Brazzil - Year 10 - Number 152 - August 1998

MUSIC: BLACK, PORTUGUESE, INDIAN, ALL IN THE MIX

Year 10— No. 152 —August 1998

ECONOMY: REAL IS FOUR & GOING STRONG

NATION: CENSORSHIP STILL HAUNTS COUNTRY

LANGUAGE: OF FALLING ACUTES AND CIRCUMFLEXES

TOURISM: BAHIA, BALM FOR SENSES AND SOUL

SPECIAL: HOW CARDOSO LEARNED TO DEAL WITH CONGRESS

ORT STORY: ATO DO ANAO" RCOS

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1 I t, ------, —• Voting is still not keorld-rfainie to " Brazilians while they get ready to go to the polls. This will be the the third time in recent memory that voters will have a chance to elect the President. Until 1985 the military dictatorship that in 1964 overthrew an elected government took care of this, periodically handing down the power from general to general.

There are 106 million registered voters in a population of 161 million. Credit this, however, to the compulsory nature of the vote. Fifty two percent of Brazilians would not get close to a ballot box if they could avoid the fines and headaches that will ensue in case of noncompliance. Other revealing number is the total of presidential

candidates: 12 of them, even though only two will get any expressive voting. The latest p011s give incumbent Fernando Henrique Cardoso, who has more votes than all the other 1 12 candidates combined, victory in the first round.

Lacking in ideas some of the lesser candidates have been appealing to stunts that they hope will make then stand out from the paPk. The use of odd nicknames is a common stratagem. Candidates borrow names from celebrities, use vulgarity, and seem to be having the time of their lives. There is a Joe Carioca, a Claudio Pit, and a Maria do Camio da Silva, who gets the prize for risque and dubious tate.

She adopted the nickname Maria Cabaco (Mary Cherry), which will guarantee her lots of laugh, free publicity, and probably many votes, even though some will wonder how was she ablp to preserve her virginity in so dire times. 1 Since mid-August—and this will conti ue until October Pt—Brazilians are being b mbarded twice daily by candidates who get ee exposure on TV thanks to the voting law d a

http://www.brazzil.com formula that gives more time to those being backed by more parties. When the so-called "free electoral time" starts that's all there is in all channels for a whole hour. Forty percent of people are simply turning offtheir TV sets.

A poll being conducted on our Web site (http://www.brazzil.com) reflects the voting trend in Brazil. At the end of August, with almost 1,000 votes computed (people are not allowed to vote twice), Fernando Henrique Cardoso had 49% of the votes, followed by Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva with 30%, Ciro Gomes (7%) and Dr. Eneas (5%). Nine percent opted for none ofthe above. With a result like that on Election Day Cardoso won't need a runoff.

R.M

CONTENT 7

26

Censorship When reporting_the news was hazardous to your health

Economy Growing pains of four-year-old Real

31

8

Show Biz The day Xuxa had a baby

9

Scandal Trying to catch fake labs and medicine

15

Cover Brazilians go to the polFs

24 Language Tinkering with accents

Cover by Aylan Mello

DEPARTMENTS 6

Rapidinhas 22 Letters 48

Short story "0 Assassinato do Antio"

by Plinio Marcos

36

Travel Reconcavo, Cachoeira, Sio Felix, this is also Bahia

43

Music A potpourri of rhythms called Brazilian sound

The Cultural Pulse 51

Classifieds 52 That's Brazilian

54 Special Cardoso and his perilous courtship with congress

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Publisher and Editor: Rodney Mello / Entertainment Eilitors: Sam & Harriet Robbins Book Review: Bondo Wyszpolski / Music Editor: Bruce Gilman BRAZZIL (ISSN 1091-868X) is published monthly by Brazzil - 2039 N. Ave. 52, Los Anjeles, CA, 90042-1024. Periodicals Postage rate paid at Los Angeles, CA. Single copy sold for $2. One year subscription for 12 issues is $3 (three1 dollars) in the U.S., $15 in Canada and Mexico, and $18 (surface mail) in all other countries. No back issues sold. Allow 5 to 7 weeks to receive our first issue. You may quote from or reprint any of the contents with proper copyright credit. Editorial submissions are welcome. Include a SASE (self (self addressed and stamped envelope) if you want your material mailed back. Brazzil assumes no responsibility for any claims made by its advertisers.

POST MASTER: Send address changes to BRAZZIL - P.O. Box 50536 - Los Angeles, CA - 90050-0536

BRAZZIL -AUGUST 1998

5

Chicken Rai Party Ever the gentleman, writer Roberto Drummond, 59, not only sent a bouquet of50 red roses to every prostitute working at the Belo Horizonte (capital of Minas Gerais state) Hotel Maravilhoso (Marvelous Hotel) whorehouse, he delivered the gift personally and then spent some time with the merry ladies. This was Drummond's- special thanksgiving celebration for the success of Hilda Furaclio (Hurricane Hilda), a book he wrote in 1992 and that since then has seen 15 printings. The Mineiro (from Minas) author was also celebrating the fact that his work was made into a hugely successful miniseries aired recently at GIobo network. Hilda is the story of a rich girl from Belo Horizonte who left her bridegroom at the altar to become a hooker. The Hotel Maravilhoso whorehouse was the place chosen by Hilda to trade her charms.

Why the roses? Answers Drummond: "I have come here so often and have always received the red-carpet treatment, so I decided that they deserve homage

Bye and 'Goo Riddance?

In his four-year stint as the American ambassador in Brasilia, Melvin Levitsky did not fit the stereotypical image of a diplomat: suave, dissimulated, diplomatic.

He raised a series of controversies and was even publicly scolded by President Fernando Henrique Cardoso after criticizing the way Bra-

6

PRO MO CAO ripT ease

Nothing for the Gipper The offer was easy to understand and the readers of Cam pinas (state of Sao Paulo) daily newspaper Diario do Povo (People's Daily) were delighted to know about model Viviane Castro's proposal: she would take off one piece of clothing every time Brazil scored a goal during the world cup and the result of her strip tease would be shown on the pages of the paper.

And, in case of a Brazilian victory, the 21-year-old beauty would not leave anything to the imagination or to cover her brunette frame.

Afraid she would run out of body coverings too, fast she wore all kinds of bows and bijouteries. Then the problems started. The goals became scarce. So, when the game against Holland ended in a 1 to I tie, which had to be decided in a nerve-racking penalty-kick shootout, readers swamped the newsroom with calls demanding that every penalty goal count toward the stripping. Gamely Castro complied. And off came her second sock, her T-shirt, bra, shorts and the green-and-yellow stripe she sported on her arm.

The final victory never came. "What the heck," said Viviane, "second place is nothing to scorn about," and generously appeared in her glorious nakedness.

BRAZZIL - AUGUST 1998

7

dall= When the Muzzle Was King Created in 1960 and elevated to an art form during the military dictatorship (1964-1985), oi June 18 the Camara do Deputados office of censor was eliminated from the Brazilian bureaucracy. That was the day the' some (HouseofRepresentatives)approvedalawextinguishingthepost Butnotbeforetheinstitutionhad of the most unbelievable and hilarious-to-the-point-of-absurd pages of Brazilian history. However, the Censorship Department, a branch of the Federal Police, was legally extinct in 1988 when the new Brazilian constitution went into effect.

There are still 240 people receiving monthly salaries ranging from $3,000 to $4,000 as censors-84 ofthem activelyworking—eventhoughtheywereoccupyingdifferentpositionsinthegovemmentmachine.Thesemen and women decided what Brazilians could read in the papers, what boolcs could be published, what songs could be heard and what films and TV programs could be shown. For newspaper editors it was almost impossible to keep up with all the taboos and hems that could not be reported. The news blacklist ranged from an obvious terrorist attack, bank robberies, labor strikes, and epidemics to any criticism ofthe military and nrvs about the censorship itself In 1973, for example, an order from the Departamento de Censura da Policia Federal (Federal Police Department ofCensorship)barredthemediafi-om reporting on ameningitis epidemic. Declarations by members ofthe progressive clergy were forbidden and bishops who demanded more justice and abetter listribution of the wealth, like Helder Car'nara and Pedro Casaldaliga, couldn't even be mentioned in the media nMay, 1974, a bus mice paralyzed Sao Paulo, but nobody heard a word about it through the media tucional No. Over a period of 10 years, starting December 13, 1968, the country lived under AI-5 (Ato 5—Institutional Act Number 5), a presidential decree by genral Arthur da Costa e Silva that suspended the constitution, disbanded congress, cancelled the political rights of more than 60 congressmen, and createc the so-called previous censorship all in the name of "the defense of the necesa1y interests of the nation."

Except for official communiques, all ofthese events could Itbe reported, I rt1.4.,.. though, and Rio's daily Jornal do Brasil, for example, talked di Gut the crisis Negt8co.asie.c tkutfec .11.,01N4 g. The air is in cryptic format: "Weather black. Temperature suff.

Via 06,1 unbreathable. The country is being swept by a strong wind." d it is hard to .6.0ever t--uveLl imagine what did readers make of Rio's serious, now defun Careio da Manha with this attempt at humor with the headline, "Rich Dies ofHeart Attack in Chicago."

While other dictatorial regimes, even the ones installed other times in Brazil, didn't hide their censoring efforts or try to justify e closing of publications by denying printingpaper orthreateningadverti ..,the Brazilian military regime that took over in 1964 wanted to display an appearance of legality. This surreal status quo, such as it was, became so real d comforting to the military that President Emilio Ganastazu Medici made anthological declaration about the subject. "Brazil is an island of tr•anq ility," he said, explainingthathehad arrived atthis conclusion afterwatching news, which showed a world in conflict and a paradisiacal Brazil isolated m the turmoil. tamed.

He seemed oblivious of how the tranquility-island myth was Asa form ofprotest, daily 0 Ertado de Silo Paulo publish, • extracts from Os Lusiadas (The Portuguese), an epic poem by the greatest ofPortuguese poets, Luis Vaz de I amOes (15241580), instead of finding other news, as most other newspapers did to fill up the gap left by th vetoed article.

Jornal da Tcrrde, 0 Estado's afternoon sister publication, used the extra space for food reci • . These fillers showedup in all places and often onthe frontpage. InRio, Tribuna da Imprensa, more censored an most, filled its spaces with shockingly ugly black boxes.

Foreign correspondents in Brazil were also subjected to the military scissors. Journalists h. to present their deportation. In stories to a censor before being able to wire them back home. Not doing so would mean 1973 the Bolshoi Ballet wasn't allowed to perform in Brazil under the pretext that the Soviet would not be healthy for the country.

Between 1974 and 1979 the censorship vetoed or made cuts or other changes in thousands ifmagazine and newspaperarticles, 840 songs,117 plays and 47 films. Wamerhasn'ttriedtoshow Stanley Kub k's Clockwork Orange since 1971, fearing it would be vetoed. When the film was presented to the censo in 1978, it was liberated without cuts, but the distributors were forced to insert some black spots to cover the. •rs' genitalia The last act of censorship occurred in 1986 after the generals had already bowed out of 9•wer. That year the Jose Samey administration vetoed the showing °fie Vous Salue, Marie (Hail Mary), a ovie by French director Jean-Luc Godard.

Representative Sergio Cameiro protested against the status granted the fomier censors by • enew law: "It's an act of immorality to reward those who always were on the side of the dictatorship and w - , part of a period that Brazil wants to forget," he declared. The passage ofthe bill was aresult ofthe lobbying e i • rtby the censor themselvestoguaranteethattheycanretireaschiefofpoliceandcriminalexpertsandthusreceiv betterpensions.

BOLSHOI BALLET LEssystmiDES OP

BRAZZIL - AUGUST 1998

ICA Black Black Humor Cripples, Jews, Japanese, gays, fat people, everybody is fair game for the vitriolic humor of Casseta e Planeta, the Brazilian Monty Python with a tropical and popular twist.

Seldom light and often funny, the comedians are in charge of Globo network's no-holdsbarred-in-the-politically-incorrect-department Casseta & Planeta Urgente! show. The comedians have bought themselves a couple of lawsuits after telling jokes about South African President Nelson Mandela during his recent visit to Brazil.

In one sketch, the announcer stated as in a news broadcast, "Now you are going to see exclusive images of black leaderNelson Mandela's night visit to Brasilia. Here we see Mandela being received by (black) senator Benedita da Silva and by former Sports minister Pele." All you could see on TV was a black screen.

The text continued talking about a fictitious show for Mandela by real black music bands Rap. Negra (Black Race), Negritude Jr. (Blackness Jr.), CidadeNegra (Black City), and So Preto Sem Preconceito (Only Black Without Prejudice). And they didn't stop there: "The tickets were sold on the black market for a nota preta (black money = big amount).

Lawyer Charlain GalVao da Silva from the Workers' Party Black Movement criticized the jokes as very detrimental to the black race and announced he will sue Globo network. The president of the Associacdo Brasileira de Negros Progressistas (Progressive Blacks Brazilian Association) also threatens to sue and intends to ask for around $1 billion in damages. "This segment was an affront against the black race and a disrespect towards a foreign dignitary, " he told sao Paulo's daily Jornal daTarde.

7

0 GLOBO BN DES ameaca nao financiar grupo que comprou a Teled

OW I

The Mother of All Moms

You knew that this had to be big news when Brazil's most prestigious prime-time news show, TV Globo's IME=Mni11111 **um Jornal Nacional, dedicated 10 minyawn.

CiciottarioWeesiers utes to the subject, while turmoil !

••••••••asommon over the biggest privatization ever in Hr... owns alar• doiria the country, that of Brazil's telecommunications, was comSi. Moue *lair pressed into 4 minutes and 35 seconds. Apparently envious ofthis exclusive scoop, every paper in the country commented on this excess the next day. You knew this was big news when one of the most popular weekly magazines, slick Manchete, in a technological coup, came out with a special edition, the same day the birth occurred. The ten-minute prime spot and the magazine cover went to Sasha, the first-born child to TV personality, Xuxa, 35, whose pregnancy had been covered step by step in the more and the less serious media.

The country learned that Sasha was born on July 28 at 12:45 am and that she was 3.135 (6.897 lb.) and 51 cm (20 inches) at birth. But this was just the beginning ofthe Sasha deluge to come. The Jornal Nacional showed Sasha's first bath, an exclusive, which happened at 10 am. The country was able to see that the baby had a ring on her finger similar to the one that Xuxa herself wears and that she was not blonde as the mother, but tawny, like the sperm donor, Luciano Szafir. (Szafir's relationship with Xuxa was on shaky ground after she said in an interview that he only had ugly people in his family.) After her first bath, Sasha wore a pink overall that, according to the news, was bought in New York. The public was also made aware that Xuxa's baby was breastfed first at six in the morning, then every time she started crying. And some details: the baby was taking 15-minute turns on each breast. Explained press aide Monica Muniz, "As soon as the baby starts crying, Xuxa offers her the breast."

In the first tests of vitality Sasha got a nine out of a possible ten. The next day the girl got a BCG and a hepatitis vaccine. After examining the baby, pediatrician Sergio Cabral stated, "Xuxa has plenty of milk. Sasha is being breastfed every three hours. It is important now that she gets her food from the mother's breasts alone."

The birth was expected for August 10, but Cabs Dale, the gynecologist, said that the delivery wasn't premature since the TV star was already on her 39th week of pregnancy. The choice for a caesarian was due to Xuxa's age and the fear that the umbilical cord was around the baby's neck. Xuxa withstood an 8-cm incision that was applied with surgical precision and the FOLHA DE S.PAULO procedure was followed up by her plastic surgeon, Ricardo Pieranti. "The stitches were done internally so there would be no visible scars," explained Dale.

Anatel quer 1 milhao de linhas ate 99 Some Dirty Laundry, Too From her father, who is a model and businessman, Sasha received a golden brooch with a little angel and a David star "to symbolize Judaism and Christianity, the religions of the father and the mother," said press aide Monica Muniz. A little lion was on the card relaying Sasha's birth as well as on the baby's linen and every door on the wing Xuxa stayed. The Lion is Sasha's sign.

— •ti The next day the cameras and flashes were still running amok when Luciano Szafir went to a cartorio Lellan tranquiltza (notary public) to get a gift certificate for daughter Sasha Meneghel Szafir. In Minas Gerais state, however, comna Ric sic44v Prapette 4,1,J i111,:10 'vitt pul At parents who decided to name their children Sasha were dissuaded from doing so with the argument that the moniker Tight cause embarrassment to the girl later, since Sasha is a Russian diminutive for Alexander and not common in Brazil.

The spectacle started on December 7, 1997, when Xuxa appeared on Globo TV Domingiio do Faustdo (Big Fausto's Big Sunday) to reveal that she was pregnant. Then the news bombardment ensued: the construction of special quarters for the coming baby, Xuxa's nips overseas to buy Sasha's layette, the gifts people started sending, the skirmishes between the TV star and her daughter's father. People were informed that Sasha would have two rooms in her mother's mansion plus a swimming pool with hydromassage.

Jornal do Brasil' s (a traditional daily from Rio) irreverent curmudgeon columnist, Xexeo, distilled some venom and went scatological saying that the country also wanted to know about Sasha's first vomit and first bowel movement. Xuxa hersel f stayed on the sidelines on the first day, but Szafir was interviewed live and no other TV station besides Globo, where Xuxa , is a star, had access to the hospital and the little princess.

Show-business also had some humane touches. All the children who were born during the time Xuxa stayed in the luxurious So Vicente hospital, in the Gavea neighborhood, received a teddy bear and a baby kit.

The celebrity also made donations of toys and diapers to the Pr6-Matre foundation, an institution that cares for poor mothers. ft

11,•••••-por

"

8

BRAZZIL - AUGUST 1998

women to ope ly speak about discovering that the birthcontrol pill sh was taking did not work, was using thed product for ei t years. Goncalves, who lives in Maui in greater Sao Pa lo, is one of the women suing the laboratory.

The disclosure that Brazilian women were taking birth- "I was shocked " she explained, "I was taking the contracepcontrol pills made of flour instead of active ingredients has tive because I' in no condition to have more children."

Leni Apare ida, another plaintiff, says that for 10 years provoked the Health Ministry's intervention, which in turn has led to the discovery of a rampant use of fake medicine she had opted o use Microvlar due to the low price of the: product (around $3 for a 21-pill carton product across the country. At least a dozen against an average price of $15 charged by women came forward to say that they other contraceptives) and never had any became pregnant while taking Microvlar, 0 GLOBO problems. a contraceptive made by German labora- Ttununo ern Hooked on Drugs devin ern tory Schering, one ,of the ten largest in SP Vigilancia Sanitanafecha dem In Brazil there 55,000 pharmacies 12 teridat Brazil. laboratorio na Zona Sul for a population of are 161 million. The counrn The lab's explanation? The fake captry is the world's fourth largest consumer of.

LABOI4T6R10 sules that reached the market had been 1.1111}0 &ONES pharmaceuticals. Experts from the World produced as a test for a new machine and E L = Health Organization (WHO) believe that the flour-filled pills had been sent for 25,000 would be more than enough to atincineration and stolen during this protend to the population. Brazilians are known cess. Not very convincing, though, since for selfmedication and overmedication. It the laboratory didn't tell the authorities 'UMW' na is believed that half of all prescription medior go public before the case had already dtwil cines dispensed in the country is unnecesbecome a scandal. Even after having been sary. To complicate matters, the federal contacted by the women who found themgovernment has only 1,400 inspectors in E=.7 selves pregnant while taking the medile ma re charge of monitoring not only the pharmaInn cine the company didn't take any action Inn• UMW. menumeimemonm lit• Kunio' ans idn pnionno* cies and some 7,000 distributors and 400 to alert the public.

Saw so laboratories, but also 600 ports and airIn some instances, the medicine snafu ports. resulted in tragedy. It was reported that " If the Health Ministry has its way, (it has ten men died across the country while Lue„ presented a bill in Congress to moralize the taking an innocuous Androcur, a drug that was supposed to treat their prostate cancer. In the state commercializ tion of medicaments), Brazil's drug counterof Amazonas, 120 AIDS patients being given a triple medi- feiters and di tributors of fake products might get up to 30 cine cocktail by the government found out that their medica- years in priso , the maximum allowed jail term in the country, instead of the four years contemplated tion was adultered. All of these reports by the current law. provoked panic with people being medi- m The president of Abifarma (Associacao cated, wondering if they were taking the Brasileira da Indastria Farmaceutica-Brareal thing, a placebo, or something toxic zilian Pharmaceutical Industry Associaand dangerous. tion), Jose Eduardo Bandeira de Mello,, After being just installed in the office estimates that pharmacies across the counof the Health Ministry, Jose Serra closed try might hold 135 million boxes and bottles Schering laboratory for five days while of phony medication. Inspired by the Amerigovernment inspectors probed their facilican Food and Drug Administration, Brazil ties. At the same time the Receita Federal is creating its own agency to control the (the Brazilian IRS) started to audit the company in search of possible fiscal fraud. The Justice manufacturi g and commercialization of medicine to be Ministry ended up intervening. It created a special police tentatively c lled Agevisa (Agencia de Vigilancia Sanitariaforce to fight counterfeit drugs and started a special hot line Sanitary Vig lance Agency). Serra traveled at the end of July to the U.S. ti meet with directors of the World Bank and the for people to report fake medicines.

Brazilian police started a national crackdown, arresting president o the Inter-American Bank of Development, bogus drug sellers and shutting down pharmacies selling Enrique Igle ias, to see how the FDA works.

The prec riousness of the Brazilian health system was fakes. Hundreds of boxes containing phony medicines and prescription drugs stolen from hospitals were confiscated in again expos when only two Rio laboratories from a total of Sao Paulo and Rio, Brazil's two largest cities. More than 60 14 were abl • to detect that a yellowish sample presented to counterfeit brands of pharmaceuticals were discovered by them for an lysis was not urine, but the popular soft drink early August, ranging form antibiotics to cancer and AIDS guaranci-ma e from the guarana, an Amazonian berry-mixed medicines. Schering was fighting in the Justice a close to $3 with water. They even detected substances that couldn't million fine and eight women who said they became preg- possibly be resent and, at least in one instance, the result indicated a isease. The ruse was played by Rio's daily 0 nant while using Microvlar were suing the laboratory. whic sent its Amazonian berry concoction to 14 labs.

Globo, Maria Seila Meireles Goncalves, 32, one of the first

aMELL Flour Generation

On

BRAZZIL -AUGUST 1998

ill was dealing with a billionaire radar contract to monitor the Amazon. Always worried about the drug problem, Levitsky seemed at times more a policeman than a politician.

"Dinosaurs," that's the way he dismisses those who criticize him. Just before leaving Brazil to become a professor, the ambassador distributed a few more samples ofhis causticity in an interview with leading weekly magazine Yeja: "The Brazilian press a ways wants to make thitnon ster or angel out of the American ambassador. That's why former U.S. ambassadors in Brazil wouldn't talk to the press. The work of an ambassador is not to create good relations in the country wher he is, but to advance, to irfl prove the conditions for th interests of the country he re resents."

And about the Brazilian perceived American threat the Amazon: "The threats day come from gold diggers and drug traffickers. They are the ones who don't respect the Amazon's sovereignty. The United States doesn't represent any threat," the ambassador guaranteed..

Charm Seller Apart from Ocimar Versolatto in Paris, who, after being on the brink of bankruptcy, starts to draw worldwide terest to its designer cloth there are no Brazilian stars ii the skies of international fashion. Tufi Duek, who has already been called the Brazilian Calvin Klein by an American fashion publication, would lbw to change this. In three years, he says, you and almost any other person living in the U.S. will have heard about him and his clothes already trademarked as Tufi Duek in the States.

Duek is not new at the dressing game. This Paulista (from sao Paulo) born in Rio

10

Talking Mall The Fashion Mall, a shopping center in sao Conrado in Rio's south zone, has become the in-spot for the Carioca (from Rio) jeunesse doree. Teens from the well-to-do neighborhoods like Ipanema, Leblon and Gavea gather there on weekends on their way from or to a party to know the latest gossip, meet friends, discover upcoming bashes, and learn the new slang.

"Planeta Globo," a Sunday supplement from Rio's daily 0 Globo , recently published a glossary of some of the terms being used by the youngsters: Alambrou—it didn't work B. V. (for bocavirgem =virgin mouth)—he/she who has never kissed on the mouth Chegar junto (to get close)—to flirt Creonte—shy E a1 Leske?—What's up, guy?

Estancou (it stopped)—it went wrong Galego (Galician)—bully Guerreiro (warrior)—guy with an ugly girl Levar (tomar) urn toco (get a stump)—to be spurned Pegar (to pick up) to engage in heavy petting Pela-saco (peel-scrotum)—brownnoser Perder a linha (to lose the line)—to hesitate Qual e moleque?—What's up, guy?

Ralar (to gate)—to split Sapecar—to sock Seqiielado—spaced out, too drunk Shape (English term)—body as in shape maneiro= great body Soci—social gathering Vazar (to leak)—to leave Zoar—to go out for fun and love games

Tickets Plus General Cinema, which manages 1,300 motion-picture screens in the U.S., is betting on Brazilians' increasing appetite for movies. The company is investing $250 million and plans to build 300 new screens in the country in the next five years. The first multiplex with 15 screens is almost ready and is the anchor business for Internacional Shopping Guarulhos, a shopping mall in Guarulhos, in the greater sao Paulo.

General Cinema is not the first foreign company to show intereste in the Brazilian movie business and in theater complexes in particular.

Cinemark, another American company, had ahead start with multiplexes in Rio and sao Paulo. After all, Brazilians took close to $400 million to the box-office in 1997 and the potential for growth is enormous. Brazil has today a mere 1,300 screens— many in bad shape and in undesirable locations— approximately one third ofthe number it had in the '60s when there were 3,500 movie screens.

The competition's arrival has also been a blessing for Brazilian moviegoers who are already paying up to $12 a ticket (popcorn and butter are extra) in some movie theaters. As a consequence of Cinemark's presence at a shopping mall in Sao Paulo, tickets in the area have been lowered to $6.

rark Holy Hard-on Who is this naked black man nailed to a cross flaunting a penis in a very noticeable erection? If you answered Christ, that is what everybody else who saw the painting also said. What is He doing on the walls of the Brazilian congress? The aroused crucified man is part of an Afro-Brazilian art expo held in the National Congress Hall in Brasilia and its artist is black senator Abdias do Nascimento.

Despite the clear reference to Christ, the painting goes by two more subtle official names: Xango Crucificado (Crucified Black God) or Martirio de Malcolm X (Malcolm X's Martyrdom).

"Nobody should feel offended," says the senator, "the work was inspired by Xango, a Yoruban god."

Needless to say the presence of the black horny guy among congressmen has more than ruffled a few feathers. Disgusted by the exhibition, senate president Antonio Carlos Magalhaes didn't go so far as to ban the work of art, but he has threatened to end the tradition of art exhibits in the congress. , Talking to weekly magazine, /sto E, Nascimento revealed that he painted Martirio de MalcolmXwhen exiled in New York during the military dictatorship (1964-1975).

"Malcolm X was the Jesus Christ of the black community," he explained.

And why the erect penis? "This is a symbol of power, of force. I wanted to show the black man in his whole body."

BRAZZIL - AUGUST 1998

isto ry

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War Ready The S-33 Tapajos is already at sea going through some rough tests and training before joining the Brazilian Navy. It took three years to build this Brazilian-made submarine, which is the third one manufactured in Brazil. The country is proud of being the only one in the Southern Hemisphere to build its own submarines. Brazil uses technology learned from the Germans and manufactures these war machines at Rio's Arsenal de Guerra (War Arsenal).

When the S-33 is ready she will become the fifth submersible in the country's flotilla. The 534 Tikuna is being built right now and should be ready by the end of the year. Two of the submarines were bought overseas: one from England and the other from Germany. Preceding the Tapajo in the Rio arsenal were the S-31 Tamoio and the S-32 Tintbira. All were named after Brazilian Indian tribes.

The S-30 Tupi was built in the '80s in Germany by the German consortium Fen-ostaal/HDW, but under Brazilian supervision. The fifth Brazilian submarine in operation, the Tonelero, was bought from England during the '60s. When the military purchased an aircraft carrier, also from England, during that period, the acquisition was satirized by "cursed minstrel" Juca Chaves in Brasiljavai a guerra, a popular song that said: Brasil já vai a guerra Comprou porta-avi5es Um viva pra Inglaterra 82 bilh5es Rá, Rá, mas que ladroes

Brazil is going to war It bought an aircraft carrier Long live England 82 billion (cruzeiros) Tslc, tsk, what thieves.

Although not nuclear, the Brazilian-built submarines are 200-foot-long high-tech machines.

The Navy, however, won't reveal what kind of torpedoes the device, which carries seven officers, 30 sailors and comes equipped with imported gear, can launch.

Uncovering the Discovery Pedro Alvares Cabral, the Portuguese noble who is believed to have discovered Brazil on April 21, 1500, was no gifted navigator. His trip to Brazil was probably his first one as a navigator. He was chosen to command the 13-ship fleet and the crew of 1,500 that arrived in Brazil because he was married to one of the wealthiest Portuguese women at the time, Dona Isabel de Castro.

As for the sailors—since there were no women on the ships—they loved to play cards, but many card decks were lost. Every time they played and one of the religious aboard showed up, the cards were thrown out to sea. Little revelations like these, stories you won't hear in school, fill the just-released A Viagem do Descobrimento (The Discovery Trip).

Written by Gaucho (from Rio Grande do Sul) journalist, Eduardo Bueno, 40, and published by Editora Objetiva, the 140page volume is only the first of a series of six books in the Terra Brasilis collection.

"The book has no scoops, but information that the vast majority of people ignores," Bueno told daily 0 Estado de S. Paulo. How many exiles were left in Brazil when the fleet left towards India?

Some say two, some five. Otie of them was Afonso Ribeiro, who lived for a year and a half among the Tupi-Guarani Indians. According to the author, those left in the first and following trips were enchanted with two things: the sheer quantity of exotic fruit and the profusion of naked women.

No Harmful Additives

In the wake of the Viagra craze, infamous lingerie manufacturer DuLoren has started a new advertising campaign touting the natural aphrodisiac effects of their products, bawdy apd provocative bras and panties. The ad, which has been shown in weekly magazine 1st° E (the Brazilian Newsweek), shows a shirtless man standing by a bed in a hospital room flanked by two gorgeous young ladies in their undies. While one woman nibbles on his shoulder, the other one, clad in a scanty panty, daringly places her hand under the panting man's fly.

The copy states: DuLoren provokes erection and has no side effect.

The panty maker has raised eye brows recently with risque campaigns involving religion, rape and even Santa Claus. This time, however, the jeering crowd is silent. Not even a single "boo" has been heard. Hecklers get tired, too.

BRAZZIL -AUGUST 1998

was only 20 in 1975 when he started his first clothing business, Triton, with two seamstresses. Six years later, the young entrepreneur created a second more sophisticated label called Forum. Together these firms today have 1,300 employees and own 75 boutiques besides having access to another 600 shops to distribute their products. Their slick advertising sometimes takes 10 or more consecutive pages in Brazil's leading magazines.

The plans to take on the U.S. have already been in the works for more than a year now. In the first phase of the attack, the New York fashion media, upscale boutiques and every main character on the Yankee fashion stage were bombarded with videos, samples and information on his companies. Last November Duek installed a showroom in So-Ho to coincide with shows for the launching of the summer collection. Result two small shops boughthis clothes.

In April the same strategy tw ion. as used for the winter collection The number of American boutiques interested in the Tufi Duek label grew to 14 and two shops in London also picked up the product "The market I am looking for" he told newsmagazine Veja, is the more sophisticated one, in which what counts is talent and quality. At the beginning we don't want a well-recognized name and a strategy in which the sale volume is what matters most. We want a name with design qualg The real test for the Tu Duek label started in July when, the clothes ordered in April. arrived at the mostly luxury,I boutiques. Duek says that he, is not surprised that his business is still in the red. He believes that in three years he, will be in the black and no the bl es anymore.

