festival that is a celebration of blackness, but the Afro blocos don't have the courage. There is still a feeling of shame about being black. They evenitry to deny that Bahia is a state of black majority.

I went to New Orle*s in April for the jazz festival celebrating black music, and that's th kind ofthing I'd like to see here in Salvador.

Mr. Davis, the producer,?brought over 200,000 people to the festival.

We cannot get sponsors p, even though a return on the investment is a certainty. The city do not invite Afro blocos to arrange cultural events. Small elite groucp produce programs with small revenue.

They invite artists faun all over the country, but .ignore the local black groups. We werd not even invited to Percpan, which is a percussion festival, and Ile Aiye is the only group based strictly on percussion. As you can ee, it is a constant uphill battle for funds and recognition, but in the end it is worth it with the education the children in Liberdade receive.

Brazzil: And speaking of the education, to keep up with the times, I imagine compi4ter literacy is part of that education.

Vovo: That is a vet/ necessary part of it. And the Fundacao Palmares has a course in 4omputers, which they will conduct for us, but it will have to be very b4sic, since we don't have computers, only the one here, in the office. a ut I keep going every day to make sure our children here will surviv and grow.

I thanked Senhor V v8 for his time with the interview. Before leaving, we saw a "class om" in the small building housing the office.

There, a room full of children was learning to sewâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;a skill which can later lead to a job. They Make T-shirts as well as costumes for Carnaval.

They politely greeted meiand posed for a couple of photographs. Vovo then took me to his motlier's house and showed me where the classes are presently being conducted. While Vovo tirelessly works to provide for the physical and intellectual welfare of the children of Liberdade, his mother, Mae Hilda, is the strong spiritual force behind Ile Aiye.

Kirsten Weinoldt was born in Denmark and came to the U.S. in 1969. She fell in love with Brazil after Igee in g Black Orpheus many years ago and has lived immersed in Brazilian culture ever since. E-mail: kwracing@erols.com BFtAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

Movies RIO A Dona da Hist6ria (History's Mistress) Comedy. A woman's life and all her choices. Written and directed by Joito Falcdo, with Marieta Sever° and Andrea Beltran. Teatro do Leblon.

Arte (Art)—Comedy. A philosophical discussion about men, their values, hang-ups, and ambitions. By Yasmina Reza. Directed

by Mauro Rasi, with Paulo Goulart, Paulo Gorgulho, and Pedro Paulo Rangel. Teatro das Artes.

Os Sete Gatinhos (The Seven Kittens)— Drama. Thinking that the youngest daughter is still a virgin a family makes the preparation for her wedding the center of the family life. Written by Nelson Rodrigues. Directed by Moacyr Gees, with Andre-Valli and Natalia Lage. Teatro Carlos Gomes.

Se o Meu Ponto G Falasse (If My G-Spot Could Talk)—Comedy. Two intimated friends talk candidly about their life experiences. Written and interpreted by Patsy Cecato, Heloisa Migliavacca, and Mho Conte. Directed by JUlio Conte. Teatro Rubens Correa.

Bilhete Premiado (Winning Ticket)— Comedy. Family finds out after a relative is buried that he was carrying a winning lottery ticket. Written and directed by • Claudio Juarez; with Debora Seiblitz and Andrea Cevidanes

SAO PAULO

Eonoi—Based on Noah's biblical tale, the play tells how the universe is recreated. , Written by Jose Rubens Siqueira, directed

by Francisco Medeiros. With the ensemble Pia Fraus Teatro. Teatro Ventoforte.

Dom Casmurro (Mr. Curmudgeon)-:Bentinho wants to prove to himself beyond any doubt that his beloved wife Capitu betrayed him, Adapted from the Machado de Assis novel by Jose Paulo Rosa, who also directs. With Regina Pessoa, The Gomes, and Alexandre Leal, Teatro Lucas Pardo Filho.

Honorato—The saga of Cobra-Norato, a youn man trying to break a spell. Written and directed by Paulo Ribeiro. With Selma Luchesi, Sandro Alvares, and Veronica Menezes. Teatro I3rasileiro de Comedia.

Sonetos de Caindes (Cameoes's Sonnets)— Re-telling of sixteenth century great poet Luis Vaz de CarnOeS's turbulent life. Written and directed by Valeria Di Pietro. With Alberto Soares, Carolina Monserrat, Rabia Regina, and Sandra Pacheco. Teatro Hilton.

Uma Lica° Longe Demais (A Lesson That Went Too Far)--Two students kidnap teacher after being expelled from school.

Written by Zeno Wilde, directed by Mauricio Lencasttre, with Aldine Muller, Mauricio Lencasttre and Edye. TBC BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

Just-released American movies:

187 (187: Codigo da Violencia). All th Rage (0 Solteirlio), AntZ (FormiguinhaZ The big hit (Tiro e Queda), Blade (Blade' o Gwadar de Vampiros), Dance With M (No Ritmo da Dow:), Dark City (Cidad das Sombras), Eye's Bayou (Amore Divididos), Holy Man (Santo Homem) Hope Floats (Quando o Amor Acontece Kicked in the Head (Tudo E Passive!

Krippendorf's Tribe (A Tribo das Krip pendorf), Nzghtwatch (0 Principal Sus peito), Polish Wedding (Casament Polones), Ronin (Ronin), The Opposite o Sex (0 Oposto do Sexo), Something t Believe In (Algo em que Acredittir), Th Truman Show (0 Show de Truman: o Sho da Vida), Urban Legends (Lenda Urbana Toque do Oboi(Oboe Call)—Brazil-Para guay/1998—Drama. Brazilian musicia with an incurable disease finds the love o his life while playing at an old theater in little village. By Claudio MacDow,e11, wit Paulo Betti, Leticia Volta, and Mari 0 Lozano. ' Amore Cia (Love & Co)—Brazil/1998 Comedy. The day he is celebrating hi fourth anniversary of marriage a husban finds his wife betraying him with his part ner. Directed by Helvecio Ratton, wit Marco Nanini, Patricia Pillar, and Alexan dre Borges.