11

giLL Farewell to the Bomb For the time being, Brazil has officially given up on its super-power dreams of building its own A-bomb. On July 13, in the presence of U.N. general secretary Kofi Annan, President Fernando Henrique Cardoso signed the Treaty on NonProliferation of Nuclear Arms, after years of steadfast refusal to do so. Brazil went the whole nine yards to endorse another treaty that forbids nuclear tests, something that only 16 countries in the world have done so far.

It was in 1987 that civilian president Jose Sarney announced to the world that the country had learned how to produce enriched uranium, an indispensable step on the way to a nuclear bomb. The Army, Air Force, and Navy, all three branches of the Armed Forces, were in the pursuit of this Holy Grail that was reached first by the Navy. The Brazilian Abomb program has been so shrouded in mystery that at times not even the President has known what is going on. In 1968, Brazil announced the construction of its first nuclear plant, Angra I. (Angra II, the first one to go into operation, will be finished by year's end, two decades behind schedule.)

From the start, however, what Brazil really wanted was the bomb. Seven years later, President general Ernesto Geisel signed a $30-billion contract with Germany for the construction of eight nuclear plants. After leaving office, Geisel talked about his mixed feelings about the deal: "The agreement was burdensome, but this was the only way Brazil had to dominate the nuclear technology." The 1988 constitution had already forbidden the use of nuclear bombs, but it was in 1990 that President Fernando Collor de Mello, in a mostly symbolic gesture, threw two whitewash shovels into an until-then secret hole in Serra do Cachimbo (Pipe Range), state of Para. The crater belonged to the Air Force and had been built for underground nuclear tests.

Recently, some episodes from the nuclear deals were made public and it was learned, for example, that officials in Europe and the United States were bribed. A unnamed military person who worked in the nuclear program told weekly newsmagazine Veja, "In the United States, the Navy bought equipment that could be sold, but could not leave the country. A team of technicians went there, disassembled the whole thing and copied them piece by piece."

12

The Voice from the Street Farofa Carioca (Toasted Manioc Flour from Rio) and Boato (Gossip) are two new bands from Rio that have just released their first CDs. They are being presented under the label of MPC (Musica Popular Carioca—Carioca Popular Music), a lively sound accompanied by harsh lyrics identified with urban Rio, but they say this classification limits their scope.

The new bands sing about the underbelly of the big city like the sale of crack and pot. "Banana" broaches the subject of the landless and "Marginalia" is a hymn to justice and peace. Both are from Boato.

Farofa Carioca's crooner, Jorge Mario da Silva, is a former beggar who, for three years, lived and slept on the streets. At ten he already had a job fixing flat tires. In 1990, the police killed his brother in a massacre.

"I was a minor violator. In order to survive I sold peanuts in Ipanema, and when I couldn't make it, I would just steal," Sandrinho, the band's percussionist, told Rio's daily, 0 Dia (The Day). Farofa sings, amongst others, "Moro no Brasil" (I Live in Brazil), "Doidinha Pra Ter Nenem" (Dying to Have a Baby) and "Rabisca Robson" (Scribble Robson).

Rabisca Robson Scribbling Robson Farofa Carioca Robson era urn sujeito legal (..)

Mas se arrasou e comecou a vacilar Quando passou a andar Corn o bonde do mal Comecon a frequentar boca-defirm° e botequim Ficou popular como Robson Rabisquim Moro no Brasil Farofa Carioca MOTO no Brasil, nao sei se moro muito hem on muito mal So sei que agora.faco parte do pals A inteligencia e fundamental."

Robson was a cool guy (...)

But went down and started to falter When he started to go with The streetcar of evil He started to visit crack houses and bars He became popular as Scribbling Robson I Live in Brazil

I live in Brazil I don't know if I live too well or too badly All I know is that I'm now part of the country Intelligence is fundamental

BRAZZIL -AUGUST 1998

ISME2=IT Daunting Thomas Mr. Controversy himself is at it again. Genius to some or just an incurable crackpot to others, there is no other theater director quite like Gerald Thomas, a man who speaks alternately in Portuguese, English, French and German, in search of the words that best capture his thoughts. While gearing up for the 1999 presentation of Mary elley' s Frankenstein on Broadway and a show based on French author Jean Genet to premiere off-Broadway in December, he has just started the run of his latest Brazilian pectacle, a Garcia Lorca inspired show being performed on the bed of a truck in Prac da Se, a square in the heart of Sao Paulo.

His show's name? Hang on to your hat, but you probably have never heard • f a more tortuous and winding title: I, Federico Garcia Lorca, who strangled my c aracters, knifed the myths of the Spanish culture, beheaded the spirit of Latinity and id down naked in bed with men, now I carry my theater on the back of a truck to the suares in the interior of the country before the fascist troops gun me down in one oft em."

He should be in Vienna right now rehearsing Arnold Schoenberg' s opera Moses and Aaron. Then it's time to come to New York for Le Petit de Genet (The Little One by Genet) a play with le petit dejeuner, which means breakfast. Le Petit De'jeuner is a futurist reading of Genet's Le Balcon (The Balcony). Not that Thomas considers the enfant terrible Genet an avant-gardist. Au contraire. Says the Brazilian d rector, "I wanted to show how dated is Le Balcon. All the questions present in the text are already passé. I want to do Le petit de Genet to celebrate the end of the century. Enoug of Heiner

Muller and his "Hamletmachine" and "Medeamaterial", which are a bore. To ay is time for Michael Jackson and to discover what type of art we're going to do fro now on."

And he is already thinking about a new Brazilian project for next year, the taging of Samuel Becket's Waitingfor Godot with veteran rocker Rita Lee in her first roL on stage.

The casting for Broadway's Frankenstein has not been determined yet. T i e producers, who are investing some $6 million, would like to have a big name like Rob rt De Niro lken. He or French actor Gerard Depardieu. Thomas would prefer Christopher explained why in an interview with Rio's daily Jornal do Brasil: "De Niro draws the public, but he is very hard to work with, rehearses little, and doesn't have the ersatility of a Christopher Walken. As for Depardieu, I sincerely don't know his work Thomas also believes that Frankenstein represents what the U.S. is today, a mix of ci ilizations, "an attempt, sometimes naïve, to overcome the old continent." He would p fer not to hear any non-American accents in his Frankenstein version.

Thomas also talked about art and himself recently to 0 Globo, a daily fro Rio: "To be an artist is to not recognize frontiers. Perhaps for that reason I think wo ds are less important and more restrictive than images. I am more a story teller than a director. I develop the themes that interest me. I wouldn't dare make a Moliere and I ould only stage a few Shakespeare plays."

Gerald Thomas has also become the artistic director of off-Broadway La ama—the temple of experimental theater in New York—at the invitation of owner, lege dary Ellen Stewart. "Ellen asked me to take the position because at 78 she is in no condi ion to take care of the theater schedule and bureaucratic matters," said Thomas. Th Brazilian director promises that until the year 2,000, he will take La Mama back to its g lden years when the place was the fa orite stage for Pina Baush and Bob il son. Thomas would like to see fo eign directors at the new La Mama, seople like French Patrice Cherea Canadian Robert Lepage, Italian eo Bemardini, and German Klaus Michael Gruber. Two of his works ill also be shown at La Mama:Now ere Man, to premiere in October and he Balcony adaptation scheduled for December.

BRAZZIL - AUGUST 1998

conomy

Blondies for Export The world's fourth largest beer producer, following the United States, China, and Germany, Brazil thinks it is time to share its golden wealth with the world. From the 8.1 billion liters (compare this to the 23.6 billion from the U.S.) it produces annually, only a fraction is sold overseas.

Some specialty chains and ethnic markets have been selling the imported product in the US for years, but Brazilian beer brewers want more than that.

Antarctica and Brahma, the two largest beer producers, have their plans to gobble a little more of the foreign market. Small-fry Independente has already carved a little niche for itself with Xingu. The company hopes the mystique of the Amazon, Xingu is a tributary of the mighty Amazon River, will rub off on their beer. Through an agreement with the Budweiser Company, Antarctica has for the past two years been exporting Rio Cristal, a concoction specially prepared for gringos.

Recently, however, Antarctica started another assault into the Yankee market shipping 120,000 Antarctica Pilsen bottles to Florida. This is the same beer that is sold in Brazil, only the label is in English.

Oddly enough, it is the Latino market in Florida that is the main target of this initial assault. Today, overseas sales represent 1% of Antarctica's revenue.

They are betting this share will grow to 5% in four years.

Brahma already sells 2.5% of its production overseas. The company has bought plants and is manufacturing its beer in Ven-

13

ezuela and Argentina. They seem more interested in the European market than the American one right now, though. Brahma used the World Cup in France as an avenue to ship 2 million bottles and cans of its Brahma Pilsen o Europe.

Good 01' Time Are Back Enrollment is open for what Record TV hopes will mark the rebirth of the Festival de MPB (Brazilian Popular Music Festival), a music competition that has been around since the end of the '60s and launched such musical talents as Caetano Veloso, Gilberto Gil, and Chico Buarque de Holanda. It all initially started at Record. But then, Globo network was not the monopoly it has become and the TV station from Sfto Paulo wasn't owned by a controversial evangelical church (Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus—Universal Church of ' the Kingdom of God), as it is today. But the producer of the original shows, Solano Ribeiro, is back for the new version of the festival, which he promises will not be a rehashing of old ideas, "but something innovative."

Ribeiro expects to receive some 7,000 submissions. A jury of musical experts will trim them to 36 and these will ;be the songs that will be introduced in three semifinals, until only 12 finalists will be left when December comes. There will be a CD featuring all of these songs. The finalists will also have a videoclip, which in turn will run for a prize in screenplay, direction, and art direction. "There are close to 1.6 thousand regional music festivals throughout Brazil," says Ribeiro. "A TV competition, however, is one of the few roads left to reveal the new or unknown artist."

14

Charming Africa Brazilian actress and model Thais Arafijo, 19, is experiencing a meteoric rise—she has become the female spokesperson for a new clothes detergent and in Angola no less. All of this is due to the character Arafijo plays on Manchete TV soap operaXica da Silva,

which tells the story of a legendary black slave who becomes her owner's lover and protegee. The erotically-charged novela, which has plenty of nude scenes, was shown last year in Brazil, but the Angolans are just getting the chance to taste Thais spice. They fell in love with the African-Brazilian and Xica da Silva's ratings

zoomed up.

Hence the invitation for the actress to sell soap in Africa.

Araujo is on a roll. She will be Edivanea on Globo's next 7:00-pm

soap opera. The character Thais will interpret has animosity for poor people because she grew up poor, so she wants to marry the wealthiest guy in the fictitious Village of Sao Tomas de Tras (St Thomas of Behind). To portray the manicurist, Edivanea, the actress had to make some aesthetic changes: she now has long, straight hair and her wardrobe is much lighter since the clothes she wears reveal more than they hide.

Brazilian Playboy has been badgering her for more than a year to pose nude. She will do it if the price is right: "I am not against the idea because I don't know what Playboy has to offer. I just don't feel comfortable getting naked in front of a photographer. I've already done those dreadful scenes for Xica da Silva and I cried a lot. I will pose, but only for the money. I think it is weird when women say that they pose for vanity. I am happy enough looking at myself in the mirror."

Despite her busy agenda, she is also in two upcoming movies by director Lucas Amberg: Um Sonho do Caroco do Abacate (An Avocado Pit's Dream) and Negritude, um Drama Urbano (Blackness, an Urban Drama). Arailjo jumped at the chance to travel to Africa to get a better understanding of her roots. "It's a great opportunity to work and, at the same time, to know Africa," she said with a broad smile right before leaving Brazil. e avio

Eyes on the Boobs Not one to be out of the spotlight for long, actress S6nia Braga, who starred in Dona Flor e Sear Dois Maridos (Dona Flor and Her Two Husbands), has found a way to be back in the news without any new artistic accomplishment. She shows up at a party discretely dressed, covered with a cape. Suddenly, she opens the cape and lo and behold: under a transparent blouse her braless boobies are showing. La Braga also presented a recent see-my-breasts show in New York during the premiere of Out of Sight, a movie with George Clooney and Jennifer Lopez.

Then she repeated the exhibitionist stint at Sao Paulo's MorumbiFashion Brasil, currently the most important fashion show in Brazil. In New York and Sao Paulo Sonia stole the show, although she was only a member of the audience.

Using one ofthe acerbic comments it has become notorious for, weekly magazine Veja noted referring to a soap opera that Braga starred in heryounger years: "It was almost as in the good ol' times of Gabriela, if it weren't for the changes since then in the conditions of humidity, temperature and, most of all, gravity."

Braga made some more waves in an interview with Edney Silvestre from Globonews TV. She produced an extensive list of past lovers, including international celebrities like Mick Jagger, Clint Eastwood and Robert Redford. Among the Brazilians she went to bed with, according to her account: soccer legend Pete, musical heavyweights Caetano Veloso and Chico Buarque, and TV comedian Chico Anysio. Her opinions on some of these men are less than flattering. "He is very egotistical. He prefers to lock himself in the dressing room instead of talking to actors and crew." This one is Redford.

BRAZZIL - AUGUST 1998

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BRAZZIL -AUGUST 1998

It's election time in Brazil and it is politics as usual, Brazilian-style, gravitating around the same old bigname honchos. There is the habitual lack of party loyalty and alliances and coalitions are based in personal interests rather than national ones. In Brazil, politics are often focused on personalities rather than policies, but the populace seems to believe that time and continuity are key to the consolidation of the economic reforms implemented by President Fernando I-fenrique Cardoso during his first term.

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On October 4, some 100 million Brazilians (out of 106,076,088 voters) will be going to the polls to cast their ballot for Brazil's next President, senators, House representatives, assemblymen and state governors. The novelty in this year's election is that a constitutional amendment passed by the Congress in 1997 has allowed the President and state governors to seek reelection after their first four-year term, which had previously been barred by the constitution.

Apart from those amendments, the preelection season is politics as usual, Brazilian-style, based around the same old caciques (literally, Indian chiefs; figuratively, political bosses), lack of party loyalty and with numerous alliances and coalitions stemming from regional and personal interests rather than national ones.

The lack of new political leadership becomes evident to most people upon looking at the list of candidates for state governors: Paulo Maluf (Sdo Paulo), Miguel Arraes (Pernambuco), Amazonino Mendes (Amazonas), Hamar Franco (Minas Gerais), just to name a few. They all have been in politics for decades.

The same lack of leadership is evident in the presidential candidates, with the exception of PPS' (Partido Popular Socialista—People's Socialist Party) Ciro Gomes, formerly affiliated to the govern15

ment party PSDB (Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira—Brazilian Social Democracy Party). Although without any real chance of winning the race, Gomes is what analysts call a "charismatic leader", who occasionally turns up in the political scene. While some new candidates Fernando Henrique manage to consolidate their leadership as Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva did in lege professor, President Cardoso was born int Rio the 1980s, others come and go, like Fernando Collor de Mello who won de Janeiro in 1931. At the age of 30, he received his the 1989 elections under the banner of the obscure National ReconstrucPh.D. in Social Sciences from the University of S tion Party (PRN), and was later impeached.

Paulo, and became well known in the acadern On the other hand, more than 40% of a total of 513 House representacommunity for his theories aboutthedependence of tives have changed parties since 1995. The party switching is not limited Latin America on international capitalism. After the to the House of Representatives, though. Very few Brazilian politicians military coup in 1964, Cardoso voluntarily sought have remained loyal to their original parties, but even those who have done exile in Chile, and later on in France, and didn't so cannot survive in Brazil's political arena without party associations, return to Brazil until 1968. Cardoso entered the which vary according to convenience and circumstances.

Brazilian Senate in 1983. Two years later, he ran for Lula, presidential candidate of the PT (Partido dos Trabalhadores— mayor of Sao Paulo, but was unsuccessful on hiS Workers' Party), is a case in point. His alliance with PDT's (Democratic election bid. In 1986, he became a senator again.

Labor Party) Leonel Brizola (Lula's running mate in next month's elecAfter a stint as President Itamar Franco's Foreign tion) would have been unthinkable just a few years ago. The bitter verbal Minister, Cardoso was appointed Franco's Finance exchanges between the former political adversaries were infamous all over Minister; he was elected president in 1994, anchored the country, when they were rivals for the presidency in 1989. "Governor by the success of the Real plan. P :PSDB (Partido Brizola would step on his mother's neck to become President", said Lula, da Social Deinocracia Brasijeira—Brazjlian Social back in 1985. Four years later, Brizola counterattacked with one of his Democracy Party). Married tothree children. many sarcastic comments about Lula: "Politics is the art of engolir sapos Leading the polls. Web site: (literally, to eat frogs; figuratively, to swallow an insult). Wouldn't it be http://wwvv.fernandohentique98.or fascinating to make the Brazilian elite swallow Lula, the bearded frog?"

Luis Inicio Lula da Silva—'Born in President Fernando Henrique Cardoso (FHC) himself was entangled (state of Pernambuco) in 1946, this former worker is a third-time candidate to the preside in a web of alliances and party coalitions even before the reelection Brazil. The son of a peasant, Lutiah:sain amendment was passed. In order to secure the 308 votes needed to amend livednavijo Paulo since his early childhood. L the constitution, Cardoso had to muster all his charm and political sagacity fame in 1978, after leading a metalworkers strike by striking a series of compromises with different interest groups. defiance to the military dictatorship, In 1982, Unfazed by the all too familiar political bargaining that keeps the came in fourth place in Sao Paulo's governor el wheels of Congress in motion, a majority of Brazilians have nonetheless tion, and in 1986 he was elected to the4ouse embraced the reelection project. In Brazil, politics are often focused on Representatives. His first attempt to become pi personalities rather than policies, but the populace seems to believe that dent was in 1989, when he wes defeated by Fern time and continuity are key to the consolidation of the economic reforms Collor de Mello in the run-oft'election. Four yet implemented by Cardoso during his first term. later, Lula was again defeated; to Preside The Polls Cardoso in the first rountlarty: as1117 As of August 11, Brazil's major polling institutes indicate that the Trabalhadores—Workers' Party). Marriedart to Marisa, incumbent President is leading the polls by a wide margin. According to his third wife; four children (threesons by Marisa and a survey conducted by the a daughter from his second marriage). Second in the Vox Populi institute for the polls. media conglomerate Diarios Web site: http://www.IuIa.o Associados between August Ciro Gomes—The young est of all presidential 9 and 11, FHC would win candidates, Gomes was n 1bo5 9 rn_. in pindemonhangaba with 44% of the votes if the (state of Sao Paulo) / With a idegree from election were to take place Ceara Federal University's Law Sch Qomes en during that period. That reptered politics while still a student. T7ice e resents approximately 44 the House of Representatives (1983 and 19 million votes, and it means became mayor of Fortaleza (Ceara state c that Cardoso may repeat his 1989, and Ceara's governor in 1991. After Min Rubens Ricupero's resignation, Games was appoin winning performance of the Finance Minister by President 1994 election, when he also Hamar Franco Par PPS (Partido Popular Social ista—Popular SOc received 44% of the total ialis Party). Married to Patricia; three children. Third votes in the first round.

•the polls.

Moreover, 68% of the voters polled—even those who would not vote for Web site: ttp:// www.cirogomes.com.br FHC—believe that he will be reelepted.

Eneas Carneiro Cardiologist, 60, Carneiro' These last numbers also show that Cardoso is up three percentage born in the state of Acre, but it wasn't until the age points relative to the polls conducted between July 19 and 21, which •nine that his birth was registered in Belem (state a confirms that the President has in fact rebounded from his poor perforPara), which became his official birthplace. A set mance in the May and June polls. At that time, Cardoso's popularity proclaimed nationalist, Carneiro is runningforpr declined to the worst levels since the beginning of his administration. dent for the third time. In the 1989 esd The perception among Brazilians was that the government Seethed election, Carneiro received ow-1'300 thodv P ieiltat unable to deal with some pressing issues, such as the Northeast drought in spite of his limited airtime (15 seconds) on (W and the nationwide strike that was led by Brazilian university professors.

Four years later, he came in a surprising third pla To make matters worst, the President called those who had retired before with nearly 5 million votes. Party: PRONA (Pattid the age of fifty "bums", and thus managed to insult roughly 50 million de Reedificacao da Ordem Nacional Partyf tli people legally retired under the present legislation. The well-publicized National Order Recoil ction). Married twice., "bums" attack was so damaging to Cardoso that he was forced to go on vorced. Fourth in oils Web site: htt national television and make a veiled retraction. www.eneas.com.br In the meantime, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, FHC's closest adversary, Alfredo Sirkis has won 23% of the voters according to the Vox Populi institute. Within 1951, Sirkis was an a the survey's margin of error of plus or minus 4%, Lula has dropped one 6 160 FM.*

16

t

BRAZZIL - AUGUST 1998

1 1 percentage point in the polls since July. His best performanCe was movement vvhich opposed the military dictatorship. I registered in June, when he had iled in France in 1971, Sirkis was twice-elect d 30% of the electorate's preferI councilman upon his return to Brazil. He was tehe ence, and was then technically author of the project that created the Municipal tied with FHC. o Verde— i Environment Secretariat. Party Lula's inability to reverse the unk olV ls(im P nown.

Green Party). Ranking in the pl electorate's rejection of his third br igadier er Ivan i 19 ti9rea, presidential bid can be partially p on is retireFrota, 67, entered politics in attributed to Brazilians' ingrained (Partido h da • perception that the left-wing canment from the armed forces. o ar do atkn iona ouwslnMpobtiyli:z;aT zaank Nacional—Nun M:ty P bi)1.iR didate advocates a radical new cao.n in the polls Ranking order calling for greater state inJo:4o de Deus Barbosa de J tervention on all levels of Society.

B (Partido Trabalhista do Brasil—Labor Party of i PT's critics argue that the WorkBrazil) Ranking in the polls unknown. ers' Party has become hostage of MANO BROWN Teresa Rutz—Party: PTN (Partido Trabalhista its old nationalistic rhetoric based E OS RACION4 S Nacional—National Labor Party). She presents herself as the only Brazilian candidate to the presidency. I on 1950s' concepts. A recent public statement by Leonel Brizola, Ranking in the polls unknown.

Jose Maria de Almeida—Born in the state of I vowing to reverse all the privatization deals enacted thus far added to the Minas Gerais in 1958, Alnieida is an active member , stridence of that criticism. Brizola's unfortunate remark forced Lula to go of the metalworkers movement. In 1980, he was 1 to the media and to diplomatically contradict his running mate.

It is still possible thaI the opposition's performance in the polls may arrested, together with Lula and 17 other metalwork- I improve with the beginn ng of the campaign broadcast on national radio ers, for inciting a series of strikes in the state of Sao and TV. However, even n the event of a run-off election (scheduled for Paulo. Almeidalwtalso president of the metalworkorizonte and Coritagena (both in 1 October 25) FHC would Still defeat Lula by 53% to 32% according to the ers union in Belo-Horizonte the state &ill and director of labor union ' analysts.

CUT (Central Unica de Trabalhaclores—Workers' LT Surveys conducted by IBOPE and by Datafolha also confirm FHC's nified Central) in that state. Party- PSTU (Partido leadership in the polls and Lula's decline in the voters' preference.

Socialista dos Trabalhadores Unificado (Unified I Candidates Ciro Gomes and Eneas Carneiro remain in third and fourth Workers' Socialist Party) place respectively.

Jose Maria Eymael—Born in the state of Rio I Grande do Sul, Eyrnael, 58, is a former Sao Paulo assemblyman (1986) and house representative (1990).

He has a degree in Philosophy and another degree in Law from PUORS. Party: PSDC (Partido Social Democrata CristAa—Christian Social Democrat I Party). Ranking in the polls unknown.

Sergio Bueno—Lawyer, 50, Bueno was a former • SS (Social Security National institute) attorney, , and Is currently a private consultant. Party: PSC I (Partido Social Cristao—Christian Social Party) .

Ranking in the polls unknown Vasco de .Azevedo Neto—'Former House representative from.1970 to 1986, Neto is a retired profes- I sor from Bahia Federal University's Engineering I a School. Party: PSN (Partido Solidarista Nacional— National Solidlarist Party). Ranking in the polls unI known.

Propaganda Broadcast Since August 18, Brazilian TV and radio stations have started daily broadcasts of the mandatory election programs and its parade of selfpromoting candidates nying to sell themselves to the electorate. The broadcasts, which air at pre-determined times in the morning, afternoon and in the evening, will continue until October 1, three days before the election.

From 1976 to 1982; the participation of candidates in this type of program was greatly restricted by the so-called Lei Falcao (Falcao Law), which determined what could and could not be shown in the broadcasts.

Basically, the candidateS were limited to showing a stationary picture on the screen, while a background narrator's voice read the candidates' résumés. Since the reversal ofLei Falcdo, electoral programs have become increasingly more inventive and more expensive.

The present electoral legislation regulates TV and radio campaign broadcasts by distributing of airtime to each party as follows: one third of all available air time is divided evenly among the parties, while two thirds

106 Million Voters 23.309.908 voters are from Sao Paulo, 11.815.219 from Minas Gerais, 9.971.925 from Rio de Janeiro, 7.932.243 from Bahia. The state with fewer voters is Roraima, which has 170.621 registered voters.

Municipalities Sites 1.666 22.686 Southeast 1.789 32.836 Northeast

1.159 450

20.901 5.182

Overseas

449 95

7.207 213

Totals

5.608

89.025 307.697 106.076.088

South Mid-West North

Data from TSE

Cardoct.)

3 Mill IIIIIII NMI NM NMI NM I. me met am BRAZZIL -AUGUST 1998

Sections Voters 112.570 47.013.951 95.712 28.538.352 55.794 16.747.049 21.286 6.988.708 * 22.122 6.740.636 47.392 213

emu me ems mou imm Nom no NI 17

ties fo I Tastes PAN (Partido dos Aposentados da Nacao— Party of the Nation's Retired) PCB (Partido Comunista Brasileiro—Brazilian Communist Party) PC do B (Partido Comunista do Brasil— Communist Party of Brazil) PCO (Partido da Causa Operaria—Workers Cause Party) PDT (Partido Democratic° Trabalhista-Worker's Democratic Party) PFL (Partido da Frente Liberal—Liberal Front Party) POT (Partido Geral dos Trabalhadores— Workers' General Party) PL (Partido Liberal—Liberal Party) PMDB (Partido do Movimento Democratic° Brasileiro—Brazilian Democratic Movement Party) PMN (Partido da Mobilizacao Nacional— National Mobilization's Party) PP (Partido Progressista—Progressive Party) PPB (Partido ProgressistaBrasileira—Brazilian Progressive Party) PPR (Partido Progressista Reformador— Reformer Progressive Party) PPS (Partido Popular Socialista—Popular Socialist Party) former PCB (Partido Comunista Brasileiro—Brazilian Communist Party) PRN (Partido daReconstrucdo Nacional— National Reconstruction Party) PRONA (Partido da Reedificaca° da Ordem Nacional—Party of the National Order Reconstruction) PRP (Partido Republicano Progressista— Progressive Republican Party).

PRT13 (Partido Renovador Trabalhista Brasi lei ro—Brazilian Labor Reformer Party) PSB (Partido Socialista Brasileiro—Brazilian Socialist Party) PSC (Partido Social Cristao Christian Social Party) PSD (Partido Social Democratico—Social Democratic Party) PSDB (Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira—Brazilian Social Democracy Party) PSDC (Partido Social Democrata Cristo— Christian Social Democrat Party) PSL (Partido Social Liberal—Liberal Social Party) PSN (Partido Sol idarista Nacional—National Solidarist Party) PST (Partido Social Trabalhista—Social Labor Party) PSTU (Partido Socialista dos Trabalhadores Unificado--Unified Socialist Workers' Party) PT (Partido dos Trabalhadores—Workers' Party) PIN (Partido Trabalhista Nacional—National Labor Party) PT do B (Partido Trabalhista do Brasil— Labor Party of Brazil) PTB (Partido Trabalhista B rasileiro—Brazi lian Labor Party) PV (Partido Verde—Green Party) 18

is divided up according to each party's number of House representatives at the time the legislation was implemented. Therefore, the larger the party coalition (which is not prohibited by law), the longer the airtime.

Cardoso's PSDB alliance with PFL (Liberal Front Party) and PMDB (Brazilian Democratic Movement Party)—the two parties with most seats in the House of Representatives—has given the coalition's candidates over 20 minutes of air time, twice as much the PT/PDT coalition time. FHC alone had 11 minutes for himself in his first TV appearance.

Whereas the President spent most of his air time talking to an interviewer talk-show style and reflecting on the achievements of his administrations, Lula focused on "chatting" with the viewers and appealing to their emotions. He talked about his dreams for Brazil—a country with no hunger and zero illiteracy—and he launched the theme of the color white as the symbolic color of his campaign, a surprising departure from the traditional red used by the Workers' Party.

Ciro Gomes, alleging that the Real plan has lost its original purpose, was unaffected and articulate; an angry Eneas Carneiro, of PRONA (Party for the National Order Re-edification) amused the viewers with promises of manufacturing an atomic bomb. The other Presidential candidates, also with very limited airtime, tried to appeal to the voters in the best way they could. Here are some of their slogans: "I'm catholic" (Eymael, of PSDC - Christian Social-Democratic Party); "Vote different" (Sirkis, of PV - Green Party); "Jobs, salaries and land" (Almeida, of PSTU - Socialist Party of the Unified Workers); "Brazilian women, Join forces with the only Presidential female candidate" (Ruiz, of PIN - National Labor Party); "I represent the resurgence of Vargas' labor movement" (Jesus, of PT do B - Brazilian Labor Party).

The greatest surprise, though, was Fernando Collor de Mello's unexpected appearance on the radio and TV broadcasts. The former President, whose political rights are suspended until 2002, had sought to register his candidacy anyway. Although TSE has rejected Collor's registration petition, the resolution would only become effective after its publication in the Diana Oficial da Justica (the daily newspaper that publishes all offi-

• •

A Ballot Box Close by

• Brazilian expatriates may vote at the near• • est consulate, providing they have previously • registered to vote at that consular office. Voters • who have registered for the 1994 elections are •• already eligible to vote, unless they have moved • to another consular jurisdiction, in which case • they should have re-registered at the new juris• • diction until May 15, 1998. Voters who have • missed the registration deadline will be ineli• gible to vote.

• Absentee voters MUST justify their ab•• sence on Election Day by either going to a • consular office, or to the .nearest Tribunal • Regional Eleitoral (Regional Electoral Court) • upon returning to Brazil. If the latter applies, • • voters must provide proofthat they were abroad • either during the first or second round of the • election, or both. Either way, they will have up • • to 30 days after the election takes place to • justify their absence. TSE strictly forbids Bra• zilians in transit to vote.

• Those voting at local consulates must • present their titulo de eleitor (voter card) or the • • 1998 registration stub, plus a Brazilian I.D. • Voters will be assisted on a first come, first • • served basis.

For voting hours, call • • your local consular office: •.

Brazilian Consulate General in Atlanta • 229 Peachtree Street, N.E., Suite 2306 • Atlanta, GA 30303 •• Phone: (404) 521-0061 • Fax: (404) 521-3449 • E-mail: cgba@mindspring.com • Jurisdiction: States of Alabama, North and •• South Carolina, Mississippi, Tennessee and • Georgia.

• Brazilian Consulate General in Boston • The Stattler Building •• 20 Park Plaza, suite 810 • Boston, MA 02116 • Phone: (617) 542-4000 • Fax: (617) 542-4318 E-mail: cgbos@ma.ultranet.com • Jurisdiction: States of Massachusetts, Maine, • New Hampshire, Rhode Island and Vermont. :4 Brazilian Consulate General in Chicago • 401 North Michigan Avenue, Suite 3050 • Chicago, IL 60611 • Phone: (312) 464-0244 • Fax: (312) 464-0299 • • E-mail: bras-cg@ix.netcom.com • Jurisdiction: States of North Dakota, South • Dakota, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Michigan, Min• nesota, Missouri, Nebraska and Wisconsin.

• Brazilian Consulate General in Houston • • 1700 West Loop South, suite 1450 • Houston, TX 77027 • Phones: (713) 961-3063/64/65 • • (713) 961-0551—Trade Bureau • Fax: (713) 961-3070 • E-mail: consbras@brazilhouston.org • Homepage: http://www.neosoft.com/ • • —cgbrahou/ • Jurisdiction: States of Texas, Colorado, New • BRAZZIL - AUGUST 1998

• • • • • • • • • • ***** • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

Mexico, Kansas, and Oklahoma.

Brazilian Consulate General in Los Angeles 8484 Wilshire Blvd., suites 730-711Beverly Hills, CA 90211 Phone: (323) 651-2664 Fax: (323) 651-1274 E-mail: consbrasla@earthlink.net Homepage: http://home.earthlink.net/—consbrasla/ Jurisdiction: States of Idaho, Montana, Wyoming, Nevada, Utah, Arizona, Hawaii, and in California, the counties of Imperial, Kern, Los Angeles, Orange, Riverside, San Bernardino, San Luis Obispo, Santa Barbara, and Ventura.

Brazilian Consulate General in Miami 2601 S. Bayshore Drive, Suite 800 Miami, FL 33133 Phone: (305) 285-6200 Fax: (305) 285-6229 Fax on demand for information and forms: (305) 2856259 E-mail: consbras@brazilmiami.org Homepage: http://vvww.brazilmiami.org/ Jurisdiction: States of Florida, Arkansas, Louisiana, and all U.S. Territories in the Caribbean.

Brazilian Consulate General in New York 551 Fifth Avenue, Suite 210 New York, NY 10176-0009 Tel: (212) 916-3200 Fax: (212) 370-3925 E-mail: 74107.3502@compuserve.com Homepage: http://www.consuladobrasilny.org Jurisdiction: States of Connecticut, Delaware, New Jersey, New York, Pennsylvania and the Bermuda Islands Brazilian Consulate General in San Francisco 300 Montgomery Street, suite 900 San Francisco, CA, 94104 Phone: (415) 981-8170 Fax: (415) 981-3628 E-mail: brazil@crl.com Homepage: http://www.crl.com/—brazil/ Jurisdiction: States of Oregon, Washington, Alaska and in the state of California, the counties of Alameda, Alpine, Amador, Butte, Calaveras, Colusa, Contra Costa, Del Norte, El Dorado, Fresno, Glenn, Humboldt, Inyo, Kings, Lake, Lassen, Ladera, Mann, Mariposa, Mendocino, Merced, Modoc, Mono, Monterey, Napa, Nevada, Placer, Plumas, Sacramento, San Benedito, San Francisco, San Joaquin, San Mateo, Santa Clara, Santa Cruz, Shasta, Sierra, Siskyou, Solano, Sonoma, Stanislau, Sutter, Tehama, Trinity, Tulare, Tuolunme, Yolo, and Yuma.

Brazilian Embassy in Washington, D.C. 3006 Massachusetts Avenue NW Washington, D.C. 20008 Phone: (202) 745-2837 Fax: (202) 745-2827 E-mail: consular@brasil.emb.nw.dc.us (Consular Services) Homepage: http://www.brasilemb.nw.dc.us/ Jurisdiction: District of Columbia, states of Maryland, Virginia, West Virginia, Ohio, and Kentucky.

BRAZZIL - AUGUST 1998

• • • • • • • • • •

Press the Button Brazilian elections are going high-tech. Fifty percent of the Brazilian electorate will have access to a new system of electron ic voting, which was first tested in the 1996 municipal elections. The compact computerized voting machines used in 1996 were designed and built by American company Unisys, making Brazil the first nation to use this mechanism.

This year's machines were manufactured by Procomp Industria Eletronica, a Brazilian firm headquartered in sao Paulo.

After the successful experience two years ago, T SE (Tribunal Superior Eleitoral—Supreme Electoral Court) hoped to totally computerize the 1998 voting procedures, but a lack of funds has limited the voting machines to 125,691 units, which will be installed in 249 municipalities with more than 52 thousand voters each. That represents nearly 51 million voters.

The electronic ballot greatly reduces the tabulation time and the possibility of fraud. Voters will take approximately twenty seconds to cast their ballot instead of the average two minutes spent on the manual voting process. Moreover, electronic voting greatly reduces null and blank votes.

The voting machine's numerical pad has keys similar to a teleVoto eletronico de anaffabetos preoeupa TRE phone dial pad. It also 07 7.,4 ft, 4 ItIrn 4U:404311 044 vto .1.•:"-ras1 trr t has three colored keys, which will confirm the ballot (green key), correct the ballot (orange key), or give the voter the choice to abstain from voting (white key).

Powered by AC power, the machines come with an internal battery which will keep them working for an additional hour and a half in case of power failure. If the power failure extends over that period of time, the machines can be hooked up to any car battery, and will work uninterruptedly the whole day.

Step by Step 1)Voter arrives at the precinct and identifies himself by presenting his titulo de eleitor (voters I.D.) or a regular I.D. ( if titulo de eleitor has been lost or misplaced).

2) Precinct clerk registers the I.D. number on a micro terminal, which automatically clears the voting machine for use.

3) Machine's screen displays a command to vote for deputadofederal (representative), in addition to a space where voter can type the four-digit number representing the candidate's registration number.

4) Once the representative's number is typed, the screen will show the number, name and picture of the chosen candidate, plus the name of his party. Voter is then instructed to confirm or correct his ballot by pressing either the green key or the orange key. Those who have chosen to cast a blank vote will press the white key, leaving the four digit number space blank.

5) Next, the screen displays a command to vote for deputado estaduali (assemblyman), and a space where voter will type the candidate's fivedigit registration number. Voter repeats step 4.

6) Screen displays a command to vote for presidente (president), and, a space to type the candidate's two digit registration number. Voter follows step 4 again.

7) The next command will instruct voter to cast his ballot forgovernador' (governor), and to type the candidate's two digit number in the space provided. Voter repeats step 4.

8) Screen displays a command to vote for senador (senator), and space to type the candidate's two-digit number. Voter follows step 4 once more. The wordfim (end) will come up on the screen, indicating that the voting process has been completed successfully.

9) Voter returns to the precinct clerk and retrieves his ID. and proo of voting attendance.

19

cial resolutions by the government's judiciary branch). That only happened the day after the electoral broadcasts started, and Collor immediately took advantage of TSE's delay. (The electoral legislation guarantees airtime to all political parties, as long as their registration hasn't been denied by TSE.) Tor ice In tune with the times, the masterminds behind Fernando Heurique Lryare ere apr—ii uh s a fica (m"e listamesYaj itattle Cardoso's campaign have also designed a telemarketing system which often known will inform voters through a toll-free phone number ( 0800 780045) ofthe u R use Of nicknani President's accomplishments during his first term (press 6) and &lie plans lidateshas been a eemuntt; pta for the second term (press 7). By pressing 2, voters will get instrucdons on SuPenn, how to vote; pressing 3, voters will have information on all the coalition total C lows eito register a nickna parties supporting FHC; and pressing either 4 or 5, they will get toilette a addition to• d voters can _hoc recorded message from Cardoso himself. To talk to one of the 104 ill name or his. operators hired to work the system, press 8. These operators end calls by saying: "Fernando Henrique thanks you for your participation," four "Ronaidli udl Campaign name of all four ly allusion Expenditures phenol iy o catch voters' atten Brazil's electoral legislation does not set a limit as to how mud each Those di party can spend on the election campaign, but it regulates the amount of ing o iunst derriere donations received. According to TSE, corporations can donate upto 2% dish . candidate Carla Pere of their revenues, while an individual can donate up to 10% of his gross yel atsCordeire gray-hi income as filed in the previous year's income tax. Candidates themselves omNiterói'(state z are also allowed to donate their own money to the campaign fimd as long en know the measurem as it doesn't exceed the amount registered with TSE. her er-dancer'snme, be Another provision of the law requires that candidates open a specific Cortleiro Llortes-clear, but as Cot bank account for campaign transactions only. Candidates are also required cainfai or representative becomingeat, her to render account of all transactions with TSE. Any remaining balaueeat Perez rile ady popular the end of the campaign cannot be used by the candidates, and shall be potential donated to the parties' foundations or institutes in charge of political 'nci Perez"and 36110 indoctrination or education.

Sniitlerle Thirty-four soat year Sriii In 1994, corporate donations to then candidate Cardoso totaled $27.4 running, de e' election-nic million, which represented 97% ofall donations to FHC' s campaign. Lula e was inspired by the ly eebt Brazilian received $2.2 million from corporations, while another $1.4 million were q, inhf whonr airs . oral J raised among PT's affiliates.

Springer-style044rsa show candi sheol even have mustm inho does The exact amount to be spent by each presidential candidate is not Physi Wnb, doee nerseemto known; their campaign budget might be in fact ten times the amount e can s,e on`tvion when eheeso disclosed so far. FHC leads the list with campaign expenditures estimated nickname liee o eFausto Loureiro Aivc , i in $62.2 million, followed by Ciro Gomes with $28.1 million. It is • is also ni ig for 03dajeteiro sstate ass estimated that Lula and Endes Carneiro each plan to spend around $12.8 a mustabe compare million. Jose Maria de Almeida has the lowest budget—only $170 iowever,he registered Fausth thousand, followed by Joao de Deus de Jesus With an estimated budget of di:dim i,aFsu arne,wbichvoters $426 thousand. Ivan Frota and Teresa Ruiz have not disclosed their tut.dstao. Another campaign budgets, and all other candidates will be spending between$1.3 Brazilian a and $1.7 million. mustache, r uesl'tFusi an c ' Voters' Fatistfio..

Profile 1'austao has oOIy one comp ain about According to a preliminary study conducted by the Superior Electoral On his Sunday shows the host repeatedly trumpets Court (TSE), the number of Brazilian voters has increased by a surprising new slogan: do por :adrao, vote no Fatistao 4.73% nationwide since 1996—on average, the electorate increased by (Thief for thief, vote for FaJstio). "It doesn't sit w 2.5% every two years. The study also shows that the Brazilian electorate with_my electorate", protests "Faustao".

Other nidmames registered with TS is aging. While voters over the age of 69 increased by 15.71%, the demand Doceirandy Malc for voter registration from 16 and 17 year olds (for whom voting is Ze Carioca—Joe Cario optional) has dropped by an average of 21.78%. The greatest increase has Vendedoe de Felicidad occurred among voters in the 35-59 year old age bracket, who collectively Claudio Buzios Quaret applied for 2,996,292 new voter IDs. (beadi resorli:in ti The number of women voters is also on the rise, and they already Degrees represent a majority of voters in 10 states. Overall, male voters still lead Dragio Fly the Brazilian electorate, representing 49.97% of all voters, but women are Tel closing the gap: they now account for 47.79% of Brazil's electorate. Since ig h4eig 1994, TSE has issued 500 thousand new voter IDs for women. so There was also an increase in the number of Brazilian expatriates who have registered to vote abroad. They number 47,392 voters this year against 39,760 in 1994. Brazilian voters are spread out among 95 counIona Cabaeo—Mary tries, but the largest electorate-11,377—is located in the United States. aria Calabash; colloquially, Mani Italy comes in second with 4,106 registered Brazilian voters, followed by Portugal with 3,621.

As for the educational profile ofthe electorate, TSE's study shows that 20

BRAZZIL - AUGUST 1998

• • • • • •

All the Presidents 1889-1998 PRESIDENT

TERM •

• 15.11.1889-23.11.1891 23.11.1891-15.11.1894 • 15.11.1894-15.11.1894• • 15.11.1898-15.11.1902 15.11.1902-15.11.1906 • 15.11.1906-14.06.1909 • 14.06.1909-15.11.1910 : 15.11.1910-15.11.1914 • 15.01.1914-15.11.1918 • 15.11.1918-28.07.1919 • • • • 28.07.1919-15.11.1922 • 15.11,1922-15.11.1926 15.11.1926-24.10.1930 • 24.10.1930-03.11 1930 • 03.11.1930-20.07.1934 : 20.07.1934-10.11.1937 • 10.11.1937-29.10.1945 • 29.10.1945-31.01.1946 • 31.01.1946-31.01.1951 ▪31.01.1951-24.08.1954 • 24.08.1954-09.11.1955 • 09.11.1955-31.01.1956 31.01.1956-31.01.1961 • • 31.01.1961-25.08.1961 :07.09.1961-01.04.1964 • 01.04.1964-15.04.1964 • 15.04.1964-15.03.1967 • 15.03.1967-31.08.1969 • 31.08.1969-30.10.1969 • • • • 30.10.1969-15.03.1974 ▪15.03.1974--15.03.1979 15.03.1979-15.03.1985 • 15.03.1985-15.03.1990 • •

Marshall Manoel Deodoro da Fonseca Marshall Floriano Vieira Peixoto Prudente Jose de Moraes e Barros (first one elected by direct vote) Manoel Ferraz de Campos Salles Francisco de Paula Rodrigues Alves Affonso Augusto Moreira Pena Nibo Procopio Pecanha Marshall Hermes Rodrigues da Fonseca Wenceslio Braz Pereira Gomes Delfim Moreira da Costa Ribeiro takes over when President Francisco de Paula Rodrigues Alves dies Epiticio da Silva Pessoa Arthur da Silva Bernardes Washington Luis Pereira de Sousa Provisional Government Getillio Dornelles Vargas Getiilio Dornelles Vargas Gettilio Dornelles Vargas Jose Linhares General Enrico Gaspar Dutra Getulio Dornelles Vargas Joao Fernandes Campos Café Filho Nereu de Oliveira Ramos Juscelino Kubitschek de Oliveira, JK Jfinio da Silva Quadros Jolio Belchior Marques Goulart Pascoal Ranieri Mazzilli • General Humberto de Alencar • Castello Branco • General Arthur da Costa e Silva • Military Junta (Augusto Hamann Rademaker Griinewald, Aurelio Lyra Tavares, Mimic, de Souza e Melo) • General Emilio Garrastazii Medici • General Ernesto Geisel General Jao Baptista de Oliveira Figueiredo Jose Ribamar Ferreira de Araujo Costa known as • Jose Sarney takes over after President-elect • Tancredo de Almeida Neves dIes before being inaugurated • • • 15.03.1990-29.09.1992 Fernando Affonso Collor de Mello • • 29.09.1992_0i.01.1995 Itamar Augusto Cautiero Franco • Fernando Henrique Cardoso, FHC 01.01.1995— ••••••••••• MMMMMMMM • M II • • iw • • • isms••••

Who's Being Elected 1 President and Vice-President, elected for a four-year term.

513 deputados federais (House representatives), elected for a four-year term by proportional representation. , 1,045 deputados estaduais (assemblymen), elected for a four-year term.

27 senadores (senators), elected for a eight-year term, with elections every four years for alternately one-third and two-thirds of the seats.

27 state governadores (governors), elected for a four-year term.

BRAZZIL - AUGUST 1998

only 3.28% of voters have a university degree.

The Federal District has the highest proportion of college graduates among its voters-7.2%—while the state of Maranhao has the lowest-0.78%.

Considering the large overall increase of the electorate, the number of illiterate voters has also decreased by nearly 100 thousand. Maranhao, which has 1,987,241 voters, is still the state with the largest percentage ofilliterate voters-19.31%.

Conversely, the increase in the number of registered voters is in direct contrast to a decreased interest in politics, which was expressed

by Brazilian voters in a study conducted by the Institute of Un iversity Research of R io deJaneiro (IUPERJ). This institute has been gathering data on voter participation in all elections that have taken lace in Brazil since 1982.

Published in December 1997, IUPERJ' s study confirms some suspicions and dispels some myths.

For example, the myth that voters from the south and southeast regions are more politically conscious, and therefore less likely to invalidate their votes, is shown to be untrue in this study. According to IUPERJ, Roraima and Amapa are the Brazilian states with the lowest number of null and blank votes in previous elections.

Just to give an idea, in 1994, 87.8% of votes cast in Amapa and Roraima for state governor were valid, compared to 79.7% of votes in Rio de Janeiro, 76.2% in Sao Paulo, and 81% in the state of Rio Grande do Sul. That same year, 9 out of 10 voters from Amapa and Roraima validated their votes for President against 8 out of 10 in Rio and Sao Paulo. On the other hand, Bahia and Alagoas registered the highest percentage of invalid votes among all Brazilian states.

However, political analysts believe that Amapa's and Roraima's voters are motivated mostly by personal interest rather than by civic pride.

According to the analysts, the election period is the only time when voters have a chance to obtain concrete favors from the politicians in exchange for their votes. , Asked about Brazil's major problems, two thousand voters surveyed by polling institute IBOPE between August 14 and 18 pointed out health issues as their main concern (39%), while other major concerns included unemployment (37%), and hunger and poverty (21%). Crime and violence came in fourth place with 20% of the answers, followed by education with 14%, drugs with 12%, and salaries with 11%.

Marta Alvim is a Brazilian journalist, freelance translator and interpreter.

You can reach her at mbralvim@aol.com

21

Leff ,„ ers PRETTY, SMART & MAD guys, enoug is enoug . I have been reading your magazine for a lung time now and . am quite tired of your insistence on putting_pictures of ripkod women in every issue. Take the July issue, for example, on page 6. The article "Love on Sale" talked about the decrease of movement in motels in 30%, correct? Tell me what was the need to put that girl's breasts picture to illustrate the article? You guys are abusing your readers and I don't care if in Brazil thisis "good taste" because here it is not.

As a woman, I don't think Brazilian men respect them anyway, but you have to understand that you are in a country that respects women. And that is why I live here. Why don't you put pictures of naked guys, showing their penises off? Get a grip on yourselves, stop that macho mentality, and respect women.

From today on you have three subscribers less: me and two other friends (a girl and a guy). They also think Brazil is much more than breasts and butts. And I cannot believe that Brazilian women like your magazine either. Nobody likes to be disrespected this way. If they allow this to happen is either because they don't have another choice or because they don't know any better. It is very sad to see that the only Brazilian publication available in Los Angeles has to come from the hands of such immature and irresponsible men. Don't you think it is time to do something. about if? . I with you good luck in this country and wish the Brazilian women good luck too in dealing with the Brazilian men. Before I finish, as a Brazilian friend told me too, I have to tell you that I'm not a frustrated woman. I'm young, very attractive, very intelligent, have plenty of boyfriends and -I make my own money. I'm single by choice, travel a lot and speak five different languages.

Veronica Hunt Los Angeles LATE AND MESSY I am very disappointed wit Brazzi because it takes until- the end of each month to receive it. I don't mind paying an. extra couple dollars to get the magazine in the beginning of each month. Please consider to raise the cost, so we canenjoy the magazine, otherwise this i s going to be a big mess, getting the magazine in the end of each month.

Esdras Othon Leittio Glendale, California ALL THE SEX GAMES I have a monthly subscription to Brazzil.

Glad to see it in the mailbox when it arrives.

I travel to Rio once a year and Brazzil keeps me informed about things. In your letters section. I'm always amused by the negative letters that accuse Brazzil of showing Brazil in a negative way. Having been there myself, your approach to truthfulness should' continue.

I see the United States and Brazil to be more similar than most realize. Similar in the sense that you got a "have" group and a "have-nor group and the "have' group wants You are invited to participate in this dialogue.

Write to: Letters to the Publisher P.O.Box 50536 Los Angeles, CA 90050-0536 or send E-mail to: brazzilWbrazzil.com Please, include a phone number in the event we need to reach you. Thanks!

22

an image portrayed that everybody is a "have" group member and if do find somebody who is poor and destitute, it is that person s fault. So you got the -have- group more worried about guilt avoidance andloeing blamed for the "have-not" group.

One way to pursue this agenda is to complain about magazines that show people suffer-. ing and not so fortunate. I guess that the "have' group. thinks that if magazines and TV stop reporting on the poor then they won't be reminded because being reminded retriggersguilt.

And one more thing: sex. The United Slates culture plays too many games with sex. I see in Brazil more openness and being more honest about the subject. In the U.S., it is not uncommon for a guy to be "put out to pasture" at 25 or 27 after having one or two children with his wife. So you got a married guy whose wife doesn't want to perform any more and he is expected to shut down his sex life at age 27. I'm always amused about the number dl married U.S. guys I meet in front o f the Rio Othon Hotel looking for action.

HBC - Via Internet

sagline@yahoo.corn FOR THE CURIOUS I received myirst copy o your Brazzt magazine in the mail yesterday, and I was very pleased and impressed. I found your publication to be very well organized and informative as well as remarkably. well put together and edited, so that an American with high curiosity and interest in Brazilian culture could easily get a lot of valuable information. your magazine covers societal issues, economics and finance, general public interest, and entertainment/fashion, all in a format that kept me fascinated and interested. Great job! Thanks again, and keep up the excellent work!

Robert Spence Lake Forest, California EXPERT KUDOS I just visited your site and had a great time reading the stop/ about Rede Globo and the notes on Jorge Zahar and LUcio Costa. I'd like to congratulate you on the great job you. are doing. Although Brazzil is a small operation, you are thorough and rigorous in your coverage and the editorial quality rivals that of any big media outlet. I sure do enjoy reading Brazzil way more than .[leading Brazilian magazine] Veja! I would like to know if you would be interested in contributions. I do a lot of creative writing and I am also interested in Science and Technology writing. ( I am finishing my Ph.D. at MIT).

Joao Paulo Aumond Massachusetts Institute of Technology Cambridge, Massachusetts

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CLOSER TO BRAZIL Recent y, I a e great p easure o running into your Web site. For the first time I've seen an extensive coverage of Brazil that not only reports current events in every facet of Brazilian society, but also analyzes and explores issues, which constantly face the Brazilian people. As a native Brazilian who has lived in the U.S. for over half of her life, I find myself becoming more removed from Brazil daily. Yet, my interest in the culture, news, people and institutions. of Brazil remains strong. 1 thank you for doffing such an incredible job of keeping us (i.e., Brazilian-Americans and others interested in Brazil) informed.

Nancy Valeria Randall New Orleans, Louisiana Brazzil Magazine offers a cornucopia o information about a wide range of topics on Brazil and its people. I find the format of this magazine exciting, informative and entertaining. Please process my request for a subscription immediately.

Donald Slazinski Ann Arbor, Michigan THANKS FOR THE LINK I have .een a su *scriber to your magazine fora few years and find it to be great. I am president of a small beverage company in Seattle that produces guarand soft drinks made from Brahma concentrate. I just put up a Web site and included a link to your site.1 hope that is OK with you. Keep up the excellent work. You can check us out at www.solrio.com

Lee Raaen Seattle, Washington WHAT I WAS LOOKING FOR I . am a London-based electric bassist, working with 'worldbeat music' band Zubop . I have only recently connected to theNet, and I was delighted to find Bruce Gilman's interview withlovino. I first encountered Hermeto on Live Evil, but really only became aware of the enormity and depth of his work through my friend Mark Wood (a fine guitarist - I m sure Jovino would agree: he has more than once played with Hermeto's group). I first saw the group in the early eighties when they made their London debut at Logan Hall.

Duncan Noble London, England

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?".

A Case of Accent tielt IA

ow Di% l'Rom VoiPm

Brazil and all other nations that speak Portuguese are once again bracing for an orthographic reform. They wilf be negligible but disturbing enough to make millions of books obsolete. At least some people are welcoming the changes: book publishers.

ALESSANDRA DALEVI

After English and Spanish, Portuguese is the most widespread language in the West. There are 219 million people speaking it in four continents, 161 million of them in Brazil.

While the members of the several communities that use Portuguese can understand each other, they have been trying to unify the way the rich-in-accents language is written.

After eight years of discussions, the CPLP (Comunidade dos Paises de Lingua Portuguesa—Community of Countries of Portuguese Language) has agreed on a set of rules. The decision has been criticized both by those who deemed any change unadvisable and people who wanted a much more radical approach to simplify the way Portuguese is written. For Brazilians, it will be much ado about almost nothing. One of the few changes will be the elimination of the umlaut, a diacritical sign that many people are already doing without. It means that a word like tranquilidade from now on will be written tranquilidade. The new rules, however, don't change the way words are pronounced and they can be quite different from one country to the other.

According to the just-signed agreement, the acute accent over words ending in `eia', eio' disappears. So ideia (idea) becomes ideia and ministerio (ministry), ministerio. It also eliminates the circumflex accent in words with repeated letters like voo (flight or I fly) or veem (they see). Another eliminated accent is the acute sign over the '1.1' in words like argzio (I argue).

Publishers, mainly those dealing with dictionaries and didactic books, are happy with the new editions they will have to print, but others decry the hassle and the expenses they will incur. In Portugal and the African countries that speak Portuguese (Angola, Cape-Verde, Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique, and Sao Tome and Principe) the 'c' and the `p' will be removed from words in which they are not pronounced, something Brazil has practiced for 30 years now. So, people from Portugal will write excecionalmente (exceptionally) instead of excepcionalmente as Brazilians do. (By the way, to those who complain and insist that Brazil should be written Brasil with an 's', in the United States, the country's name was Brazil with a 'z' until 1943, the year of one of several orthographic reforms in this century and nothing prevents it from being Brazil again in some future orthographic amendment. The lesson: the s or z are nor intrinsic to Brazil, but just a cabinet decision by lexicographers.)

From now on letters 'k', 'w' and 'y', which were considered foreign, will be incorporated into the language. For not having 'y', 'k' and 'w' many Brazilians write Nova Iorque instead of 24

BRAZZIL - AUGUST 1998

New York.

The present orthographic rules were established in 1943 and tinkered with in 1971.

There were other attempts of change, however, that never quite caught up. The new halfhearted reform was concocted

by Brazilian renowned linguist Antonio Houaiss (he translated James Joyce's Ulysses into Portuguese) and Portuguese linguist Joao Malaca Casteleiro.

Commenting on the changes in the Espirito Santo state daily, A Gazeta, Jose Augusto Carvalho, professor at the Vitoria's School of Law, wrote: "The main difficulties remain: they are the little rules that determine how to use the hyphen and many absurd incoherences in the writing of many words. Estender (to extend) is with an 's', but extensilo (extension) is with an 'x', pessego, which derives from persicu has two 'ss' because the Latin `rs' becomes `ss', but almoco is with a although it derives from admorsu, also with `rs'. The suffix- 'ecer' sometimes is 'escer', sometimes 'ecer'. We have amadurecer (to ripen) and rejuvenescer (to rejuvenate). Bahia (northeastern state) is with an 'h', but not baiano (someone from Bahia), tecido (tissue) is with 'c', but tessitura(tessitura) is with two `ss'. And we haven't even mentioned different letters that have the same sound (x, ch, s, z, x, etc.) and are always a headache for anyone writing.

"How can you take seriously an accord that allegedly wants to make the language uniform, but adopts two spellings, and wants to simplify but keeps the orthographic complications and the stupid rules for the use of the hyphen? The ideal is that teachers, journalists and writers, schools, newspapers and publishing houses simply ignore the agreement, even if it becomes law after being ratified by Congress.

Until we get an intelligent, ample and definitive reform."

Ring and Rhyme Inspired by the Academie Francaise, th •ABL (Academia Brasileira de Letras— Brazilian Academy of Letters) is best kn wn for the afternoon teas it promotes among its 40 more-or-less mummified m mbers. It was a delightful surprise last year when then Academy president, Nelid Pinon, who has never used a computer, decided to computerize and internetize th institution.

In another step to make the Academy less elitist and raise some funds in the process, the organization has just started a 00-number service offering poetry read by a narrator or the author himself. The serv ce is called Disque Poesia (Disk Poetry) and people pay around $2.50 for the minut . The initial batch of verses offers love poems by Castro Alves ("Os Tres Amore "—The Three Loves), Goncalves Dias ("Desejo"—Desire), Joao Cabral de Melo eto ("Poesia"—Poetry), Ledo Ivo ("As Rosas Vermelhas"—Red Roses), and Ola o Bilac ("Cancao"—Song). Melo Neto and Ivo are still alive and are immortals, as the Academy members call themselves.

The idea, according to ABL's preside t, Arnaldo Niskier, was to popularize poetry. And apparently it is working, judg ng from the brisk initial interest. On the first day the service was offered, there were hundreds of calls, 197 • f them from people who wanted to listen to romantic aiano (from Bahia state) poet, Castro Alves. There will • e new poets / every month and they don't need to b long to the Academy. Ready to call? The number ( n Brazil) is 0900 21777. The money raised will hel finance the Disque Lingua Portuguesa (Disk Portugue e Language) service, another 900 initiative that will ha e 50 Portuguese teachers on the phone answering qu stions about the correct usage of the language. The ne service will cost the same as the poetry one and sh uld start in November. . Here's the most requested poem, "Os res Amores"

by Castro Alves: Minh'alma é como a fronte sonhador Do louco bardo, que Ferrara chor.

Sou Tasso!... a primavera de teus riso De minha vida as solidOes enflor.

Longe de ti eu bebo os teus perfume, Sigo na terra de teu passo os lumes.

—Tu es Eleonora.

Meu coracao desmaia pensativo, Cismando em tua rosa predileta Sou teu palido amante vaporoso, Sou teu Romeu... Teu languido poetal. .

Sonho-te as vezes virgem..r. seminua.F. Roubo-te urn casto beijo luz da lua.

—E tu es Julieta+.

Na volüpia das noites andaluzas 0 sangue ardente em minhas veias rola.

Sou D. Juan!... Donzelas amorosas, \Jos conheceis-me os trenos na viola!

Sobre o leito do amor teu seio brilha.

Eu mono, se desfaco-te a mantilhai..

Tu es Julia, A Espanhola!

My soul is like the dreaming front Of the crazy bard, who cries Ferrara I am Tasso!... the spring of your laughs Flowers my life's solitudes.

Far from you I drink your perfumes, I follow on earth the lights of your steps.

—You are Eleonora.

My pensive heart faints Mulling over your favorite rose I'm your pale misty lover I'm your Romeo... Your languid poet!...

I dream about you sometimes virgin... seminude...

I steal from you a chaste kiss by the moonlight —And you're Juliet...

In the voluptuousness ofAndalusian nights The fiery blood rolls in my veins.

I'm Don Juan!... Loving damsels, You know my dirge on the guitar!

Over the love bed your breast shines.

I'll die if I undo your mantilla...

Your are Julia, The Spaniard!

Recife (state of Pernambuco), September 1866 BRAZZIL - AUGUST 1998

25

cording to IBGE (the Brazilian That Brazilians still rememagency for statistical, geobered the Real plan's 4th annigraphic, cartographic, geodetic versary on July 1st can mean and environmental informaboth a good thing and a bad tion.).

Such poor performance thing. On the bright side, it is a ofthe labor market was the worst reminder that economic stability endured since 1982, and only is still maintained, considering slightly better than the 8.28% the countless short-lived and illunemployment rate ofMay 1984, fated plans from previous adwhen Brazil suffered one of its ministrations. Nonetheless, the worst recessions. attention given to a date that Pressed by such compelling might otherwise be insignificant matters which will mostly likely is also a sign that Brazilians are take votes away from FHC, the aware of the plan's vulnerabiligovernment at Palacio do ties, and they fear that the Public approval of the Real plan is Planalto (Highlands Palace, the country's future is fraught with not unanimous anymore.

Brazilian equivalent ofthe White uncertainties.

Complaints range from the rise in House) went on to orchestrate a A year ago, public approval unemployment and social justice party in celebration of the Real ofthe Real plan was all but unaniissues to the fact that many of the Real plan's proposals have never plan's 4th anniversary with all mous, but now criticism and dismaterialized. But the plan did lower the overtones of an election camsenting opinions have been Brazil's poverty rates and improved paign. The incumbent President mounting, paired with a sharp eating habits even for the poorest. took advantage of the occasion decline in President Fernando MARIA ALVIM not only to celebrate his own Henrique Cardoso's (FHC) birthday, but to also present Brapopularity (a trend that has been zilians with the "gift" of brand reversed, according to the latest new Real coins (see related story). In his speech to launch the polls). Cardoso, a second-term candidate in the upcoming new coins, the President showed that he was already in the October elections, had been leading the polls by a wide campaign trail, although officially no electoral campaign margin from the beginning of the electoral race. In May, was supposed to begin before August 18. "With the Real, though, a poll conducted by the Vox Populi institute showed we've rescued 13 million Brazilians from that FHC's main opponent, labor party poverty. So, how can one say that we candidate Lula, was closing the gap and overlook important social issues?", trailing Cardoso by a narrow nine percentCardoso asked, defending himself. age point difference.