•Coracdo Iluminado (Enlightened Heart) Brazi1/1 998—Drama. After 20 years ma meets girlfriend he thought was dead. Thei old flame reignites. Directed by Hecto Babenco, with Maria Luisa Mendong Miguel Angel Sold, Xuxa Lopes, an Walter Quiroz.

0 Testamento do Senhor Nepomucen (Mr. Nepomuceno's Will)---Portugal-Bra zil-Cabo Verde/1997—Comedy. Peopl know about the life of a rich man by read ing his will. Directed by Francisco Manso with Nelson Xavier.

Fasten (Festa de Familia)—Denmark 1998—Drama. A family gets together t celebrate the 60th birthday of the patriarch Directed by Thomas Vinterberg, Hennin Moritze,o, and Birthe Neumann.

Tudo E Brasil (All Is Brazil)—Brazil 1997—Documentary. The third film o Rogerio Sganzerla exploring Orson Wel le 1942 trip to Brazil. The narrator is Welle himself.

'Marquise (Marquise)—France-Italy Spain-Switzerland/1996— Drama. Th story of Marquise du Parque, infamou courtesan from Louis XIV court. Directe

by Vera Belmont, with Sophie Marcea and Bernard Giraudeau.

•

FICTION

1 Ramses, o filho da luz, Christian Jacq.

Bertrand 2 Veronika decide morrer, Paulo Coelho.

Objetiva • 3 0 advogado, John Grisham. Rocco 4 A Viagem de Th6, Catherine Clement.

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COMPUTER & SOFTWARE

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brazzil-ADS (213) 255-8062 51

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Consulate Consulado do Brasil (617) 617-542-4000

Dentist SyIvio P. Lessa (617) 924-1882

Food & Products Brasil Brasil (617) 561-6094 Jerry's Cachaca (617) 666-5410

Instruction Approach Student Ctr (617) 787-5401 Braz. & Amer. Lg. Inst.

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Publications The Brazilian Monthly (617) 566-3651 Bossa: Braz. Jazz Guide (617) 262-9997

Restaurants Café Brazil (617) 789-5980 Ipanema (508) 460-6144 Tropicana (617) 567-4422 Pampas Churrascaria (617) 661-6613

Consulate Brazilian Consulate (213) 651-2664

Dentist Gilberto Henriques (213) 464-0524

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Legal Services Meiojas & Ferraz (310) 360-0901

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Translations Portuguese Lang. Ctr. (312) 276-6683

Los Angeles Airlines yang (800) GO VARIG Vasp (310) 364-0160

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Auto Repair Cosmo Auto Parts (213) 259-9818

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Catering Joy's Catering (562) 438-3415

Clothes Samba Collection (562) 437-1939 Summer Brazil (310) 455-1772

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Music Jazz - Richard Samuels (818) 798-5424

Physician Nilson A. Santos (213) 483-3430

Psychother/Counsel.

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Publications Brazzil (213) 255-8062

Real Estate Cent. 21 - Vlad. Bellemo (714) 406-0121 Cent. 21 - Solon Pereira (562) 924-9633 Cent. 21 Tinia Sayegh (562) 865-2992

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Travel/Tours Around the World Tr'.

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Miami S. Florida Airlines Transbrasil (800) 872-3153 \Twig (800) 468-2744 Vasp (800) 732-8277

Banks Banco do Brasil (305) 358-3586 Banco Nacional (305) 372-0100 Banco Real (305) 358-2433 Banespa (305) 358-9167

Clubs & Associations ABFC - As. Bras. da Flor.

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Consulate Consulado do Brasil (305) 285-6200

Dentists flidimo de Si (305) 262-8212

Food & Beverages All Braz. Imp. & Exp. (305) 523-8134 Brazil by Mail (954) 472-7163 Guarani Esteves (305) 345-1540 Vanya's Sweets (954) 785-0087 Via Brasil (305) 866-7718

Physicians Dr. Jorge Macedo (305) 271-7311 Dr. Mario Sanches (305) 541-7819 Dr. Neri Franzon (305) 776-1412

Publications The Brazilian Sun (305) 868-3214 Florida Review (305) 374-5235

Real Estate Simone Bethencourt (954) 704-1211

Restaurants Boteco (954) 566-3190 Brazilian Tropicana (954) 781-1113 Po rcAo (305) 373-2777 Steak Masters (305) 567-1718

Travel Agencies Brazilian Wave (305) 561-3788 Discover Brazil Tours (800) 524-3666 Euroamirica (305) 358-3003 International Tours (800) 822-1318

Luma Travel (305) 374-8635 Monark Travel (305) 374-5855 New Port Tours (305) 372-5007 Br Online Travel (888) 527-2745 Via Brasil Travel (305) 866-7580

New York N. Jersey Books Luso-Brazilian Books (800) 727-LUSO

Clubs & Associations Brazilian Ch. of Corn.

(212) 575-9030 Brazilian Corn. Bureau (212) 916-3200 Brazilian Trade Bur. (212) 224-6280

Consulate Brazilian Gen. Cons.

(212) 757-3080

Consulting BBJ (Br. Bus. Junction) (212) 768-1545

Food & Products Amazonia (718) 204-1521 Coisa Nossa (201) 578-2675 Merchant Express (201) 589-5884

Publications The Brasilians (212) 382-1630 Brazilian Voice (201) 955-1137 OCA Magazine (516) 596-1853 Portugal-Brasil News (212) 228-2958 Samba Newsletter (718) 937-0574

Restaurants Brasilia (212) 869-9200 Brazil 2000 (212) 877-7730 Brazilian Pavillion (212) 758-8129 Cabana Carioca (212) 581-8088 Indigo Blues (212) 221-0033 S.O.B. (212) 243-4940 Tapaj6s River (201) 491-9196

Travel Agencies Barb Tour Service (201) 313-0996 Odyssea Travel Service (212) 826-3019

San Diego Auto Car Mania Auto Repair (619) 223-7748

Clubs & Associations Clube Bras. San Diego (619) 295-0842 Sunday Night Cl. Brazil (619) 233-5979

Import/Export Brazil Imports (619) 234-3401

Money Remittance Vigo-California (619) 479-V1GO

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Airlines yang (415) 986-5737 Vasp (800) 732-VASP

Attorney Manoel Faris (510) 537-3533 Ralph Baker (510) 444-8100

Auto Nilson Auto Body (415) 255-6717 Matts Auto Body (415) 565-3560

Beauty Salon Bibbo (415) 421-BIBO Carmen's International (415) 433-9441 Neyde's (415) 681-5355

Clubs & Associations B.A.S.O. (415) 661-2788 Bay Area Brasilian Club (415) 334-0106 Brazilian Cult. Movem.