In his eagerness to prove his point, Voters complaints range from the rise MC went even further and managed to in unemployment and social justice issues disregard international protocol by leakto the fact that many of the Real plan's proposals have never materialized, such as ing unreleased data from the United Nations that show Brazil's improved perforthe recovery in government accounts, the approval of the social security reform and mance in the world ranking. The report, a more consistent growth of exports. In published annually by the United Nations May alone, 8.20% of the economically Development Program (UNDP), contains active population was unemployed, acupdated Human Development Indicators

Four Years and Counting

he Real's New Faces After four years in the making, 85,500 new coins were issued by the Brazilian government, the first batch in a process that will ultimately replace over 5 billion coins currently in circulation in Brazil.

The exact cost of the whole operation is unknown, but it is estimated that $48.6 million alone were spent by the Brazilian mint to import the Canadian equipment used in the coins' manufacturing. An additional $2.5 million were spent by Central Bank----with financial help from state-owned Banco do Brasil (Bank of Brazil) and Caixa EconOrnica Federal (Federal Savings Bank)---on the promotional campaign that preceded the launch26

ing of the new coins. Another $256 million will be spent on this project over the next five years.

Unlike the old stainless steel coins, the new ones are made out of nickel, copper and brass, and come in different shapes and colors. According to Brazilian officials, since the Real has become the nation's new currency, the population has expressed a wish for coins in varied shapes and colors. However, opponents of the project argue that such spending is a frivolous waste of money, considering the urgent financial needs of social areas such as health and education.

The new family of coins is designed around the theme of Brazil's history, which is portrayed on the coins. So, the 1-cent coins have the figure of Pedro A lvares Cabral (Brazil's official discoverer) stamped on them. The 5-cent coins have Independence martyr BRAZZIL -AUGUST 1998

of over 175 countries. Countries are classified as one of three different developmental levels—low, medium and high— according to indicators such as life expectancy, education and income, among other things.

The last UNDP' s report has ranked Brazil in the medium-range level, but according to Cardoso, the country will now be ranked in the high-range level in the upcoming report. Since the report's release is tentatively scheduled for September, FHC' s announcement was a cause of chagrin at the United Nations headquarters. The President's privileged information was only possible because Brazilian governmental entities also participate in the UNDP's data gathering process. Moreover, the report will be based on data collected in 1995.

In fairness to FHC, the Real plan did lower Brazil's poverty rates. In 1997, 25% of the population lived under the poverty line compared to 35% four years ago. The increase in buying power was reflected in Brazilian consumer habits, as the lower-income population was finally able to buy many products once accessible only to the high middle-class.

According to studies conducted by the government, as well as by independent institutions, the economic stability accomplished by the Real plan was responsible for the sale of over 10 million color TV sets in the past four years. That accounts for 69.2% of Brazil's homes with at least one color TV set compared to 50.2% in 1993. Refrigerator sales jumped from 71.7% in 93 to 78.2% in 1996. As for food consumption, meat sales increased 27% since the plan was implemented, and chicken consumption rose 39.9%. In the same period, sales of

s on them. The-la cent coin showelperorpedroI_anaiiusiontothe irade:_lte : _s.u_ss monarchy era_andtbe2i-cent conbears a likeness of Marshal Deodorc representing the implementa--Fonseca, , n , tion of the Republic On the 50-acuelnite iccoins, noB i a z aji'.nimage of •l of Rio Branco and a map of ,— Brazil pay trib bute t to ahistoric hist° figure who uplayed e a major role in the Peaceful negotiations to ° establish .the country's borders. The Reema4em publicwhich emblem, is currently worth on the 1-real coins (one real stamped 0.8532 cents in mid-August),will remain remain M.A. changedBRAZZIL -AUGUST 1998

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Real Big Buiness

On July 29, the Brazilian government sold the Telebras system, its most lucrative enterprise, in an auction considered to be the second largest privatization in the history of the telecommunications sector worldwide. The entire Telebras system sold for, $19 billion, $7.3 billion more than the established minimum price of $11.7 billion.

Seventy six national and foreign companies registered to participate in the ambitious privatization deal, including telecom heavyweights Sprint, MCI, Telefonica de Espana, Telecom Italia and Japanese NTT, to name a few.

At the end of the auction, which lasted only four hours, Telefonica de Espana came out as the big winner after acquiring Telesp (from the state of SAo Paulo), Brazil's largest fixed-line telephone operator, and by participating in several other winning consortia. Altogether, the consortia in which Telefonica participated paid $6.4 billion for three telecom companies, including Tele Leste Celular, the cellular market covering the states of Bahia and Sergipe.

This amount represented 35% of the auction's total receipts.

According to Juan Villalonga, Telefonica's president, the company's aggressive participation in the Telebras privatization deal is justified by the economic importance of Brazil, Iwhich represents one third of the IberianAmerican market. Moreover, the Spanish company is determined to be a leader in the Latin America telecomniunications sector, in which Telefonica is already one of the major investors. Its participation in the market includes holding of 45% of Chilean CTCs shares, 31% of the Peruvian telecom and 25% of the Argentinean system.

Another winning bidder in Telebras' auction was Telecom Italia, which was Telefonica de Espatia's main competitor in the bid for Telesp's control. In spite of losing the battle, the conSortia in which the Italian enterprise participated acquired three companies for a total of $2.9 billion-16% of the auction's receipts.

On another front, American MCI beat out rival Sprint for control of longdistance carrier Embratel after a dogged dispute that ended in ten minutes of intense verbal bidding exchangeS. The acquisition of Embratel now represents MCI's largest operation outside the United States.

Just as with the privatization Ofmining giant Companhia Vale do Rio Doce (CVRD) last year, the Brazilian government faced another avalanche of lawsuits and court injunctions trying to suspend Telebras' auction. In anticipation of the judicial battle that Would inevitably ensue, the government put together a team of 400 top-notch lawyers to work on overturning the injunc, tions.

Street demonstrations also topk place in several major Brazilian cities, but these were far fewer than the protests that erupted against CVRD's privatization.

Among the threats from anti-privatization factions, there was an anonymous phone call to Embratel alleging that a bomb had been planted in its headquarters in Rio de Janeiro, which proved to be a hoax.

One of the main reasons behind the government's decision to privatize Telebras was the company's failUre to meet the demand of Brazilians waiting for a telephone line. In state capitals such as Rio de Janeiro and Sno Paulo, people often have to wait up to two years just to have a new line installed. There are currently 17 million Brazilians waiting for a conventional line and some other 7 million waiting for a cellnlar line. As increasing numbers of Brazilians are buying personal computers and logging on the Internet, the demand will continue to rise in the following years.

The government predicts that within four years, 22 out of 100 Brazilians will have fixed phone lines, double the current line/person ratio of 11 to 100.

In the year 2007, this ratio is expected to increase to 30: 100, and 9 out of 100 inhabitants will have a cellular line by then.

Apart from the painful wait fbr a line, which should be reduced to one week by the year 2005, Brazilians are, also hopeful that Telebras' privatization will bring about lower rates and greatly improve the quality of the precarious telephone connections. In Rio de Janeiro, frustration with Telerj, the local phone company, runs so high that it led one of its subscribers to create the Eu Odeio a Telerj (I Hate Telerj)i Web site—http://www.pagebuilder.com.br/ odeioatelerj/welcome.htm—where Cariocas (Rio's natives) could vent their anger against the company. Their tales, complaints and diatribes range from the bizarre to the ridiculous.

Telebras privatization has restructured the system, which used to consist of Embratel and 26 other companies (one for each state, with the exception for Tocantins state) into 12 separate enterprises: 8 cellular companies, 3 conventional line operators and Embratel.

M.A. 27

soft drinks were up 71.5%, cheese, 51.8%, while yogurt sales upcoming elections. Comfortable with the country's reserves, but pressed by Lula' s performance on the polls, the increased 85.9%.

If unemployment rates have soared in the past months, it government decided to give a 28.86% pay raise to all federal is largely due to the tough measures adopted employees and to revoke a 12% budget cut in federal expenditures which had been decided

by Cardoso's administration in October 1997, after the Asian crisis. after the Asian market fall-out. Fearing that The ongoing privatization program, espean economic crisis similar to that in Asia cially its latest deal—the Telebras auction might spread throughout Latin America, the (see related story)—is giving the government Brazilian government was compelled to desome space to breathe in face of the worrivise an austere fiscal plan, followed by an some fiscal deficit. If elected, though, FHC astronomical increase ofthe annualized prime had better start thinking about other ways to lending rates to a whopping 43.3% in Novempay for his pre-election generosity. ber. Since then, Banco Central (Central Bank) has cut interest rates to 19.75%, but consumer Marta Alvim is a Brazilian journalist, demand is still sluggish. freelance translator and interpreter.

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A mulher do prefeito daquela cidadezinha do interior, transpirando frustracOes por todos os poros do corpo gordo, a frente de urn grupo de destaque na sociedade local, comandou a invasdo do espaco onde o Gran Circus Atlas estava armado. Aguela mulher era a mulher do prefeito. Autoridade. Poder.

Nao pedia, mandava. Ainda mais em relacao nos, gente da viagem.

—Uns vagabundos. Uma canalhada. Nao sei onde o Nicanor estava corn a cabeca, quando deixou esses ciganos acamparem na cidade. Pra que queremos uma espelunca como essa aqui? Pra que? Ah, o Nicanor... E o seu enorme coracao.Ndo sabe dizer ndo a ninguem.

Eu digo a ele: "Nicanor, urn prefeito as vezes tern que ser duro." Mas ele ouve?

0 primeiro sujeitinho que aparece choramingando la na prefeitura leva tudo que quiser. E coracdo mole, esse Nicanor. Cedeu o seu terreno para os ciganos---cedeu graciosamente, é born que se diga. 0 resultado? Mal chegaram, já criaram aborrecimento, encrenca, confusdo. Mas, o que esta feito, esta feito. Palavra de rei ndo volta atras. 0 Nicanor cedeu o terreno. S6 nos resta ficarmos vigilantes em cima dessa gentalha. Sob controle rigid°, eles nAo se sentem bem... Ndo podem... Vdo logo embora.

0 terreno do prefeito era na realidade do municipio, e "cedeu graciosamente" significava que nOs lamos pagar aluguel sem recibo. Dez por cento do bruto direto da bilheteria do circo para o bolso do generoso homem public°. Sem intermediario.

Mas, deixa isso, de lado. 0 que quer° contar e o que pesa na balanca é que a mulher do prefeito (autoridade, poder), muito cedo, quase de madrugada, invadiu corn seu grupo o espaco do circo. Davam socos nos treilers, chutavam barracas. Uma algazarra.

—Vamos, acordem! Acordem! Isso ndo e visita de cortesia. E uma inspecdo.

Uma incerta, como diz o delegado aqui presente. Acordem! Acordem!

0 delegado, chefe de policia.

Autoridade. Poder. Temido na regido.

Logo que chegamos na cidade nos avisaram sobre ele: —Violento. Uma besta. Gosta de barbarizar os presos.

Porem, nas primeiras horas da matina, mesmo a frente de urn sargento, um cabo e dez ou doze soldados, todo o destacamento da cidade, o delegado tido parecia tao brutal como disseram.

Efeitos da noite mal dormida, sem duvida. Nos vimos ele na casa das putas.

Contavam que la o homem tinha regalias. Comia, bebia, trepava sem pagar. Ou, melhor dizendo, sem desembolsar dinheiro. Dava seguranca ao recinto. Cinco ou seis policiais de plantdo permanente nos puteiros era a paga. Born neg6cio pro mulherio. Mas, as conseqUencias do acordo se estampayarn na cara inchada do delegado. Olhos remelentos, palpebras caidas, olheiras profundas, bigodao sujo. Urn mau BRAZZIL -AUGUST 1998

Who Kille Janjao What helped us was no magnanimous, humaniteri n feeling from local authorities.

No respect for the law, n fraternal spirit, religious, ethical or moral conscienc gave us guarantee. The motherfuckers, fucking rules, lacked any sense of justice.

Our integrity was preserved by the big shots' sordid vanity.

There were newspapers, radio, television stations involved.

PLiNIO MARCOS aspecto. Terno amassado, camisa puida, gravata corn laco frouxo. Seu unico cuidado parecia ser corn a vasta cabeleira, tingida grosseiramente de preto e fixada corn uma goma ordinariana cabeca.

Chefe de policia. Autoridade. Poder. Mas, obediente a voz de comando damulher do prefeito.

—Doutor delegado, diga a essa gente a que vremos.

Decididamente, de manhd o delegado no era muito claro de raciocinio. Ele ficava eio embotado. Sonado, tinha dificuldades para xpor suas iddias. Acordado tambern, como veriamos depois. Mas, quando estava desperto, pelo menos era falador—o que o fazia pensar que era eloq ' ente.

Porem, de manha cedo...

—Cagtietaram voces pra dona Ciloc Eta reclamou... digo, deu parte... viemos confe ir.

Dona Ciloca (nome perfeito pra gorda ulher do Nicanor, alcaide de cidadezinha do in erior) ndo gostou do poder de sintese do policial. ra ela e seu grupo, o momento era solene.

—Estou aqui como presidenta ern exercicio da Sociedade Protetora dos Animais desta cidade. Venho trazida por uma denimcia grave. Gravissima.

Contra o Circo Atlas. E para deixar bem claro que o assunto e muito seri°, me faco acompanhar por toda a minha diretoria e por pessoas ilustres, as mais eminentes personalidades da comunidade, a quern nao so nosso pequeno burgo, mas tambem o Estado e a Nacdo devem muito. Como já viram, o delegado, corn seus soldados, esta conosco. Esse homem, notorio defensor da moral e bons costumes, se faz presente para garantir a qualquer preco o cumprimento da nossa missdo.

Dona Ritona Capataz, greluda pela prOpria natureza, escutav a aquele falatOrio do alto das suas botas de vaqueiro, torcendo impacientemente o cabo do seu inseparavel chicote e mascando urn charuto fedorento.

Soltando baforadas, tentou ser simpatica.

—Mas, porra, trocando tudo isso que a senhora falou em mifidos, o que querem aqui?

—Estamos aqui porque recebemos uma denuncia anonima de que no circo estdo dando gatos e cachorros para o ledo corner.

—Mentira! Mentira! Mentira! Puta mentira! Coisa de crocodilo. De algum filho-da-puta nojento, despeitado, invejoso.

—Despeitado? Invejoso? Ndo me faca rir. Que pretensdo! Quem haveria de ter despeito, inveja de urn bando de ciganos de circo?

—Quern? Muita gente. Muita gente mesmo.

—Quern, por exemplo?

Dona Ritona corn certeza ia continuar o bate-boca, mas bastou urn leve gesto da nide da tribo para ela se calar.

Di, a nide de tribo daquele grupo de n6mades, veio a frente. Vestia uma longa saia ate o calcanhar, lenco na cabeca, xale preto por cima de uma blusa larga. Trazia no peito a jOia de nide de tribo, pendurada no pescoco por urn cora° de ouro. Mais que uma jOia, uma reliquia. Uma pedra verde corn uma seta de ouro enrodilhada como a serpente da sabedoria. Di, imponente, vigorosa e altiva apesar dos anos, podia usar aquela jOia. Elatinha valor provado nas penosas lidas da trilha dos saltimbancos. Sua autoridade nao era a que os cargos e situacOes emprestam.

Sua autoridade era sua mesmo, conseqiiencia de uma vivencia intensa e sem maculas, referendada por todo respeito, carinho e mesmo veneracdo que a gente da viagem the devotava.

A mde da tribo, serenamente, colocou seu olhar no rosto da Dona Ciloca. Aqueles olhos, luzeiros brilhantes encravados no rosto enrugado, ainda conservando tracos de rara beleza.

Olhos bruxos. Chaves que penetravam nos misterios, que decifravam segredos.

Olhos de olhadora. Di e sua magia de olhar. Uma arte. A noite, ern volta da 31

fogueira, se falava dessas coisas.

Na cara de cada um esta gravado o retrato da personal idade. Em cada retrato existem linhas de forca; no meio delas ha o ponto onde se concentram as tensOes faciais. E por esse ponto que quem conhece a magia de olhar penetra.

Di sabia olhar. Sabia encontrar o ponto cello e, por ele, mergulhar nas regiOes insondaveis das pessoas. E al, lendo os pensamentos, decifra-las.Nao se engana urn olhador corn as mascaras da hipocrisia, nem corn expressOes dissimuladas. Diante de urn olhador, nao se consegue mistificar corn atitudes posadas ou corn qualquer especie de artificios. Di olhou Dona Ciloca no ponto.

Mau-olhado? A tecnica é a mesma.

Mas, a mae de tribo Di jamais faria isso.

Fiel a Sara, a Virgem Negra. Nao olhava para o mau. Olhava para apaziguar os espiritos, para confortar os aflitos. Foi corn docura que Di olhou a mulher do prefeito. Corn bondade e compreensao.

Dona Ciloca, carente total de religiosidade, uma criatura tao fragil, sem nenhuma memOria de si mesma, uma entediada da vida, procurando compensacOes em ilusOrias batalhas que sO serviam para atestar a sua contradicao existencial. Como pode, em sã consciencia, um bebedor de sangue, camivoro, vir a publico condenar quem, como ele mesmo, bebe sangue e come came? Dona Ciloca podia. Era a mulher do prefeito. Autoridade. Poder. Mas, tudo isso era sinal de tormento, causa de gasto inthil de energia, o que a deixava nervosa, neurastenica, hist& rica. Nos vapores do sangue menstrual das mulheres histericas, monstros ganham forma, diabos se nutrem. Pobre Dona Ciloca... A mae da tribo jamais faria uma maldade corn aquela mulher doente.

Di olhou Dona Ciloca e a agitacao, a arrogancia, a agressividade que ela trazia ao chegar se dissiparam. A impressao que dava era que tinham injetado na mulher do prefeito urn tranqUilizante de efeito imediato. Ela e seu grupo invasor se acalmaram. Era isso que Di queria. Serenados os animos, era mais facil o entendimento entre as partes.

—0 que a senhora, Dona Ciloca, veio fazer aqui, deve ser feito o quanto antes. A senhora e seus acompanhantes devem ter mu itos afazeres.

Dona Ciloca estava visivelmente embaracada.

Pareciaencabulada, confusa. Nao sabia onde p6r as maos. Demorou um tempo relativamente longo para voltar a falar e o fez quase se justificando: —Houve uma como presidente da Sociedade Protetora dos Animais... meu dever... tenho direito... a senhora compreende... é meu dever verificar inloco a veracidade da acusacao... S6 isso 32

mesmo... diz respeito... A senhora tern razao.

Somos pessoas corn muitos compromissos... Eu mesma tenho urn encontro corn uns amigos, meu marido, o prefeito, me espera. Entao, quanto antes nos desincumbirmos dessa missao, melhor.

— A senhora nao chegard atrasadaao churrasco na casa dos seus amigos.

Parecia que a Di havia lido o pensamento da Dona Ciloca. Ela estremeceu, ficou corada de vergonha. Encabulada, murmurou: — E, assim espero.

Corn o rabo do olho, a mae da tribo consultou Franz, o domador. Ele sorriu e piscou urn olho.

Era o bastante.

—Ritona, leve essa gente ate a jaula do Belo Plata°, o nosso leao africano, uma fera doente e cansada por anos e anos a fib nas andancas das estradas. Leve eles la. Nao temos nada a esconder.

E nao estamos mesmo cobrando entrada para expor urn bicho nas condicOes desse nosso leao.

Di nab tirou os olhos da Dona Ciloca e todos continuaram parados nos seus lugares. Di, entao, sentenciou: — Uma pessoa justa é inviolavel. Infeliz de quem a persegue, de quem a toca. 0 ajuste é feito pelo choque do retorno.

A mae da tribo sorriu. Dona Ritona assumiu o comando.

— Venham comigo. Vao bisbilhotar o que quiserem. Venham.

Todos n6s seguimos a capataz, menos Di, que ia se recolher no seu treiler. Ia caminhando nessa direcao, mas, de repente, como se tivesse tido urn pressentimento, parou, meditou e veio atras do grupo, mantendo distancia.

0 olhar da mae da tribo atingira a mulher do prefeito profundamente e, por extensao, todo o pessoal que veio corn ela. Perderam o entusiasmo.

Estavam confusos, humilhados. Nao havia como negar a superioridade da mae da tribo sobre eles.

Isso doia. Homens vaidosos, orgulhosos sac) feridos facilmente. Abatidos, caminhavam em silencio.

Afinal de contas, aquela gente tao importante nao vestiu suas roupas de missa, de enterro, de grandes galas, nem se reuniu em grupo tao seleto, para ser diminuida; facil e totalmente por uma cigana de circo. Mas, o que fez aquela mulher da viagem?

Que disse que os ofendeu? Eles nao saberiam responder. Dona Ciloca, naturalmente, era a mais atingida pelo golpe. Mas, que golpe? Di apenas permaneceu serena diante da prepotencia, da arrogancia, do menosprezo. S6 fez isso. E foi o bastante para abalar as conviccOes daquela gente dona da cidade. Eles perceberam a propria fragilidade. Eles ficaram corn medo da mae da tribo. Se sentiram acuados por ela.

E preciso cuidado corn quem tern medo e se sente encurralado. A reacao de alguem nessas circunstancias é sempre imprevisivel.

E é, de modo geral, uma reacao mais ou menos brutal. Foi provavelmente por perceber isso que a Di decidiu nos acompanhar. Dona Ciloca, para recuperar o animo e o prestigio de lider, era capaz de tudo. Caminhava rumo a jaula do leao e cochichava para o delegado, em volume de carro-corneta anunciando espetaculo.

—No menor vestigio do crime, quero que o senhor detenha imediatamente os responsaveis por essa espelunca: aquela cigana velha, o domador e essa mulher corn jeito de homem. Nao podemos ter contemplacao corn gente dessa laia. Vamos mostrar a eles que somos do interior, mas nao somos

bobos. Nao vao nos enganar corn conversinha mole.

E o senhor, por favor, delegado, nab se deixe levar por nenhum sentimento que nao seja o de justica.

—De ixe comigo, Dona Ciloca.

Vagabundos matadores de gatos e cachorros comigo nao tern moleza.

Aposte todas as fichas nisso, que a senhora ganha na certa. Sei ser duro quando é preciso. E esses soldados, quando pegam, arrepiam pra valer. E gente escolhida a dedo por mim. Nab sao de ter dO de vagabundo. Se eu pedir, eles levam esses malditos ciganos pras quebradas e somem corn eles. Pode confiar em mim.

Certa de que o delegado era tudo isso e mais alguma coisa alem do que dizia ser, que era mesmo de fazer e acontecer por motivos de somenos, Dona Ciloca recobrou a petulancia, a arrogancia, a prepotencia de mulher do prefeito. Autoridade. Poder. E, para levantar a moral da sua comitiva, quis se mostrar engracada.

—Gente, que tipo de came sera que come urn leao de uma espelunca? File?

Ah, corn a vida cara como anda...Sera que ele come file?

0 pessoal da cidade se divertiu corn a tirada. Riram muito. Urn magricela de gravata borboleta iniciou urn festival de bajulacao.

— A Ciloca é sempre espirituosa.

--Ela nao existe.

— Sempre mantem o born humor.

— Humor fino, diga-se de passagem.

— pesde mocinha Ciloca foi assim.

— E verdade, ela sempre ela tern urn dito jocoso pra descontrair o ambiente.

—Quanto mais tensa a situacao, mais ela, corn sua sensibilidade, corn seu humor, nos devolve a confianca. lam prosseguir corn os elogios, mas Pipo, o palhaco, fez questa() de informar sobre a dieta do leao.

—0 Belo Plata° nao come came. E vegetariano. Come pouco. Tern medo de engordar e ficar rolando por al como uma barrica.

Foi a vez do pessoal do circo rir. Os invasores voltaram a armar a carranca.

0 Pipo se entusiasmou.

—0 avo do Belo Plata° e que era tratado corn carne. Era o leao de estimacao do Nero. Quando o imperador tinha alguma crista gordona, rolava a bruta pra arena e a fera se empanturrava.

Quern foi que disse que mulher gorda nab serve pra corner? 0 aye, do Belo Plata° comia. Esse Nero era mesmo esperto. Mulher bonita, etc guardava pra ele, gordona bagulhosa virava racao de fera.

N6s do circo nunca haviamos rido tanto corn o Pipo. Essamanha ele estava mais atrevido do que nunca. Mas, dessa feita ninguem o repreendia. Di, a distancia, Sc divertia. Ate Ritona Capataz, habitualmente sisuda, estava mostrando os dentes.

Se existe coisa que ofende autoriBRAZZIL - AUGUST 1998

dade e o ridiculo. Dona Ciloca estava vermelha de raiva e de calor. Suava, tremia, pensava, mas no tinha o que dizer. Seus acompanhantes, corn suas roupas escuras e pesadas, pareciam atormentados pelo Sol. Alguns ate davam mostras de nao estarem se sentindo bem. Estavam, alem de tudo, constrangidos corn as grosseiras piadas do Pipo. NOs do circo continuavamos a rir. 0 palhaco estava inspirado. Imitava a mulher do prefeito andando, ou um figura° daqueles bufando de calor. Tudo o que ele fazia era motivo de riso para n6s. SO paramos quando ouvimos Dona Ciloca resmungar: —Esse moleque atrevido ja esta ficando insuportavel. Bern que merece uma licao.

0 delegado, ameacador, ja ia avancar para o palhaco. Estavamos na frente da jaula. Mas foi contido pela mulher: —Espere, delegado. Cada coisa tern a hora certa. N inguem perde por esperar.

Agora vamos examinar isso aqui. Sua presenca é mais que necessaria no local.

Fedor. Puta fedor. Fedor de merda, de mijo, catinga de lea°. Que se hd de fazer? Os bichos cagam, mijam, o Sol seca tudo. Fedor. Quem esta no mambembe acaba ate se acostumando.

Mosca, mosquito, calor, fedor. Fedor.

Tudo incomodava o grupo de Dona Ciloca. Diante da jaula do Belo Plata°, nao sabiam o que fazer, por onde comecar a inspecao. Fedor, calor, mosca, mosquito, tormento. E a frustacao por nao encontrarem o que procuravam. Restos de pequenos animals domesticos devorados pela fera.

Decepcao. 0 que dizer? 0 que fazer?

Urn sujeito atarracado, de oculos de lentes grossas, imaginou uma nova forma de pressao sobre o circo.

—Que fedor! Que imundicie! Sem dtivida, isso aqui é urn foco de doencas, de molestias contagiosas. Temos que mandar o pessoal da sande pablica com urgencia ver como isso aqui esta. Se nao tomarmos providencia logo, nossas criancas, nos mesmos, estaremos sendo vitimas de urn surto, de uma epidemia de sei-la-o-que. Vejam como esta isso.

Esse leao deve estar cheio de pulgas, carrapatos, muquiranas, sanguessugas.

Meu Deus, olhe como o bicho esta cheio de feridas. Que imundicie! Que fedor! Nao ha meio de acabarem corn moscas e mosquitos.

Ah, Pipo, Pipo...

—Mosca e mosquito no estao garantidos pela Sociedade Protetora de Animais.

—Exijo respeito, muito respeito corn a Sociedade que tenho a honra de presidir. Voce, moleque sem-vergonha, vem tentando me atingir, a mim, mulher do prefeito destacidade, corn piadinhas.

Eu venho ignorando, porque o que vem de baixo nao me atinge. Mas agora chega. Chega, entendeu? Entendeu?

Coloque-se no seu lugar. Mantenha-se na sua insignificancia. Minhapaciencia BRAZZIL - AUGUST 1998

ja esta no limite. Nao admitirei mais nenhama grosseria. Nem sua, nem de ninguem.

Dona Ciloca, na sua fdria, quase perdeti o folego. Ofegante, parou de berrar. Respirando corn dificuldade, corn a veia do pescoco ainda inchada, como canastra que representa corn cliOhes o papel da prima-dona magoada, virou as costas bruscamente para todos. E deu de cara corn o leao que, aborrecido corn a gritaria, se levantou, espreguicou e comecou a procurar dentro dajaula urn canto melhor para se acomodar.

Indiferente aos movimentos ,da fera, mais uma vez o magricela de gravata borboleta puxou o coro de acariciadores do ego.

—A Ciloca é assim mesmo. Muito boa. Ate quando deixa de ser.

—Nao abusem dela. Nao abusem.

—Ciloca brava mete medo.

—Deus nos valha.

— Mulher de temperamento forte.

— Desde moca Ciloca é assim. Brincalh na, expansiva, amiga. Mas, quando pisam no seu cab, é urn osso duro de roer.

0 delegado ja ia se aproximando do rpo, ameacador, porem mais uma vez foi contido ela mulher do prefeito.

Uma modificacao repentina Ihe alter u o semblante. A causa disso é que o leao, ao a dar para se deitar no canto oposto onde se encont ava a principio, deixou visivel urn volume.., urn objeto... urn...

— La! La no fundo da jaula. La no fu do,.

Vejam, o leao estava deitado em cima. Veja . E a prova do crime. E a prova do crime.

Nos do circo gelamos. Ficamos palido de espanto. Nao havia como negar. No fund da jaula, urn objeto estranho... 0 leao realmente estivera deitado em cima do... pacote..,I urn embrulho... A meia distancia, parecia, sim urn gato... urn cachorro... urn bicho encolhido, ine amassado pelos trezentos quilos do Belo PI tdo.

Dona ciloca estava euforica.

—E a prova do crime. E a prova. Vao todo pra cadeia. Malditos carniceiros! Sanguind ios!

Ciganos mentirosos! Queriam negar ssa abominavel pratica de dar animais domestic° pro leao corner. Delegado, providencie a retira a do gato morto da jaula. Mas, cuidado. Leao é eao.

Este al esta velho, doente, pobre, mas ainda nao esta morto. E lembre-se, é uma fera carnivora.

Nao se demorem, retirem logo a prova do crirrie da jaula.

Os invasores murmuravam entre eles, trocando opinioes sobre o que ia acontecer corn o circo e corn todos as ciganos. 0 delegado e os soldados nao sabiam como obedecer as ordens da m Iher do prefeito. Como tirar aquela coisa da j ula?

Ritona Capataz, vencendo o impacto do ch que, reassumiu suas funcOes. —Deixe pra nos. N6s tiramos aquilo pra fora.

Tambem quero ver o que é. Parece coisa pl tada pra complicar a gente. Franz, se mexe.

0 domador pegou o chuco, vara de cu ucar fera, e rapidamente puxou o entulho do fun to da jaula. 0 que se viu era espantoso, desconce ante para as dois grupos. Era uma trouxa de ro pas.

Uma trouxa de pequenas roupas.

Apos um momento de surpresa, Dona C loca, horrorizada, balbuciou: —Roupas de crianca. De crianca. Meu eus!

Sera? Sera que esses ciganos foram capazes e urn crime tao terrivel? Ern nossa cidade? Oh, rneu Deus, meu Deus. Esses assassinos pagam corn

esse crime odioso a nossa hospitalidade.

Meu Deus! Tern que haver pena de morte. Tern que haver.

As mulheres da cidade, varias delas histericas, tiveram ataques. Berravam, choravam, desmaiavam. Os homens...

Que homens? Queriam acalmar a mulherada enlouquecida, mas so aumentavam o tumulto, tentando acudir todas ao mesmo tempo. 0 delegado, indignado, excitado pela sua imaginacao fantasiosa, completamente transtornado, parecia sedent° de sangue. Esfregava as roupas retiradas da jaula nas nossas caras.

—Que é isso? 0 que significa isso?