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Computer Micronet (415) 665-1994

Consulate Brazilian Consulate (415) 981-8170

Dance Instruction Aquarela (510) 548-1310 Birds of Paradise (510) 863-3651 Brazil Culture & Arts (510) 215-8202 Ginga Brasil (510) 428-0698 Escola Nova de Samba (415) 661-4798 Samba do Coracio (415) 826-2588 Samba, Swing & Suor (415) 282-7378

Dental Care Roberto Sales, DDS (510) 451-8315

Events Promotion F. B. C. Events (415) 334-0106 Nativa Productions (408) 287-9798

Food Brazil Express (415) 586-6200 California Produce (415) 749-0524 HGC Imp. Wholesale (408) 947-8511

Instruction Portuguese - A. Frame (510) 339-9289 Portuguese Lang. Serv.

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Money Remittance Vigo (415) 863-0218 West Brazil (415) 695-9258

Music Celia Malheiros (415) 738-2434 Damien's Intercimbio (415) 595-2274 Fogo na Roupa (510) 464-5999 Ricardo Peixoto (415) 752-9782 Voz do Brazil (415) 586-2276

Musical Instruments Tamborim & Samba (415) 871-2201

Physician Dr. Guilherme Salgado (415) 832-6219

Printing M. C. Printing (510) 268-8967

Publications Brazil Today (510) 526-1115 Brazzil (415) 587-4990

Restaur./Night Clubs Bahia Cabana (415) 861-4202 Balboa Braz. Rest.

(415) 387-1118 Café Mardi Gras (415) 864-6788 Canto do Brasil (415) 626-8727 Janete & Pedro Br. Food (415) 821-4600 Joao's Restaurant (408) 244-1299 Little Rio (415) 441-3344 Michelangelo Café (415) 986-4058 Mozzarela Di-Bufala (415) 346-9888 Nino's (510) 845-9303 Porto Brasil (510) 526-1500 Stelladoro (415) 928-2662 Terra Brazilis (415) 863-5177

Translation Port. Lang. Services (415) 587-4990

Travel Agencies Paulo's Travel (415) 863-2717 Rio Roma (415) 921-3353 Santini Tours (510) 843-2363 Travel Americas (415) 334-0404 Tropical Travel (510) 655-9904 Tucanos Travel (415) 454-9961

ashington DC Airlines Transbrasil (202) 775-9180 yang (202) 331-8913 Vasp (202) 822-8277

Banks Banco do Brasil (202) 857-0320 Banco do Est. de S. Paulo (202) 682-1151

Clubs & Associations Braz. Am. Cult. Inst.

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Embassy Embaixada do Brasil (202) 238-2700

Restaurants Amazonia Grill (202) 537-0421

Travel Agencies Intern. Discount Travel (703) 750-0101 BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

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An excerpt by those who already had land to acquire still more land. Land prices Political and cultural context can be extremely important in shaping rose 2,000 percent between 1971 and 1977 (Martine 1983, cited in the content of women's movements and ultimately encouraging their Spindel 1987: 53). By 1985, the .09 percent of the agricultural enterautonomy. One of the most impressive regional movements of rural prises in Brazil that had 1,000 hectares or more controlled.44 percent of women is found in southern Brazil in the state of Rio Grande do Sul. The the land. The 53 percent of the agricultural enterprises that had less than Movimento de Mulheres Trabalhadoras Rurais (MMTR, Rural Women 10 hectares accounted for 2.7 percent of the total land (Grzybowski Workers' Movement), begun in 1989, grew out of women's activism in 1990: 21). land-recovery movements, antidam movements, labor unions. and In the southern part of Brazil, the economy followed these same Church-based organizations. By 1992 the movement had over thirty general trends, with the notable exception of the preservation of a small thousand members and was functioning in more than 110 counties. It but significant group of peasant households, which have been able to has an active local leadership of about five hundred, making it one of the become part of the capitalized smallholder strongest regional women's movements in sector. The remainder have become landBrazil, and outstanding in the Americas. The less and/or migrated elsewhere, primarily movement's agenda has moved from proto the Amazonian region. Beginning in the curing equal working conditions and benlate 1950s, the agricultural economy of the efits for rural women to reproductive health state of Rio Grande do Sul changed signifirights, domestic violence, representation of cantly. As in much of the south, the rich, women in the political system, and general fertile landscape of the southern part of Rio women's rights. Here we will try to under, Grande do Sul was gradually consolidated stand the important factors that resulted in into larger farms; mechanized production the MMTR having an agenda that ultimately of soybeans and wheat pushed out challenged gender hierarchy and allowed small-scale subsistence agriculture. issues such as abortion and women's sexuâ&#x20AC;˘ In Rio Grande do Sul, land fragmentaality to be taken up in a movement that was Since its inception, the tion brought about by inheritance, contininitially nourished by the Catholic Church.

MMTR (Rural Women ued colonization, and population growth Four key points will be explored to Workers' Movement) has has resulted in a significant landless popuclarify the evolution of this organization and undergone a major lation. It is estimated that in all of Brazil its varied meanings to its base members and there are over 10 million landless or nearly transformation in terms of leadership: landless people (Grzybowski 1990: 21). its agenda and political 1. The MMTR ofsouthern Brazil has its Other estimates place this figure as high as perspective.

While still roots in a strong opposition organized in 24 million (McManus and Schlabach 1991: firmly rooted in an rural labor unions and in the landless move174). By 1989, 26,466 peasants in Rio ment with ties to the Partido dos Trabaanalysis that stresses the Grande do Sul were reported to be involved lhadores (PT, Workers 'Party). These moveplace of the working class in land conflicts, more than in any ofBrazil's ments share a strong ideology that emphain global capitalism, the other states (Quinzena 1990: 8; Brooke sizes confronting the state and organizing movement has come to 1990). The state is home to one ofthe largest the rural working class. work more specifically landless movements in the country, the Leaders ofthe MMTR had significant 2.

Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem with the social and and consistent contact with activists from Terra (MST, Landless Rural Workers' cultural aspects of gender similar movements throughout Brazil. They Movement). inequality in Brazil. also worked consistently with staff from In those parts of Rio Grande do Sul that NGOs who were familiar withfeminism and were not suitable for large-scale, mechawho encouraged them to broaden their orLYNN STEPHEN nized agriculture, smallholders were able to ganizational agenda to change oppressive hang onto their land and some were even gender roles. able to mechanize, purchasing small tracDuring their involvement in other 3. tors and other machinery that allowed them movements, leaders of the MMTR were to make the transition to capitalized agriculture. marginalized. Having analyzed their experience, It was not in capital's interest to completely they have deliberately built an organizational destroy the smallholder sector, which still promodel and structure that will not leave out the vides 70 percent of basic foodstuff production in women they are trying to organize. addition to raw materials for agro-industry.

4. The MMTR emerged as an autonomous Smallholders have been integrated into the prowomen's movement that related to but was no cess of agro-industry, and although this allows longer dictated to by other regional movements, smallholders to survive, it is highly exploitative including those of the landless, the rural labor of family labor and makes small producers unions, and the Church. dependent on agro-industry (Spindel 1987: 54).

The hilly, northern part of the state has retained Before we discuss the specific history of the a significant population of smallholders. It also MMTR, its emergence will be related to the contains a young generation of landless people, gendered political economy of southern Brazil. some of whom have joined the MST in occupying former ranches and creating new communiEconomic Developmen t and the Gendered ties in such locations as Anonni, Nova Ronda Division of Labor in Southern Brazil Alta. and Cruz Alta. These different landholding After the 1964 military coup in Brazil, the patterns and levels of pol itical activism are assoagricultural sector was reoriented to serve as a ciated with varying patterns of gender relations market for agrochemicals and machinery proat home. duced in the prioritized industrial sector. It was While little has been written on household also supposed to produce export crops that would decisionmaking among smallholders in rural help reduce Brazil's foreign debt (Sp indel 1987: Brazil, activists and feminists have a different 52-53). A large-scale credit program provided assessment than that of some rural sociologists. subsidized credits and fiscal incentives to landed In a discussion of family decisionmalcing, the power holders while the military's national secusociologist Mauro William Barbosa de Almeida rity program managed agrarian conflicts states that the Brazilian peasant family is relatively democratic (1986: (Grzybowski 1990: 20-21). Most assessments of Brazil's agricultural 71,77) and that his findings support Santos' suggestion (1978: 32) that modernization program find that it has exacerbated socioeconomic inequalities. The subsidized credit was unequal and was used primarily "the fact that the peasant family is a collective enterprise implies many

Woman Power

54

BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

times that decisions about labor allocation are communal,' indicating that peasant women also participate in work decisions.- Almeida states that it is illusory to look for social inequality within the peasant household; in his own experience, he says, the authoritarian declarations ofmale heads of household do not correspond to the practical reality (1986: 71).

My research and the experience of MMTR activists suggests otherwise. Household decisionmaking is not necessarily democratic, and as women become politicized domestic conflict increases between men and women.

Smallholder women at various levels of the MMTR stated that household decisionmaking is generally dominated by men. Men usually hold the title to land as well. Literature from the MMTR as well as that from other rural women's unions in Brazil demand equal decisionmaking power in the household and the right to hold land titles. Discussions and role-playing skits I observed in local meetings of the MMTR, however, revealed that gender roles in household decisionmaking and the titling of land, machinery, and houses to women varied by ethnic group. Women of Italian, Polish, and German descent stated that men dominated household decisionmaking and that only sons inherited land and agricultural machinery. Women of Portuguese-Brazilian descent stated that they had received land from their parents and felt they had a more equal say in household decisionmaking.

The gendered division of I abor within land occupations and settlements is different from that of smallholder households. In the case of land occupations which have turned into new settlements, the prolonged process of political struggle, the active physical presence ofwomen in land occupations and confrontations with the police and army, and an emphasis on collective production have changed some aspects of the gendered division of labor. In many settlements, there is an emphasis on collective production, reciprocal work relations, and property sharing. Women work directly in agricultural production, and specific economic projects (e.g., milking co-ops, craft production, vegetable farming) have been created for women. Decisionmalcing with respect to production is done by consensus among those who work together in the group. Production groups often include men and women.

In some MST settlements, entire families (including children) attend community meetings where productive activities are discussed. In general, male-directed households no longer appear to be the norm. In some settlements, though, women are still struggling to be named with men as having use rights in collective land and to be included in community meetings.

The Gendered Politics of Grassroots Movements in Southern Brazil The decade of the 1980s was an important one in the political history of Brazil. A resurgence of grassroots social movements resulted in significant challenges to the status quo of government. The depth and breadth of the change in Brazil via the creation of a network of social movement organizations, many aligned with the opposition Workers' Party, provided a base for the fomentation of new rural women's organizations.

In the state of Rio Grande do Sul, the late

BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

1970s and 1980s saw the rise of a variety of beginning to incorporate women into opposigrassroots social movements that openly contion rural unions. It also required making fronted the state with demands for land, rewomen's productive work visible. sources, and political recognition. The MST, At the base of these social movements in founded in the early 1980s, occupied abanRio Grande do Sul was an identification of the doned ranches and then pressured the governstruggles for land, economic justice, and poment to legalize their claim to the land and litical recognition as working-class struggles. legitimize their resettled communities. Rural These movements also presented themselves workers who had belonged to official state as clearly opposing the state and as forming unions began to join the rural branch of the part of a new political process that would open CUT labor federation (Central Unica dos up the political system to the disenfranchised Trabalhadores), formed in the mid-1980s as (see Z. Navarro 1992). part of Brazil's new unionism. An antidam Political theorists have often noted the movement mobilized those who were discomplexity of social movements with respect placed by large-scale flooding to lobby the to how they may be differently perceived by government electricity commission (ELETROmovement leaders and the base membership SUL), take over their buildings, and demand (Fox and Hernandez 1989). For example, as the right to participate in future regional planZander Navarro (1992: 21) notes, differences ning (see Marcondes de Moraes 1994; Z. in production in rural areas of Rio Grande do Navarro 1994). Finally, the liberation theolSul created a wide array of interests and deogy branch of the Catholic Church continued mands that opposition rural unions were not the work begun in the 1960s and 1970s, orgaprepared for. There is no homogeneous class nizing people in rural communities into neighidentity among the group of individuals that borhood committees that demanded economic both the CUT and the MMTR call "rural justice and engaged in self-help projects. The workers." The membership of the MMTR previous work of the Church had provided includes smallholders, landless women, and a foundations and support for many ofthe movefew women from households with larger holdments that took off in the 1980s. The emerings. Leaders of the MMTR include women gence of these movements coincided with the from smallholder as well as landless families. rise of the Workers' Party in 1979, and the This complexity supports the notion that globroadening discourse of that party appealed bal capitalism creates a broad spectrum of "to workers not only on the basis of their possible social identities (Hall 1995). workplace and union experience, but also on As part of their organizing strategies, the basis of their involvement in a broad specmovements such as the MST and the rural trum of social organizations in poor neighborCUT deliberately recruited women and set up hoods" (Keck 1992:25). special committees and organizational struc"New unionism" gained strength and tures for them within each movement. The unions such as the Central Workers' Organizarural department of CUT followed the extion (CUT) began recruiting programs to chalample of FETAG (Federation of Agricultural lenge state-controlled labor unions. In Rio Workers), a state branch of the official Grande do Sul, CUT was rather successful in CONTAG (Confederation of Agricultural broadening its membership in the agrarian Workers). FETAG was the first group to mosector during the mid-1980s. Traditionally, in bilize women around a recognition of the state-controlled and opposition unions, women economic contributions of rural women, prowere not included as members on the principle curing rights and services already available to that they were dependents of male heads of urban women workers and demanding access household. Because female agricultural to healthcare. wageworkers are uncommon among the smallWomen were also critical in the land occuholder and landless sectors organized by unions pations and organization of new settlements (both state-controlled and opposition), women by the MST during the 1980s and in the were simply not viewed as workers. This was antidam movement. Activists who recall early reinforced by existing social welfare policy as occupations such as at Encruzilhada Natalino well. in 1981 and 1982 constantly reiterate the imWageworkers officially registered with portant role of women. MST literature of the FUN-RURAL (Brazilian Rural Social Welmid-1980s also emphasized the role of women fare System) receive a pension equal to 75 in the struggle for land. An MST document percent of the prevailing wage upon retirement from 1986 reads: "We will fight for a just and for reasons of age or disability. Because only equal society... reinforcing the fight for land, one household member is entitled to retire for including the participation of al I rural workers, old age, the only way that rural women can and stimulating the participation of women at benefit from this provision is if they are official all levels" (cited and trans. in Z. Navarro 1992: heads of household or registered as wage 29). workers (Spindel 1987:57). Because female This is not unlike the strategy of creating wage laborers are rare in the smallholder and women's organizations within revolutionary landless sectors, women are effectively denied parties, as in Cuba, Nicaragua, El Salvador, the right to a pension. Maternity leave is exand elsewhere. Some of the political leaders of tended only to those who are registered as the MST worked in Cuba and received a wageworkers, as are maternity benefits. Napolitical education that clearly emphasized tional laws that were supposed to help rural including women in the political process. This female wageworkers who were active in the is no guarantee, however, that women's decommercialized sector ended up discriminatmands will be taken seriously. The reason why ing against smallholder and landless women. formal attention to women's rights in Brazil Their productive work, critical to household resulted in some concrete changes is clearly income, was not counted as work. Changing' . linked to the presence of a strong women's these discriminatory laws was the basis for movement. In Brazil, a wide variety of

55

grassroots women's organizations emerged in the 1970s and 1980s as part of the largest, most diverse, and perhaps most successful women's movement in Latin America (see Alvarez 1990). The creation of many state entities devoted to women's issues (e.g., State Councils on the Status of Women) as well as a National Council on Women's Rights also raised the profile of women's oppression in Brazil, at least in the 1980s. Some of the state-organized initiatives to address women's issues later stagnated and became lower priorities for subsequent governments. The existence of a strong and diverse women's movement and of state entities devoted to women's rights provided an important legitimating context for the MMTR and other rural women's organizations that sought to specifically address women's concerns in the late 1980s.

Perhaps the most important legacy of the women's movements of Brazil in the 1970s and 1980s was the creation of a national array of such nongovernmental organizations as Rede Mulher (Women's Network), which persisted through time and provided ongoing support and training to women in a variety of organizations and movements. Sonia Alvarez, Evelina Dagnino, and Arturo Escobar discuss the importance of networks and webs as a means of conveying the intricacy of the manifold connections "established among movement organizations, individual participants and other actors in civil and political society and the State" ( 1996: 25). In Brazil, women's movements as well as other movements are clearly linked through steadily growing networks which may not be visible to conventional students of social movements who rely on a large public presence to document the ongoing existence of movements and organizations.

The liberation theology branch of the Brazilian Catholic Church has emphasized some women's issues as well. The Pastoral Land Commission (CPT) of the Catholic Church, closely linked to the MST, organized women and young people into groups and encouraged their participation in resolving issues of landlessness, production, and family. While the Church's discourse on the participation of women in political and community activities was quite strong, it emphasized traditional roles for women. The following passage is from a book by the Pastoral Commission of Poor Women which was used in mothers' clubs in several communities of Rio Grande do Sul:

occupations, a majority of the proposed activities for women work well within prescribed gender roles and do not question traditional family structures in which males are the primary decisionmakers. This ideology, coupled with the reluctance of the Church to deal with women's health (specifically, family planning and abortion), ultimately resulted in a major distancing of women activists from the Church.

The pages of this book offer a small example of what poor women can do when they are united and organized in their communities.... Women who fight for landfor crops and for housing. Women who build community ovens to guarantee breadfor the unemployed Women who build nurseries to confront the problem of abandoned children. Women who organize teams to sew quilts to keep the sick warm. These activities and others are coming from communities and are signs ofthe reign of god in action. A new woman is being born...