Dona Ritona fez o reconhecimento.

Nao havia davidas, nem pra ela, nem pra ninguem do circo.

—E o terno do Janjao. Do anao Janjao.

—Que faz na jaula a roupa de urn anao?

—E o que eu gostaria de saber.

—Eu tambem. E quem pode explicar esse fato sao voces, ciganos nojentos.

—Talvez o anao explique.

— Se é que nao deram ele pro leao comer.

Pipo. Pipo e suas ironias...

—0 leao deve ter tirado a casca do anao antes de comer ele.

0 delegado, ao escutar a observacao do palhaco, reagiu corn extrema violencia. Deu urn murro no rosto do palhaco, que bateu numa das rodas da jaula e caiu. Os soldados, mecanicamente, sem esperar muito, pisotearam e chutaram o Pipo no chao. Foi tudo tao rapid°, como urn reldmpago. Nos do circo ficamos paralisados. Os invasores, como por encanto, suspenderam o escarceu que faziam e tambem ficaram sem acao.

Tudo durou o tempo de a Di se aproximar da Dona Ciloca e olhar para ela, dessa vez energicamente. A mulher do prefeito comecou a pedir, a implorar que parassem corn o massacre.

—Parem! Parem! Parem! Delegado, mande parar corn o espancamento. Vao matar o cigano. \Tao matar. Estou mandando parar.

Precisou veemencia da Dona Ciloca para conter a policia. Os soldados, relutantes, se afastaram urn pouco. 0 delegado entao ergueu o Pipo, encostando-o na jaula pra que ele nao caisse.

0 sangue jorrava do nariz e da boca do palhaco. 0 chefe de policia nao levou em conta o estado de sua vitima.

—Entao, canalha? Aprendeu que tern que respeitar as autoridades?

Aprendeu?

—Ele aprendeu tudo. Tudo. Aprendeu a respeitar as grandes autoridades que sao voces. Agora basta. Largue o meu rapaz.

0 delegado foi amansando. Foi soltando o Pipo aos poucos. Nos o 33

amparamos para que ele nao caisse.

Urn silencio profundo desceu sobre o acampamento do circo. 0 Sol a pino, o fedor, as moscas, os mosquitos, nada parecia incomodar. Estavam todos imoveis, calados. Di foi quern quebrou o encanto.

— Achem o and() e tragam-no aqui.

A nide da tribo mandou e todos saimos a procura do Jan.*. Aos poucos, os invasores comecaram a se animar e a antever o sucesso.

— E se for verdade? Se o —Ndo quero nem pensar.

— Imaginou o escandalo?

—Adeus, sossego.

— Sera que vem televisao?

— Voce duvida?

— Eles jamais perderiam um assunto desse.

—Claro que nan.

—Aposto que vem ate o Fantastic°.

—Natural que vem. Nao é todo dia que urn ledo come urn and°.

Nosso pessoal ia voltando da busca de indos abanando.

—Ndo achei.

—Ndo encontramos.

—Sumiu.

—Evaporou.

—No alojamento dos solteiros encontramos s6 a malinha dele corn a colecdo de revistas de sacanagem. Mais nada.

— Onde sera que se enflou?

Ah, Pipo, Pipo, que nunca se emendava.

—Temos que esperar o leAo cagar para ver se aparece pelo menos urn pedaco do ando.

— Filho da puta, nojento! Ainda ndo aprendeu? A licdo ndo serviu?

0 delegado avancou para o palhaco, mas parou nas ameacas. Respirou fundo.

Sorriu. Ia comecar uma estranha transformacao. 0 delegado ia deixar de ser a besta brava, o policial espancador, para ser urn detetive investigador arguto. Tomou a respirar fundo e falou pausado, como quem raciocinasse.

— 0 and() sumiu. Suas roupas, sem ele dentro, apareceram najaula do led°.

A fera, sempre faminta, ndo parece estar corn fome no momento. 0 que é uma indicacdo de que comeu. E, muito provavelmente, comeu o ando. Mas, o ando corn certeza ndo se atirou de livre e espontanea vontade na boca do led°.

Quero dizer, nao se suicidou. Ninguem nunca se suicidou dessa maneira. E o ando ndo seria o primeiro. Essa linha de pensamento me faz sugerir que alguem matou o and() e jogou ele na jaula. Ou, quem sabe, jogou a and° ainda vivo para que a fera fizesse o servico?

Quem matou a ando? Quem?

Claro, claro. Ninguem sabe.

Urn criminoso frio e calculista, capaz de tirar a roupa de um ando e joga-lo para urn ledo comer, ndo vai confessar s6 porque estou perguntando. Mas, eu descubro o assassino. Descubro. Podem apostar 34

todas as fichas nisso, ganham na certa. Nunca deixei um caso sem solucdo. E ndo vai ser agora, depois de muitos anos de janela, que you ser enganado por urn assassino canalha, nojento, cigano. Eu descubro quern matou o ando. Por enquanto, todos do circo sdo suspeitos. Todos.

Ninguem sai do acampamento. Ninguem.

NOs todos do Gran Circus Atlas fomos reuni dos em volta do picadeiro. Sentados nas cadeiras de pista, esperavamos aflitos o inicio do mais triste e lamentaval espetaculo de nossas vidas. Tudo o que estava acontecendo conosco era humilhante.

Muito mais que humilhante. A roda da fortuna passava por baixo. Maldicdo! Nos, como qualquer artista, sempre sonhamos corn multidOes freneticas nas portas das casas de espetaculos onde f6ssemos nos exibir. Gente, muita gente querendo entrar a qualquer preco, pagando uma exorbitancia no ingresso nas mdos dos cambistas. Que merda!

Cada vez juntava mais gente na porta do maftra. Gente que nao media conseqiiencia nas tentativas de invadir o circo. Puta que pariu! As vezes fazemos das tripas coracdo para divulgar urn espetaculo. A gente anuncia, apregoa, alardeia, badala... e todo o escarceu resulta em nada.

Ninguern toma conhecimento. Nan escutam, nan \teem a propaganda. E no entanto... ma noticia cone rapida. E foda.

—Mataram o ando do circo.

—Coma foi?

—Deram o desgracado para o Ledo comer.

—Quem foi?

—Foram os ciganos.

—SO podia ser. Raca maldita.

Boca-a-boca. Bochicho. Urn pro outro.

Corrente. Veneno. Quem conta urn conto... E cada vez chegava mais gente. Mais e mais. Diz-quediz.

— Filhos da puta.

—Mataram o ando.

— Cigano tern parte corn o diabo.

— Temos que acabar corn essa raca.

—Nao pode sobrar nenhum pra semente.

—Ndo vamos deixar nenhum mesmo. Se sobra urn, des se alastram.

— E isso. Coisa ruim cresce facil.

—Ndo vai ter filho da puta nem pra contar a hist6ria.

—Cigano flan presta mesmo.

Como o homem instalado tern 6dio de quem se move, de quern ndo tern residencia fixa, emprego permanente e os cambaus, perseguem, espancam, expulsam dos lugares os que se atrevem a passar.

Simplesmente passar. Puta que as pariu! Homenspregos. A gente da viagem traz alegria, emocao, poesia, sonho... Porem (e sempre tern urn porem), justamente o que o homem instalado teme. Isso tudo perturba as habitos seguros da sua rotina, o imobilismo do seu dia-a-dia. Urn bando de vagabundos passando. S6 por passar perturba a vidinha da comunidade.

Provoca estremecimentos. A buceta da mulherada fica molhada, o caralho mole dos homens fica arrepiado... E por al. Corn certeza por al que se abalam as estruturas dos acomodados. Eles se defendem da liberdade corn organizacOes, constituintes, leis, Estado, policia, tudo o que fortalece urn sistema politico fixo de poder. E de repente urn bando de vagabundos... sdo culpados. Culpados. Culpados. As inquietacOes... as velhas esperancas... as imaginacoes... essas coisas afloram. Odio aos culpados...

—Vamos pegar os ciganos.

—Eles tern que pagar por esse e por todos os crimes que praticaram.

Malditos assassinos de ando.

—Pega! Pega!

A policia ndo conseguia canter o povo indignado. A guarnicdo local ndo deu conta. Pediram reforco nas cidades vizinhas. A todo momento chegavam tropas. Mexe e vira, as soldados eram obrigados a baixar o cacete pra acanhar a turba ensandecida. Claro que ninguern da policia sentia remorso por bater no povo. A ordem era baixar o chanfralho.

Ordem é ordem. Obedecer era o dever.

Foram treinados pra isso. Obedeciam.

Mas, no intimo, achavam que era mais pratico deixar rolar. Bastava uma recueta. 0 resto, que se fudesse!

Quern haveria de reclamar por urn bando de ciganos massacrados? Para que fazer cerimonia corn a esc6ria humana?

0 que nos valia naquela hora-limite de nossa existencia ndo era nenhum sentimento magnanimo, humanitario, das autoridades locais. Nenhum respeito as leis, nenhum espirito fraterno, nenhuma consciencia religiosa, etica, moral nos davam garantias. Os filhos da puta, dirigentes de merda, eram desprovidos de qualquer senso de justica. 0 que preservava nossa integridade era a sOrdida vaidade dos figurOes. Jomais, radios, televisOes na parada... Sabe coma e que e. Pois é.

Nos ali, garantidos unicamente pelos veiculos de comunicacdo social. Nab que os repOrteres estivessem empenhados. Nan, nao. Documentavam. Apenas documentavam os acontecimentos corn distanciamento profissional de pessoas experientes naquele oficio. Belas merdas.Nenhuma emocan. Corn certeza gostariam mais de ver o circo pegando fogo. A puta que as pariu! Se os ciganos fossem linchados, enforcados, empalados... Tragedia, camificina, sangue...

Noticia em primeira pagina, reportagem especial nas revistas coloridas, chamada na capa, destaque no horario nobre...

Grana circulando, venda aumentada, mais Entdo, que se fodessem os ciganos! Porem, era preciso maneirar.

Deixar as coisas acontecerem por si.

Sem insuflar nada. E as interesses mesquinhos de cada urn produziam urn equilibrio.

E nos au, envergonhados, corn medo... Medo? Mais. Muito mais. Pavor. Como dimensionar corn palavras as sentimentos? As emocOes nao cabem nas palavras. As palavras podem ate sugerir o que urn ser humano sente.

Mas, esse sentimento anunciado corn a palavra logo se vulgariza, se transforma, nao necessariamente em mentira, mas numa coisa chocha, sem energia, um arremedo grotesco da intencdo pela qual foi pronunciada ou escrita. Porem, o que pode urn contador de hist6ria sem as palavras? Entdo, eu digo: n6s all corn medo. Mais que medo. Corn o cu na mao. E acho que me entendem. Pals e.

Que bosta. Urn bando de mambemBRAZZIL - AUGUST 1998

beiros, pobre bando, encurralado...

Suspeitos. Todos suspeitos pela morte do ando Jan.*. Situacdo encardida.

Ndo havia como negar. Quero... quero, merda nenhuma... sou obrigado a reconhecer... tudo indicava... urn ou dois ou tres de nos, sei la quantos...

Valha-nos Deus! Mandaram o ando pro beleleu. Mas quern? Quern entre nos foi capaz? Dificil crer que urn dos nossos...

Mas, porra... Pura la vida, vida la puta...

Dava o que pensar. 0 ando sumiu. A roupa do filho da puta no gaioldo.

Alguem cometeu o crime... Alguem deu o and() pro led° corner... 0 filho da puta do bicho comeu o pequeno corn osso e tudo...

Que fome. Fome de fera. Sobrou a roupa... Manha do assassino... Sem roupa, and° nu. Puta frieza do assassino.

I sso tambem eramos obrigados a reconhecer. 0 criminoso, se estivesse entre nOs, tinha sangue gelado. Alem de ser mestre na arte de despistar.

Grande mestre, capaz ate de enganar a mae de tribo Di, senhora olhadeira que jamais falhara.

—Nao vejo sanguinolencia em ninguem... em nenhum dos nossos.

Olho. Vou fundo no intimo de urn por urn. E ninguern acusa crime, violencia, perversidade. Duvido que alguem do circo... Mas, so Deus sabe tudo...

Poxa, sera que o pequeno?...

Suicidio? Dificil crer. As piores coisas passavam sempre na cabeca podre do Janj do. E le era capaz das piores maldades. Contra os outros. Claro, claro... se o ando era tao sacana corn o proximo, era porque vivia insatisfeito consigo mesmo. Mas, suicidio? Ndo. Dificil acreditar nessa hip6tese. 0 Janiao achava que ia ser um sucesso mundial. Segundo ele mesmo, isso ia acontecer muito antes do que supunhamos. Um primo do ando, ando tambem, que estava nos Estados Unidos abafando a banca, ia mandar busca-lo. E o Jan.* escrevia cartas e mais cartas. Recebia algumas, é verdade. Ndo mostrava pra ninguem, mas ficava alegre corn o que ha e relia. Podia ser... numa dessas negativas... Tchau e bencdo... Desilus do, sem esperanca... Ndo, ndo.

Suicidio, nao. Aquele idiota ndo levava jeito. Porem, se ndo havia sido suicidio... Crime. Mas quern? Quem?

E amargo ser envolvido pela drivida em relacdo aos companheiros. Desconfjar do pr6ximo, dos colegas, dos camaradas de jornada, puta veneno.

Mas, naquela situacdo... Nos, encostados na parede, frageis... Que merda.

Revendo fatos, considerando, por exemplo: aquele crime ndo era coisa de gente estranha ao circo. Ndo, Qualquer urn de fora... sabe como é?

Mesmo o Belo Platdo, fodido, na mdo das traps... de qualquer forma, ledo é ledo. E nao é qualquer um que se atreve a abrir a jaula de uma fera. Ainda mais fera faminta. E outra: ndo houve tempo de o Jan.* se indispor corn ninguem daquela cidade. Tinhamos acabado de chegar. E mais outra ainda: o que !IA° BRAZZIL -AUGUST 1998

faltava no circo era gente corn bronca pesada do pequeno. 0 filho da puta era dificil de agiientar.

Bisbilhoteiro. Fuxiqueiro. Maledicente. Sem nenhuma cerimonia se imiscuiana intimidade dos outros e trazia a baila questOes delicadas. Filho da puta. Nao media consequencia. la intrigando urn corn os outros. Filho da puta mesmo. Vai dal... Aquele ando Janjdo era urn cadaver barato. Podia ser qualquer urn. Inimigo é que nao faltava pra ele. Mas quem?

E tern outra coisa que é preciso confessar. Nos nao tinhamos muito conhecimento uns dos outros naquele mambembe. Ao contrario do que pensavam, nao eramos urn bando de ciganos. Ndo. Nao faziamos parte de tribo, nem da familia gitana. Sabe Deus por que a maioria de nos entrou na trilha dos saltimbancos. Vocacdo artistica?

Desencanto social? Malandro em fuga? 0 que se sabia uns dos outros era a versdo oficial divulgada pelo prOprio. "Eu fiz, eu aconteci, tal e tal, tal e coisa, coisa e lousa." Da pra botar fe? Porem.:. na trilha ndo se exige atestado de boa conduta, carta de bons antecedentes tirada na policia, corn firma reconhecida em cartOrio.

Ninguem conferia ninguem. Na viagem sem termo, antes foi antes, agora é agora, e o que ird?

0 choque do retorno se encarrega da justica.

Infalivel. Nisso podem crer.

Mas, naquela trupe todos nOs eramos tidos como ciganos pelo povo dos lugarejos onde chegavamos. Se fOssemos encarados como vagabundos, andarilhos, ndo teriarnos grandes regalias. Mas, cigano de estrada, gente da viagem, filho do vento... E preciso acrescentar o racismo.

—Sao ladrOes de alma, esses ciganos.

— Feiticeiros.

—Tern trato corn o diabo.

— Roubam tudo.

—Eles batem nas casas, pedem um copo d'agua, quando se vai buscar a agua, eles roubam tudo o que podem. Num abrir e fechar de olhos. sao espertos. Roubam tudo.

— Roubam criancas.

—Nem fale. Sao uns canalhas. Preferem roubar criancas de cob. Torcem as juntas dos bebes. As juntas dos joelhos, dos bracos, do pescoco... para depois exibirem as pobres criancinhas nas feiras, como contorcionistas.

—Deus meu, do que sao capazes esses malditos ciganos.

—A Virgem Santissima nos guarde e proteja todos os nossos filhos.

—Amem nOs todos!

— Amem! Mas mesmo se fiando na Virgem, é born ter cuidado. Enquanto os ciganos estiverem por aqui, nao deixo meus filhos irem sozinhos nem ate a esquina.

—Assim é que tern que ser. Seguro morreu de velho. Todo cuidado é pouco corn essa escoria.

Principalmente corn as meninas. Eles ddo perfumes pra elas cheirarem, al..

—Ndo me fale. Nao me fale. S6 de escutar essas coisas, perco o sono. S6 you dormir sossegada quando eles forem embora.

E tome pedra no circo. 0 que dizer pra essa gente cheia de preconceito racial, politico, religioso, sexual, social, cultural? Puta que os pariu! Nada a explicar. Nao adiantaria. A gente dos lugarejos... duzentos anos de atraso. Nas grandes cidades... Mas, porra, uma espelOnca como o Gran Circus Atlas! Bosta! De vila de lugarejo em lugarejo. E tambern nossa fana de ciganos tinha ate alguma razdo de ser.

0 Atlas era de origem circassiana (ciganos artistas). Foi Peter Soler, um nome muito respeitado entre os circenses e os romanis que fundou e dirigiu aquela companhia de espetaculos ambulantes por muitos e muitos anos de sucesso. Se o senhor Soler foi urn rei?

Urn patriarca? Sei la!

Ouvi contarem que ele era urn homem extraordinario. Energico, valente, extremamente generoso. Encarava todas as situacoes corn serenidade. Tinha fibra pra conduzir seu bando. Era festeiro. Alegre. Muito querido por tudo isso e ainda mais por sua sabedoria. Eu me incorporei naquele grupo muito depois do seu falecimento. Mas, ao que parece, a morte daquele gigante coincidiu corn o declinio nao s6 do Atlas, mas dos circos em geral. Progresso, cinema, televisdo. A viva Soler, a 'ride de tribo Di e seu irmao de sangue Ricardino, alem do Kaku (feiticeiro cigano) prosseguiram na estrada, como manda a tradicao. Mas aos poucos foram ficando sozinhos. Os velhos... o tempo de cada um vai chegando. Os mais novos foram se fixando nas metrOpoles.

As condicOes sociais, politicas, economicas foram mudando rapidamente. Capital concentrado em bolsOes economicos. Migracdo. Gente abandonando a regido de origem, se desvinculando das raizes culturais. Gente indefesa na nova realidade. Novos valores morais impostos pelos veiculos de comunicacdo. Propaganda... Novas metas... Quern é cigano no meio dessa gente que vai de um lado para outro atras de trabalho, seguranca, conforto?

0 preconceito? SO para quern permanece a margem disso tudo. 0 referencia! mudou. Trabalha? Produz?

Consome? Tudo bem. Quern se enquadra esta enquadrado. A sociedade capitalista, baseada nos principios de propriedade privada dos bens sociais, tern formas poderosas de seducao.

Pontos brilhantes, hipnoticos, enganadores. 0 cigano ndo é melhor nem pior do que ninguem. Se solta as amarras, rompe corn as raizes... babau. Muitos foram se fixando. Cidaddos contribuintes, eleitores, sujeitos as leis do reino da banalidade.

Para Di, a mde de tribo, e o Ricardino, essas coisas todas, sobretudo o sumico dos ciganos das estradas, eram claros sinais do final dos tempos. Mas eles nao se rendiam.

—Vamos, irmao?

— Para onde, irmd?

— Para onde? Ndo sei? Para onde nossos pes nos levarem.

Excerpted from 0 Assassinato do Ando do Caralho Grande (The Murder of the Dwarf with the Big Prick) by Plinio Marcos, Geracao Editorial, 1996, 142pp.

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Around Salvador ITAPARICA Many Bahians love Itaparica, the largest island in Baia de Todos os Santos. They prefer to swim in the calm waters of the bay than in the rough and tumble of the ocean. It's quite a pretty island, but not really a must-see destination.

Weekends here are crowded (especially in summer), transportation can be slow without a car, and the beaches aren't as pretty as the more accessible beaches north ofthe city.

The island is built up with many weekend homes, but has few budget hotels. Many of the beaches are dirty and the best part ofthe island is owned

by Club Med. Yet there still are a few clean beaches where you can just lie on the sand beneath windswept palms and gaze across the bay at the city (try Barra Grande for example).

Orientation Itaparica City At the northern tip of the island is the city of Itaparica and the Sao Lourenco Fort.

Built by the Dutch invaders in the 17th century, the fortress figured prominently in Bahia's battle for independence in 1823. The Solar Tenente Botas (Mansion of Lieutenant Botas), on the square of the same name, the Igreja Matriz do Santissimo Sacramento, on Rua Luis Gama, and the Fonte da Bica (mineral water fountain) complete the city sights.

Along the Coast South along the coast, between Itaparica City and Bom Despacho is Ponte da Areia, a thin strip of sand with barracas. The water is clear and shallow, and the sandy floor slopes gently into the bay.

South of Mar Grande (perhaps the most likeable town on the island), the beaches of Barra do Gil, Barra do Pote and Coroa all have excellent views of Salvador, while on the other side of Club Med is Barra Grande, Itaparica's finest open-to-the-public beach.

The beaches further to the south up to and including Cacha Pregos are dirtier and generally less beautiful, al36

Bahia is much more than Salvador. You have Itaparica and several other smaller islands, the Reconcavo Baiano, Cachoeira and Sao Felix, dozens of beaches, churches, and museums. All immersed in Brazilian history.

though many Bahians consider Cacha Pregos the best beach on the island.

Tourist Office There are two tourist information booths on the island: a tiny booth next to the rodoviaria at Born Despacho, and another on Praca de Sao Bento in Mar Grande, both with irregular opening hours.

OTHER BAIA DE TODOS OS SANTOS ISLANDS The easiest way to cruise the lesser islands and the bay itself is to get one of the tourist boats that leave from the Terminal Turistico Maritimo (Tel.: 242-9411), close to the Mercado Modelo in Salvador.

There are various tours; most take half a day, stopping at Ilha dos Frades, Ilha da Mare and Itaparica. The cost is about $18.

Alternatively, hire a cheap, small boat from the small port next to the Mercado Modelo. Bahiatursa's bulletin board often has advertisements for boat trips.

Popular islands include Ilha Born Jesus dos Passos, which has traditional fishing boats and artisans; Ilha dos Frades (named after two monks who were killed and cannibalized there by local Indians), which has attractive waterfalls and palm trees; and Ilha da Mare.

Ilha da Mare has the Igreja de Nossa Senhora das Neves, the quiet beaches of Itamoabo and Bacia das Neves, and one pousada, which costs around $15 for a double quarto. There are no restaurants on the island, but you can arrange through the pousada to have meals prepared by villagers.

The Reconcavo The reconcavo is the region of fertile lands spread around the Baia de Todos os Santos. Some of the earliest Brazilian encounters between Portuguese, Indian and African peoples occurred here, and the lands proved to be among Brazil's best for growing sugar and tobacco.

Along with the excellent growing conditions, the region prospered due to its relative proximity to Portuguese sugar markets, the favorable BRAZZIL - AUGUST 1998

winds for sailing to Europe and the excellent harbors afforded by the Baia de Todos os Santos. By 1570 there were already 18 sugar mills engenhos, and by 1584 there were 40. The sugar-plantation system was firmly entrenched by the end of the 16th century and continued to grow from the sweat of African slaves for another 250 years.

Tobacco came a bit later to the reconcavo. Traded to African slave-hunters and kings, it was the key commodity in the triangle of the slave trade.

Tobacco was a more sensitive crop to grow than sugar and the estates were much smaller.

But big fortunes were made growing sugar, not tobacco.

On the other hand, fewer slaves were needed—about four per tobacco farm—so many poorer Portuguese settlers went into tobacco and a less rigid social hierarchy developed. Many even did some of the work!

A second subsidiary industry in the reconcavo area was cattle ranching, which provided food for the plantation hands, and transport for the wood that fuelled the sugar engenhos and for delivery of the processed cane to market.

Cattle breeding started in the reconcavo and spread inland, radiating west into the sertao and Minas Gerais, then northwest into Piaui.

If you have time for only one side trip from Salvador, visit Cachoeira and perhaps squeeze in Santo Amaro. A suggested itinerary is to take the weekday afternoon boat to Maragojipe and then the bus along the banks of the Rio Paraguacu to Cachoeira. You can then visit Santo Amaro on the way back to Salvador. If you're in Cachoeira on Friday or Saturday nights, you may be able to attend a terreiro de Candomble. From Cachoeira, there are frequent buses back to Salvador.

CACHOEIRA Cachoeira, 121 km from Salvador and 40 km from Santo Amaro, is below a series of hills beside the Rio Paraguacu. The river is spanned

by Ponte Dom Pedro II, built by the British in 1885 as a link with its twin town, Sao Felix.

BRAZZIL - AUGUST 1998

Affectionately known as the jewel ofthe ream 'vo, Cachoeira has a population of 32,000 and -is the center ofBrazil's best tobacco-growing region. part from tobacco, the main crops in the area are cas ews and oranges.

The town is full of beautiful colonial arch tecture, uncompromised by the presence of m dern buildings. As a result, it was pronounced a flat onal monument in 1971 and the state of Bahia St rted paying for the restoration and preservation o I historic buildings. However, these funds appe r to have dried up and the municipal authoriti s in Cachoeira are continuing the work on their own dwindling budget.

Cachoeira is also a renowned cent r of Candomble and the home of many traditional ists and artisans. If you get an early start, Cachoeir can be visited in a day from Salvador, but it's less ctic if you plan to stay overnight.

-Orientation Cachoeira and Sao Felix are best seen on foot.

There's nothing you really have to see, so it' best to just take it easy and explore.

History Diego Alvares, the father of Cacho ira's founders, was the sole survivor of a ship bou d for the West Indies that was wrecked in 1510 on reef near Salvador. The Portuguese Robinson C usoe was saved by the Tupinambi Indians o Rio Vermelho, who dubbed the strange white sea creature Caramuru or `FishMan'. Diego Alvares lived 20 years with the Indians and married Catari a do Paraguacu, the daughter of the most po erful Tupinamba chief. Their sons Joao Gaspar A erno Alvares and Rodrigues Martins Alvares kill d off the local Indians, set up the first sugar-canefaz ndas and founded Cachoeira.

By the 18th century, tobacco from Cac oeira was considered the world's finest, sought by ulers in China and Africa, and was more profitabl than sugar. Tobacco also became popular in Brazi . The holy herb, as it was called, was taken as nuff, smoked in a pipe or chewed.

Early in the 19th century, Cachoeira ac ieved fame as a center for military operation in B ia to oust the Portuguese rulers. On 25 June 182', the

The Resurrection of Cachoeira The IBGE director has many dreams nd plans to resurrect past splendors. Cle ly delighted by our interest, he whisked us • ff on a tour of the town, which proved a biz rre experience. Everywhere he indicated re ovated colonial edifices as being quase fe o' or 'almost finished'. We followed the ent usiastic sweep of his arm and saw the op • osite: gutted, roofless buildings with teeter ng facades and impromptu natural adornm nts from cacti or papaya trees perched on he remaining walls.

That is the appeakof Cachoeira, a tow of surreal faded grandeur, with friendly in bitants who maintain enthusiasm and hop in the midst of economic decline.

town became the first to recognize Dom Pedro I as the independent ruler of Brazil.

Information The municipal tourist office, in a renovated building on Rua 13 de Maio, should be able to help with accommodation and general details about the town's sights. Another good place to get information is the Instituto Historic° e Geografico Brasileiro (1BGE) office on Praca da Aclamacao. 'Some of the sights, especially churches, have experienced problems with theft and you may have to phone to arrange a visit.

Igreja da Ordem Terceira do Carmo The Church of the Third Order of Carmelites, just south of Praca da Aclamacao and alongside the Pousada do Convento, features a gallery of suffering polychrome Christs imported from the Portuguese colonies in Macao, and paneled ceilings.

Christ's blood is made from bovine blood mixed with Chinese herbs and sparkling rubies. The church is now being promoted by the adjacent pousada as a convention center. It's certainly a novel idea to seat delegates where there were once pews.

Opening hours are Tuesday to Saturday from 2 to 5 pm and Sunday from 9 to 11.30 am..

Casa da Cilmara e Cadeia Nearby on the same square is the yellow-withwhite-trim Casa da Camara e Cadeia, the old prefecture and prison. Organized criminals ran the show upstairs and disorganized criminals were kept behind bars downstairs.

The building dates back to 1698 and served as the seat of the Bahian government in 1822. The old marble pillory in the square was destroyed • after abolition.

Museu do SPHAN Across the square, a colonial mansion houses the humble SPHAN museum, with squeaky bats flapping over colonial furnishiugs.

The museum is open daily, except Monday, from 9 am to noon and 2 to 5 pm.

Museu Hansen Bahia The Hansen Bahia museum was set up in the home and birthplace of Brazilian heroine Ana Neri, who organized the nursing corps during the Paraguay War. Now the work of German (naturalized Brazilian) artist Hansen Bahia is displayed here.

Among his powerful lithographs of human suffering is a series of illustrations of Castro Alves' poem "Navio Negreiro" (Slave Ship). The museum is open daily, except Tuesday and Sunday afternoons, from 8 am to noon and 2 to 5 pm. Prints are also on sale here.

Igreja de Nossa Senhora do Rosario do Porto do Cachoeira The blue church with yellow trim, up from the Hansen Bahia museum, at the corner of Rua Ana Neri and Rua Lions Club, is the Nossa Senhora do Rosario do Porto do Cachoeira. The church has beautiful Portuguese tiles, and a ceiling painted by Teofilo de Jesus. Opening hours are erratic (although it's usually open in the mornings)—so it's best to phone 724-1294 and arrange a time with the custodian, who may also take you round the Museu das Alfaias, on the 1st floor. This museum contains remirts from the abandoned 17 -century Convento de Sao Francisco do Paraguacu.

Igreja de Nossa Senhora da Ajuda On Largo da Ajuda is Cachoeira's oldest church, the tiny Nossa Senhora da Ajuda, built in 1595 when Cachoeira was known as Arraial d'Ajuda. Phone 724-1396 to arrange a visit to the church and the Museu da Boa Morte—an interesting museum with displays of photos and ceremonial apparel of the exclusively female Boa Morte (good death) cult.

Santa Casa de Misericordia This is the municipality's oldest hospital. The complex contains a pretty chapel (founded in 1734) with a painted ceiling, gardens and an ossuary. It's open on weekdays from 2 to 5 pm.

38

Igreja de Nossa Senhora da Conceicao do Monte At the &r end of town, near the bridge and the train station, is the Igreja de Nossa Senhora da Conceicao do Monte. The climb to this 18th-century church is rewarded by a good view of Cachoeira and Sao Felix.

Praca Manoel Vitorino Across trom the ruined grand facade of the train station, the wide, empty and cobblestoned Praca Manoel Torino feels like an Italian movie set. Try your Italian on the ice-cream seller or the pigeons,

aCihoeira's Churches Cachoeira has dozens of churches of different denominations and competition for the soul is keen. Many of the churches are just simple halls on the second floor of buildings.

While searching for a particular candomble terreiro, we stumbled onto a street where several Friday night services were being held.

After asking directions for the terreiro, we were greeted warmly and ushered upstairs into what we soon discovered was a Christian service. After managing to extract ourselves, we asked directions from another group of people, who tried to whisk us into their church. When we declined the offer and began to walk away, we were followed up the street by several people warning us not to mix with the 'bad people' at the terreiro! , then move on to Sao - elix.

Sao Felix When crossing the old Ponte Dom Pedro II, a narrow and dilapidated bridge where trains and cars must wait their turn, be careful where you step: loose planks have claimed the life of at least one person in recent years. When vehicles pass over the bridge it emits a wild cacophony of sounds—a bit like one of those urban/industrial/primitive percussion acts!

Apart from the view towards Cachoeira, Sao Felix has two other attractions: the Casa da Cultura Americo Simas, on Rua Celestino Joao Severino da Luz Neto (open Tuesday to Sunday from 8 am to 5 pm), and the Centro Cultural Dannemann, along the riverfront, at Avenida Salvador Pinto 29 (open Tuesday to Sunday from 8 am to 5 pm).

The Centro Cultural Dannemann has displays of old machinery and the techniques used for making charutos (cigars). The rich tobacco smells, the beautiful wooden working tables and the sight of workers handrolling monster cigars will take you back in time. The art space in the front of the building has exhibitions of sculpture, painting and photography.

The handmade cigars sold here make good souvenirs or presents. Admission is free.

Candomble Try to see Candomble in Cachoeira. This is one of the strongest and perhaps purest spiritual and religious centers for cy.nclp,mble. Long and mysterious Candomble ceremonies-are held in small homes and shacks up in the hills, usually on Friday and Saturday nights at 8 pm.

Visitors are not common here and the tourist office is sometimes reluctant to give out this sort of information, but if you show an interest in Candomble, and respect for its traditions, you may inspire confidence.

Other Attractions If you have a car or like long walks, you can visit the Pimentel Cigar Factory, 10 km out of town. Suerdieck is another cigar factory closer to the town.

There are also two old sugar mills near town: Engenho da Cabonha, eight km along the road to Santo Amaro, and Engenho da Guaiba, 12 km along the same road.

Festivals Festa de Nossa Senhora da Boa Morte falls on the Friday closest to 15 August and lasts three days. This is one of the most fascinating Candomble festivals and it's worth a special trip to see it. Organized by the Irmandade da Boa Mode (Sisterhood ofthe Good Death)—a secret, black, religious society—the festival is celebrated by the descendants of slaves, who praise their liberation with dance and prayer and a mix of themes from Candomble and Catholicism.

The Festa de Sao Joao, celebrated from 22 to 24 June, is the big popular festival of Bahia's interior. It's a great celebration of folklore, with music, dancing, and plenty of food and drink. Don't miss it if you're in Bahia.

Other festivals include: Nossa Senhora do Rosario (second half of October), which includes games, music and food; Nossa Senhora da Ajuda (first half of November), which features ritual cleansing of the church and a street festival; and Santa Barbara or Iansa (4 December), a Candomble ceremony held in Sao Felix at Fonte de Santa Barbara (Fountain of Santa Barbara).

Entertainment Cruise the riverfront for beer drinking andforryi dancing at the riverside bars. On Wednesday and Saturday, there's an open market on Praca Maciel—a good place BRAZZIL -AUGUST 1998

to pick up handicrafts and observe local life.

Things to Buy Cachoeira has a wealth of wood sculptors, some of whom do very fine work, and you will see plenty of studios as you walk through town. This is some of the best traditional art still available in Brazil.

Two of the best sculptors are Doidao (Big Crazy) and Loucou (Got Crazy), who carve beautiful, heavy pieces.

Getting Around Cachoeira is just the right size to cover on foot. If you want to cross the river to Sao Felix by canoe, rather than crossing the bridge on foot, they are available for hire at the waterfront.

IGREJA E CONVENTO DE SANTO ANTONIO DO PARAGUACU Construction of this magnificent Franciscan church and convent was started in 1658 and completed in 1686. The convent functioned as a hospital and training center for novices until 1855, when an imperial decree forbidding the admission ofnovices put a stop to its activities, and the buildings were gradually abandoned. In 1915, the contents of the convent and its walled grounds were sold. Despite some efforts at restoration, all that remains is the crumbling ruins, a powerful atmosphere and a sense of remote, faded glory, in this superb position beside the Rio Paraguacu.

There are two pensaes in Sao Francisco—ask for either Ednaide or Jose. Jose Gringa, who lives next to the telephone office, has the key to the convent, which is kept locked to prevent theft.

A bus departs daily at noon from the market in Cachoeira for the 44-km trip to the tiny village of sao Francisco do Paraguacu. The same bus returns to Cachoeira at 5.30 am the next day.

CANDEIAS The Museu do Reconcavo (Vanderlei do Pinho) can be visited at the Engenho de BRAZZIL -AUGUST 1998

Freguesia (sugar mill and plantation). In the restbred colonial mansion and senzala (slave quarters), there are displays which graphically depict life on the plantations during the past centuries. The museum is open Tuesday to Sunday from 9 am to 3 pm. Candelas is about 45 km from Salvador, and the museuni is 4 further seven km outside the town—access is easiest if you have your own transport or take a taxi from Candeias.

SANTO AMARO Santo Amaro is an old, run-down sugar tow that sees very few tourists and has an unpreten ious charm. If you're passing through on your way rom Cachoeira, think about stopping for a few h urs, especially if it's a market Saturday, when the own comes to life.

In colonial days, Santo Amaro made its fo tune from sugar. Today, the major industry is paper production; the paper mill is on the road to Cach eira.

The mill has spoiled the Rio Subae and bambo has replaced sugar cane on the hillsides.

Reminders of Santo Amaro's sugar legac are the decrepit pastel mansions of the sugar barons, and the many churches. The plantation owners liv d on Rua General Camara, the old commercial street and there is an effort being made to restore some of hese buildings.

Many of the churches have been closed si ce a gang of thieves stole most of the holy imageS and exported them to France. The largest church, anto Amaro da Purificacao, is still open.

The Festa de Santo Amaro (24 January to 2 February) is celebrated by the ritual lavagem ( ashing) of the church steps. Santo Amaro is the i irthplace oftwo ofBrazil's most popular singers: Ca tano Veloso and his sister aria Bethania. During Carn val, they've been known to put n an appearance between trios ele icos (wired-for-sound trucks).

Step out to the square a ross from the church for an even'ng's promenade. Despite active flirting, the sexes circle separat ly.

MARAGOJIPE Circled by Baia de Tod s os Santos and rich green elds patched with crops, Maragoj pe is a pleasantly decaying tobacc -exporting port, 32 km from N zare and 24 km from Cachoeira. The port is surro nded by mangrove swamps, and locals push off fro the pier in saveiros (homemade fishing boats) an dugout canoes.

For information, speak to Ronald at the Fundacao Suerdieck Casa da Cultura, on Praca da Matriz. He will be delighted to tell you about local sights.

Things to See The Suerdieck & Company Cigar Factory (established in 1920) is open for tours Monday to Friday from 8 am to 5 pm, and on Saturday morning.

On weekend nights head down to the dockside bars for local music. Swimming off the cement pier is popular.

Strolling through town, look out for the wrCughtiron grill and sculpted facade of the pale-blue building on Rua Dom Macedo Costa.

NAZARE Nazare is an 18th-century city with some colonial buildings and churches, and a good market known for its caxixis (small ceramic figures).

The big festivals here are the folkloric Nossa Senhora de Nazare (24 January to 2 February), and Feira dos Caxixis (Holy Week), which features a large market on Holy Thursday and Good Friday, followed by the holiday of Micareta.

North of Salvador The coastal road north from Salvador is called the Rodovia do Coco (Coconut Highway). The excellent, paved road runs a few km from the ocean, as far as the entrance to Praia do Forte, 80 km north of Salvador. From Praia do Forte, the new Linha Verde (Green Line) road spans 142 km to Itanhi, on the border with Sergipe. The Linha Verde, constructed in 1993 and hailed as Brazil's first 'ecologically planned' road, runs between three and 12 km from the coast. The 'ecological planning' runs to a restriction on the construction of petrol stations and roadside restaurants and to the fact that the road doesn't hug the coast, as was originally planned.

AREMBEPE Arembepe was one of Brazil's first hip beaches in the 1960s. Mick Jagger and Janis Joplin got the joint rolling and many local and foreign hippies followed. It is no longer a particularly attractive or popular retreat.

Exclusive private homes and pollution from the giant Tibras chemical plant have tainted the rocky coast.

If you want to head to the sea for a day from Salvador, there are prettier beaches than Arembepe, and if you're getting out of Salvador, there are less spoiled fishing villages along the Bahian littoral.

NORTH TO PRAIA DO FORTE Guarajuba A few km south of Praia do Forte, Guarajuba is a lovely beach accompanied by some tract housing which is 39

clearly the beginning of major development.

Barra do Jacuipe A more remote spot, Barra do Jacuipe sits at the mouth of a river only one km from the ocean. The beach is quite beautiful and, apart from a campground, there are no tourist facilities.

PRAIA DO FORTE Praia do Forte, three km from the meeting point of the Rodovia do Coco and the Linha Verde, has fine beaches, a beautiful castle fortress, a sea-turtle reserve and, unfortunately, mostly expensive hotels. Until recently a fishing village, Praia do Forte is being developed as an ecologically-minded, up-market beach resort. The development has so far been held in check, but the beaches get very crowded on weekends and in summer.

Praia do Forte is the seat of one of the original 12 captaincies established by the Portuguese. The huge estate extended inland all the way to the present-day state of Piaui.

Desperate to colonize as a means to contain his new territory, the King of Portugal set about granting lands to merchants, soldier and aristocrats. For no,apparent reason Garcia d' Avila, a poor, 12-cow farmer, was endowed with this huge tract of land.

Garcia chose a prime piece of real estates—an aquamarine ocean-view plot studded with palm trees on Morro Tatuapacu—and built his home, Castelo do Garcia d'Avila, there. Today, the castle is in ruins and completely overgrown, but it still made a fine tropical setting for director Marcio Meyrelles's production of Macbeth.

The Banco do Brasil changes US dollars cash, but only Visa travelers' cheques.

TAMAR Turtle Reserve The TAMAR (Tartaruga Marinha) turtle reserve is on the beach right next to the lighthouse and the overpriced Pousada Praia Forte. TAMAR is a jointly funded IBAMA and navy project started in 1982 to protect several species of marine turtles that are, 40

or were, threatened. What you see is actually quite modest: several small feeding pools with anywhere from two to several dozen turtles, depending on the season. The TAMAR project gathers 50,000 turtle eggs a year along the coast, from which around 35,000 hatchlings are released. The eggs—moist, leathery, ping-pong-size balls—are buried in a fenced-off area in the sand to incubate. When the turtles hatch, they're immediately released to tackle the Atlantic.

There is a souvenir shop at the station, with nice turtle T-shirts (no ninjas here, although there's a teenage mutant turtle in one pool that was brought to the station after its growth had been stunted from being held in a pool too small for its size). Night tours to see the newly-hatched turtles being released into the ocean can be arranged through Odara Turismo (Tel.: 876-1080).

TAMAR also has stations at Comboiqs, Espirito Santo (north of Vitoria, near Lineares), to protect the leatherback and loggerhead turtles, and on Fernando de Noronha to preserve the green turtle.

Nowadays, commerce in endangered turtle species is illegal, but shells are still sold in Salvador's Mercado Modelo, and in Sergipe, turtle eggs are still popular hors d'oeuvres. Of the 60 km of beach under the jurisdiction of the TAMAR project in Bahia, 13 km of coastline are patrolled by the scientists alone; the remainder is protected by a cooperative effort in which fisherfolk—the very same who used to collect the eggs for food—are contracted to collect eggs for the scientists.

NORTH OF PRAIA DO FORTE With the opening of the Linha Verde, access to the small towns and fishing communities along the Bahian north littoral is easier, at least as far as the Conde area. All through this region there are fencedoff tracts of land and small real-estate offices selling beachfront property.

North of Conde, there are only direct buses along the Linha Verde to Aracaju, with some making a stop in Estancia (for access to Mangue Seco). You should be able to get off the bus at other points along the road, but local transport is scarce and you'll need to hitch or walk for access to beaches.

Imbassai Imbassai is a quiet, pretty village 65 km from Salvador, a few km off the Linha Verde along a dirt road. The local authorities seem committed to riding the fine line between development and preserving the environment—the banning of buggies along the beach is a big plus. The surf can often be choppy and rough, but the small Rio Barroso runs parallel to the beach and is good for swimming.

Porto Suipe, Subauma & Baixio The beach towns of Porto Suipe, Subaurna and Baixio are five km, nine km and eight km respectively offthe Linha Verde, with paved-road access to all of them. Porto Suipe is marked as the site for several large tourist projects, including a 'watery wonderland' theme park. The town itself is not very appealing, but there are some nice beaches to the south with calm water for swimming. Subauma is already quite developed, with lots of weekend beach homes, and land being bought up to construct more.

There's a decent beach with strong surf, and a couple of hotels. Baixio is a pretty, clean town, but the

beach is rocky and not great for swimming. There's one pousada in the town.

Conde On the Rio Itapicuru, Conde is about three km off the Linha Verde and six km from the sea. It's the little big town ofthe area, and the jumping-off point for several beaches, the closest being Sitio. On Saturday, Conde hosts a large market where fisherfolk and artisans come to peddle their goods. In October, a series of rodeos take place, when cowboys from the inland regions hit town to strut their stuff.

Sitio From Conde it's a six-km drive to Sitio (also known as Sitio do Conde), which has a decent beach, although it's often windy with choppy surf.

From Sitio you can walk north or south along the coast to some beautiful, isolated beaches. Seribinha is a quiet fishing community about 14 km north of Sitio along a dirt road which passes through picturesque coconut-palm forest. The village is set on a thin strip of land between the Rio Itapicuru and the coast, close to where the river meets the ocean. Jangadas will take you across the river; from here it's about a half-hour walk to Carvalho Russo, a red-water lake. There's one pousada in Seribinha.

Barra de Itariri Barra is a 14-km drive along a dirt road south from Sitio. The road is never more than a few hundred meters from the sea, which is hidden behind a running dune spotted with coconut palms. Barra has become more popular since the construction of the Linha Verde, but it is still a charming spot, set along the banks of the Rio Itariri. The river can be waded or swum across, and the southern bank leads to an endless stretch of deserted beach. To the north are more deserted beaches; this stretch is known as Torre Nu' (run naked).

Barra has a couple of restaurants along the beachfront, and one pousada, with more in construction.

BRAZZIL -AUGUST 1998

Mangue Seco Mangue Seco is a remote and tiny town on the northern border of Bahia, at the tip of a peninsula formed by the Rio Real. The town was the setting for the Jorge Amado novel Tieta do Agreste, and a recent TV drama based on the novel, filmed in the village, captured the imagination of millions ofBrazilians. Access to the town is still limited, but it is receiving more tourists since the opening ofthe Linha Verde. The lovely setting by the river is topped off by fine, white-sand ocean beaches 1.5 km away.

Saco Saco, actually across the border in the state of Sergipe, gets weekender visitors from Estancia, but is quiet during the week. It's a fine beach with good swimming. There is no accommodation, but bars and restaurants open on weekends.

Abais This is another weekend spot, but with a pousada. The beach, however, is not as good as the others in the area.

SOUTH OF SALVADOR VALENcA For most travelers, Valenca is simply a stepping stone to the beaches of Morro de Sao Paulo, but it's also a small, friendly city worth a visit en route.

After routing the local Tupiniquim Indians, the Portuguese settled here along the Rio Una in the 1560s, but were in turn expelled by the Aimores tribes.

In 1799 the Portuguese resumed to resettle and found Vila de Nova Valenca do Santissimo Coracao de Jesus.

Today everything centers around the busy port and large market beside the Rio Una, where there are boats, historic buildings, and food and lodging facilities. The town is populated by a varied and interesting assortment of shipbuilders, vaqueiros (cowboys), textile manufacturing workers, artisans, fisherfolk end peasants.

BRAZZIL - AUGUST 1998

Things to See & Do In the center of town, wander around the port, the central plaza and the market. At the far end ofthe port, the timbered ribbing of boat hulls reseiibles dinosaur skeletons. The saveiros (wooden sail oats) are used by the local fisherfolk, who pull out of port early in the morning and return by mid-afternoon with the catch of the day. The smell of sap and sawdust, old fish and sea salt mingles with the wonderful smell of nutmeg. Picked from nearby groves, the nutmeg are set on a cloth and left to dry in the sun.

For a good trek, follow the left bank of title Rio Una upstream towards the Igreja Nossa Senhora do Amparo, on the hill. At the base of die hill there's a trail straight up to the church which commands a beautiful view.

Cotton Factory The large, white, fortress-like building houses a textile factory. Personal tours of the factory show the entire hot, noisy, smelly transformation of raw cotton into finished fabrics. This factory is thipical of the old Brazilian economy, still prevalent in the Northeast. It's a good tour for those intere4ed in economic development.

The factory is open to tourists on Saturda from 9 am to 5 pm, although you may be able to arrange a tour on other days. Authorization is provitied at the colonial building which stands to the left of the factory front.

Festivals In addition to the traditional festivals of Bahia, Valenca also celebrates Sagrado Coracao de Jesus.

A mass is held for the patron ofthe city, in June, and a festival in honor of the patron saint of workers, Nossa Senhora do Amparo, on 8 November.

Boi Estrela is a folklore festival where men and women dressed as cowhands accompany Catarina the Baiana while they play tambourineS and chant. Zabiapunga, another folklore festival, features musical groups playing weird nstruments and running through the city streets on New Yearls Eve. There's a good Carinaval, with trios eletricos and the Carnaval-like Micareta festival held 15 days after the end of Lent. Other festivals include Festa de Reis (1 January), Sao Joao (23 June), Nossa Senhora do Rosario (24 September to 3 October), Sao Benedito, on Cairu Island (26 December to 6 January) and lemanja (February 2).

AROUND VALENCA The best mainland beach in the vicinity is 16 km north of town, at Guaibim, which is rapidly developing into a popular resort. There are local buses, and the beach gets packed at weekends.

The islands of Boipeba and Cairu have colonial buildings and churches—their beaches aren't quite as good as Morro de Sao Paulo, but Boipeba in particular has started to attract travelers loolOng to escape the crowds of Morro. There are ireegular boats to Boipeba from Valenca depending On passengers—ask around at the port.

VALENCA TO ILHEUS Morro de Sao Paulo Morro de Sao Paulo is an isolated fishing village that has recently been 'discovered' by Brazilian and international tourists. Morro is on everyone's lips and has even made it on to the best-beach lists of several Brazilian magazines. The beaches are wonderful and the village is loaded with pousadas, restaurants and bars. Outside summer, it's still quite &relaxing place.

At the northern tip of Ilha de Tinhare, Morro de Sao Paulo has sandy streets where only beach bums, mules and horses tread—there are no roads and no cars. The clear waters around the island are ideal for scuba diving and for lobster, squid and fish.

The settlement is comprised of three hills Morro da Mangaba, Morro do Galeao and Morro do Farol. Climb up from the harbor through the 17th-century fortress gate and up to the lighthouse (1835). From the top you can survey the island and its beaches. The west side of the island—the river or Gamboa side—is mostly bordered by mangroves, while the east side is sandy.

There are four beaches in Morro de Sao Paulo: the rather dirty village beach, the barraca and camping beach (also less than clean in summer), the fazenda beach and the fourth beach. The fourth beach is by far the best—a long, lovely stretch of sand graced by tall, swaying palms which borders the eastern half of the island, and only one barraca in sight!

Garapua is a small settlement in the southwestern corner ofthe island with a couple ofpousadas. The walk there along the beach takes about four hours, and is best done at low tide.

Camamu On the mainland, further down the coast towards Ilheus, Camamu is a quiet, picturesque town which sits on a hill above a maze of mangrove-filled islets and narrow .channels (no 41

beaches). The town is the port of call for the many tiny fishing villages in the region, and has access by boat to stunning beaches along the Peninsula de Marati. There's a lively dock-side morning market with fish, fruit and drying nutmeg.

Saveiro fishing boats are built and repaired right outside the port. The Acarai waterfalls are five km away by bus or taxi and are worth a visit.

Peninsula de Marau If you want to get off the beaten path, this is the place.

The peninsula that goes out to Ponta do Muta and the village of Barra Grande has one long, dirt road (often impassable after rain), infrequent buses and a handful of very small fishing villages (you won't find any of them on a map).

It's an unspoilt area with some breathtaking beaches, but they are hard to get to without a

car. In most of the villages, you'll find beer but little else, so you might have to work at finding food and lodging.

Barra Grande is a tranquil, slow-paced fishing village at the tip of the peninsula a great place to stop for a while. The village is bordered by the calm beaches of Camamu Bay on one side and the surf beaches of the Atlantic Ocean on the other. It's the most easily accessible village on the peninsula, and has a handful of pousadas and a couple of restaurants.

Itaca ré Itacare is a quiet colonial town at the mouth of the Rio de Contas. If movie moguls could find the town, they'd probably snap it up as a set to film A Hundred Years of Solitude. Distance and bad roads have so far shielded Itacare from rapid growth of tourism, but don't expect this to last too long— there are already around 20 pousadas in the village and plans for a new coastal road. Ribeira, Concha, Tiririca and Resende beaches are recommended for a swim, and sometimes have good surf. There is no road along the coast, so you must return the way you c- ame, unless you hike or hitch a ride on a fishing boat.

The one blemish on this tropical hideaway comes courtesy of Petrobras (the government oil company), which deposits little coin-sized spots of oil on many parts of the beach.

To get to the beaches north of Racal* cross the

J 1", N

river by long dugout canoe.

This contradictory scene— mangrove trees lining the riverbanks and Petrobras choppers thrashing overhead —looks like the opening of Apocalypse Now, just before the jungle goes up in napalm flames.

In Itacare you can rent a canoe to visit 0 Pontal, a beautiful promontory just south of the bay. It's best to leave your camera behind, as the canoes are unstable.

Excerpts from Brazil A Travel Sulyival 3rd edition.

by Andrew Draffen, Chris McAsex Leonardo Pinheiro, and Robyn Jones.

For more in call Lonely Planet: (800) 275-8555.

Copyright 1996 Lonek Planet Publications.

Used hr permission.

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Music Cauldron Over the course of the last five centuries, Portuguese, African, and—to a lesser extent— Amerindian rhythms, dances, and harmonies have been mixing together, altering old styles and crea-ting new forms of music in Brazil.

CHRIS MCGOWAN AND RICARDO PESSANHA

In Brazil, music is everywhere. You can find it in a complex rhythmic pattern beaten out by an old man with his fingers on a cafe table; in the thundering samba that echoes down from the hills around Rio in the months prior to Carnaval; and in the bars where a guitar passes from hand to hand and everyone knows all the lyrics to all the classic Brazilian songs played late into the night.

Music is part of the Brazilian soul, and rhythm is in the way people speak, in the way they walk, and in the way they play soccer.

In Rio de Janeiro, after the national team has won an important soccer game, fireworks explode in the sky and samba detonates in the streets. On sidewalks and in city Queen of he Ayie squares, the celebration begins. Impromptu percussion sections appear, made up of all types of Brazilians, rich and poor, black and brown and white. As participants pick up instruments—a drum, a scraper, a shaker—an intricate, ebullient samba batucada (percussion jam) builds. Each amateur music-maker kicks in an interlocking rhythmic part to create a groove that would be the envy of most professional bands in other parts of the world. The singing and dancing inevitably go on for hours.

Music is a passport to happiness for Brazilians, an escape from everyday frustrations and (for most) a hard and difficult material life. "There's an amazing magical, mystical quality to Brazilian music. Their music is paradise," says jazz flutist Herbie Mann.

In the twentieth century more than a little of this paradise reached the outside world, and Brazil arguably had more of an impact on international popular music than any country other than the United States. It was successful abroad for as many reasons as there are types of Brazilian music. Just as the U.S. has exported a wide variety of musical genres, so too has Brazil, even though very few countries speak its national language, Portuguese.

Most Brazilian music shares three outstanding qualities. It has an intense lyricism tied to its Portuguese heritage that often makes for beautiful, highly expressive BRAZZIL -AUGUST 1998

43

melodies, enhanced by the fact that Portuguese is one of the most musical tongues on the earth and no small gift to the ballad singer. Second, a high level of poetry is present in the lyrics of much Brazilian popular music. And last, vibrant Afro-Brazilian rhythms energize most Brazilian songs, from samba to baicio.

Brazilian music first grabbed international attention with the success of the dance-hall style maxixe in Europe between 1914 and 1922. The public was captivated by this vivacious and provocative song and dance, much as Europeans were taken with lambada in the summer of 1989. The 1940s saw the first exportation ofsamba, as songs like Ary Barroso's marvelous "Aquarela do Brasil" (known to most of the world as simply "Brazil") reached North America.

Barroso's tunes were featured in Walt Disney films and covered in other Hollywood productions by a playful, exotic young woman who wore colorful laced skirts, heaps ofjewelry, and a veritable orchard atop her head. Her name was Carmen Miranda and she sang catchy sambas and marchas by many great Brazilian composers in a string of Hollywood feature films. For better or worse, she would symbolize Brazil to the world for decades and become a cultural icon in North America and Europe, a symbol of fun and extravagance.

Samba became a fundamental part of the world's musical vocabulary. It would get another boost when one of its variations, a sort of ultra-cool modern samba called bossa nova, entered the world spotlight through the 1959 movie Black Orpheus, which won the Cannes Film Festival grand prize and the Academy Award for best foreign film. In North America, a bossa craze was ignited by the 1962 smash hit album Jazz Samba, recorded by guitarist Charlie Byrd and saxophonist Stan Getz.

1" Jazz artists also helped globally popularize the new sound, which had a breezy syncopation, progressive harmony, and a deceptive simplicity. Bossa nova was the big pop-music trend of the early 1960s, until it was supplanted by the English rock invasion led by the Beatles.

Bossa, like samba, is now a solid part of the international repertoire, especially in the jazz realm.

Bossa's leading figure, Antonio Carlos Jobim, is one of the most popular songwriters of the century, and his stature rivals that of George Gershwin, Duke Ellington, and other great composers of Western popular music. Bossa nova initiated a widespread infiltration of Brazilian music and musicians into North American music.

Beginning in the late 1960s, Brazilian percussion" became an essential element of many jazz and pop recordings. A new generation of talented Brazilian musicians began a long-term interchange with jazz „ artists that would put Americans on dozens of Brazilian albums and Brazilians on hundreds of American albums in following decades. Airto Moreira and Flora Purim were two of these artists, and they on performed groundbreaking albums that helped establish the new subgenre called "jazz

nr

44

fusion."

At the sa e time that Brazilian music was influencing jazz in the Northern Hemisphere, a remarkable new generation of singers and songwriters was coming to the forefront in Brazil in the late 1960s and 1970s. Milton Nascimento, Gilberto Gil, Caetano Veloso, Ivan Lins, Joao Bosco, Djavan, Gal Costa, Maria Bethania, Elba Ramalho, Alceu Valenca, Chico Buarque and others fashioned original sounds from an eclectic variety of sources in and outside of Brazil. Their superb integration of rhythm, melody, harmony, and lyrics resulted in one of the richest bodies of popular music ever to come from one country.

At the end of the 1980s yet another Brazilian song and dance—the sensual lambada—gained international currency. Although lambada was of more commercial than artistic merit, it became part of an important musical movement sweeping Salvador that decade and the next.

Axe music became the name for samba-reggae and other updated Afro-Brazilian styles performed by Olodum, Carlinhos Brown, Timbalada, Daniela Mercury, Ara Ketu, Luiz Caldas, and Margareth Menezes, among others.

Elsewhere in Brazil, many other notable artists also established careers during this time, including Marisa Monte, Chico Science, Skank, and Chico Cesar.

Today, as in past decades, Brazil's popular music can lay claim to a dazzling variety of song forms and musical traditions. There are the troubadours who strum guitars and trade improvised stanzas back and forth, each trying to top the other, in traditional desafio song duels. There are accordion virtuosos who lead their bands in rollicking syncopated forro music. There are ritualistic afoxes, festive marchas, freneticfrevos, and the leaping instrumental improvisations of choro. And there are the walls of sound and waves of color that are the escola de samba (samba school) parades during Rio's Carnaval. Each escola's rhythm section, comprised of some three hundred drummers and percussionists, works in perfect coordination with thousands of singers and dancers to create an aweinspiring musical spectacle, the greatest polyrhythmic spectacle on the planet.

Whether manifested in these or other forms, Brazilian music above all has a profound ability to move the soul. In its sounds and lyrics, it reflects the Brazilian people—their uninhibited joy or despair, their remarkable capacity to celebrate, and the all-important concept of saudade (a deep longing or yearning).

To best understand Brazil's rich musical heritage, we must first journey back several hundred years, to where Brazil and its music both began.

The Roots of Brazilian Music Brazil's rich musical tradition derives from the profound mingling of races that has been going on since April 1500, when the Portuguese explorer Pedro Alvares Cabral stepped onto the lush tropical coast of what would later be southern Bahia.

Of course, Cabral was not the first human to arrive in Brazil, and long before his foot touched Bahian sand, a long musical tradition had been at play for thousands of years. The ancestors of today's Brazilian Indians migrated from Asia to the BRAZZIL - AUGUST 1998

Western Hemisphere somewhere between twelve thousand and forty thousand years ago and eventually made their way down to South America.

When Cabral first came to Brazil, the indigenous population probably exceeded two million. In their music, they sang songs solo and in chorus, accompanying themselves with flutes, whistles, and horns. They beat out rhythms with hand-clapping, feet-stamping, rattles, sticks, and drums.

Their music did not, however, play a major role in the development of Brazilian popular music. In part, this is because so many tribes were devastated by Portuguese invaders, and the Indians that survived often lost their cultural traditions when they left their native homes and went to live in cities and towns.

There is Indian influence in some Brazilian popular music, as seen in songs by musicians like Egberto Gismonti and Marlui Miranda, instruments like the reco-reco scraper, and traditions such as the caboclinho Carnaval groups. But generally one must journey to the remote homelands of the Yanomami, Bororo, Kayapo, and other indigenous groups to hear their music.

The Portuguese The Portuguese brought their culture to Brazil; in the realm of music, this included the European tonal system, as well as Moorish scales and medieval European modes. They also brought numerous festivals related to the Roman Catholic liturgical calendar and a wealth of dramatic pageants such as the reisado and bumba-meu-boi that are still seasonally performed in the streets. The reisado celebrates the Epiphany, and the processional bumba-meu-boi dance enacts the death and resurrection of a mythical.bull. Both are autos, a dramatic genre from medieval times that includes dances, songs, and allegorical characters.

Jesuit priests introduced many religious autos that eventually took on local themes and musical elements.

In addition, the Portuguese brought many musical instruments to Brazil: the flute, piano, violin, guitar, clarinet, triangle, accordion, cavaguinho,violoncello, Jew's harp, and tambourine. The Portuguese had a fondness for lyric ballads, often melancholy and suffused with saudade, and for brisk, complex rhythms and used a lot of syncopation—two traits that would help their music mesh well with that of the Africans brought to Brazil.

Portuguese song forms included moda, a sentimental song that became the modinha in Brazil in the eighteenth century; acalanto, a form of lullaby; fofa, a dance of the eighteenth century; andfado, a melancholy, guitar-accompanied Portuguese ballad. And along with their music, the Portuguese brought the entrudo, a rude celebration that was the beginning of Brazil's Carnaval tradition.

As they settled the new land, planted tobacco and cotton, and built sugar mills, the Portuguese looked on the native peoples as prime candidates for forced BRAZZIL - AUGUST 1998

labor on the sugarcane plantations being developed in northeastern Brazil. But the•Indi ans were unsuitable—they either escaped to the forest or died from the brutal work. So, the colonizers of Brazil looked east, to Africa.

The Africans in Brazil The first recorded importation of Africans into Brazil occurred in 1538. From that year until the slave trade ended in 1850, historians estimate that four million to five million Africans survived the crossing of the Atlantic to Brazil. (Hundreds of thousands died on route.) This wat many times more than were taken to North America. The institution of slavery continued until the Brazilian abolition of 1888.

Three main ethnic and cultural groups made the journey. The Suddfnese groups (Yoruba, Fon, Ewe, and Ashanti peop.es) were brought from what are now Nigeria, the People's Republic of Benin (formerly Dahomey), and Ghana. Bantu groups came from Angola, Zaire (formerly the Congo), and Mozambique. And the Moslem Guinea-Sudanese groups (Tapas, Mandingos, Fulahs, and Hausa) were taken from Ghana. Nigeria, and neighboring areas.