She is a community woman. (Pastoral da Mulher Pobre 1988:8)

We started to talk about other issues like women's health, sexuality, and our bodies that were not taken up by these movements. There wasn't any room to discuss these issues....

[T]hey were always considered secondary: the price of agricultural products, occupying land, [and] the dams were more concrete things. They were economic demands that got people involved These were seen as the important issues.

Although the book also provides instructions for how to confront the police and set free those who have been jailed for illegal land

56

The Rise of the MMTR Rural women in Rio Grande do Sul were organized in a variety of movements during the mid-1980s but continued to lack their own leadership within these movements. Many had participated in large mobilizations within their specific organizations, such as the large-scale land occupations of the MST or the short-term mobilizations of women coordinated by temporary coalitions. In 1985, ten thousand women gathered in Porto Alegre for the First State Meeting of Rural Women Workers, organized

by FETAG and the CPT. In 1987, rural women from Rio Grande do Sul participated in a caravan to Brasilia of twelve thousand strong in order to secure the constitutional rights of rural women workers. They joined a large number ofgrassroots organizations which were determined to have a say in revising the Constitution after the movement to hold direct presidential elections was defeated. Participating in the rewriting of the Constitution was seen as critical to the effort to democratize Brazil. The caravan was preceded by many local and regional preparatory meetings that drew as many as a thousand women, as did the preparatory meeting in Ronda Alta. It was thus evident that rural women could be mobilized by rural unions and the Church, but these mobilizations did not result in locally based organizing projects that specifically addressed the needs of rural women.

Some women who rose to leadership positions within the MST, the antidam movement, and the rural unions felt frustrated by their inability to have their gender-specific demands considered important. In interviews, they recalled being told that if they joined in the struggle for rural workers, then the problems of women would be solved as well. Some remembered realizing in the mid-1980s that they were developing a different set of concerns from those within CUT, the Church, the MST, and the antidam movement. The MMTR leader Gessi Bones reflects on this issue:

Others simply recalled feeling that it was hard to participate in meetings of any kind because of the limitations at home. Isabel, a thirty-five-year-old smallholder member of a local MMTR committee, remembers: It was hard to go to meetings because I

didn't have anyone to take care ofmy children.

If my husband went to a meeting and! wanted to go too, then there was no one to be at home with the children.

In order to move forward with issues that were gender-specific, a group of women from a largely CPT-based organization called the Organizacao das Mulheres da Roca (Organization of Country Women) began a discussion with other women about the possibility of forming an autonomous movement for rural women workers. In 1988 a temporary council was formed by CPT women and others who had been active in the MST and CUT. They then engaged in a series of discussions and meetings with people from all the regional social movements of Ri o Grande do Sul. There was significant resistance to the formation of an autonomous women's movement, including resistance from some of the regional leaders. Many people, men and women alike, felt that women should be organized as part of existing movements that were focused around labor and class issues. The faction that was arguing for an autonomous movement finally convinced the others, and in August 1989 the MMTR was created in a statewide meeting.

The understanding of many men who agreed to the creation of the movement was that it was to be a training ground for preparing women to participate better in other movements.

Part of the initial organizing of the MMTR involved a distancing from the Church. Before 1989 they had been receiving technical assistance and advice from the Church, particularly in some regions. The MMTR leadership was also significantly influenced by training and support they received from two women activists from CAMP (Centro de Assessoria Multiprofissional, Centerfor Multiprofessional Advising), an NGO that supports regional social movements. It is based in the city of Porto Alegre. CAMP organizers urged the young leadership of the MMTR to deal openly with issues of women's health, sexuality, unequal work roles at home, and general discrimination. Fabiana, a twenty-eight-year-old CAMP organizer who has worked with the MMTR for several years, commented on the change in emphasis by the MMTR: I remember when I first got the document that was the basis for their formation as an autonomous movement....felt that this document had a much bigger emphasis on questions of production, work, or economy than it did on discrimination against women. This was when the movement was really deciding if it was part of the labor movement, part of the Church, or a women's movement.... A lot of women in the leadership were listening to a critique ofjust focusing on production andfelt that the movement should begin to pay attention to questions that no other movement looked at, such as questions of sexuality, women's bodies, anddiscrimination.... We distinctlyfelt that the movement should be autonomous and treat questions that were specific to women.

Ultimately, the leadership of the MMTR chose CAMP and their organizers to be their primary advisors and trainers. This move immediately put them into contact with other rural women's movements such as the five-state

BRAZZIL -NOVEMBER 1998

coalition they belong to. Through their association with NGOs like CAMP and the five-state coalition, the MMTR leadership quickly became linked to the wider Brazilian women's movement and readily exposed to the ideas of popular feminism associated with such organizations as Rede Mulher in Sao Paulo.

When it began in 1989, the MMTR was active in eighty counties; it had about fifteen thousand women participating in its activities and a leadership of about five hundred. Many of the local leaders had been active in their communities through the Catholic Church, CUT, the antidam movement, or the landless movement. About 80 percent ofthe participants were from smallholder households, and 19 percent were landless; a small minority of 1 percent were landless salaried workers in small businesses. The elected leadership represents about the same class proportions. The original focus ofthe movement was on women's health paid maternity and retirement benefits equal to those of urban workers, recognition of rural women's labor as work, and the integration of women into unions and cooperatives (MMTR 1992: 5).

Since its inception, the MMTR has undergone a major transformation in terms of its agenda and political perspective. While still firmly rooted in an analysis that stresses the place of the working class (even though it has a clear multiclass base) in global capitalism, the movement has come to work more specifically with the social and cultural aspects of gender inequality in Brazil. By 1992, MMTR literature envisioned: an autonomous movement where women themselves propose, discuss, and decide their own course of action. This autonomy allows women to make the transformation ofwomen's position a priority in their work and practical decisionmaking. We see ourselves as having a complementary relationship to other movements.... The advances we have made (since 1989) have resulted in... the examination of new questions such as the functioning of our bodies, sexuality, production and reproduction.... These themes led its to... a new ideology, equal socialization for men and women: enfin, new relationships between men and women. (MMTR 1992:5) The 1992 platform discussed by the MMTR at their second statewide assembly directly questions gender inequality and calls for fundamental changes in gendered culture and social life. These more abstract themes were important, but difficult to operational ize.