The African peoples brought their music, dance, languages, and religions, much of which survived in a purer form in Brazil than in North America. In part this was due to the sheer numbers of Africans arriving in Brazil, and the large concentrations of slaves and free blacks in coastal cities such as Rio, Salvador, and Recife. It was also affected by Portuguese attitudes toward their slaves, the influence of the Catholic Church, the existence of quilombos (colonies formed by runaway slaves), and other factors.

The Mediterranean world had already experienced great religious and linguistic diversity by the time Cabral first came to Brazil. On the Iberian Peninsula Christians and Moors had been enslaving one another for hundreds of years. African influence in Portugal, in fact, predated the settlement of Brazil by several centuries and was quite apparent long after Moorish rule ended in A.D. 1249. Thus, compared with northern Europeans, the Portuguese were relatively more tolerant of, or indifferent to, the native culture of their captives.

The formation ofCatholic lay brotherhoods called irmandades, beginning in the seventeenth century, also helped perpet ate African traditions. These voluntary organizatio s functioned as social clubs and mutual aid societie , and were organized along social, racial, and ethnic lines. Thus, many slaves from particular cultural roups in Africa belonged to the same irmandades in Brazil, thus helping them to continue their tract ions. In many cases, they syncretized elements ofta eir own festivals and ceremonies with those of the I atholic Church.

Many irmand,,es were located in large cities, which in general p ovided opportunities for enslaved and free blacks t o gather together. In her book Umbanda: Religi.n and Politics in Urban Brazil, 45

Diana Brown writes, "Until 1850, thousands of Africans per year were still arriving in Brazil, bringing with them fresh infusions of the cultures of their African homelands.. .These populations were most densely concentrated in the large coastal cities, which served as centers of slave importation." She continues, "The numbers and density of Afro-Brazilian populations provided favorable conditions for the maintenance of their cultural traditions; in addition, these large cities offered to these groups a relatively greater degree of free time and movement than was true, for example, of rural plantation life. Not surprisingly, it was these cities in which the various regional Afro-Brazilian religions first developed."

Quilombos, colonies formed by runaway slaves in the interior of Brazil, also helped perpetuate African culture. The largest and most famous of these was Palmares, established in the rugged interior of northeastern Alagoas state in the seventeenth century. It lasted for several decades, had a population in the thousands (some say as high as,twenty thousand), and made an effort to organize a society based in African traditions. To the Portuguese, Palmares was a threat to the established order, not to mention the institution of slavery. Numerous armed e'xpeditions were mounted against it by the Portuguese crown, beginning in 1654. All were unsuccessful until the last major campaign, waged in 1694, which overwhelmed and destroyed Palmares. Zumbi, the quilombo' s famed war commander, was captured and killed the following year. The legendary warrior is still celebrated in Brazilian music today, and his birthday (November 20) has been a national holiday since 1995.

African heritage survives in modern Brazil in a variety of manifestations. Bra/than Portuguese has incorporated many Yoruba and other African words.

The cuisine in Bahia is quite similar to that of West Africa. And Brazilian music, dance, and culture in general are heavily rooted in Africa. In fact, Brazil has the largest African-descended population outside of Africa. In 1980, Brazil's population was 44.5 percent black or mulatto, according to the government census, and it is clear that more than half of all Brazilians have at least one ancestor from the mother continent.

Afro-Brazilian Religion: Keeping the Music Alive Afro-Brazilian religions, despite their suppression by the Catholic Church and Brazilian government, became firmly rooted in the national culture and had a tremendous influence on the development of Brazil's popular music.

The enslaved Yoruba, Ewe, and other peoples brought their animist beliefs from Africa to the New World. These religions are probably thousands of years old, predating Christianity, Islam, and Buddhism. Their belief systems were maintained for millennia, not on parchment or tablets, but as living oral traditions in ritual and music handed down from generation to generation. The Yoruba, who had the greatest influence on Afro-Brazilian religion, came primarily from what is now Nige-

ria.

Their orisa tradition, carried across the Atlantic Ocean, was transformed in Brazil into candomble. It became santeria in Cuba andShango in Trinidad. The Yoruba deities, the arisa, are called orixas in Brazil and orishas in Cuba. In her books Santeria, The Religion, anthropologist Migene Gonzalez-Wippler estimated that as of 1989 there were more than 100

million people 'practitioners of Yoruba-based religions in Latin America and the United States. Most of them are in Brazil.

In Haiti, the Orisa religion also played a role in the formation of vodun, which incorporates many traditions but is especially dominated by those of the Fon from Dahomey (which became the Republic of Benin in 1975). In the American South, especially Louisiana, vodun became known as voodoo, the subject of a great deal of outrageous legend and misunderstandingby outsiders.

In Brazil, macumba is a common generic name— mostly used by outsiders—for all orixci religions.

Canclomble is the closest to the old West African practices, while umbandais a twentieth-century variation with considerable influence from spiritist beliefs.

Xango, catimbo, caboclo, and batuque are regional variations, with different sects reflecting influences from particular African ethnic or cultural groups— nacoes (nations). The greatest influence of the Fon, and hence closest similarity to vodun, in Afro-Brazilian religions can be found in the casa das minas religion (or minas) of SAo Luis, the capital ofMaranhao state.

The Afro-Brazilian religions began to take an Organized form in the nineteenth century, and terreiros (centers of worship) were first reported around 1830 in Salvador and 1850 in Recife. The religions were syncretized in Brazil into new forms by their follow-

ers because of government and Roman Catholic repression that persisted into the twentieth century.

Devotees secretly worshipped their West African gods during Catholic ceremonies. Blacks who prayed to a statue of the Virgin Mary often were actually thinking of lemanja, the goddess of the sea. Saint George might represent Ogun, god of warriors; Saint Jerome could stand in for Xango , god of fire, thunder, and justice; and Jesus Christ might really signify • Oxala, the god of the sky and universe. Catholicism, with its abundance of saints, meshed well with the orixa tradition and inadvertently sheltered it.

In the Afro-Brazilian religions, a follower always has two different orixas, a male and a female that "rule your head" and are seen as your spiritual parents. For example, you might have Xango and Iemanja as the "masters of your head." The head priestess, the m'de-de-santo (mother of the saints), typically discovers this and asserts that these two orixcis, because of their specific personalities and powers, are the natural guides for you and your life. During the ceremonies, the drums and singing call down the orixas, and they or their intermediary spirits "possess" the bodies of the initiated sons and daughters.

While the traditional sect of candomble focuses solely on the orixds, BRA7_ZIL - AUGUST 1998

46

umbanda has incorporated many influences from espiritismo (Spiritism), a religion that formed in the nineteenth century around the ideas and writings ofthe Frenchman Allan Kardec, the pseudonym of Leon Hipolyte D. Rivail.

Today, candomble and umbanda are an accepted and integral part of Brazilian culture, with many leading cultural figures counted among their adherents. One notable example is the novelist Jorge Amado, who is a son of Xango. Many Brazilian musicians praise or refer to Afro-Brazilian deities in their song lyrics, and some have included invocation songs for the orixas on their albums.

Although Brazil is said to be 90 percent Roman Catholic, at least half of its population also follows Afro-Brazilian religions. Rio, for example, has hundreds of umbanda-supply shops that sell beads, candles, dried herbs, and plaster-cast figures of spirits and saints. Offerings of food for an orixa can often be found beside flickering candles late at night alongside a road. And every New Year's Eve, millions of Brazilian men and women dress in white and throw flowers and other gifts into the sea as offerings to the goddess Iemanja. Each or/xá is called by a particular rhythm and song, and these rituals have kept alive many African songs, musical scales, musical instruments, and rhythms.

The wide assortment of African-derived instruments still played in Brazil today include the agogo (a double bell struck by a wooden stick); cuica (a small friction drum) and atabaque (a conical single-headed drum). The African influence also reveals itself in Brazil's traditional and folk music (as it does in the rest of the Americas) through the use of syncopation and complex rhythmic figures, the importance of drums and percussion instruments, certain flattened or "falling" notes, the so-called metronome sense of West Africa, the use of call-and-response patterns, short motifs, improvisation, and—perhaps most important—the tendency of music to play a central role in life.

Religious, ceremonial, and festive African music would form the basis of Afro-Brazilian songs and dances that would eventually develop into various musical forms: afoxe,jongo,lundu, samba, maracatu, and more.

A MUSICAL MELTING POT Over the course of the last five centuries, Portuguese, African, and—to a lesser extent—Amerindian rhythms, dances, and harmonies have been mixing together, altering old styles and creating new forms of music. One of the most important early, Brazilian genres was the lundu song form and circle dance, brought by Bantu slaves from what is now Angola to Brazil, where it began to acquire new influences and shock the Europeans.

The first recorded reference to lundu in Brazil was in 1780. The dance was considered lascivious and indecent in its original form, which included the umbigada navel-touching movement, an invitation to the dance that was 'characteristic of many African BRAZZIL - AUGUST 1998

circle dances. By the end of that century, lundu had made an appearance in the Portuguese court, transformed into a HI refined style sung with guitar or piano accompaniment and embellished with European harmonies. By the mid-nineteenth century in Brazil, lundu was perforpied both in salons and in the streets.

As a popular stye, it featured sung refrains and an energetic 2/4 rh thm carried by handclapping. Both types of lundu w uld remain popular in Brazil until the early twentieth century.

Another imp rtant song and dance, maxixe, was born in Rio around 1880 from the meeting of lundu with Cuban habanera and polka (with influences from Argentinian tango coming later). Created by Afro-Brazilian rUusicians who were performing at parties in lower-middle-class homes, maxixe was the first genuinely Brazilian dance, created from a synthesis of the above forms with additional voluptuous moves performed by the closely dancing couple.

Maxixe gave as erotic and scandalous an impression as lundu had one hundred years earlier and lambada would one hundred years later.

Maxixe and other Brazilian styles would be popularized by a native music industry that dates to 1902, with the release of Brazil's first record: the lundu "Isto E Born" (This Is Good), written by Xisto Bahia and performed by the singer Baiano for the Casa Edison record company. In later decades, Brazil dei veloped a large music industry and began to export its songs all over th e world. Domestic genres such as choro, maxixe, samba mba (in its myriad forms), bossa nova, baicio,frevo and samba-reggae have been enormously popular and influential throughout the twentieth century. Musically, Brazil has continued to reflect the great racial and cultural miscegenation of its history, and to absorb and modify new ideas and styles. Marisa Monte, Chico Cesar, the Paralamas, Daniela Mercury Karnak and Carlinhos Brown are among the latest exponents of a vibrant artistic heritage that stretches back centuries.

Excerpted from the first two chapters of

The Brazilian Sound: Samba, Bossa Nova and the Popular Music of Brazil

by Chris McGowan and Ricardo Pessanha, Temple University Press, 1998, 248 pp.

The'MPB Zone, a Web site devoted to Brazilian music, has been created by McGowan at: http:// members.aol.com/thempbzone/index.html The Brazilian Sound is available for sale at Culture Planet in the Westside Pavilion (Los Angeles) and anta Monica Place (Santa Monica).

And it can be urchased via the Internet through: http://www.amazon.com (or:www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/ ISBN=1566395453) http://www.barnesandnoble.com http://www.lusobraz.com http://www.maria-brazil.org http://www.gumbopages.com http://www.caravanmusic.com

47

ooks

best-sellers RIO

'Just-released American movies:

Como Nasce urn Cabra da Peste (How a Brave Northeastern Man Is Born)—Written by Altimar Pimentel, directed by Eliezer Filho and presented by a revelation from the state of Paraiba, the Agitada Gang. What happens when a woman gets pregnant in the Northeast. Teatro Nelson Rodrigues 0 Guarani (The Guarani Indian)—Based on one of the monuments of romanticism in Brazil, 0 Guarani by Jose de Alencar, written 140 years ago. Adapted to the stage by screenwriter and journalist Angelica Lopes. Matheus Rocha interprets warrior Indian Pen i and Samara Fillipo, innocent Ceci. Directed by Claudio Hendrey. Teatro Rubens Correa (former Teatro Ipanema).

Que Misterios Tern Clarice (What Mysteries Does Clarice Have)—With text by late writer Clarice Lispector. Directed by Luiz Arthur Nunes. Rita Elmor, who looks a lot like Lispector, has used the money she got from the insurance after losing her car for staging this spectacle. Teatro.clo Museu da RepUblica

SAO PAULO

•

Coracao na Boca (Heart in Mouth)—A couple relives a ménage a trois when they reencounter a long-lost friend. Written by Chico Azevedo, directed by Ticiana Studart with Miwa Yanagizawa, Carlos Takeshi, and Leonardo Netto. Teatro Hilton, Corra que o Papai VemAi (Run Because Daddy Is Coming)—A father's surprise visit reveals that his son is gay. Comedy written by Ron Clark and Sam Bobrick. Directed by Ary Fontoura with Ary Fontoura, Amelia Bittencourt, and Leandro Ribeiro. Teatro Bibi Ferreira.

Figuras de Pa! (Father Figures)—How fathers are seen in different cultures and times. Written, directed and interpreted by storyteller Tininha Calazans. Freddo Café Homem Branco e Cara Vermelha (White Man and Red Face)—Lost in the desert with his daughter a man to survive has to prevent an Indian from committing suicide. Written by George Tabori, directed by Wolfgang Pannek.

With Linneu Dias, Maura Baiocchi, and Antonio Galleao. Teatro do Instituto Goethe.

Malditos Mau rici nhos (Damn Yuppies)— Comedy with two couples who become hostages of a drug trafficker. Written and directed

by Marco Farias. With Marcos Piatry, Sandra Nascimento, and Selma Braga.

Pedro, o Cru (Peter. the Raw)—Inspired by CamOes account of Portuguese prince Peter's passion for Ines de Castro. Written and directed

by Georgette Fadel. Tusp—Centro Universitario Maria Antonia.

As Polacas (The Polish Women)—Based on the real story of Jew prostitutes working in Brazil in the early 1900s. Based on Esther Largman's Jovens Polacas (Young Polish Women). Directed by Iacov Hillel. Teatro Maria Della Costa.

48

Armageddon (Armageddon), Dream With the Fishes '(0 Acordo), The Graduate (A Primeira Noite de um Homem), Hard Rain (Tempestade), Lethal Weapon 4 (Mciquina Mortifera 4), A Life Less Ordinary (Por uma Vida Menos Ordinaria), Mad City (0 Quarto Poder), Les Miserables (Os Miserciveis), The Real Blonde (Uma Loira de Verdade), Species 2 (A Experiencia 2: A Mutaciio), Tunlight (Fugindo do Passado), Wild Man Blues (Woody Allen in Concert) 0 Amor EMI no Ar (Love Is in the Air)—Brasil/1995—By Amylton de Almeida with Eliane Giardini and Marcos Palmeira. Lady radio reporter gets involved with younger man.

Bahia de Todos os Sambas (Bahia of All the Sambas)—Brazil-Italy/ 1983/96—Documentary by Leon Hirszman and Paulo Cesar Saraceni about a series of shows in the early '80s in Rome by Brazilian musicians.

Among the performers: Joao Gilberto, Caetano Veloso, Gal Costa, and Dorival Caymmi.

Bela Donna (Pretty Lady)—Brazil/ 1998—Directed by Fabio Barreto with Eduardo Moscovis and Natasha Henstridge. A forbidden love story during Second World War between a Brazilian fisherman and a foreign lady. Based on Riacho Doce (Sweet Brook) by Jose Lins do Rego. With Eduardo Moscovis and foreigners Natasha Henstridge and Andrew McCarthy. Already sold to 40 countries including USA. 0 Ebrio (The Drunkard)—Brazil/ 1946—By Gilda de Abreu with Vicente Celestino, Alice Arclaambeau, Rodolfo Arena, and Walter d'Avila. A phenomenon of the Brazilian cinematography the film was seen by 4 million people between 1946 and 1950. It has become a cult melodrama and comes back in a restored copy. Betrayed by his wife, a doctor becomes an alcoholic.

Urn Gesto a Mais (A Further Gesture)—England-Germany-IrelandJapan/1997—By Robert Dornhelm, with Michael Collis, Rosana Pastor, and Alfred Molina. Former IRA activist moves to the U.S. for a new life, but cannot get rid of his past.

FICTION 1Veronika decide morrer, Paulo Coelho.

Objetiva, 221 p. R$15.

2 0 mundo de Sofia, Jostein Gaarder.

Companhia das Letras, 555 p. R$26,50.

3 Atraves do espelho, Jostein Gaarder.

Companhia das Letras, 144 p. R$17.

4 0 piano perfeito, Sidney Sheldon.

Record, 300 p. R$25.

5 A riguia e a galinha, Leonardo Boff.

Vozes, 206 p. R$16.

6 Despertar da tiguia, Leonardo Boff.

Vozes, 174 p. R$12.

7 0 Pequeno Principe. Antoine de Saint Exupery. Agir, 95 p. R$13.

8 0 homem que calculava, Malba Tahan.

Record, 218 p. R$19.

9 A senhora de Avalon, Marion Zimmer Bradley. Rocco, 504 p. R$28.

10 0 Servo dos Ossos, Anne Rice. Rocco, 384 p. R$28.

NONFICTION 1 Cancer tern cura, Frei Romano Zago.

Vozes, 208 p. R$10.

2 As profecias sem misterio, Paiva Netto.

Elevacao, 255 p. R$16.

3 As melhores piadas do planeta e da Casseta, Casseta e Planeta. Objetiva, 128 p. R$10.

4 177 maneiras de enlouquecer uma mulher na cama. Margot Saint-Loup.

Ediouro, 128 p. R$10,90.

5 Con versando corn os Espiritos, James Van Praagh. Salamandra, 224 p. R$15,60.

6 Chic homem, manual de moda e estilo, GlOria Kalil. Senac, 237 p. R$45.

7 0 sucesso dserfeliz, Roberto Shinyashi.

Gente, 198 p. R$20.

8 Minutos de sabedoria, Torres Pastorino.

Vozes, 280 p. R$4.29.

9 As sete leis espirituais do sucesso, Deepak Chopra. Best Seller, 103 p.

R$13,50.

10 A viagem do descobrimento, Eduardo Bueno. Objeti \ a. 148 p. R$16.00.

CHILDREN AND TEENS 1 Violetas na Janela, Vera Lucia M. de Carvalho. Petit. 139 p. R$9,50.

2 0 pequeno principe, Antoine de Saint Exupery. Agir. 95 p. R$13.

3 0 homen que calculava, Malba Tahan.

Record, 218 p. R$19.

4 0 livro das virtudes para criancas, William J. Bennett. Nova Fronteira, 112 p.

R$19.

5 Coisas que toda garota deve saber, Samantha Rugen. Melhoramentos, 104 p.

R$8,20.

According to Jornal do Brasil http://www.jb.com.br BRAZZIL - AUGUST 1998

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a"'" $480 Ida e volta (Sujedo a restrigoes ou mudangas sem aviso previo)

SAO PAULO OR RIO TO LOS ANGELES

$688 Ida e volta

(Sujedo a restngoes ou mudang,as sem aviso Drew())

TO

EXISTEM MUITAS AGENCIAS DE VIAGEM PARA VOCE ESCOLHER, E A ESCOLHA FINAL E SEMPRE SU& POREM NOS DE A CHANCE DE MOSTRAR-LHE QUE, COM 0 JEITINHO BRASILEIRO,_ VOCE VAI PODER VIAJAR SEMPRE POR MENOS!

BELO HORIZONTE

EXCLUSIVO! a p91411 de $

620 ida e volta

(Sujedo a restrigoes ou mudangas sem awe° pram)

LAX TO BELO HORIZONTE OR SALVADOR a partir de ft% OZO

ida e volta

:Sujedo a restngries ou mudangas sem aviso previo)

ATLANTA To RIO OR SAO PAULO a parttr de

GRATIS - LIGACAO DE QUALQUE CIDADE BRASILEIRA

000-817-471-6333 NAo Twos A P,RETENSA0 DE SER A AGENCIA NUMERO 1. poREM ESTAMOS CERTOS QUE APOS VOCES VIAJAREM COM 0 JEITINHO BRASILEIRO SEREMAOS SEMRE A SUAAGENCIA NUMERO 1 ASSENTOS LIMITADOS SUJEITO A RESTRIcOES

NUM FOI TAO FACIL VIAJAR

$465.

Sujedo a restogOes ou mudangas sem aviso previo)

SF To

a partd de $

RIO

548 ida e volta

(Sujedo a restngoes ou mudangas sem aviso previo)

NYC TO RIO OR SAO PAULO a parld de

$468 Ida e volta

(Sujedo a restrigoes ou mudangas sem aviso previo)

MIAMI TO RIO OR SAO PAULO

a partd de

$45 3 ida e volta

(Sujedo a restngoes ou mudangas sem aviso previo)

LOS ANGELES/SF/LAS VEGAS To RIO/SAO PAULO

a P" r de

$390

ida (one way)

(Sujedo a restngoes ou mudangas sem aviso previo)

SF TO SAO PAULO

Ag°111sID THE Wog' •

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BRAZZIL - AUGUST 1998

SOT#

2003457-40

E-mail: aroundtw@inetworld.net

ANGELES To SAO PAULO OR RIO

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800) 471-6333

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(Swett, a restrigOes ou mudangas sem aviso pram) 49

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or E-mail: brazzil@brazzil.com

For Ad, call (213) 255-8062 or E-mail: brazzil@brazzil.com 50

BRAZZIL -AUGUST

1998

FEIRA LIVRE OPEN MARKET BUSINESS OPPORTUNITY

Inside sales agents needed, bilingual, Mon-Fri., L.A. Area.

Call (213) 482-2323. Ask for Sergio. [150] International Company exporting to Brazil. High $ potential for individuals with contacts in Brazil. (805) 449-5507 [150] Vendedor (a) independente.

Procuro por uma pessoa interessada em atuar na venda de software personalizado em contabilidade (626) 584-1512 http:// www.paikco.com/sales/ [150] CATERING

Atencao, brasileiros: fazemos comidaparacongelar, salgadinhos, jantares, pequenos/grandes grupos.

Call Joy (562) 438-3415 [149] CLASSES

Conversational Brazilian Portuguese Method - "I tried several methods to learn BRAZILIAN PORTUGUESE, but when I started lessons with NILSON, I knew immediately that I'd found the best one. And in just a few months, I was able to communicate on a one-on-one basis." Individual, Total Immersion, Corporate Group and Semi-Private.

Phone (310) 379-0738 [148] Portuguese Courses in Salvador da Bahia, Dialog°, http:// www.brazilstudy.com, E-mail: dialogo brazilstudy.com, fax: 01155 71 336-6329 [155]

Spray Vitamins, 25-30 seconds in bloodstream, 90-96% absorption. Call (310) 452-1952 [148] JOB OFFERED

Sales Manager to 75 K (US).

Company does not want to relocate anyone. Market and sell new and existing automotive drive train components to assigned accounts. Increase sales, program management and market positioning in traction control products—axles, clutches, etc. Portuguese/English bilingual, BS degree a must. Please e-mail or fax résumé to Jackie Nabat: jackie@bryantjobsearch.com or 1 (800)772-6788. Voice line is 1 (810) 772-6452 x124 [151] MISCELLANEOUS

Babalawo Zezito D'Oxum, 45 anos no Rio. Rua do Carmo 15, Parque Amorim, Belford Roxo, Rio , Brazil Zip: 26185-340. Tel.: (021) 761-1682 [156] Estude a Biblia por correspondencia na privacidade do seu lar.

Inteiramente gratis. Envie seu endereco postal para: BCCI, Box 3841, Springfield, IL 627083841 [144] Tickets para o Brasil - Cheap / Baratos - 1 (800)643-3910. Tudo legal. [157]

Music Brazilian Music in its totality.

Samba, bossa nova, chorinho, beat), axe, and more. Merchant Express (954) 785-5991

COMPUTER & SOFTWARE

Desenvolvemos softwares personalizados para contabilidade, controle de vendas & estoques, e ciacligo de barra. Tel. :(626) 5841512 http://www.paikco.com/ software/ [150] COOKING

Delightful Brazilian Cooking

by Eng Tie Ang, two for one sale $14.95, plus $5 shipping and handling. Over 130 authentic, quick and easy recipes. P.O. Box 30818- Seattle, WA 98103 -Tell Fax (206) 789-3693. [142]

MUSIC INSTRUCTION

Bossa Guitar, John Scott (310) 459-5995 [150] NEWSPAPERS & MAGAZINES

Jornais e revistas do Brasil.

Recebemos jomais diarios e todas as principais revistas, incluindo masculinas e femininas. Tel. (954) 785-5991 PERSONAL WOMAN SEEKS MAN

HEALTH & FITNESS

Single Brazilian Women. Men worldwide desire to correspond with you for friendship/marriage. No Fee. Send color photo and profile to SOTB, P. 0.

274123, Tampa, FL 33688,call (813) 932-3805 or e-mail: davesotb@sotb.com - http:// www.sotb.com [151]

Newest Technology in nutritional supplement delivery -

PERSONAL

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Salgados - Coxinhas, Risoles, Croquete / Docinhos - Brigadeiro, Beijinho... Suzana (714) 666-2749 [153]

BRA7-ZIL - AUGUST 1998

FEIRA LIVRE RATES: 500 a word. Phone is one word.

DISCOUNTS: For 3 times deduct 5%, for 6 times deduct 10%, for 12 times deduct 15%.

POLICY: All ads to be prepaid. Ads are accepted at our discretion. Your canceled check is your receipt. Please, include address and phone number, which will be kept confidential.

DEADLINE: The 25th of the month. Late material will be held for the following month if appropriate.

TO PLACE AD: Send ad with check, money order or your Credit Card number (plus your name and expiration date) to: BRAZZIL P.O. Box 50536 Los Angeles, CA 90050-0536.

MAN SEEKS WOMAN

American, Black, male, 27 years old, would like to meet a Brazilian lady for cultural enlightenment and companion hip. Bill (310) 537-2291 [152] American male, 40 professional, kind, handso e, affectionate, in Chicago, w ts to meet a Brazilian lady 20-35, rite send photo; William Co k, 3814 Madison, Bellwood, I 60104 USA [150] Seeking ladies 18-45 years old to correspond with American men for friendship and companionship. FREE for a 1 ladies.

Write: TigerLilies, 2709 Lookout Dr., Suite 5206, G land TX 75044 USA [160] Single- American wh e male, 39, attractive, green ey s, brown hair, in New York, wan s to meet "thin and attractive" razilian lady 20-35 for relati nship or more. Write, send p oto. T. Schlesinger, 69-45 108 h Street, Forest Hills, NY 1137 [152] Single nice looking merican businessman, 1.8, 70 g, looking for serious compro ise with a beautiful Brazilian irl with family connections to hotel or auto business for pa nership.

Will be in Brazil Janu ry 1999.

Fax (805) 547-9469 E-mail: clandis@aol.com [155 Tall, blonde, blue-ey d L. A. gringo, business own r, seeks petite, dark-skinned asileira to be my woman. (800) 05-5869 [154] PERSONAL

[149] PERSONAL FRIENDSHIP/MARRIAGE

Gostaria de corresponder-me com brasileiros (as), latinos (as), ou americanos (as) que falem portugues. Apenas amizade.

Tenho 18 anos. Luciene Pinto, Rua Leonardo da Vince, No. 13, Senador Camara, Rio de Janeiro, CEP: 21831-100 Brazil. [152] Friendship/Marriage/Correspondence. Men, ladies, worldwide. Large information packet $2 (no inmates). Ladies in Brazil, about 80 names, addresses (no pictures) $12. Agarwal, Box 10020, Glendale, CA 91209 [149] PSYCHOTHERAPY

Emotional & psychological help - Elizabete Almeida MFCC licensed psychotherapist. English/Portuguese. Reasonable rates. (310) 281-7536. [158]] RENTAL

Guaruja/Coberturinha 2Q/2B - 6 blocos da praia. Mes: $350 + Temporada: 150/week. Brasil: 011-55-11-263-8675, Los Angeles: (310) 785-1822 (Maria) [151] TRANSLATION & INTERP.

Dialog° Translates from and to Brazilian Portuguese: http:// www.brazilstudy.com [155] Translation Services (Servicos de Traducao) from/to English/ Portuguese (415)457-3103 [153]

MAN SEEKS MAN

TRAVEL

Westerner, 38, living in Hong Kong, 5'10", 160 lbs, athletic, banker, wants to meet razilian males visiting Hong ong for sex or relationship. Pre r 30 and up, tall, not thin, well e dowed.

E-mail tfontana@hotntail.com

Touristic services in Salvador da Bahia: Dialog°, http:// www.brazilstudy.com [155] brazzil-ADS (213) 255-8062 51

Boston Books Livraria Plenitude (800) 532-5809

Consulate Consulado do Brasil (617) 617-542-4000

Dentist Sylvio P. Lessa (617) 924-1882

Food & Products Brasil Brasil (617) 561-6094 Jerry's Cachara (617) 666-5410

Instruction Approach Student Ctr (617) 787-5401 Braz. & Amer. Lg. Inst.

(617) 787-7716

Mov. Social Humanista (310) 281-6652 SambaLa -Esc. de Samba (562) 437-1939

(310) 854-5881 Tocantins Communic.

(213) 833-6333

Consulate

Around the World Trl. (800) 471-6333 Brazil Air (800) 441-8515 Brazil Tours (818) 767-1200 Cheviot Hills Travel (310) 202-6264 Traveland (800) 321-6336

Brazilian Consulate (213) 651-2664

Dentist Gilberto Henriques (213) 464-0524

Events Promotion Brazilian Nites Prod.

(818) 566-1111 Pegasus - Parties & Ent. (818) 549-0383 Samba & Saudade (323) 634-7811 Sayegh Promotions (562) 863-3463

Food & Products Cachaca Pitu (714) 731-7788

Publications

Health & Fitness

The Brazilian Monthly (617) 566-3651 Bossa: Braz. Jazz Guide (617) 262-9997

Hands of Care Mas. Ther.

(213) 937-3835

Restaurants Café Brazil (617) 789-5980 Ipanema (508) 460-6144 Tropicana (617) 567-4422 Pampas Churrascaria (617) 661-6613

Chicago Consulate Consulado G. do Brasil (312) 464-0244

Translations Portuguese Lang. Ctr. (312) 276-6683

Los Angeles Airlines Varig (800) GO VAR1G Vasp (310) 364-0160

Arts & Crafts Bakari Art Studio (213) 731-3700 Folk Creations (310) 693-2844 Culture Planet (310) 441-9808 Zebi Designs (310) 391-6530

Auto Repair Cosmo Auto Parts (213) 259-9818

Banks Banco do Brasil (213) 688-2996

Catering Joy's Catering (562) 438-3415

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An excerpt unpredictab e because of politics as usual in Brazil, particularly in With the election of Fernando Henrique Cardoso as the first convince modern chief executive of Brazil in late 1994, there was widespread the Congress. Unless the Cardoso administration is able toReal Plan expectation that his presidency would herald a significant turning the Congress of the need for significant fiscal reform, the may face a bleak future. Key elements in a fiscal package would point in the modernization of the Brazilian economy. Compared to include a restructuring of the social security system, an updating of its neighbors in the hemisphere—Argentina, Chile, and Peru— the tax collection system, and a significant reduction in the size of Brazil was perceived to be lagging in its efforts to introduce a market the public sector. But the probability of significant fiscal changes is economy, undertake the privatization of state-owned assets, address fiscal imbalances, and provide the incentives needed for a competi- limited by the nature of the Brazilian political system.

It is important to point out' that words such as immobilism and tive economy in the twenty-first century. are inappropriate in describing Brazilian politics today. stalemate Following the inauguration on January 1, 1995, the new government appeared to hesitate but finally sent a series of constitutional The political process is, as mentioned, highly fluid—new coalitions amendments to the Congress for action. To the surprise of most and alliances are born every day in the Congress. While political observers, the .government's program moved quickly through the commentators may see an immobilized system (by non-Brazilian legislature. It was then assumed that 1996 would see a repeat of the standards), what functions day to day in Brazil is a system that moves quickly to react to—and to protect—the local successes of the previous year and state interests of the incumbent political and as the Congress turned to the economic elites. While it is a dysfunctional system details of actually interpreting from the perspective of political theory, it is highly and implementing the broadfunctional—and successful—for those interested in brush amendments in the ecomaintaining the current balances of power in Brazil. nomic area and then move on to It does not mean that those driving the system are a second set of priorities. But opposed to change; they want change that favors or that expectation has not been strengthens their position and their constituencies. realized, and Brazilian politics From one perspective, this is a rational and funcmidway through Cardoso's fourtional approach to elections, the process of reform, year term of office remains unand the distribution of power. While it precludes predictable and highly contenmajor systemic reform, it achieves a precarious tious—which is why the herconsensus among regional elites, who remain the alded progress in addressing sigbackbone of national politics in Brazil. nificant economic policy issues THE BRAZILIAN POLITICAL has not occurred.

PARTY SYSTEM Immobilism and stalemate In large part, the belief that Brazilian political parties are best understood as Cardoso would be able to overare inappropriate terms to shifting groups of self-interested individuals who come the personalism and popudescribe Brazilian politics find it convenient to come together under a bland lism that have characterized Bratoday. The political banner that usually includes words such as progreszilian politics for decades was process is highly fluid stve„vocial, or democratic. In reality, the form and based on the stunning success of substance of the particular entity will probably demwith new coalitions and his Real Plan. Announced in onstrate little progressiveness in program orientaalliances being born every March 1994, the plan has actution, a very modest commitment to social reform or day in the Congress. This ally succeeded in driving levels change, and manifest impatience with acting demois a system that moves of inflation down to historic levcratically. quickly to react to—and to els. The attack on inflation was Brazil did not have a political party system until accompanied by a modicum of protect—the local and 1945. The Empire (1822-1889) saw its elites bifurpolicy reforms during the presistate interests of the cated into conservative and liberal factions (or pardential term of Itamar Franco incumbent political and ties) that rotated in power and represented (1992-1995), who, as vice presieconomic elites. postindependence economic and social elite interdent, had succeeded Fernando ests. Those interests, given the economic formation Collor de Mello (1990-1992) in of Brazil during the colonial and imperial epochs.

RIORDAN ROETT December 1992, following the were heavily rural and agricultural. Slavery was not latter's resignation in the face of abolished until 1888; Brazil's export profile was imminent impeachment. Franco composed primarily of agricultural crops well into had selected Cardoso, then a the twentieth century. federal senator from Sao Paulo, With the peaceful overthrow of the Empire in as foreign minister and then as 1889, the Old Republic (1889-1930) witnessed a finance minister. As finance convergence of local and provincial factional interminister, Cardoso assembled a ests. One national conservative party— the only technocratic team that quickly significant political organization in this period— drew up the bold Real Plan. As served as an umbrella organization for elite control.

Cardoso emerged as the favorite It was driven by the economic interests of the two precandidate for the 1994 presimost powerful states in the federation, Sao Paulo dential elections, thanks to the and Minas Gerais. Decentralization in Brazil was initial success of the anti-inflaprofound: state governors were titled presidents, tion program, reformers read and the states were able to impose taxes and raise into his growing popularity the their own armies. Getillio Vargas's seizure of power possibility of serious instituin 1930 resulted in a confusing period in which a tional realignment. His victory number of local and state political organizations over Luis Inacio 'Lula', da Silva appeared. A product of the regional political elite in in the October 1994 election the southern state of Rio Grande do Sul, Vargas had lost (Cardoso won with 34.3 million votes, the 1930 presidential election, which was marred by or 54.4 percent of the valid votes seemed widespread fraud. With the support of disaffected military officers, to confirm that Brazil was ready for change. A defeat for the second time of the spokesman for the left, or public sector-oriented interests his own state's political leadership, many of the poor northeastern in Brazil, could only mean that public opinion, influenced by the states, and the important state of Minas Gerais (whin had been denied the presidential nomination by the Sao Paulo oligarchy), he economic success of the Real Plan, was ready for real economic and launched an offensive against the Old Republic in late 1930. The political change. incumbent president, Washington Luis, resigned, and Vargas arWhile the Real Plan has continued to function, its future is

Time for Reform

BRAZZIL - AUGUST 1998 54

rived in Rio de Janeiro in October to become (PPR). A Popular Party (PP) was organized provisional president. The 1930-1945 pe- for a short period of time by MDB centrists riod was one of confusion, and a superficial and ARENA progressives but soon merged political pluralism ended with the establish- with the PMDB; the Liberal Front Party ment of the protofascist New State in 1937. (PFL), with its electoral base primarily in After Vargas was deposed by the armed the conservative northeast, was formed in forces in 1945, political elites subdivided 1984. The PFL joined the PMDB in 1984into pro- and anti-Vargas forces. The princi- 1985 to guarantee the indirect election in pal parties or groups that dominated the January 1985 (in an electoral college) of 1946 Republic (1946-1964) generally sup- Tancredo Neves; smaller, more traditional ported a national-populist set of develop- parties also appeared in the mid-1980s. ment policies, characterized by import subPerhaps the most significant developstitution industrialization, the nationaliza- ment after 1979 was the establishment of the tion of the oil industry, and the growth of the class-based Workers Party (PT), a new miliurban labor movement. But the system was tant organization based originally on the dominated by the office and the personality emerging power of the new unionism that of the president. By 1964, the party system reflected Brazil's impressive industrial of 1946 consisted of thirteen loosely struc- growth after 1964. The new unionism was tured organizations, many of which were an effort by a younger generation of indussplinters of three larger political groupings trial workers to gain independence from the that had been formed in 1945. traditional control of the Labor Ministry and By the early 1960s, the Brazilian politi- the complex bureaucracy of labor courts cal system began to polarize. The post-1945 created in the early 1940s. The rapid expanimport-substitution-industrialization model sion of the Brazilian economy after 1964 had resulted in economic inefficiencies, a created a large, better educated, and more lack of competitiveness, and steadily rising aggressive working class—concentrated in inflation. Direct foreign investment was flat. Sao Paulo but with strong support throughSocial tensions, resulting from the rapid out the states of the southeast— that used urbanization of Brazil after 1945, and in- confrontation with the military regime as creasing pressure from rural groups for land one mechanism for achieving their goals. reform created a climate of violence and The new unionists became a critical suspicion. The military, which saw them- element in the widespread mobilization of selves as the guardians of the Brazilian state, civil society in the early 1980s, which atwere concerned that groups on the left were tempted to convince the military regime to exploiting the rising tide of frustration and hold direct elections for president in 1985. might actually resort to force to accomplish While that undertaking failed to win contheir reform agenda. To preclude such a gressional approval because of pressure from situation, the military moved in late March the military regime, the nationwide cam1964—with the support ofthe business com- paign gave the PT—and Lula—legitimacy, munity, much of the middle class, and the which was used to further the goals of the traditional elites—to close the system. new unionism in the succeeding decade.

The military intervention of 1964 re- While Lula has lost the last two presidential sulted in a purge of the existing political races—to Fernando Collor de Mello and system, with many of the old leaders losing Fernando Henrique Cardoso—the party has their political rights for a decade. After a continued to expand its electoral base. It halfhearted effort to work within the old performed well in the October 1996 municiparty framework, the military leadership pal elections and is expected to do so again abolished the pre-1964 system and created - in the next congressional and gubernatorial two parties, with ARENA (National Reno- elections in 1998. vating Alliance) representing pro-regime Legislation in 1985, after the restoration tendencies and the MDB (Brazilian Demo- of civilian government, liberalized the recratic Movement) representing what re- quirements for creating new parties. In 1985, mained of the left and the antimilitary politi- there were eleven parties with national regcal actors. ARENA, with strong support istration and representation in Congress, from the military presidents, commanded an nineteen in 1991, and eighteen in 1995absolute majority in Congress until 1979. 1996. The most important parties in the But throughout the military period, ARENA Chamber and the Senate continue to be the was riven with regional and factional dis- PMDB, PFL, PSDB, and PPR, all of which putes. The MDB, on the other hand, frag- represent traditional sources of local and mented into a variety of ideological sub- state power in the Brazilian federation. Each groups defined by their willingness or not to of the parties is either headed by or heavily play by the military-established rules of the influenced by relatively traditional political game. leaders. For example, Paulo Maluf, the By the late 1970s, there was widespread former mayor of Sao Paulo, leads the PPR discontent with the false dichotomy of the (he is also a former governor and mayor, and two-party system. In 1979, the Congress former—and possible future—presidential approved a government plan to abolish candidate); the PMDB is headed by the ARENA and the MDB and to permit re- former president ofthe federal Senate, former newed party pluralism. The MDB became president Jose Sarney, who pretends to a the PMDB (Brazilian Democratic Move- second term of office in 1999; and Senator ment Party); ARENA changed its name to Antonio Carlos Magalhaes of Bahia, whose the Social Democratic Party (PDS) but fared son, Luis Eduardo, served as speaker of the badly at the polls and, in 1993, joined with house in the Chamber of Deputies from the small Christian Democratic Party (PDC) 1994 to early 1997, is a titan in the PFL. to establish the Progressive Reform Party The first government to follow the

-,HAZZIL - AUGUST 1998

twenty-one years of authoritarian rule was dominated by the PMDB, the successor to the principal opposition party during the military period. A lone source of dissent during the military years in national politics, the party carried the banner for a restoration of civilian government when the military regime decided on a policy of gradual opening. That policy decision resulted from a desire to curb the intelligence and security apparatus, which had grown rapidly since 1964. It was driven by an increasingly autonomous labor union movement that demanded a greater share of the pie than had been given to it during the height of the authoritarian government. And civil society—lawyers, professors and students, professional groups, and many in the private sector—lobbied for a termination of military rule and a return to a democratic state.

After a period of uncertainty as to whether the armed forces would accept an opposition president in 1985, the PMDB and the PFL put together a ticket for the indirect vote in the electoral college that was acceptable and not seen as a threat by the military. In early 1985, the college met and the candidate of the regime was defeated.

A weak president, Jose Sarney, succeeded Tancredo Neves after his untimely death in early 1985. A leading figure of the military regime until the very end, when he deserted to join the opposition coalition as its vice-presidential candidate, Sarney reigned as a figurehead chief executive until 1990. The new constitution of 1988, a regressive, populist document, created a time bomb in national politics by transferring a significant share of national income to the states and municipalities, while leaving responsibility for major social programs with the federal government, which now had vastly reduced revenues. The thinking ofthe populist-dominated Constituent Assembly was that this measure would rebalance power within the federation after two decades of progressive centralization in the hands of the federal government in Brasilia. What it actually did was to open the floodgates for local corruption and mismanagement as local and state authorities enjoyed a financial bonanza without any programmatic responsibilities in critical areas of social investment.

The 1988 document confirmed a process that had escalated over the years. Since the mid-1970s, the states and municipalities had increased their share of tax revenues; in 1975, they received 5 percent each of income tax revenues and the tax on manufacured goods. By 1980, these shares had ncreased to 14 percent and 17 percent, respectively. The new constitution made it a equirement for the federal government to ransfer 21.5 percent of the income tax and anufactured goods tax by 1993.

The failure of the Cruzado Plan, the arney government's 1986 heterodox shock rogram (which included a general price reeze, a wage freeze, a wage escalation ystem, and the creation of a new currency), estroyed the credibility of the administrat' on—and by extension that of the PMDBominated Congress and the PMDB goverors who had been elected at the end of

1986, running on the earlier, euphoric popularity of the Cruzado Plan. The remainder of Sarney's administration was marked by desperate and unsuccessful efforts to control inflation and prices. A relative unknown, Fernando Collor de Mello, the scion of a disreputable state-based oligarchy in the northeastern state of Alagoas, capitalized on national discontent with the traditional parties and organized the Party of National Reconstruction (PRN).

Collor defeated Lula of the Workers Party in the 1989 presidential election, but his party fared poorly. Even after the congressional elections of October 1990, following Collor's inauguration earlier in the year, the party held only twenty seats in the Chamber of Deputies and two Senate seats.

In spite of uncertain political support, Collor proceeded with a set of audacious and controversial economic and financial reforms.

Among the most successful were the liberalization of trade and the beginnings of the privatization of state assets. As the government appeared to be regrouping in mid1992, a major crisis erupted, with the president and his chief fund-raiser accused of massive fraud and extortion. Reform efforts ended as the embattled president attempted to avoid impeachment proceedings in the Congress. Public opinion, aroused by the corruption charges and the president's seeming indifference, took to the streets in a wave of peaceful demonstrations calling for him to step down. After a long congressional investigation, impeachment proceedings were initiated, and Collor resigned in December 1992 just beforethe final vote, which carried by a wide margin.

As part of the constant reshuffling of party allegiances, the PMDB split in 1988 and a center-left splinter group organized the Brazilian Social Democracy Party (PSDB). Among its prominent founders were two Sao Paulo federal senators, Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Mario Covas (now the PSDB governor of the state). With the resignation of Collor de Mello, the new president, Itamar Franco, restructured the governing coalition and offered three ministries to the PSDB, including the post of foreign relations head to Senator Cardoso.

In May 1993, Cardoso moved to the Finance Ministry from which he launched the Real Plan in March 1994. With the plan's success—its principal achievement was the dramatic drop in inflation rates—Cardoso was nominated for president; he chose as his vice president Senator Marco Maciel of the PFL. The Cardoso-Maciel ticket easily defeated the PT ticket in late 1994, with Lula again the party's nominee. Cardoso's margin of victory was sufficiently large (54.4 percent of the valid vote) to avoid a second round of voting in November. Fernando Henrique Cardoso had a well-established reputation as both an intellectual and a politician when he won the presidency. He had been a professor at the University of Sao Paulo, and after the military coup of 1964, he left Brazil for Chile, where he co-authored the once influential theory of dependency—the underdeveloped countries are manipulated by the wealthier industrial states—before moving to Paris, where he taught at the Univer-

56

sity of Paris. Returning to Sao Paulo in 1968, he conducted research and wrote extensively on development issues. Cardoso ran for the Senate in 1978 on the MDB ticket and served as the alternate to Franco Montoro. When the latter was elected Sao Paulo state governor in 1982, Cardoso took his place in the federal Senate. He was reelected in 1986 (after a narrow defeat in a race for mayor of Sao Paulo) and served as government leader in Congress during the Sarney administration. He quickly assumed the role of a superminister in the government of Itamar Franco in 19921993, from which he launched his successful drive for the presidency.

The Cardoso government took office in January 1995 and quickly won the support of a number of other political parties as the new regime began its effort to amend the 1988 constitution and to further liberalize the national economy by opening areas such as petroleum, mining, and telecommunications to private investment. The principal goal was to reduce the role of the state in the economy and increase the competitiveness and efficiency of domestic industry. The government succeeded in winning relatively rapid approval of constitutional amendments in key areas of the economy in 1995, but since then, progress has been disappointing in achieving either further constitutional reform or the ordinary legislation required to implement and activate the constitutional changes of 1995. It is one of the ironies of the Cardoso government that the PSDB, the president's party, has been reluctant to support many of his initiatives because they will impact negatively on the natural constituencies of the party. Another irony is the strong support given to the Cardoso program by the PFL, a northeast-based party of regional notables, which supports economic liberalization and market reforms while remaining highly skeptical of political institutional changes. The economic philosophy of the party favors the modernization of the national economy, competitiveness, and increased foreign investment; but the leadership does not appear to see any linkage between a more efficient and productive economy and the probable need for more democratic and representative institutions in Brazil. In many countries experiencing rapid economic change, there is a concomitant desire for greater political participation as individual citizens' stake in the economy—and society—expands.

In the current Brazilian political system, it does not seem incongruous for President Cardoso to be supported by a heterogeneous coalition that is programmatically dominated by the PFL. The Cardoso program offers the PFL what it wants and what works for it and its constituents. The party that purports to be progressive, Cardoso's own PSDB, is equivocal about its enthusiasm for market reforms and remains vaguely wedded to a social democratic concept of a mixed economy in which the government continues to play a strategic role. It is also true that key PSDB legislators are beholden to the rust belt industries of Sao Paulo state, which fear economic liberalization and the

competition that will inevitably impact on their capacity to perform. The other parties in the current governing coalition, the PMDB, Brazilian Progressive Party (PPB), PTB, and PL, represent a broad spectrum of personal and party positions that are determined by state and local interests. These are best understood in terms of the rewards or perks they can extract from the federal government in exchange for their votes in Congress issue by issue.

Thus, a reform-minded president—Cardoso—is only intermittently supported by his own party, which advertises itself as a social democratic alternative for Brazil but lacks the conscience to vote for far-reaching reforms to modernize Brazilian society; the most powerful conservative group, the PFL, representing the most traditional social interests in the country, is the principal advocate of market-oriented reforms. And the remaining members of the more-or-less majority coalition calculate their support for reform in terms of the patronage forthcoming from the embattled central government. This state of affairs stems in large part from the nature of the electoral system and the local and state emphases in Brazilian politics that have dominated since independence in 1822.

BRAZIL'S ELECTORAL SYSTEM AND LOCAL POWER The political party system since 1985 has been plagued with frequent changes of party affiliation, overtly opportunistic and often short-term party alliances, and a lack of credible national leadership. In addition to the problems created by state and local loyalties, there are certain characteristics of the electoral system in Brazil that help determine the nature of today's party dynamics.

Brazil's federal deputies (and municipal council members) are elected by a system of open-list proportional representations Each state in the federation serves as a single, atlarge, multimember voting district. The number of seats per state ranges from eight to seventy, with small states deliberately overrepresented and the large states, such as Sao Paulo and Minas Gerais, deliberately underrepresented. Successive governments have opted to favor overrepresentation for the smaller, more marginal states as a way of compensating for the economic power and influence of the larger members of the federation. On election day, the voters cast their single ballots either for the party label—in which case their vote merely is added to the party's total vote at the end of the day—or for individual candidates. But the names of party candidates are not listed on the ballots; instead, the voter must write in the candidate's name or registration number.

After the balloting has ended, officials determine how many votes each party has received and then determine which party members, based on their total vote, will receive one of the proportionally distributed seats in the legislature.

Increasingly, party coalitions have become critical components in the electoral process. In the 1994 elections, close to half of federal deputies were elected by coalitions. In Brazil, coalition partners lose their

BRA7_ZIL - AUGUST 1998

party identity and compete in a single basket 1993-1994 contained important proposals of votes, which further weakens the political to establish a rigid German-style threshold party system. Thus voters have little idea of, of 3-5 percent of the national vote in order to or, interest in, the party affiliation of candi- elect representatives to Congress. These prodates. And since campaigns are so individu- posals, and many others, were either realized (many candidates never mention their jected or tabled by the Congress, whose party label in their propaganda), the party members had little interest in restricting the vote is very small—with the exception of expansion of parties in the political process. the PT. Other pending changes to the party system A good example in the 1996 municipal languish in the Congress, and the expectaelection was that of Recife, the capital city tion that they will move to the floor is very of Pernambuco in the Brazilian northeast. A limited.

Popular Front alliance composed of seven Thus, parties begin at the base as weak parties supported the candidacy of federal organizations, vehicles for intermittent elecdeputy Humberto Costa. The ideological toral purposes. There is little thought to spectrum of the alliance ran from the two continuity in either program or leadership. communist parties of Brazil to the region's Local and state rivalries will drive promimost conservative, but ideology was not the nent personalities from one party to another. issue. Costa's voter appeal and the rewards Peculiar alliances will emerge that represent for the parties from his election were suffi- personalist and local interests. For example, cient to bring the parties, momentarily, to- in the October 1996 municipal elections, the gether. Voters vote for the alliance, not the PSDB and the PFL (national coalition partparties. And the leaders of the parties will be ners) ran separate mayoral candidates in available in three years to reconnoiter and twenty-one of the twenty-six state capitals position themselves for the next round of and opposed each other in about 90 percent congressional, gubernatorial, and presiden- of all municipal posts to be elected in the key tial voting with little regard to the position states of the south. The PMDB, a nominal they took in 1996—nor would anyone in member of the Cardoso coalition, ran its Brazilian politics expect them to act differ- own mayoral candidates in twenty state capiently. tals. And the PPB opposed the PSDB in Because everyone is elected at large— twenty-one cities and the PFL in eighteen.

Brazil does not have local constituencies— But in the city of Sao Paulo, a critical arena a candidate needs to campaign across his for the government, the PSDB had its own state. This system means that candidates candidate, and its partner, the PFL, endorsed aligned with a particular party are running the PPB candidate. against each other in the lead-up to the The localism of politics is further illuselection to be sure that they receive a suffi- trated by the proliferation of mayoralties— ciently large number of votes to qualify for there were 4,300 in 1988,4,974 in 1992, and a seat when the positions are proportionally 5,100 in 1996. New municipal districts are distributed. This defeats any effort at party established by the Congress in Brasilia. Since coherence or program stability. Candidates many members of Congress consider local prefer weak parties that will give them lee- office to be far more important than national way in establishing bases of political sup- office, the tendency to support an expansion port in the state or city. And while some of the number of municipal positions availcandidates may have special electoral areas able every four years is overwhelming (corin which they seek most of their votes, many respondingly, the number of town council others seek votes across the state. This lim- positions has increased from 65,000 in 1992 its, or eliminates, constituent accountability to 70,000 in 1996). after the electiops. In the absence of disService in the national Congress is not tricts,- it is impossible for a citizen to claim viewed by most politicians as a permanent one deputy or council member as his or her career. It is a place in which you spend a representative. In turn, the system liberates four-year term of office to facilitate the the newly elected representative from hav- transfer of resources back to the state or ing to maintain the fiction of representation. municipal power structure that sent you to He or she represents not the voters but the Brasilia. To illustrate the point, approxigroups and party structures that turned out mately 116 federal deputies, nearly onethe vote to guarantee his or her seat at the end fourth of the Chamber, ran for local office in of the day.

October 1996. And because individual depuThe situation is aggravated by the ease ties view national office as transitory, nawith which a group can legally organize a tional parties have little meaning. This disparty. After 1985, provisional organization courages any sort of party coherence in of new entities required only that 101 pro- Brasilia. And, in fact, Brazil's political parspective members sign a petition with by- ties tend to be regionally concentrated. The laws, statutes, and program, which are then PSDB is highly concentrated in Sao Paulo registered with the Superior Electoral Tri- and Ceara states; the PT and PPR in Sao bunal (TSE). Permanent registration is some- Paulo; the PFL in the northeast; and the what more complicated. Within a twelve- Democratic Workers Party (PDT) in Rio de month period, the new party must organize Janeiro and Rio Grande do Sul. These constate directorates in nine states and in one- centrations reflect personalities, local pothird of the municipalities in each of these litical culture, and historical alliances among states. In 1989, twenty-two parties were local elites. able to register candidates for the presidenThe long historical development of the tial voting, but in 1994 only nine were party process in Brazil leads to one concluregistered. sion: the base of power in Brazil is local.

Efforts to revise the 1988 constitution in Since local leaders exercise tremendous in-

fluence over voter preferences, particularly in the rural areas where illiteracy remains high, a local base of support yields a high degree of influence over those who are elected to the Chamber every four years.

The system produces negative effects for the legislative process in Brasilia. High turnover rates, especially in the south and southeast, produce deputies with little experience and less interest in getting to know the game.

They have private sector or professional options and are often frustrated by a process in Brasilia that is usually dominated by the conservative northern and northeastern elites (note, again, that the two leaders of the houses of Congress in 1995-1996 were from the north [Sarney] and the northeast [Magalhaes]). It also reduces the interest of the deputies in investing in legislative expertise or in strengthening the institutional procedures of the Congress. Committees are insignificant; hearings are superficial. Members of Congress have one principal job: to funnel as much patronage—or pork—back home as they can in four years in Brasilia.

This fact of life means that lobbying the executive branch for handouts is more important than legislating, although final congressional approval will be needed for the omnibus bills administered by the federal bureaucracy. A highly prized designation in Brasilia is that of minister; federal deputies and senators are allowed to take a leave of absence from the Congress to serve in the executive branch, which facilitates the flow of largesse between Brasilia and the states and municipalities. The realities of power in Brasilia have been enhanced dramatically since 1988, with the revenue transfers to the states and cities mandated in the constitution.

A 1996 public opinion poll produced by the respected JB-Vox Populi organization confirmed that the National Congress received only a 17 percent approval rating— second lowest of the thirteen institutions rated in the poll. The ratings for the municipal councils in the eight capital cities surveyed were correspondingly low. The three highest institutions in ratings were the national press, the Catholic church, and the armed forces. But this trend is not new. Nor does it appear to have any apparent impact on voter preference at the polls; by a vast majority, traditional political party candidates were voted into, or returned to, office in October. Brazilians apparently believe at they have little control either over the olitical system as a whole or over indiidual politicians. It may be that they accept olitics as it is or that the constant changes f government have created cynicism about he impact on politics of the individual voter.

POLITICS AND SOCIETY IN CARDOSO'S BRAZIL The political process does not function n a vacuum in any society. As Brazil enters he twenty-first century, politics needs to be ut in the context of Brazilian society and razil's social problems. The political class n Brazil represents a highly heterogeneous opulation of some 170 million people. hile the Brazilian economy has changed ramatically in the last twenty-five years, ost observers agree that there has been a

BRA7_ZIL - AUGUST 1998 57

lag in social development. Twenty percent of Brazilians still live in rural areas, in contrast to 12 percent in Argentina and Chile. Illiteracy stands at 19 percent of the population compared with 13 percent in Colombia and 5 percent in Argentina. Life expectancy at birth is 66.6 years in Brazil; it is 71.9 in Venezuela and 72.3 in Argentina.

The infant mortality rate (per 1,000 live births) is high-57.0; it is 36.4 in Colombia and 35.4 in Mexico.

Education, critical to social mobility and professional success, is poor in Brazil, particularly at the primary level where there is a high incidence of repeating class years by those students unable to meet minimum standards. Secondary schools tend to favor pre-university training in a society where the few who attend university are generally from the middle and upper-middle classes.

Fernando Henrique Cardoso has stated that he would like to make educational improvement a key goal of his presidency, but he is hampered by budgetary considerations and a backlog of unresolved problems, ranging from inadequate physical infrastructure to poorly paid teachers and high degrees of absenteeism and dropouts by students in the early school years.

Brazil is also very heterogeneous in racial composition. Some 69.6 million people were classified as being of African background in the 1991 national census. That people of color tend to be poorer and less educated in Brazil is a social issue that has long been ignored by the educated population. The country's indigenous population probably stands at about a quarter million and has become the source of international concern as development patterns have impinged on their lands in the northern and northwestern states. Immigrants have always been welcome in Brazil, and there are large communities of descendants of Japanese, Lebanese, Italian, German, and Polish settlers. While the Roman Catholic Church is accepted as the church of preference of the vast majority of Brazilians, AfroBrazilian religions, popular Catholicism, Protestantism, and evangelical groups have made a strong impact across the country.

The World Bank and other institutions monitoring economic growth patterns have stated that Brazil's income distribution is highly uneven and ranks among the worst in the world. A small percentage of the population takes home a large share of national income, and the majority receives a very small percentage. This is aggravated by many years of inflation, which impacts most harshly on the poor. Poor economic performance in Brazil for a number of years has punished the working class; the economy in some years produced few new jobs. And the restructuring of Brazilian industry in recent years has led to a reduction in jobs and wage levels in many businesses. Successive governments have failed to find adequate policies to bring about a more equitable distribution of income. This is linked to the widespread poverty in the large cities and the countryside, to the misapplication of public resources for needed social services, and to

the attitude among many in the political class that social marginalization and poverty are inevitable in developing countries like Brazil and that there is little government or public policy can do to alleviate the plight of the marginal in society.

These factors need to be considered in analyzing the workings of the Brazilian political system and the need for reform. The agenda of economic reform that has stalled in the Congress should result in an increase in taxes and government revenues from privatization, for example, to generate revenues that would be available for social investment. A reform of the social security system—perhaps along the lines of Chile and Argentina, where the programs have been privatized—would generate internal savings and give individuals a broad stake in the economy. But a political decision will need to be made regarding the distribution of responsibility for social investment in education, health, and housing, given the current distribution of revenues mandated by the 1988 constitution. That is a public policy challenge the Brazilian government hopes to begin to address by the end of the century. The role of politics should be to maximize the individual's freedom to pursue his or her personal and professional interests with the adequate tools to do so.

Education, health, and housing are among those tools that are lacking for a large number of Brazilians. The long-range goal of the Cardoso administration is to restructure the economy to make it more efficient and more competitive. That should then provide the means to attack the long-neglected social problems in Brazil. But until the political parties in Congress take that challenge seriously, appropriate responses to societal needs will inevitably be postponed.

THE FUTURE OF THE REFORM PROCESS IN THE CARDOSO GOVERNMENT In 1997, at the midpoint of his four-year term of office, President Cardoso finds his government in a position similar to that of all of his democratic predecessors after 1946: how to convince the national Congress of the need to support a reasonable program of reforms? Cardoso's coalition consists of six parties. The conduct of those parties in the Chamber of Depuies is most important in considering the fate of reform proposals. The Senate tends to be more supportive of the administration. The breakdown by seats of the coalition is as follows: Chamber (T = 531) Senate (T = 81) PMDB 102 24 PFL 97 22 14 PSDB 76 PPB 88 5 PTB 28 4 0 9 PL The government coalition holds a slim voting margin in the Chamber. But time and again the president's program has been watered down, overlooked, or defeated. Part of the problem is the cumbersome procedure for reform established in the 1988 constitution. Amendments to the document require two votes by majorities of 60 percent in both houses of Congress. The process originates

in the House and continues in the Senate.

The final committee recommendation on a constitutional issue needs to be voted by the full membership of each house in two sessions separated by an interval of five sessions.

When Cardoso took office in January .

1995, he inherited a lame-duck Congress; the new legislature; elected at the end of 1994, did not take office until February 1995. The government had little hope of passing any new legislation before that date. But even with the swearing-in of the new Congress, in which the government allegedly held a majority, no progress was made. Following the president's successful visit to the United States in April 1995, he returned to Brasilia determined to use the traditional tools of his office—appointments and disbursements—to move his agenda. By June, he had cajoled the Congress into passing five important constitutional amendments, which open the state monopolies on petroleum, telecommunications, electricity, and natural gas distribution to foreign investors and grant equal treatment to foreign firms doing business in Brazil. But passing implementing legislation has moved far more slowly through the Congress. While the constitutional amendments authorized a general liberalization of key sectors of the economy, the specifics of how nd when to do so require additional action by the Congress. Following the "Big 5" amendments, the government has proposed a series of phase two reforms, which began in early 1996 with a special session of Congress. The principal areas for legislative action were social security, state (administrative) reform, and tax reform. The Congress, unwilling to take unpopular decisions before the municipal elections in October 1996. made little progress in 1996 in supporting the Cardoso administration's reform agenda.

The results of those elections were inconclusive in predicting future political support for the government. To many observers, Brazilian voters appeared to pick candidates who were committed to -good government," and they often elected officials endorsed by outgoing and successful mayors. In Sao Paulo, the government candidate, Senator Jose Serra, lost to a littleknown member of the administration of Mayor Paulo Maluf. The mayor's party, the PPB, did well nationwide, winning 20 percent of the total vote. After a strong showing in the first round of elections in October, the PT placed poorly in the second round in November but placed second in total votes, with 18 percent of the votes cast. The core government coalition parties, PFL and PSDB, generally held their own in the balloting. The PMDB suffered some unexpected defeats but remains the largest party in the Chamber of Deputies.

Excerpted from Brazil Under Cardoso

edited by Susan Kaufman Purcell and Riordan Roett, Lynne Rienner Publishers, Boulder, Colorado, 1997, 120 pp.

EiRAZZIL -AUGUST 199P 58

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