They also caused tension with male leaders in other movements who criticized the MMTR for not contributing to the economic struggles they were engaged in. At the same time, the MMTR became increasingly active in a five-state coalition of rural women's movements, including movements from the states of Parana, Sao Paulo, Santa Catarina, and Mato Grosso do Sul. During 1993 and 1994, the MMTR concentrated heavily on women's health benefits, in part to have a concrete campaign to mobilize their base and in part because obtaining paid maternity leave for rural women (it already existed for urban women workers) had become the major project of the five-state coali-

BRAZZIL - NOVEMBER 1998

tion they participated in. In August and September of 1993, 120 women from the MMTR went to Brasilia and participated in a lobbying campaign to pressure federal representatives and senators to approve paid maternity leave (MMTR 1994a:' ,3). The campaign also included an effort to establish the Single Health System (SUS, Sistema Onico de Saade) which would provide general healthcare for rural women and make family-planning methods available at the local level. In addition to occupying the Senate balconies as it debated the issue, women sent hundreds of telegrams and letters supporting paid maternity leave and urging that it be available to rural women workers (AIMTR-Sul 1994: 16). Legislation for implementing four months of paid maternity leave through the National Social Security Institute (INSS) was finally approved by the President in July 1994.

During 1994 the MMTR continued its broad program of obtaining further rights for rural women workers in the area of health and childcare, and held workshops on nonsexist education, abortion, sterilization, and violence against women. They also worked on issues of internal democratization and tried to strengthen their links with other rural movements such as the MST, CUT, and other women's movements. Finally, they identified the relationship between gender and class as an ongoing practical and theoretical puzzle that needed more work, specifically raising the question, "When does gender supersede class?" (MMTR 1994b).

In October 1995, the MMTR and the five-state coalition took part in a national meeting that included rural women workers from seventeen states in Brazil. At the meeting, they formed a national coalition of rural women workers' movements to coordinate their work. They declared "the urgency of being conscious of the fundamental intersections of class and gender not only in relation to the construction of new gender relations, but also for the creation of a democratic society."

Furthermore, they stated, an integrated gender and class consciousness can provide a countermodel to "the current authoritarian and macho practices of many working-class organizations" (Carta as trabalhadoras rurais do Brasil 1995). They vowed to continue their struggle to recognize the full range of rights for rural working women and to intensify their action at all levels of society. On March 8, 1996, International Women's Day, they led a coordinated set of debates, presentations, protests, and public rallies throughout Brazil.

At the end of six years of organizing in 1995, the MMTR could point to several concrete victories they had helped win for rural women: guaranteed rights to retirement benefits, to disability leave and pay, and to paid maternity leave. They also connected their statewide movement to a national coalition and helped make the labor of rural women workers visible to the state. Making that labor visible to women themselves and to members of other rural social movements is the ongoing work of the MMTR. In 1995, the movement could point to activities in over 110 counties in the state of Rio Grande do Sul and to a base membership of from thirty thousand to thirty-five thousand women. They established a statewide leadership structure with ten regional councilsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;in

Sananduva, Erechim, Tres Passos, Cruz Alta, Dr. Mauricio Cardoso, Roque Gonzalez, Sarandi, Cachoeira do Sul, Jalio de Castilhos, and Torres. They have a statewide office in Passo Fundo. Each regional council is in turn made up of local councils with ten to seventy women in each. Local councils elect leaders who then come together at the regional level to elect two or three regional leaders who represent their region in the statewide directorate. In 1995 twenty-three regional leaders made up the statewide directorate. Thus, all leaders at local, regional, and state level are elected.

The statewide directorate is made up of women from a variety of class, ethnic, and educational backgrounds. Some are long-time activists, and others are women who first became active in their local councils. In relation to other social movements in the region, the MMTR is the only one that has continued to grow and strengthen into the 1990s (see Z. Navarro 1994).

Dueling Discourses: Christ, Class, and Gender As seen in the political history of the MMTR, women's organizing is tied to a specific set of political discourses and ideologies surrounding its inception and growth. These discourses have provided both constraints and resources for women as they fashioned their struggles at home and within their respective organizations. The competing discourses on class and feminism that the leadership of the MMTR were exposed to (as well as their own experience of marginalization within the leftist movements they were part of) resulted in overt ideological contradictions. The leaders ofthe MMTR confronted these contradictions and, in the process of organizing, created anew ideology that prioritized gender concerns as they related to a multiclass female population.

This new ideology was also informed by the daily-life experiences of women in local comrnunities.

An interview with MMTR participants about the document they created as the basis for organizing an autonomous women's movement reveals the source of their original ideological framework. Twenty-five-year-old Gessi Bones states: In the beginning, our companheiros imagined that the movement would depend on the unions and other existing organizations for its structure and that it would remain subordinate to these organizations. We didn't have any resources at the beginning and no new ideas to work with. As a matter offact, thefirst document we created was simply copiedfrom CUT documents.... This also helped to reassure the men that we were not going to break from existing movements.

Thus, the founding document of the MMTR was in fact just a reformulation of CUT documents that focused on how to organize women of the rural working class. Indeed, the importance of class as a category was built right into the name of the organization as a ,1iovement of trabalhadoras rurais, or rural orkers. This was a deliberate and marked ifference from one of the MMTR's predecesor groups, a group that designated mulheres a roca, or country women.

57

An examination of MMTR documents from 1989 through the present reveals a consistent concern with class as a category, but also a reworking of class to include gendered concerns and women's issues. The evolution of the organization reveals a consistent effort to look at the interconnections between class, gender, and culture. The 1989 document that formed the basis for the formal incorporation of the MMTR as a movement was loaded with references to the working class. Discussion questions included the following: How should we be participating in the workers' struggle? How do we guarantee women's participation in other movements?

(MMTR 1989: 8) How do we organize our women's movement so that we won't be controlled by the bourgeoisie? (MMTR 1989: 12) A working document one year later continues to identify women as part of the working-class struggle, but focuses more specifically on questioning the power relations within some of the institutions women work in. Discussion questions include these: What kinds of discrimination against women do we find in the family, in unions, and in political parties?

How do we overcome different kinds of discrimination? (MMTR 1990a: 11) Discrimination against women in the left, in the Church, and at home was also the subject of a 1990 bulletin published by the movement.

Says Mariza Scariot, a participant in a local council who is interviewed in the bulletin: I think that a majority of women suffer from discrimination. One of the most concrete forms of discrimination can be seen in the different kinds of education found in the family, where women are taught only to cook and to take care of children. This kind of work doesn't earn money, so it isn't valued. (MMTR 1990b:6) Interviews with movement participants in local councils revealed a similar perspective when women reflected on the socialization of many of the smallholder and landless women who make up the base of the movement.

Elenice, a twenty- seven-year-old smallholder states: Women were socialized from the beginning with the idea that they are in charge of the children and the man has no responsibility....

It's a cultural question. It's hard for women to realize that we are discriminated against.... I know women who have had fifteen children and never knew what it meant to have a sexual relationship or to feel pleasure in a relationship. They get married with the idea that it is their duty to reproduce people... have children.

The Church reinforces this idea, even today.

Domestic violence and issues of female sexuality have also become part ofthe MMTR's organizing agenda, categorized as issues of reproduction. According to the elected statewide leadership of the MMTR, a focus on issues of sexuality, domestic violence, and women's health was a three-part process.

First of all, through contact with sociologists, psychologists, and other instructor-facilitators in national meetings and local workshops, elected regional leaders of the MMTR began to consider the gendered relationships that men and women have both at home and in their organizations. Thus, in

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1989, the MMTR joined a five-state coalition that included rural women's movements from the states of Rio Grande do Sul, Mato Grosso, Parana, Sao Paulo, and Santa Catarina. This coalition had annual workshops and meetings that included representatives of NGOs and women's organizations from other parts of Brazil. Activities of the coalition were the first training ground for the MMTR regional leaders.

Second, these regional leaders would educate local leaders, using videotapes, role playing, and discussion. The local leaders would in turn disseminate information and training through local councils. One particularly popular video, atool for examining gender relations in the home, was titled Acorda, Raimundo [Wake Up, Raimundo]. In it, a working-class couple wakes up one morning to find that they have switched roles. The wife goes off to work in a factory, stays out drinking, demands dinner, and ignores the husband. He stays at home all day with the children, washing, cooking, and waiting for the wife to return. In the ettfcl, the whole scenario turns out to be a dream, and life goes on as usual with husband and wife playing their traditional roles. The video was quite successful in generating discussion among women in a humorous manner.

Finally, local leaders would organize activities with women in their communities in order to discuss topics that women had expressed interest in, sometimes using tools like the Acorda, Raimundo video. Popular topics among local discussion groups were childbirth and pregnancy, problems between husbands and wives, and women's health.

Beginning in the 1990s, sexuality and reproductive and maternal health gained prominence in the movement's literature. The training manual from one workshop, done by a sexologist from Rio de Janeiro. included the following questions:' When are women unable to fulfill themselves sexually?

When is there sexual violence in a relationship?

Why do women have to stay home while their husbands leave to participate in political struggles? (AAMTRES 1990: 11) At the same time, the training manual talked about sexuality in relation to four classes of women—dominant class (mulheres dos patroes), peasant women and rural workers (camponesas e trabalhadoras rurais), working class (operdrias), and modern middle class (classe media moderna)—thus continuing to link gender issues with class (AAMTRES 1990).

These workshops and later meetings also included discussions of sterilization, birth control, and abortion. While Mulheres da Roca, one of the MMTR' s parent groups associated with die Catholic Church's CPT had an explicit stance against abortion and divorce, beginning in 1990 and 1991 the MMTR began to deal more openly with these issues under the guise of maternal health. Abortion had been discussed openly, in relation to women's health, by the National Commission on the Question of Women Workers of CUT in 1988. Some women from the MMTR were present at that discussion. The 1992 working document for the second statewide meeting of the MMTR follows the CUT initiative, stating:

Within the question ofwomen's health, we also see thousands of women searching for any form of contraception who are subjected to sterilization.... Today nationally, 27 percent of women of fertile age are sterilized.... Another issue ofrelevance to a lack ofhealthcare for women is the fact that Brazil has the seventh-highest level of deaths from clandestine abortions in the world. (MMTR 1992: 3) A 1994 document from the five-state coalition dodges the issue of abortion in a lengthy discussion of maternal health, focusing instead on the more flexible notion of "family planning." Specific recommendations about family planning are made cautiously, signaling the continued difficulties and divisions among women as to just what "reproductive control" means: We understand that it is important, beginning now, to fight for the introduction of family planning that respects the cultural and economic differences of each region, always defending the preservation of life.

Public authorities are responsible for creating conditions so that men and women have access to contraceptive methods and information. (AIMTR-Sul 1994: 14) Introducing "family planning.' while "preserving life- leaves it ambiguous whose life is being preserved--that of the mother, the fetus, or both. The ambiguous language no doubt allows those with different positions on abortion to work together in a broader effort to support women's health.

While the MMTR's elected leaders are clear that they are not endorsing abortion, they see it as an important issue to discuss. Says Gessi Bones: Our discussion is just that. It's not a question of the movement saying that we are in favor of abortion. In our understanding, abortion is a question that should be discussed today as part ofwo men' s health. People should know the consequences and causes of abortion.

Activists such as Gessi take this position publicly while privately indicating that they do support a woman's right to abortion. Some other women within the MMTR, however, are strongly opposed to abortion. They are willing to talk about abortion because of their opposition to it, but they realize this is a point of disagreement among women within the movement.

Discussion and consideration of the abortion issue by the MMTR obviously reflects a major distancing from the Catholic Church by the movement's leadership and some members. It also reveals the continued influence of the Catholic Church's proscription of abortion in that it is such a divisive issue. While MMTR members acknowledge some of the positive results of working with the Church—such as a strong commitment to the participation of all base members of the organization in decisionmaking and discussion—they also blame the Church for some of the most difficult problems women face. Marlene. an elected regional representative from Erechim in 1990, reflects on this: Excerpted from Women and Social Movements in Latin America by Lynn Stephen, University of Texas Press, Austin, 1997, 332 pp.

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